Bern, Geneva, or Rome? The struggle for religious conformity and confessional unity in early Reformation Switzerland
Item Type text; Dissertation-Reproduction (electronic)
Authors Bruening, Michael Wilson
Publisher The University of Arizona.
Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author.
Download date 07/10/2021 08:18:14
Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280155 INFORMATION TO USERS
This manuscript has been reproduced from the micronim master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer.
The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction.
In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion.
Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps.
ProQuest Information and Learning 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 USA 800-521-0600
BERN, GENEVA, OR ROME?
THE STRUGGLE FOR RELIGIOUS CONFORMITY AND CONFESSIONAL UNITY
IN EARLY REFORMATION SWITZERLAND
by
Michael W. Bruening
A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY
hi Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
In the Graduate College
THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA
2 0 0 2 UMI Number: 3073199
® UMI
UMI Microform 3073199 Copyright 2003 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.
ProQuest Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. 80x1346 Ann Arbor. Ml 48106-1346 THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA GRADUATE COLLEGE
As members of the Final Examination Committee, we certify that we have read the dissertation prepared by Michael W. Bruening
entitled Bern, Geneva, or Rome? The Struggle for Religious Conformity
and Confessional Unity in early Refonnation Switzerland
and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy I •ant-Nunn/o\t^ui^X ;I . '
Alan Bernstein // Helen Nader
Date
Date
Final approval and acceptance of this dissertation is contingent upon the candidate's submission of the final copy of the dissertation to the Graduate College.
I hereby certify that I have read this dissertation prepared under my direction and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement.
. STATEMENT BY AUTHOR This dissertation has been submitted in partial fultlllment of requirements for an advanced degree at The University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library to be made available to borrowers under rules of the Library. Brief quotations from this dissertation are allowable without special permission, provided that accurate acknowledgment of source is made. Requests for permission for e.xtended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the head of the major department or the Dean of the Graduate College when in his or her judgment the proposed use of the material is in the interests of scholarship. In all other instances. howe\ cr. pemiission must be obtained from the author. SIGNED 4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I owe a debt of gratitude to the many people who have had a hand in making the completion of this dissertation possible. First. I would like to thank the staff members of the various libraries and archives 1 used for their assistance in providing invaluable source material, particularly those at the University of Arizona library, especially the interlibrary loan department. Calvin College library, the Princeton University Firestone library, the Princeton Theological Seminary library, the Bibliotheque nationale de France, the Bibliotheque de la Societe de Thistoire du Protestantisme fran(;ais in Paris, the Bibliotheque cantonale et universitaire de Lausanne, the Archives de la ville de Lausanne, the Archives cantonales vaudoises. and the Staatsarchiv des Kantons Bems. Second. I would like to thank the people who have provided financial support to assist my research: The Institut d'Histoire de la Reformation in Geneva and the Meeter Center for Calvin Studies at Calvin College in Grand Rapids both provided research grants to work at their institutions. Dr. Morris Martin and Mrs. Ora DeConcini-Martin provided a very generous grant to pursue my archival studies in Europe. And finally, the History Department and the Division for Late Medieval and Reformation Studies at the University of Arizona provided financial assistance throughout my years in graduate school. The individuals who have offered lively academic conversation and advice, including my many colleagues in the Division for Late Medieval and Reformation Studies who have become close friends over the years, are unfortunately too numerous to mention in tolo. A few people stand out in my mind, however, and merit specific mention and thanks. Carlos Eire first got me e.xcited about Reformation history as an undergraduate at the University of Virgina and was the first person to suggest studying Pierre Viret. My graduate advisor at Virginia. Erik Middelfort. offered invaluable encouragement and support after a relatively lackluster first year of graduate studies. Tom Brady read parts of this dissertation and made many valuable suggestions. Bernard Roussel warmly welcomed me to Paris, introduced me to the libraries there, and offered me the first opportunity to present my research "en la langue de Rabelais." Jonathan Reid, my friend and colleague at Arizona, likewise helped to smooth the transition to Paris through his and his wife Laura's generous hospitality and has offered excellent advice and a critical eye in reading parts of this dissertation. Sadly, the person I need to thank the most is no longer with us. My original Dokturvuter. Heiko Oberman. died shortly after 1 had started writing this dissertation. 1 can only hope that the outstanding training and guidance he provided me comes through in this work and that it would have made him proud. Susan Karant-Nunn stepped into his very big shoes admirably and saw this dissertation to its completion. She, Alan Bernstein, and Helen Nader read the text in its entirety and made many valuable corrections and suggestions. Any mistakes remain my own. Finally. 1 want to thank my parents for their constant love and support over the years. And my deepest thanks and love go to my wife. Jeanine, who has lived with this dissertation through our entire courtship and marriage and has always offered her own unflagging support and critical eye in reading and correcting the entire text. 5 TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT 7 INTRODUCTION 9 "Turning Swiss" 9 Notes on Terminology and Usage 25 CHAPTER I: CROSSROADS OF THE REFORMATION: BERN AND THE EARLY REFORMATION IN THE SUISSE ROMANDE. 28 The Reformation in Bern 28 The Missionary Efforts of Guillaume Farel under Bern's Protection 41 Conclusion 67 CHAPTER 2: BY ANY MEANS NECESSARY: ICONOCLASM. THE PRINTING PRESS, AND THE REFORMATION IN THE COMMON LORDSHIPS 69 Pierre Viret of Orbe: The Early Ministry of a Native of Vaud 69 Iconoclasm in the Suisse romcinde 79 Religious Coexistence and the Slow Path to Reform in the Common Lordships 92 Deception and Confrontation in the Reformers' Use of the Printing Press to Reach a Wider Audience 99 Conclusion 120 CHAPTERS: CONQUEST AND RESISTANCE 123 Bern's Conquest of Vaud 123 Religious Resistance and the Lausanne Disputation 143 Conclusion 173 CHAPTER 4: THE STRUGGLE FOR RELIGIOUS CONFORMITY 175 Enforcing the Edicts of Reformation 175 Catholic Clergy in a Protestant Land 185 Lay Resistance to the Reformation 210 Conclusion 234 CHAPTER 5: THE STRUGGLE FOR CONFESSIONAL UNITY 237 The Institutional Matrix 241 Prelude to Crisis: Initial Efforts towards Ecclesiastical Discipline and the Growing Rift between Bern and Geneva 252 The Crisis of 1558 274 Conclusion 296 6 TABLE OF CONTENTS - Continued APPENDICES 302 Appendix A: The 1558 Order of Discipline 302 Appendix B: Unpublished Correspondence on Ecclesiastical Discipline 320 WORKS CITED 353 Archival and Manuscript Sources 353 Primary Sources 354 Secondary Literature 358 Abbreviations 367 7 ABSTRACT The Reformation in French-speaking Switzerland outside of Geneva has received relatively little attention from historians. Unlike the movement in Geneva, the Reformation in its neighboring lands progressed in a completely different manner and was ultimately imposed on the people by the magistrates of Bern. Before 1536. Protestant reformers such as Guillaume Farel and Pierre Viret hardly touched most areas of the Pays de Vaud. which was governed by the Catholic duke of Savoy. Instead, they concentrated their efforts on areas within the jurisdiction of or allied to Protestant Bern, where they met with strong resistance from the people. I'he reformers focused their attacks - in preaching, in print, and symbolically in acts of iconoclasm directed against church altars - on the Catholic mass. Very few parishes abolished the mass, however. The religious situation shifted dramatically in 1536. however, when Bern conquered Vaud in its war against Savoy. Due to widespread resistance to the Protestant preachers. Bern imposed the Reformed faith on all its subjects following the 1536 Lausanne Disputation. The "new religion" was opposed by many, particularly the fonner Catholic clergy, many of whom continued to celebrate Catholic ceremonies in secret while waiting for a llnal resolution by the promised general council. The nobles suddenly found themselves vassals of the "common man." the Bern city council, and were loath to institute religious changes on their lands. I he commoners in Vaud continued to practice traditions, such as praying to the saints and observing Catholic feast days. 8 The Bemcse magistrates and the Calvinist ministers in Vaiid recognized these problems but could not agree on how to tlx them. The Bernese saw the Reformation as a long-term process and hoped eventually to effect change by their ordinances. The ministers, led by Pierre Viret and strongly influenced by John Calvin, believed that change was taking place too slowly and that meanwhile the "body of Christ" was being polluted by unworthy communicants taking the eucharist. They argued for the necessity of greater ecclesiastical discipline, including excommunication, and the dispute led to the banishment of Viret and his colleagues, who subsequently moved to Geneva. 9 INTRODUCTION "Turning Swiss" This dissertation is not the one J originally intended to write. I had initially planned a study of the work of the Swiss reformer Pierre Viret and his impact on the Reformation in France in the 1540's and 1550"s. As my research progressed, however, two major problems became apparent: First, it was exceedingly difficult to establish the extent of Viret's influence on the religious situation in France. We know that his books circulated there and that the Paris Faculty of Theology placed many of them on successive indexes of prohibited books, but little else beyond those two basic facts can be determined with any degree of certainty. Second, the Swiss backdrop behind Viret continued to seem more and more important, yet not well understood in modem scholarship. Viret was a native of Sw itzerland, he spent the majority of his career in Lausanne, he corresponded almost exclusively with reformers in Switzerland, and he dedicated all of his early writings to individuals or town councils there. My original French foreground receded into the shadows, and 1 realized that the Swiss situation had to be brought into the light. Next, as I began to delve into the Swiss background history, Viret himself slipped from the role of protagonist to chief supporting actor. Rather than Viret and France, therefore, this dissertation is about the Reformation in the French- speaking lands conquered by Bern in 1536. I begin with this brief autobiographical account of my research by vva\ of introducing the historiographical trends that set me out on the Virei-l'rance course in the first place and demonstrating how this dissertation serves as both a supplement and 10 corrective to existing scholarship. Three basic lines of inquiry dominate the current scholarship on the Reformation in French-speaking Europe; I) the analysis of Calvin's theology. 2) French social and cultural histor>'. and 3) the history of the French religious book as a bridge between Calvin's ideas and their reception in France. The first approach could be said to have started the day after Calvin died and is continuing as strong as ever to this day. No longer quite so interested in defending the truth of Calvin's theology and teasing out the finer points of its meaning for confessional purposes, modem Calvin scholars are looking beyond the formerly monolithic histiliues to gain a more complete picture of his thought,' personality." methods.' and reforming activity.^ The modem social history of the French Reformation was begun at the beginning of the twentieth century by Henri Hauser. who argued for an artisan base of Calvinist support in France because of social and economic repression.^ The continuing debate over who became Protestant in France and why has led to several local studies on Reformed communities in 'E.g.. Richard A. Mullcr. The UnaccommoJalecI Calvin: Siiuiies in the FounJalion of a Theological Tnulilion. Oxford Studies in Historical Theology (Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2000). 'E.g.. William J. Bouwsma. John Calvin: .1 Sixteenth Century Portrait (Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1988). ^E.g., Anthony N. S. Lane. John Calvin: Student of the Church Fathers (Edinburgh: T & T Clark. 1999). 'E.g.. William G. Naphy. Calvin and the Consolidation of the Genevan Reformation (Manchester: Manchester University Press. 1994). ^Henri Hauser. Etudes sur la Refoniie frun(;aise. Bibliotheque d'histoire religieuse (Paris: Alphonse Picard, 1909). Hauser's thesis has been echoed, in a much more detailed analysis by Henry Heller. The Conquest of Poverty: The Calvinist Revolt in Sixteenth Century France. Studies in Medieval and Refomiation Thought. 35 (l.eiden: Brill. 1986). II France, particularly among American and British historians." French historians, such as Denis Crouzct. Thierry Wanegffelen. Olivier Cristin. Janine Garrison, and Bernard Roussel.^ along with Americans Barbara Diefendorf. Raymond Mentzer. and the pioneering work ot" Natalie Zemon Davis." have focused more on the cultural history of early modem French religion, examining, for example, religious mentalities, violence and iconoclasm. and Reformed practices. Finally. Robert Kingdon inaugurated the school of inquiry into the Genevan impact on France with his study of Geneva's French missionary program. ' With little further information available on the Genevan missionaries. ''See. e.g.. Philip Benedict. Rouen during the Wars of Religion. Cambridge Studies in Early Modem History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 198!); Kevin Robbins. C;7>'fw .'//e 5^ La Roche lie. / 530-1650: Urban Society. Religion, and Politics on the French Atlantic Frontier, Studies in Vledieval and Reformation Thought, 64 (Leiden: Brill. 1997); Penny Roberts. .1 City in Conflict: Troves during the French It^'ars of Religion (Manchester; Vlanchesier University Press. 1996). ^See. e.g.. Denis Crouzet. Les Guerriers de Dieu: La violence an temps des troubles de religion (vers 1525-vers 1610). 2 vols. (Seyssel; Champ Vallon. 1990); Thierry Wanegffelen. .V/ Rome ni Geneve: Des Jideles entre deux chaires en France au XVIe siecle. Bibliotheque litteraire de la Renaissance, ser. 3, 36 (Paris: Editions Champion, 1997); Olivier Christin. Une revolution symholique: l iconoclasme huguenot et la reconstruction catholique (Paris: Hditions de Minuit. 1991); Janine Garrisson, Protestants du Midi. 1559-1598. Bibliotheque historique privat (Toulouse: Editions Privat, 1980); Bernard Roussel, ""Faire la cene" dans les Eglises Reformees du royaume de France au seizieme siecle (ca. 1555-1575)," Archives de sciences .sociales des religions 39 (1994); 99-119. "See, e.g.. Barbara Diefendorf, Beneath the Cross: Catholics and Huguenots in Sixteenth-Century Paris (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991); Raymond Mentzer, ed.. Sin and the Calvinists: Morals Control and the Consistory in the Reformed Tradition. Sixteenth Century Essays and Studies, 32 (Kirksville, MO: Sixteenth Century Joumal Publishers. 1994); Natalie Zemon Davis, Society and Culture in Early Modern France (Stanford: Stanford University Press. 1975). 'Robert M. Kingdon, Geneva and the Coming of the ll'ars of Religion in France. 1555-1563. fravaux d'llumanisme et Renaissance, 22 (Geneva: Droz, 1956). 12 historians have turned to the impact oFthe religious book on France, a field exemplified by the work of Francis Higman'" and Jean-Franqois Gilmont.'' and culminating with the ambitious "French Religious Book Project" currently being pursued by Andrew Pettegree and his team at the University of St. Andrews. These three circles of" interest have certainly deepened our understanding of Calvin and the Reformation in France and Geneva, and they influenced me to seek out Viret's impact on France. At the same time, however, they have distorted our picture of the Reformation in French-speaking Switzerland. The general tendency among historians has been to view the Pays de Vaud - when they look at it at all - almost as a suburb of Geneva. There is a general assumption that the introduction and progression of the Reformation was much the same there iis it was in Geneva; there was an initial thirst for the Ciospel among the people, which was spurred on by the missionary work of Viret and Guillaume Farel until the Bernese satisfied the people's desires by abolishing the mass '"Francis M. Higman. Lire el decouvrir: La circulation dcs idecs an letups cle la Refonne. Travaux d'l lumanisme et Renaissance. 326 (Geneva; Dro/.. 1998); idem. Piety and the People: Relif^ioiis Printing in French. 1511-1551. St. Andrews Studies in Reformation History (Brookfleld. VT; Scholar Press. 1996); idem. La Diffusion de la Reforme en France: 1520-1565, Publications de la Faculte de theologie de I'Universite de Geneve. 17 (Geneva; Labor el Fides. 1992). "Jean-Francois Gilmont. Jean Calvin el le livre imprime. Etudes de philologie et d'histoire (Cahiers d'Humanisme et Renaissance) (Geneva: Droz. 1997); idem and Rudolphe Peter. Bihliuthecu Calviniana: Les oeuvres tie Jean Calvin puhliees au XVIe siecle. 3 vols.. Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance. 255. 281. 339 (Cieneva: Droz. 1991-2000); .lean-Franco is Gilmont. ed.. The Rejormalion and the Book. Karin Maag. trans.. St. Andrews Studies in Reformation History (Brookfleld. VT: Ashgate. 1998 [Paris: Cerf. 1990j). 13 following the 1536 Lausanne Disputation.'" Once the Refonnation was established in Germanophone Bern's French-speaking territories, the reformers there are seen to have had the same chief goal as Calvin in Geneva: the evangelization of France. In an article I helped to copyedit early in my graduate career. Heiko Oberman. for e.xample. characterized the "holy triumvirate" of Calvin. Viret. and Farel as "the French War Council," intent on spreading the Reformation throughout France.'^ Students from the Lausanne Academy, he noted, "formed the vanguard of the Reformed missionaries" to France.'"* when, in fact, the ministers trained there were meant to serve in Bern's lands alone. Researchers on the Genev an printing presses have largely ignored the existence of a book market in Vaud. Paul Chaix. for example, compares the number of books printed in Geneva to the city's population and concludes that since the production figures far exceeded the literate population of Geneva, the majority of imprints must have been intended tor export to France.'^ It seems reasonable to assume, however, that some of '"A recent internet search for "Pierre Viret" yielded a typically misleading article on the Reformation in Vaud by John H. Alexander: "Depuis des annees les ecrits de Luther se sont repandus dans le canton de Vaud. La population est avide de connaitre cet Evangile annonce ici et la par des predicants, un Evangile fort different de celui des pretres. Aucun obstacle n'a eu raison de la fougue de Guillaume Farel: veritable apotre. il a gagne aux idees nouvelles des milliers de Vaudois ...John FI. Alexander, "La Reforme au canton de Vaud," on the internet at French-speaking lands or smuggled into Catholic Fribourg. especially since there were no printing presses in Vaud until the mid-1550"s. The Lausanne Academy itself would have constituted a significant pereruiial market. One of the principal goals of this dissertation is to highlight the difference between the Reformations in Geneva and Bern's French-speaking territories. Practically the only elements of reform the two areas shared were the inlluence of Bern itself and the abolition of images and the mass. Each region was distinct from the other in terms of political circumstances, institutions and methods for effective implementation of religious and moral ordinances, and liturgical practice. More importantly, the Reformation was introduced in different ways in each area. In Geneva, an evangelical community developed around the missionary activity of Farel and Viret as early as 1532. and the mass was abolished by the city council. By contrast, the parts of Vaud that until 1536 were under the control of the duke of Sav oy and the bishop of Lausanne showed very little sign of any early evangelical impulse and were hardly touched by the ministers" early missionary efforts, fhe Bernese established the Reformation there by fiat soon after the 1536 conquest. Finally, significant theological differences between Bern and Geneva served as a constant source of tension both between Bern and Geneva and between Bern and many of its own ministers, whose linguistic and theological affinities lay with their Genevan neighbors and John Calvin. In matters of religion, therefore, the years 1530-1559 in French-speaking Switzerland were marked by a choice between Bern, Gene\ a. and Rome, fhe Bernese 15 magistrates sought to establish "their" Reformation and had little interest in confessional unity with Geneva or the other Reformed cities of the Sw iss Confederation and southern Gemiany. Bern's French-speaking ministers, on the other hand, repeatedly tried to import Calvinist theology and Geneva-style ecclesiastical discipline into the region. Underlying these difllculties was the prospect of a return to Roman obedience. The vast majority of people in Bern's conquered lands did not wish to abandon the Catholic faith. Vlany of them, together with the priests and monks who remained in the region after the introduction of Protestantism, held out hope that either a general council, an invasion by the emperor, or diplomatic pressure would force the Bernese to return the area to its former Catholic lords. Throughout this period, it was not at all clear w hich of these three influences would ultimately prevail. I seek to e.xplain the early Reformation in Switzerland on a number of levels. First. I simply want to provide a fresh narrative. From this perspective, there is much in this dissertation that is not particularly new. The classic works by Abraham Ruchat."' Henri Vuilleumier.'^ and Charles Gilliard'* have related most of the facts of this story in detail. Nevertheless, it bears retelling, for many modem scholars are either unaware of or ""Abraham Ruchat. Histoire Jc la Refurmalion de la Suisse. Oil I 'on voii louf ce qui s 'est passe tie plus remarquahle. Jepuis I 'An 1516. jusqu en I An 1556.. Jans les Ef^lises cles XIII. Cantons, dc t/es Elals Confederez. qui cumposent avec eux le L. Corps Helvefique. 6 vols. (Geneva: Marc-Michel Bousquet& Co.. 1728). '^Henri Vuilleumier. Histoire de I 'Egli.se Reformee du Pays de Vaud.sous le regime hernois. 4 vols., vol. I: L Age de la Reforme (Lausanne; l!dilions la Concorde. 1927). ! 8 » Charles Gilliard. La conquete du Pays de Vaud par les Bernois. Histoire Helvetique (Lausanne: L'Aire. 1985 [Lausanne: La Concorde. 19351). 16 have forgotten the contributions of these authors. Ruchat, in particular, as a French- speaking Reformed minister in Vaud before the canton won independence from Bern, was acutely aware of the differences between his native land and Geneva and of the difficulty the Bernese had in imposing the Reformation on their Francophone subjects. We are now. however, further removed in time from Ruchat than he was from the sixteenth century. We would do well to remember many of his forgotten insights into the religious history of his land. Moreover, this dissertation marks the first time that the story of the Reformation in Vaud has ever been told in English. This has been a significant lacuna in Anglophone scholarship since so much of the research on Calvinism and Geneva's influence in France has been undertaken by Fnglish and American historians. With no recent, readily available source on the Reformation in the French-speaking lands east of Geneva, many English-speaking scholars have misunderstood the Reformation there. In a recent doctoral thesis on Viret. Stuart Foster, for example, indicates that the "largely sympathetic" Lausanne city council "took steps to introduce the Reformation" and "organized" the Lausanne Disputation.''' when, in fact, the Lausanne council opposed ' 'Stuart Foster. Pierre Wirel and France. 1559-1565. Ph.D. thesis. St. Andrews University. March 2000. 15. As his title indicates. Foster is much more concerned with Viret's later years in Geneva and France and is therefore only providing background information in this early section of his thesis. Nevertheless, his relatively weak understanding of Viret's career in Lau.sanne affects the validity of his later claims. He evaluates Viret's later writings in Geneva (1559-1561). for example, strictly in terms of the political situation in I'rance when he would have been better served to consider Viret's bitter confrontation with the Bernese in the years immediately preceding his move to Geneva. 17 disputation, which had been convoked and organized entirely by the Bernese. In a survey article on the Reformation in Switzerland, the otherwise fine historian Brucc Gordon acknowledges Bern's imposition of Protestantism in Vaud. but his lack of chronological precision undermines the value of his contribution. He claims. "The imposition of the Reformation by the Bernese in the Vaud was slow and methodical. Although it was in control of the region by 1530. the official acceptance of the evangelical faith was not proclaimed until 1536. following the Disputation of Lausanne." Gordon notes that acts of iconoclasm forced Bern into calling for the disputation.'" On the contrary. Bern vvas in control of only a very small part of Vaud until the conquest of 1536. which was not completed until March. The imposition of the Reformation only seven months later was hardly "slow and methodical." and it was not iconoclasm on the part of the evangelicals but widespread Catholic resistance and the threat of the general council called by Pope Paul III that forced Bern's hand. 1 hope this dissertation will help scholars avoid falling into similar pitfalls in the future. From this narrative account, a number of broader themes emerge that shed light on e.xisting historiographical debates in Reformation studies. First, the "failure " thesis looms large behind this work. In 1978. Gerald Strauss'' argued that the Lutheran '"Bruce Gordon. "Switzerland." in The Early Rc formation in Europe. Andrew Pettegree. ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1992). 89. fo be fair. Gordon's expertise lies more wiih Zurich and Heinrich Bullinger than with French-speaking Switzerland. Still, all the more care must be taken in writing surveys since ihey are so often tools for perpetuating bad infonnation. "'Gerald Strauss, Liilher '.v House of Learning: InJocfrination of the Youui^ in the German Refonmuion (\^w\\\movc\ Johns Hopkins University Press. 1978). 18 reformers" attempt to indoctrinate the young in the teachings of the Reformation failed. Strauss has been criticized for defining his chronological parameters too narrowly; one or two generations, his critics argue, is not long enough to effect lasting change. Nevertheless, his basic insight into the first generation in Germany has been more difficult to disprove. A major thesis of this dissertation is that the Reformation failed in Vaud in the first generation after its 1536 imposition as well. To anticipate some criticism. 1 am fully aware that a strong Reformed Church eventually evolved in the region, and I agree that one generation is not long enough to evaluate long-term religious change. The sixteenth-century Bernese magistrates understood this themselves. e.xplaining to Viret and his colleagues that change would take time. Still, the immense difficulty of truly winning the people over to the nominal faith of the land is important to point out precisely because the area is so often seen together with Geneva as an early bastion of Reformed Protestantism. 1 have limited my study to the first generation, stopping in 1559 (the year of Viret's expulsion from Lausanne), in order to e.xamine more fully the web of political, institutional, and theological reasons for and consequences of this "failed" Reformation. The second major theme to emerge is the fragmentation of the early Reformed Church in Switzerland. Scholars have long recognized significant differences between Calvin's and Zwingli's theologies. A general tendency emerged among confessionally minded Calvin scholars, however, to restrict their differences chronologically: Zwingli's 19 death in 1531 left the path open for the Calvinist takeover five years later."" More recently, however, scholars have begun to look, more closely into the debates and disagreements within the early Reformed Church itself J. Wayne Baker has pointed to Heinrich Bullinger's covenantal understanding of justification as an alternative to Calvin's doctrine of double predestination."^ Philip Holtrop portrays an "ugly" Calvin in his heated debates over the same issue with Jerome Bolsec."^ Other scholars have debated the e.xtent to which Calvin and Bullinger compromised their understandings of the eucharist in drafting the Consensus Tif^urinns'' Curiously left out of most of these debates is the most powerful Reformed city- state of the time. Bern."'' Perhaps it is not so curious since Bern never gave the Reformation world a major theologian on par with Zuingli. Calvin, or Bullinger. The Bernese continued to favor Zwingli's theology long after his death, and their refusal to •"A notable e.xception to this trend in the nineteenth century was Karl Bernard Hundeshagen. Die Conjlikfe des Zwin^lianismiis. Jcs Liilherliims imd ties Calvinismiis in der Bernischen Lcmdeskirche (1532-!55H) (Bern: C. A. Jenni, 1842). "'j. Wayne Baker. Heinrich Bullinger and the Covenant: The Other Reformed Tradition (Athens. OFI; Ohio University Press. 1980). "^Philip C. Holtrop. The Bolsec Controversy on Predestination, from 1551 to 1555: The Statements of Jerome Bolsec. and the Respon.ses of John Calvin. Theodore Beza. and Other Reformed Theologians. 2 vols. (Lampeter; Edwin Mellen Press. 1993). •"^See. e.g., Paul E. Rorem. "The Consensus Tigurinus (1549): Did Calvin Compromise?" in Calvinus Sacrae Script urae Professor: Calvin as Confessor of Holy Scripture. Wilhelm H. N'euser. ed. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. 1994). 72-90; Paul Sanders. "Heinrich Bullinger et le "Zwinglianisme tardif aux lendemains du "Consensus Tigurinus."" in Reformiertes Erhe: Festschrift fiir Gottfried Ldcher zur seinem HO. Gehurtstag. Heiko A. Oberman. et al.. eds.. Zwingliana. 19/1 (Zurich; Theologischer Verlag. 1992). 307-323. •''Moltrop is somew hat of an e.xception. noting but not analyzing in detail Bern's role in the Bolsec controversy. 20 compromise led to bitter divisions within the early Swiss Reformed Church - if any such entity may even be said to have existed at the time. In the debate over predestination that arose in the Bolsec controversy, the Bernese became so exasperated with Calvin that they ordered the burning of all his books found in their lands. Viret and his Calvinist colleagues in Lausanne weathered this storm of anti-Calvin sentiment for several years, but continuing disagreements over ecclesiastical discipline fmally led to their dismissal in early 1559. Clearly, we cannot equate the terms "Reformed Church" with "Calvinism" in these early years of the Reformation. Moreover, disagreements over ecclesiastical discipline, not predestination, constituted the crux of the problem between the Bernese and the Calvinist ministers in their lands. The Bernese preferred to leave the question of predestination aside, not wishing to enter into fruitless debates over the "unknowable mysteries of God." Their chief objection to Calvin during the Bolsec controversy stemmed not so much from Calvin's theology but from his vicious attacks on his opponents, many of whom were ministers in Bern's French-speaking lands. At the heart of the dispute over discipline lay competing notions of the best way to enforce moral and theological conformity among the people, with each side attempting jealously to guard its own rights and privileges. The Bernese magistrates thought all discipline should be enforced by the state; the Calvinist ministers believed it was chiefly their own job to keep the "body of Christ" (i.e.. the church) pure and free from the corruption of unworthy communicants. This struggle between church and state is indicative of the birth pangs of a burgeoning widespread movement towards church-state alliances in the process of early 21 modem state building, which Heinz Schilling and others have labeled "confessionalization.""^ While Schilling concentrates on the confessional process after 1550. we see in the case of Lausanne, as well as earlier in Geneva. Basel, and Strasbourg, a prerequisite for the confessionalization process played out in the competition for control over ecclesiastical discipline. In effect, clerical claims for independent ecclesiastical authority by Viret in Lausanne. Oecolampadius in Basel, and Bucer in Strasbourg"" had to be crushed by the secular magistrates before an "alliance." heavily weighted towards state control of the church, could become solidified. From this perspective. Calvin's success in establishing largely independent ecclesiastical jurisdiction in Geneva seems all the more remarkable. Finally, this dissertation contributes to our understanding of the early Reformation movement within the bioad boundaries of all of French-speaking Europe, for it helps to nil in the gap between the early evangelical movement in France and the Calvinist ascendancy there after 1559. Bern's French-speaking territory, with its lack of ministers and brand new Academy in Lausanne, offered fresh opportunities - more than were available in Geneva - for evangelically minded French intellectuals and clergymen forced to tlee persecution in IVance. Marguerite de Navarre's shrinking evangelical "^For a brief overview of the confessionalization thesis, see I leinz Schilling. "Confessional Europe." in the Ikindhook of European ilislory. 1400-161)1): Late Mitklle .•If^es, Renaissance, and Re formal km. 2 \ ols.. Thomas A. Brady, et al.. cds. (Leiden: Brill. 1994-1995). 641-681. " On Martin Bucer's ideas about discipline and his struggles with the Strasbourg magistrates, see Gottfried Hammann. Enlre la secte et la cite: Le projet d 'Ei^lise du Reformateur Martin Bucer (1491-1551). Histoire et Societe. 3 (Geneva; I abor et Fides. 1984). csp. 43-83. 22 network continued to push for refomi from within the realm, but the vibrant early movement around Paris relocated, in a way. to Lausanne and its environs. These French refijgees formed the vanguard of Bern's Francophone clergy until they were forccd into e.xile once again for standing behind Viret on the issues of ecclesiastical discipline and excommunication. These itinerant ministers personify the geographical and chronological contours of the early Frcnch Reformed movement, starting around Paris in the 1520's, moving to Bernese lands in the mid-1530"s. to Geneva in the late 1550"s. and from there back into France. This is not to deny that each region in both Switzerland and France underwent its own individual reform movement. If we keep in mind this shifting "center of gravity" of reform in Francophone Europe, however, we may better be able to conceptualize the reform movement there as a whole. With regard to sources, the researcher of the early Reformed Church in Switzerland is indeed fortunate to have many published documents available. Much of the correspondence among the reformers and city councils has been published in A.-L. Herminjard's Correspondunce ties reformatcurs''^ and in the Calvini Opera/^ Ernest Chavannes has published signillcant excerpts from the Lausanne city council records in • 'A.-L. Herminjard. CorrespomUincc tics Refornuilciirs Jans les pays tie langiic fran(;aise. 9 vols. (Geneva: H. Georg. 1866-1897). ^"j. Baum. et al., eds.. Inannis Calvini Opera quae supersimt omnia: Ad fidem edifioniini principiini a( aiithenticarum t'.v parte eliain codiciim mami scripforuni. addilis prolegomenis literariis. annotationihiis crificis. anncilihus Cah inianis indieihitsi/ue novis el copiosissmis. 59 vols. (Braunschweig: C.A. Schwetschke and sons. 1863-1900). Following standard convention. 1 cite Herminjard for letters that appear in both his volumes and the CO. the sixteenth century/' and F.-Raoul Campiche has brought to light many of the early records of neighboring Lutry's council/" Pierretleur's Mamoires constitute an invaluable source on the Reformation in Vaud from a Catholic perspective/^ I have made extensive use of all these sources, supplementing them with my own archival research. In general, the period before about 1544 is much better documented in the published sources. My archival work, therefore, has focused primarily on the later period. The most significant gap in the published sources concerns the crisis of 1558 over ecclesiastical discipline. My discussion in chapter five of the events during that year draws primarily on these unpublished sources, transcriptions of which I have included in the appendices of this dissertation. Appendix A contains the project on ecclesiastical discipline drawn up by the ministers and professors of Lausanne, found in the Archives Cantonales Vaudoises. Appendix B contains eighteen unpublished letters regarding the dispute, found in the Papiers Herminjard at the Musee d'Histoire de la Reformation in Geneva, the Archives Cantonales Vaudoises. and the Staatsarchiv des Kantons Bern. I have also used the Lausanne city council records in the Archives de la Ville de Lausanne left unpublished by Chavannes. as well tis Bernese ordinances found there and in the .A.rchi\ es Cantonales Vaudoises to try to get a better picture of the religious life of the people in Vaud than is ^'Ernest Chavannes. ed.. "Kxtraits des Manuaux du Con.seil de Lausanne." MDR 35 (1881): 122-241 [for the years 1383-15111: 36 (1882): 1-350 [1512-1536]; scries 2. 1 (1887): 1-229 [1536-1564|. '"F.-Raoul Campiche. "La fm du culte catholique a Lutrv." \fDR 24 (1916): 280- 88,315-18,321-36. "[Guillaume?] de Pierrelleur, Xfcmoircs Je Pierreflviir; Edition critique a\ ec line introduction et des notes. Louis Junod. ed. (Lausanne: Editions la Concorde. 1933). 24 presented by the descriptions and complaints of Viret and his colleagues. Admittedly, my attempt to get at the true religiosity of the "common man" is probably one of the weakest parts of this dissertation. During my limited time in the Swiss archives. I was unable either to decipher the few scattered Lausanne consistory records or find evidence beyond the Lausanne council minutes of people punished for offenses against Bern's Edicts of Reformation. I hope to flesh out these issues more fully in future visits to the archives in Lausanne and Bem. I believe I have been able to marshal enough evidence, however, to support my argument that the majority of people in Bern's French-speaking lands were reluctant to adopt the Protestant faith and follow Bern's religious ordinances. 25 Notes on Terminology and Usage Most of this dissertation will focus on the French-speaking lands conquered by Bern in 1536. which today comprise parts ofCanton Vaud in Switzerland and the departements of Haute-Savoie and Ain in France. In order to avoid anachronistic terminology. I will primarily use the contemporary sixteenth-century terminology for these areas, referring specifically to the "Pays de Vaud" or simply "Vaud." the "Pays de Gex." and the "Chablais." When referring to Bern's French-speaking lands in general. I again use the contemporary phrases, pays romands, uelsche LdnJe. or the English equivalent. "Bern's French-speaking lands." 1 make one e.xception to the rule on anachronism to avoid needless wordiness; when referring to all the areas which today comprise French-speaking Switzerland, including Vaud. as well as Geneva and Neuchatel and its environs. 1 use either "French-speaking Switzerland" or the Suisse ronumde. The reader should be aware that neither Geneva nor Neuchatel were pari of the Swiss Confederation at the time. The more historically accurate phrase, "Bem's French- speaking lands. Geneva, and the lands around Neuchatel." would have been far too tedious both for this author to write repeatedly and. I imagine, for his audience to read. Since, moreover, these areas were tied closely together through language. Protestantism, and alliances with Bern, considering them all together is warranted historically. With regard to city names. I use standard English equivalents, such as Geneva, when they exist. For other Swiss cities. 1 use the spelling of the city's dominant language: hence. Fribourg rather than Freiburg. Bern instead of Berne. Basel rather than Bale or Basle, etc. For some smaller towns on the linguistic border, 1 follow the same 26 rule but often add the competing language's spelling in parentheses: e.g.. Murten (Morat) and Biel (Bienne). I follow the same rules for personal names: e.g., John instead of Jean Calvin, but Pierre rather than Peter Viret. Guillaume not William Farel. Nageli rather than Naegueli. etc. 1 frequently refer to city councils as almost monolithic entities (e.g.. "the Bern city council wrote .. "the Lausannois wanted . . "Bern thought.. .." etc.). 1 recognize the risk of imposing a unity on legislative bodies that are frequently divided over many issues, but in most cases, that is what appears in the sources. Letters from Bern are signed in the name of the entire council, and city council records often record only the decision of the majority. Detailed prosopographical analysis, such as that done by Thomas A. Brady. Jr. on Strasbourg's city council.^^ could possibly yield better insight into the divisions within the city councils, but that falls beyond the scope of this dissertation. The reader should simply bear in mind that a minority of council members may have dissented from the majority opinion e.xpressed in the sources. Finally, some preliminary explanation is likewise necessary for more conceptual terminology. I use both the adjective and noun "Protestant" in the broadest possible sense to refer to people, regions, and churches that officially severed ties to Rome and abolished the Catholic mass in the sixteenth century. Occasionally, i modify the tenn with "nominally" to indicate more specifically individual or collective theological affinities, with "nominally Protestant" implying an official but reluctant break with Catholicism. 1 try to avoid using the vague and somewhat meaningless, phrase "'Thomas A. Brady. Jr.. Ruling Class. Regime, and Reformation at Slrashotii f^. 1520-1555. Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought. 22 (Leiden: Brill. I'JTS). 27 "Protestant theology." preferring to specify theological systems through reference to their founders (e.g.. Lutheran. Cah inist. Zvvinglian). By "Reformed" capitalized I understand those churches, primarily in Switzerland, southern Germany, and France that followed either Zwingli's or Calvin's theology of the eucharist and insisted on the removal of religious images, or "idols" as they understood them, from the churches. "Zvvinglian" and "Calvinist" I use to refer to ideas, theological or otherwise, that closely reflect or stem from the thought of Huldrych Zvvingli and John Calvin respectively. By "evangelical movemenl" I mean a push for a Reformation in an oftlcially Catholic area, by "evangelicals." the individuals involved in such a movement. Finally, by "ecclesiastical discipline" 1 mean the attempt to enforce doctrinal confonnity and moral behavior by an ecclesiastical body, usually the consistory. 28 CHAPTER 1 CROSSROADS OF THE REFORMATION; BERN AND THE EARLY REFORMATION IN THE SUISSE ROMANDE The Reformation in Bern Without the inlluence of Bern, it is unlikely that any of the lands of French- speaking Switzerland - including Geneva - would ever have become Protestant. Before discussing the Reformation in the Suisse rumande. therefore, we must first trace briefly the outlines of the Reformation in Bern itself Bern stood at the heart of central Europe, and it is precisely its position as a kind of crossroads that makes it so interesting. Geographically, its lands bordered those of the French king, the emperor, and the duke of Savoy, and the other cantons of the Swiss Confederation. Politically, it functioned as mitigating balance to these neighboring powers, while at the same time entertaining e.xpansionist ambitions. Militarily, it possessed one of the best armies in Europe and had played a crucial role in the Confederation's victories over the duke of Burgundy and the emperor in the late fifteenth century. After the conquest of Vaud in 1536. its territories straddled the linguistic boundary between German and French. And religiously, it adopted the theology of Huldrych Zwingli. struggling to enforce its Edicts of Reformation on subjects unwilling to abandon Catholicism, while maintaining peaceful relationships with the Catholic cantons and at the same time attempting to suppress the growing Calvinist discontent of its more zealously Protestant subjects. As with most cities that opted for the Reformation. Bern's break with the old faith did not take place overnight. From the early influence of Luther's and increasingly 29 Zwingli's writings, an influential group of evangelical burghers and churchmen developed by 1522. including priests Berchtold Mailer and Franz Kolb. the Franciscan Sebastian Meyer, the painter and poet Niklaus Manuel, and the doctor and chronicler Valerius Anshelm.' Through their leadership, the Reformation made quick initial progress. On December 27, 1522. the city council decreed that the evangelical ministers were to be alloweii to preach the Gospel without restriction, and on June 15. 1523. the council issued its tlrst Reformation mandate, the Mandul von Viti unJ XfuJe.sti. Henceforth, all preachers were to announce only the "pure truth of the Holy Scriptures" (laulere iVahrheit Jer Heili^en Schrifl). This was a compromise solution typical of the early Reformation in the cities. By focusing on the "truth of the Scriptures" or the "pure Word of God." civic magistrates hoped to ease the tensions and tumults brought about by the passions of the competing parties. And as in most other cities, the compromise did not work well in Bern. The following year, on November 22. 1 524, the council issued its second religious mandate; while maintaining a compromise position, it e.xplicitly forbade the importing, buying, and selling of controversial religious literature. fhc evangelical party was steadily gaining strength and influence in the council, but two things in particular held the Bernese back from fully siding with their Protestant neighbors in Zurich. First, in 1525. the German Peasants" War spread into the Swiss Confederation and instilled fears of more w idespread social uprising stemming from the 'For this and the pre-history of the Bem Disputation in general, see Kurt Guggisberg. Bernischc Kirchciit^cshichfL' (Bern: Paul llaupt. 1958). 55-100. 30 adoption of Protestantism. Second. Bern did not want to alienate its Catholic allies in the Confederation. The lack of agreement among the cantons on the religious question led to the 1526 Baden Disputation. It seems telling that Bern sent as its representatives the reform-minded preachers Berchtold Haller and Peter Kunz: on the other hand. Bern left the disputation without declaring itself for either side. The major players at Baden were Oecolampadius on the Protestant side against the Catholic Johannes Eck. Zurich stood isolated among the cantons voting Protestant at the disputation, and the Catholics came away with an easy victory. It was a crushing blow for the evangelicals, and in Bern, the chess match over the religious question was at a stalemate. In June 1526. Mailer was summoned before the city's small council to explain why he had not celebrated the mass since Christmas. He escaped banishment by appealing to the large council, many of whose members came from the guilds, the real backbone of the evangelical movement in Bern. Through the guilds" influence as well. Bern refused to adopt the conclusions of the Baden Disputation, a decision that enraged Bern's allied Catholic cantons. The turning point came with the council elections on Easter Monday. 1527. in which the evangelicals fmally won a strong majority in the large council. With the guilds leading the way. the small council called for a religious disputation to resolve the issue once and for all. Although the council had the numbers simply to issue an edict, they felt that a public disputation was a necessary antidote to the disastrous Baden Disputation." "Gottfried W. Locher. "Die Berner Disputation 1528." in 45(i .Jahre Burner Reformation. 138-55; here. 139-40. 31 The Bern Disputation took place January 6-26. 1528. in the Franciscan church of Bern.^ The council ordered all priests in Bern's territories to attend and threatened the bishops of Constance. Lausanne. Basel, and Sion with the loss of all their power in Bernese lands if they failed to appear. The priests showed up; the bishops did not. Bern also e.xtended invitations to the members of the Confederation and a number of cities in southern Germany. Several Catholic cantons refused to attend, claiming that the Baden Disputation had already settled the matter. The evangelicals appear to have been quite confident of victory; Zurich even in\ ited Eck to come to Bern and fight another round, completely at their expense, but Hck refused. Although religious di.sputations had been taking place at European universities for over two hundred years and the Bern city council was basically following in this tradition, as Gottfried Locher has indicated, they introduced several innovations to the disputation format.^ First, while academic debates had almost always taken place in Latin.^ Bern required the use of the vernacular. Second, whereas disputations normally dealt with particular points of theology, the Bern disputation had a more juridical character; Catholicism was on trial, and the fundamental question was whether or not it was guilty of leading Christ's church astray. And third, the sole basis for argumentation was to be the Bible; appeals to tradition, the church fathers, and especially the scholastics would not 'On the Bern Disputation, see Locher. "Die liemer Disputation 1528"; Guggisberg. Bcrnische Kirchen'^eschichfe. 101-15. ^Locher. "Die Bemer Disputation 1528." 140-41. notable exception was the Baden Disputation of 1526. bear the weight of proof/' What most clearly separated the Bern disputation from its medieval predecessors, however, was its secular, civic character. Whereas medieval academic disputations had taken place in universities, with the faculty ser\'ing as moderator and judge, in Bern, the city magistrates assumed these roles. The council's convocation of the disputation marks Bern's first step towards creating a fully state- controlled Reformed church. The disputation was to debate ten articles, drawn up by the evangelical Bernese preachers Berchtold Haller and Franz Kolb.^ The first two articles concerned the ''On the use of Scripture and tradition at the Baden and Bern disputations, see esp. Irena Backus, The DispuUUUms oj Baden. 1526 and Berne. 152S: S'eutralizin^ (he Early Church. Studies in Reformed Theology and History, vol. 1. no. 1 (Princeton; Princeton Theological Seminar\'. 1993). ^The theses were the following: "1) Die heilige Christliche Kirche hat zum alleinigen Haupt Christus und ist aus dem Wort Gottes geboren. in welchem sie bleibt. ohne auf die Stimme eines Fremden zu horen. 2) Die Kirche Christi macht nicht (iesetze und Gebote ohne Gottes Wort. Darum sind all die Menschensatzungen. die unter dem Namen "Gebote der Kirche" gehen. fiir uns nur sovveit verbindlich, als sie im gottlichen Wort begriindet und geboten sind. 3) Christus ist unsere alleinige Wei.sheit. Gerechtigkeit. lirlosung und Bezahlung tiir die Siinden aller Welt. Fin anderes Verdienen der Seligkeit und Genugtuung fiir die Siinden bekennen. heisst darum. Christus verleugnen. 4) Dass im Brot der Danksagung der l.eib und das Blut Christi als ebendas. als I.eib und Blut. empfangen werde. lasst sich mit biblischer Schrift nicht beweisen. 5) Die Messe. wie sie zur Zeit Brauch ist und in welcher Christus Gott dem Valer fiir die Sunden der Lebendigen und Toten aufgeopfert sein will, ist schriftwidrig. etwas. das das allerheiligste - das Leiden und Sterben Christi - lastert, und wegen dieser Vlissbriiuche vor Gott ein Greuel. 6) Wie einzig Christus fiir uns gestorben ist. soli einzig er als Vlittler und Fiirsprech zvvischen Gott dem Vater und uns Ciliiubigen angerufen werdcn. Darum wird alles .Anrufen anderer ausserzeitlicher Mittler und 1-iirsprecher von uns als des Schriftgrundes entbehrend verworfen. question of ecclesiastical authority, namely that Christ alone is head of" the church (article 1), which is entirely grounded on the Word of the God (article 2). The implication of these articles was that the pope cannot likewise claim the title "head of the church" and that, in accordance with the principle o\'sola scriptum. ecclesiastical traditions and ordinances are valid only in so far as they conform to Scripture. The articles went on to express the principle of sola fide (article 3). to attack transubstantiation (article 4). the sacrifice of the mass (article 5), the invocation of the saints (article 6). purgatory (article 7). images (article 8). and clerical "chastity" - or lack thereof (articles 9 and 10). The general idea was that once the proper authorities were established, namely Christ and Scripture, other Catholic "abuses" are exposed as human inventions with no divine approbation and therefore no validity. It should also be pointed out that the article on Christ's presence in the eucharist denies Luther's understanding of the real presence as well as Catholic transubstantiation. From the outset. Bern placed itself squarely in 7) In der Schrift findet sich kein Fegfeuer nach diescr Zeit. Darum ist aller Totendienst - Vigilie. Seelenmesse. Seelgerat. Siebenter. Dreissigster. Jahrzeit. Ampeln. Kerzen und dergleichen - sinnlos. 8) Bildermachen zum Zweck der Verehrung verstosst gegen Gottes Wort Neuen und Alten Testaments. Darum sind sie. vvenn mit ihrer Ausstellung das Risiko verbunden ist. dass ihnen Verehrung bezeigt wird. zu beseitigen. 9) Die Schrift bringt liir keinen Stand das Verbot der heiligcn Fhe. wohl aber fur jeden Stand das Gebot. Murerei und Unkeuschheit zu meiden. 10) Ein offentlicher llurer befindet sich nach der Schrift im vvirklichen Bann. Infolgedessen schadet vvegen des Argcrnisses. das sie erregt. Unkeuschheit und Hurerei keinem Stand mehr als dem priesterlichen." Cited in Locher. "Die Bemer Disputation 1528." 151. 154. For Farel's French translation, see Hcrminjard. 11. 59-60 (No. 206). Bern to all its subjects. Bern. November 17. 1527. Zvvingli's camp. The list of participants at the Bern Disputation on the Protestant side reads like a IVho s IVho of the early Reformed movement. Led by Zwingli himself, the evimgelical contingent included Johannes Oecolampadius. Martin Bucer. Wolfgang Capito, .-Xmbrosius Blaurer. Guillaume Farel. as well as the Bern ministers. The Catholic party was led by individuals with far less well known names: Ale.xius Grat. a Dominican from Bern. Konrad Trager. the Augustinian Provinicial from Fribourg. and Johannes Buchstab from Zofmgen. The deck was thus neatly stacked against the Catholics from the outset, and the final vote of the participants resulted in a landslide victory for the Protestants. 235-46. The Bern city council subsequently acted swiftly to abolish the mass and remove the images from the city's churches. Bern's adoption of the Reformation was a serious threat to the cohesion of the Swiss Confederation. Zurich was no longer the sole tly in the ointment; they now had the ideological, political, and - perhaps most importantly - military support of the most powerful canton of the Confederation. The Catholic cantons therefore acted to secure an alliance with the Austrian Habsburgs. Tensions mounted in late 1528. when the canton of Unterwalden gave militarv' support to rebels in the Bernese Oberland. and open conflict broke out in May 1529 when the canton of Schwyz executed a Zurich minister for preaching in the city of Gaster. In response. Bern and Zurich mobilized their forces for an attack on the inner cantons (innerc (kte). Bloodshed was avoided in this so-called first "War" of Kappel through the mediation of newly Protestant Basel** and the other neutral cantons. The Peace of Steinhausen (crste Kappelcr LcmJJrietle). which ended the conflict, was highly favorable towards the Protestants. ' .Among its prov isions that would prove to be important in the French-speaking lands was the requirement that evangelical ministers be allowed to preach in areas under joint control of two cantons, known as "common lordships" (haillioi^es mixtes or communs)^". and that a majority vote, called the plus in French, in those areas would abolish the mass." The treaty furthermore dissolved the Catholic cantons" alliance with the Habsburgs. Despite the slackening of the Habsburg threat. Bern and Zurich's victory in the first War of Kappel brought about an uneasy peace at best. Divided geographically and '"*Basel abolished the mass on April 1. 1529. in the wake of a violent outbreak of iconoclasm on February 9. See Lee Palmer Wandel. Voracious Idols and Violent Hands: Iconoclusm in Refonnation Zurich. Strasbourg, and Basel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1995). 149-89. 'The text of the treaty is printed in Jakob Kaiser, ed.. AnuUche Sainmliini; der dltern Eidgcnossischen Ahschiede (Zurich: J. Schabclitz. 1876). IV. lb. 1478-83. '"in the Suisse romandc. these included the lordships of Orbe. Echallens. Grandson, and Murten. all under the control of Bern and Fribourg. ""Des ersten. von wegen des gottlichen worts, diewyi und niemand zum glouben gezwungen sol werden. daO dann die Oetter und die iren desselben ouch nit genotiget. aber die zuogwandten und vogtyen. Wo man mit einandem zuo beherschen hat, belangend. wo die selben die meli abgestellt und die bilder verbrennt oder abgetan. daB die selben an lib. eer und guot nit gestraft sollend werden: wo aber die mel3 und ander cercmonia (sic) noch vorhanden. die sollent nit gezwungen. ouch deheine predicanten. so es durch den metleil nit erkannt wlirt. geschickt. Ufgcstellt oder gegeben werden. sunder was under inen den kilchgnossen. die uf oder abzetuon. derglichen mit spyB. .so gott nit verbotten ze essen. gemerel vsiirt. daby sol es biB uff der kilchgnossen gefallen bliben. und dehein teil dem andern sinen glouben wedcr frechen noch slrafen." Kaiser, ed.. Amtliche Sammhms^ der dltern Eid^^enossischen Ahschiede. IV. 1 b. 1479. 36 surrounded by Catholic territories, the Protestant cantons sought to strengthen their position through an alliance with Philip of Hesse. Negotiations towards this pact led to the famed Colloquy of Marburg in October 1529. where the heated disagreement between Zwingli and Luther over the eucharist spelled the end of the possibility not only for a unified Protestant church but also for a Swiss-German Protestant military alliance. The tenuous peace following the first Kappel War was upset by news of a renewed alliance between the Catholic cantons and the Habsburgs. intent on crushing the Swiss Protestants. Zurich and Bern responded with an economic blockade of the inner cantons, which in tum launched an attack on Zurich's forces on October 11. 1531. in the second War of Kappel. Bern was reluctant to join the fray, and Zurich, without the assistance of the powerful Bernese army, suffered a crushing defeat that left Zwingli dead. The death of Oecolampadius in Basel si.K weeks later did nothing to soften the blow. The situation for the Protestants after the second War of Kappel looked bleak indeed: the evangelicals were left without their two intellectual leaders and a greatly weakened eastern end of the Bern-Zurich military axis. Perhaps even more importantly, in an age when military victory or defeat was commonly attributed to God's approval or wrath - no less a person than Erasmus himself commented after Kappel. "This clearly seems to be an act of God"'" - to many people, and especially to the all-important "undecided" segment of the population, the Protestants' defeat must have raised serious '""Res plane geri videtur divinitus." P. S. Allen. Opus cpistolanim Des. Erasmi RolerJcimi. 12 vols. (O.xford: Clarendon. 1906-1958). 9.396 (#2579). Erasmus to Lorenzo Campeggio. Freiburg-im-Brei.sgau. December 2. 1531. 37 doubts about their claims to be the true church. In response to the disorder in the aftermath of Kappel. Bern decided to hold a major synod in January 1532." The specific situation that led to the synod was that a minister from Zurich. Kaspar Megander. began preaching in the Bern Miinster. accusing the Bern city council of betraying Zurich in the second War of Kappel and blaming them for the catastrophe. In December 1531. the council ordered him to stop preaching until a synod could be held. One of the primary points requiring clarification, therefore, was the relationship between spiritual and secular authority. The synod opened on January 9. 1532. with 230 ministers in attendance under the leadership of the Strasbourg refonner. Wolfgang Capito. and it produced a document entitled the Berner SynoJus. which was partly a confession of faith and partly an ecclesiastical ordinance. From the outset, the Synoclus places the bulk of ecclesiastical authority squarely in the hands of the Christian magistrate. The v ery first sentence proclaims. "Great men agree that in those matters which pertain to the administration of e.xtemal affairs, nothing may be either instituted or established by the ministers of the Word of God without the administration and authority of the civil magistrate."'^ The document continues by outlining the duties of the '"On the Synod of Bern, see Guggisberg. Bcrnische Kirchen^eschichte. 147-54; Gottfried W. Locher. ed.. Der Berner Synodus van 1532: EJilion unci Ahhaniiliin^en zum Jithilciumsjahr 19H2. 2 vols. (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag. 1988): Henri Meylan. ed.. f.e Synnde de Berne de 1532 (Lausanne: Imprimerie Centrale S.A.. 1936). . . ita comparatum est viri celeberrimi. ut in his qucie ad externarum rerimi administrationem attinent. citra civilis potestatis adminiculum et autoritatem. nihil a verbi dei ministris vel institui. vel confirmari queat... ." Locher. ed.. Der Berner Synodus. 181. I cite Simon Sultzer's Latin translation, also published in 1532. for it is clearer than 38 Christian magistrate: "The magistrate who rejoices in and boasts the name of Christ should strive with the utmost zeai to uphold not only the earthly power but also the ministry of the Lord and the evangelical doctrine and life, as far as they pertain to external matters."'^ The duties of the ministers, on the other hand, are considered heavenly and holy.'^ An internal/external dichotomy between the duties of the magistrate and the minister is continued and explained more fully later in the document in a discussion of the two types of government; The greater and more sublime is the spiritual and heavenly government.... The lesser, which belongs to the Bernese magistrates, is the earthly government. The Christian falls under the jurisdiction of both. Through his conscience he belongs to the spiritual government, where no other creature has anything to command, for God alone is Judge. But with regard to his body and temporal goods, the Christian is subject to the external sword and human administration.'^ By placing only the conscience and the spiritual life in the hands of the ministers but the the original Swiss-German text, and it was the version the ministers in the wclsche Ldncie knew. '^"Addecet sane eum magistratum qui Christi nomine gaudet et gloriatur. studio vigilantissimo incumbere. ut potestas ea non terrenarum modo rerum. sed domini etiam ministra efficiatur. evangelicamque doctrinam et vilam. quatcnus ea in extemis est sita. promoveat ac tueatur . . . ." l.ocher. ed.. Der Bcrner Synodus. 181. .. necessarium etiam fucrit, iuxta nuper promulgatum pro Lvangelii successu a magistratu decretum. ut munus quod a domino delcgatum sustinemus. sanctum et coeleste. id omni cura rile atque ordine obeamus et tueamur." Locher. ed.. Der Berncr SynoJus. 185. .. quae duos in terris constituit principatus. quorum sublimior et augustior est spiritualis et coelestis .... Minor autem. cui magistratus Bernensis. ac alii quoquo versus terrarum praesunt. L'lrique autem homo obligatur Christianus. ad conscientiam enim quod attinet. spirituali. quam dominus solus, citra ullius omnino creaiurae interventum iudicat. Quod vero ad corpus bonaque attinet temporalia. gladio extemo. humanaeque administrationi subiicitur." Locher. ed.. Der Rerner SynoJiis. 224. 39 body and goods under temporal jurisdiction, the Synod of Bern effectively gave all external discipline and correction, ecclesiastical or otherwise, to the secular government. Hence, from very early on. the Bern city council established its authority over matters pertaining to church and state. While opening itself up to charges of caesaropapism. Bern thus avoided what it saw as two less palatable options - first, the existing Catholic ecclesiastical hierarchy which jealously guarded its own rights. interests, and exemptions from secular control, and second, the radical wing of the Reformation, which left no room whatsoever for the secular magistrate. Bern learned an important lesson from the Anabaptist experience in Zurich, and Capito's encounter with radicals in Strasbourg surely influenced his thinking in drawing up the Berner Synndus. Bern thus fully aligned itself with Zwingli's thinking on the close relationship between church and stale, most succinctly expressed in the prefator\' epistle to his Commentary on Jeremiah; "A Christian is nothing other than a good and faithful citizen, and the Christian city nothing but the Christian church.""* If the Bern city council wielded enormous power over the churches in its own territories, though, it was much more cautious in its dealings w ith the other members of the Confederation. A large part of the reason that Bern did not help Zurich in the second Kappel War was that it viewed Zurich's actions as too rash. The Bernese did not share I X»"Sic • principcs vestri non turgent fastu. sic prophetae commode. Udeliter ac erudite docent. sic plebs tranquilla et doctrinam et imperium capit. ut iam dixisse olim non poeniteat Christianum hominem nihil aliud e.sse quani fldelem ac bonum civem. urbem Christianum nihil quam ecclesiam Christianum esse." Z .XIV, 424. Zuingli to the council and people of Strasbourg. Zurich. March 11, 1531. 40 Zwingli's vision of actively creating a Retbrmed Confederation through whatever means necessary; they were much more willing to let the member states decide for themselves on matters of religion. This is not to say that they took no interest in the progress of reform in their neighbors" lands. Indeed, without Bern's powerful influence over its allies in French-speaking Switzerland, the Reformation would have made very little if any headvva) there. 41 The Missionar\' Efforts of Guiliaume Farel under Bern's Protection The Suisse romaniie was ill-prepared to receive the Reformation. For one thing. throughout the !520"s. the evangelical movement was largely confined to German- speaking lands. .A.ccording to Francis Higman. only si.\teen editions of Luther's writings appeared in French - and none of Zvvingli's - between 1525. the date of the first, and 1530.'"' That may seem like a substantial enough figure, but when one considers that the vast majority of these were printed in either Paris or Antwerp (none in Swiss lands), and that Luther's Sermon on Indulgence and Grace alone saw over twenty German editions between 1518 and 1519"". the number is almost entirely inconsequential for French- speaking Sw itzerland. Certainly, the Swiss had heard of Luther, but as heretic not hero. In 1525 - no doubt due to the Peasants' War - the Estates of the Pays de Vaud"' issued the following statute regarding Luther: The nobles and ambassadors of the bonnes vil/es . . . have considered and proposed that close attention must be paid to the wicked, false, and heretical allegations and opinions of this accursed heretic and enemy of the Christian faith. Martin Luther, which, as is commonly rumored, have caused huge uprisings and ' 'Francis Higman. Piety and the People: Reli}iious Printing in French 15/1-1551. St. Andrews Studies in Reformation History (Brookfield. VT: Ashgate. 1996). 288-300. ""^Josef Benzing. Lulherbihlio^raphie: Verzeichnis der Gedruckien Martin Lathers his zu dessen 7>k/(Baden-Baden: I.ibrarie Heitz GMBFL 1966). 16-19 (Nos. 90-114). "'Most of the Pays de Vaud was at this time under the suzerainty of the duke of Savoy. The Estates of Vaud represented a loose confederation of the nobles and largely independent cities (the bonnes villes) within the duke's jurisdiction, which would meet occasionally with the duke's representative (y,ouverneur el hailli) in Moudon. The 14 bonnes villes were Moudon. Yvcrdon. Morges. Nyon. Romont. Payerne. l-'sta\ ayer. Cudrefin. Rue. Cossonay. Grandcour. Ste.-Croi.\. Les Clees. et Chatel St.-Denis. 42 abuses of the Christian faith in nearby lands. And w ishing to avoid all of these things, and also to uphold the Christian faith, as true Christians should do. by the order and commandment of my lord the governor and bailiff of Vaud. the Estates have established and ordained, and ordain by these present letters, that no mediate or immediate subject of our most excellent lord, regardless of rank or condition, may possess, buy. or keep any book by the aforementioned Vlartin Luther, and if any book be found that it be burned." The statute went on to forbid anyone from even mentioning Luther in a favorable manner, under pain of three days in prison, public whipping, and court costs. Obstinate offenders were to be burned."^ In Francophone Europe, the evangelical mov ement really only made any early headway in the Paris region, notably through Bishop Bri<;onnct"s reform circle """. . . .Vlessieurs les Nobles et Ambassadeurs des Bonnes Villes ... a mis cn avant et propose que I'on dehust avoir regard et advis sur les maulvaises. deleales, faulces et heretiques allegations et opinions de ce mauldit et deleal heretique, et ermemy de la foy chrestienne. Martin Leuter, par lesquelles. comme il se dit communement. eis lieu.x circonvoysins sont etc faits de gros esc[l|andres et abus contre la foy Chrestienne. Et desirant obvier a toutes les choses dessus dite. et aussi pour maintenir la foy Chrestienne. ainsin que vrays Chrestiens doivent faire, par le mandement et commandement de mon dit Sr. le Gouvemeur et Baillif de Waud. [les dits Estats] ont statui et ordonne. el ordonnent par ces presentes. - que nulle personne de quelque estat ou condition que ce soil, subjets de nostre tres-redoubte Seigneur, tant mediats que immediats, ne doige a\oir. acheter ne garder point de livre fait par le dit Martin Leuter. et si point s"en trouve. que le dit livre soit briile." Memiinjard. 1. 354-55 (No. 148). the Estates of the Pays de Vaud to their subjects. Moudon. May 23. !525. ••"'Item, que nulle personne de quelque estat. degre/. ou condicion que ce soit. ne doige parler en maniere quelconque du dit Leuter. cn le favorisant et maintenant. ou en maintenant et afllmiant aulcunes de ses mauldictcs et dampnables oppinions et allegations. - et ce sous la peine d'estre griefvement incarcerez trois jours durant. el. au bout de trois jours, de recepvoir trois estrappades de corde publiquement. et doige payer, avant que sortir de prison, les despenses et missions faites adcause de la dilte detention. Et si celui qui aurovl voulsuz soubtenir et maintenir les faulces et decepvables oppinions devanl dictes. en tout en partie. apres avoir recephu les dictes estrapades. si veult estre indurcy et obstinc\ qu'il doige estre brule. comme faul.x et deleal heretique. avec son livre. si point en avo}l." Ilerminjard. I. 355-56. 43 at Meaux under the patronage of King Francis Ts sister. Marguerite de Navarre.'^ In the Suisse romancle. however, ten years after Luther's posting of the Ninety-five Theses, there was absolutely no reason to expect that Protestantism would ever take root there. All that changed when the German movement met the French in the person of Guillaume Farel in the city of Bern. Farel's importance as the initiator of the Reformation in Francophone Switzerland is w idely acknowledged and immortalized in his position next to Calvin. Theodore Beza. and John Knox in the Monument of the Reformation in Geneva. Following Farel's early work in Switzerland opens a window through which we may view the religious situation there. This surv ey of the sixteenth- centur>' sacral landscape of the Suisse roimnule w ill yield better insight into the reformers" methods. Farel's tlery temperament is notorious, and his and his colleagues' apparent preoccupation with attacking the mass led even contemporaries to label them "sacramentarians" (sacrumentaires). If we consider, however, the obstacles facing the reformers, especially the fierce resistance - some of it physically violent put up by the townspeople, the reformers' own aggressive methods become more understandable. Furthermore, when we realize that they were working primarily in areas where a majorit\ vote by the parishioners was necessar\' to abolish the mass, their targeting of the "evils" "'For a general treatment of early Reform in France, see Denis Crouzet. La Genese de la Reforme fnint^aise 1520-1562. Regards sur I'histoire: Histoire modeme (Paris: Sedes. 1996). chapters 1 and 2. For a more detailed study of Marguerite and her network of reform-minded individuals, see Jonathan Reid. "King's Sister - Queen of Dissent: Marguerite of Navarre (1492-1549) and Her Fvangelical Network." Ph.D. Dissertation, the University of Arizona. 2001. 44 of the mass makes perfect sense. Exactly how Farel came to act as Bern's agent in the Suisse romanJe is not entirely clear. After leav ing Meau.\ in 1523 when Bishop Bri^onnet was forced to rein in his reform circle. Farel spent the ne.xt three years moving from Basel to Montbeliard to Strasbourg."" He returned briefly to Basel in October 1526. from where he wrote to Capito and Bucer announcing his intention to go to Bern.'*' His precise itinerary between this letter of October 25 and his first preaching in Aigle. a town on the Rhone River southeast of Lake Geneva, on November 30 remains obscure, though, fie possibly went first to Zurich to meet Zvvingli and definitely passed through Bern in late October or early November before moving on to .'\igle."^ At this point, we are still more than a year away from the Disputation of Bern, and so Farel initially went to Aigle not as an official representative of the Bernese government but most likely at the personal request of Berchtold Haller."" Aigle was the principal town of the so-called Ouatre Mumlements of Bern, taken over from the Duchess of Savoy in 1484 in the Burgundian Wars. Together with the other three -Ollon. Bex. and Ormont - Aigle was governed by Bern's resident bailiff "'The best biography of f'arel remains the 1930 collaborative effort of the "Comite Farel." Guillaiime Farel 14S9-1565: Bioiiniphie nouvelle ecrife d'apres les documents originuux pur un \^rnupe d 'historiens. professeurs el pusteurs de Suisse, de France el d'ltalie (Neuchatel and Paris: Editions Delauchaux & Niestle S.A.. 1930). "'"'Si Dominus dederit. apud Bernam tentabo . . . ." Ilemiinjard. I. 454 (No. 183). Farel to Capito and Buccr. Basel. October 25, 1526. CiuUlaume Farel. 165-66. 45 Bern's grow ing support for tiie Reformed faith coupled with the presence of its governmental representative in Aigle made the small town a good place to begin the evangelization of the Suisse Ronumde. And after three years living among German speakers. Farel must have also been delighted to go to work once again in his native tongue. Although no great fan of the "new religion." Bern's bailiff granted Farel license to open a school for children and to preach, as long as he preached the pure Word of God and said nothing against the sacraments."'^ Farel's initial success was short-lived. however; when one of the bailiffs deputies complained about Farel, Bern's response was reluctant but clear; "Moreover, regarding the French preacher in Aigle. although we hear that he is vvell-leamed and preaches the truth of the Gospel, nevertheless, since he is not a priest, we want you to make him cease and desist from his preaching.'"" Although Bern changed its position regarding Farel just two weeks later, allowing him to preach "until the administrator presents another qualified priest."'' he met with a chilly reception. In June 1527. the syndics of .Aigle. Ollon. and Be.K asked Bern to remove Farel from their '^Guillaume Farel. 167. " 'On Farel's ministry in Aigle. see Guillaumc Farel. 173-178; Vuilleumier. 35-52. '""Au surplus, touchant le pregeur franijoys qui prege en .Alioz. puis bien qu'entendons qu'ilz est tres-doct et que prcge la verite de I'Evangile. ce non obstant, pource que n'est pas prestre, voulons que [tu] le fassc a cesser et desister de son pregement." Ilerminjard. 11. 15 (No. 195). Bern city council to Jean de Bex. Bern. February 22. 1527. ''"Farellus erloupt zu Aelen ze predigen, biss dass dcr Coadjutor ein andern gcschicktcn Priester darthut. " From the registers of the Bern city council, March 8, 1527. quoted in Herminjard. II, 15. n. 7 (No. 195). 46 presence.^" Bern - at this point with a detinitive evangelical majority in the council - responded by ordering its oflkers to "see to it that he preaches the Word of God in public assemblies without any obstacle.""" It was a request that Bern would have to make repeatedly in the future to the various towns visited by Farel and his companions. This episode marks the first time that Bern acted officially as Farel's protector; henceforth, Farel would act as a protected agent of the Bernese. With lews excellences fully behind him. Farel seems to have spent the remainder of 1527 exercising his ministry without further hindrance, though with what success it is difficult to say. Whether or not Farel was able to win over a significant segment of the Aigle population, the Disputation of Bern put considerable pressure on the Ouutre ManJcments to accept the Reformation. Farel was charged with the task of translating into French the announcement of the disputation and the articles to be debated, and he attended the disputation in January. Although he probably did not understand a word since it was held in German, he likely received reports in Latin from his old friends Oecolampadius. Bucer. Capito, and Zwingli. On his return to Aigle in February, he and the Bernese decision itself met with fierce resistence from the citizens.'^ Once again, Bern had to order its ^"Herminjard. 11. 22-28 (No. 198). Farel to the Bom city council. Aigle. [end of June 1527|. '"'Ob id vobis omnibus et singulis, praccipue hiis mandamus, ut ilium in publicis concionibus Verbum dominicum praedicarc sinatis. absque omni obstaculo .. . ." llerminjard. 11. 29 (No. 199). Bern city council :o Jacqucs de Roverea ["caeterisque Locumtentibus. Sindicis. Officiarii.sque nostris ibidem constitutis"|. Bern. July 3. 1527. .. [nous] avons par rumeur entenduz. a celluy nostre mandement non estre sattisfaict. de quoy avons tres-hault regrect. principalement que summes adverly(s| que le 47 officers to "to keep [Farel| safe and well guarded, so that he is not harmed in any way by word or deed" and to ensure that its mandates were enforced. '" Bern did not force all of its territories to abolish the mass right away, but the preaching of the Gospel was to be allowed without restriction. Moreover, the mass could be abolished in parishes where a majority voted for the Reformation. The towns of Aigle. Bex. and Ollon did just that in March - under the watchful eye of Bern's ambassadors. Considering the loud opposition that had greeted Farel on his return from Bern just one month earlier, one has to wonder whether the people were truly voting their consciences. Indeed, the vote to abolish the mass did not wipe out opposition to the new religion. For one thing, the nearby parishes of Onnont. Noville. and Chessel voted in March to keep the mass. The Bernese allowed them to continue in the Catholic faith, but only until Pentecost (May 31. 1528). Moreover. Farel continued to be harassed in the newly "Protestant" towns. Less than a month after the vote in Ollon. Farel was attacked diet precheur [Farel] par aulcuns des nostres en Alie est este receuzen derision, et. que plus est. nostre mandement mesprise et deshonore. et daventaige. que aulcuns de noz sujectz d'Alie. lesquel.x par cy-devant et presentement soy sont opose contre nous et [contre le] faict de la vray foy christiene, en faissant secretes assemblees. conseil et machinations contre nous, servantes a tumulte. et aussy soy monstre[nt| desobeissant a nous, en detourbant le simple peuple par dolz et menasses." Herminjard, II. 105-06 (No. 220). Bern city council to Feli.x von Diesbach. Bern. February 14. 1528. ""A ceste cause a toy tres a certes comandons le dit precheur tenir en scurte et bonne guarde. que ne luy so\l faict oultraige quelconque de faict ne de parolles. . . . Sur ce est nostre vouloir. que au mandement que a luy puis naguere avons donne soyt valide et celluy exequute. aussy le present, et que nully soyt si presumptueulx de faire allencontre. ne permectre dc faire. soubz peina de nostre male grace et indignation." Herminjard. II. 107. 48 by a group of dissenters/'' Not long afterwards, trouble erupted once again in Aigle when the Catholic opposition spoke out against the removal of images and the breaking of altars in the churches, and they began to "harass and upset those who want to live like us [Protestants)."'^ And in Bex. the castellan refused to allow a minister chosen by Farel to preach, appointing instead a Catholic priest/" It should be pointed out here that the only evidence we have for these episodes comes from Protestant sources, which place the blame squarely on disobedient Catholics. Given Farel s llerv- temperament, though, it is quite likely that he fanned the flames of their indignation by his customar\' denunciations of "idolatry," "superstition." and "thieving, murderous" priests. A further problem in squelching opposition to the Reformed faith in the Oiuitre "'"Pour biens que par cy-devant plusieurs foys avons envoye mandement. a cause de maistre Guillaume Farel. de le tenir et conserver en seurte. et le laisse precher la Parolle de Dieu sans obstacle quelconque. ce non obstant summes advertis des aultraiges et violences que Guillaume Jajod et certains hommes et femmes d'Olon ont faict au diet Farel. de quoy summes tres-deplaisant." Herminjard. II. 125 (No. 229). Bem city council to Felix von Diesbach. Bem. April 3. 1528. ^^"Nous summes certainement advertis. comme certains hommes et femmes. nous soubgectz de nostre jurisdiction d'Alie. tousjours fravaileusement parlent et de faict soy monstrent contre nous, a cause qu'avons ouste les idoles et abbatus les aultes. et toutellement ambrasse la Parolle de Dieu et sainct Fvangiles. lit davantaige. que molestent et fachent iceulx que veulent vivre comme nous." Herminjard. II. 129. (No. 251). Bem city council to Felix von Diesbach. Bem. April 25. 1528. .. nous summes adverti comme le chastellain de Bex est fait inhibition au prescheur que maistre Guillaume Farel az envoye a Bex. de non prescher. - de quoy nous mervillions. veuz qu'avons expressement donne charge et commission au diet Farel de cree et ordonne prescheurs idonees en nous quatres mandemens d'.Mie, pour publie la Parolle de Dieuz. Davantaige. entendons que C'olumbi est constituy prescheur a Bex. luy non estant souffisant. ne conforme a nostre mandement et X articles." Herminjard. II. 135-36 (No. 234). Bern city council to [lieutenants in AigleJ. Bern. May 15. 1528. 49 Mandements was that Bern's two main officers there. Jean de Roverea and Felix von Diesbach, were not entirely sympathetic with their superiors' decision to adopt the Reformation. In order to rectify this situation and bring order to the region, Bern appointed the ardent Protestant Hans Rudolf Nageli to lake over Roverea's position as governor of the region.^ ' On the same date. May 27. 1528. Bern wrote to Ormont. ordering the parish to abolish the mass, but the people completely ignored the demand. To deal with ihe rebels. Bern ordered representatives from the other towns in the region together with Nageli to "go to Ormont and advise them to consider carefully what may happen to them because of their rebellion and disobedience, and to conform to us and to you by taking the oath to obey us in all matters without any reservation whatsoever.""*" The issue at stake here was not so much the citizens" refusal to abolish the mass but to swear the oath of obedience, for the Bernese backed off from their earlier demand regarding the mass and granted the allowance that "if they do not want to abolish the mass at the moment, they must at least allow the Holy Word of God to be preached until '"^"Et pour ce que puissons tenir les diets nous soubgectz en deue obeissance et leur administrer bonne et brieffve justice, avons crce ung aultre novcau Gouvemeur. assavoir nostre Conseillieur Hanns Riidollff Nageli. lequel commencera I'administration sur le jour Sainct Jaque[s| prochain." Herminjard, II. 142 (No. 238). Bern city council to Jean de Bex. Bern, May 27, 1528. ^""Touchant ceulx d'Omiont que soy sont monstre rebelles. est noustre vouloir que vous elisses certains honestes personnaiges entre vous. lesquelx. ensemble nostre modeme Gouvemeur. soy transpourtent en Ormont. et les admonestoint de bien considerer la chose que leur pourroit advenir. a cause de la dicte rebellion et desobeissance. et ainsy les admonester de soy fayres confonnes a nous et a vous. fai.sant le serment de nous obeir en tout et partout. sans reservation que soit." Hemiinjard. II. 147 (No. 242). Bern city council to the communes of the Mandements of Aigle. Bex. and 50 God enlightens them by his grace. "*' This situation with Ormont illustrates quite well Bern's complex attitude towards its subjects in the early days of the Refonnation following the 1528 Disputation. First and foremost, they demanded the oath of obedience. This was particularly important in the Oiuitre Xkmclemcnls since the lands of their former ov erlord, the Catholic duke of Savoy, lay just a stone's throw away across the Rhone, whereas Bern is 50 miles I'rom .Aigle as the crow flies - tlying over the Alps no less. .And with the Peasants' War still fresh in memory, the possibility of a similar uprising that far away would have been a real threat to Bern, whose troops were concentrated much further north against the threat of attack from the inner cantons. At the same time, these ver\' threats were probably part of the reason why Bern was reluctant to force the Reformation down their throats. By allowing their subjects a degree of independence in the decision-making process. Bern effectively cut off the possibility of an organized, territory-wide Catholic resistance under Savoyard protection. Finally. Bern seems to have been operating under the assumption that if the people would only listen to Farel and his fellow preachers. thc\ would understand the "truth" of the Ciospel and would w illingly abandon the "superstitions" of the Catholic Church. Bern's most frequently repeated demand throughout 1527 and 1528 was that Farel be allowed to preach freely and publicly. And when Ormont refused to Ollon. Bern. July 17. 1528. ^'"'foutteffois. sy ne veulent laisser la mes.se pour le present, que ausmoings y souffrent que la Saincte Parolle de Dieu leur soit pregee jusque atant que Dieu par sa grace les illumine/." Herminjard. 11. 147. 51 abolish the mass. Bern accepted their decision as long as they allowed Protestant ministers to preach "until God enlightens them by his grace." Bern evidently placed term limits on God s grace though. By December 1528. when Ormont still had not abolished the mass, the Bernese gave the direct order to accept the Gospel and abandon Catholic ceremonies.^' This time Ormont apparently sent a favorable response/^ but it appears to have been just for show, to get Bern off their backs. Si.\ months later - more than a year after Bern tlrst demanded that Ormont abolish the mass - the Protestant minister there complained to Farel that his sermons were being purposely drowned out by bell-ringing and that death threats were being made against whoever had recently destroyed the altar.^' The surviving evidence for the Reformation in Ormont does not indicate precisely when they abolished the mass or whether there was further religious upheaval. Does this '""A ceste cause vous rescripvons ces presentes. vous mandans et commandans que vous [vous] faissies conformes a nous el tous aultres nous soubgectz. en acceptant I'Evangile et delaissant les cerimonies des hommes que n'ont point de fundement en la saincte Escripture. ains controuvees pour accomplir ra\ arice des prestres. a grande perdition des ames." Herminjard. II. 158 (No. 249). Bern city council to the parishioners of Ormont. Bern, December 5. 1528. ^^Hemiinjard. 11. 159. n. 3. ""Claudius frater noster die Jovis habuit concionem coram populo. quae, meo juditio et aliorum piorum. digna fuit auditu; sed Sathan. qui semper nititur vineam Domini sabbaoth ac eius scpes dissipare. per eius servos voluit aures auditorum sono cimbali implere. 1leri etiam. antequam e.xplevissem concionem. etiam similiter operatus est per uniim illorum qui semper, a die quo coepi hie concionari. Verbo restiterunt.... Altaria Baal, sive Antichristi. noviter fere destructa sunt, sicuti ab horum lalore audies, de quo fuit maximus populi murmur. Minabantur enim aliqui mortem illi qui hoc ausus est allentare ...Flerminiard. II, 181-82 (No. 258). Jacques Camrol to Farel. Ormont. June 28. 1529. 52 mean that the parishioners finally buckled under pressure from Bern and adopted the Reformed faith? Possibly, but the point in dwelling on this small town has been to show just how opposed to Protestantism many people were in the Suisse ruiminde. to the point of defying the most powerful canton in the Swiss Confederation, it also illustrates some weaknesses in Bern's governmental structure. The governing council was completely dependent on a few not-always-dependable representative bailiffs a two- to three-days" ride away to enforce its will. Unlike the larger centralized governments of England and France, whose sovereigns could still depend on the support of their vassals. Bern was an independent city-state, with few ties of lordship over the local nobles. Hence, its governmental hierarchy stemmed directly from the city itself Although this meant that the council could appoint its own men. whose loyalty could be counted on perhaps more than relatively independent nobles, it had the disadvantage of appearing more like foreign rule, thus raising the likelihood of resentment among the people. A feudal lord of a town could change loyalties a hundred times, and it would not make a bit of difference to the townspeople; they still had the same lord. A German-speaking governor handing out edicts from a city council miles awa\ . however, would .seem strange indeed. Nevertheless, the absence of further correspondence demanding religious confonnity from Bern to the Oualre Mamiemcnls seems to indicate that the people at least outwardly complied with Bern's wishes. With the Reformation Imally proceeding in the Aigle region. Farel felt that it was time to expand his missionary work beyond Bern's own territories, and he headed for Lausanne in October 1529. The largest city in Vaud. Lausanne was under the jurisdiction of the bishop of Lausanne, rather than the duke of Savoy, and was not, therefore, a member of the Estates of Vaud. Nevertheless, the bishop. Sebastian de Montfalcon. and later the city council likevvise declared themselves opposed to the heretical ideas of Martin Luther. In 1523. the bishop began to require every priest he ordained to swear a special oath against Luther's doctrine.'" in 1525. the city council followed suit, forbidding all Lutheran polemic.^'' Following the Disputation of Bern, the council repeatedly expressed ils desire "to live like our predecessors ... as good Christians. Events in Bern were important to the Lausannois because in 1525. the two cities had ^ "Episcopus Lausanensis convocavit omnes parochos. Nescio. quid cum illis actunis sit; id ununi constat, quotquot sacrillculos inun.xit. speciatim iuramento e.xpostulavii. ne contrahant. neque faveant Lutheranae doctrinae." Z Vlil, 59 (No. 293). Berchtold Haller to Zvvingli. Bern. April 8. 1523. ^''Giiillaiime Farel. 188. '^March 10. 1528; "Fuit congregatum retro consilium super responsione facta reverendo domino nostro Lausanensi. Fuit conclusum per dictum retro consilium, quod responsio prelibato reverendo domino nostro facta remaneat. prout fuit conclusum dominico de Reminiscere super tribus punctis. videlicet super Luteranis. super meniis et portis. item super hospitaii. Super Luteranis fuit responsum. quod omnes sumus boni cristiani et quod offendens pugniatur via juris. December 13. 1528; "Fuit convocatum totum commune Lausanne ad sonum campane noviter ordinatum. super eo. videlicet, si velint esse opinionis consilii et retro consilii. que opinio fuit velle bene vivere atque honeste sicuti predccessores nostri et esse velle boni cristiani et vivere secundum Deum. non se tamen astrigendo ad aliquod statutum fiendum nequc astriviamentum. Quodquidcm commune, voce post \ occm. fuerunt opinionis concordabilis ven. consilii et retroconsilii. videlicet, bene velle vivere atque debere. uti predecessores nostri vixerunt; et si aliquis contravenerit et trahatur in causa, non debeat habere auxilium neque favorem a communi." December 26. 1528; "Et fuerunt opinionis communis velle et debere bene vivere et honeste secundum Deum. uti antecessores nostri. non se velle astringere ad aliquod statutum fiendum neque penam." Chavanncs. "[-Ixtraits des Manuaux de Lausanne." .V/D/? 36 (1882); 74. 86. 54 signed a treaty o(camhuiirgeuisie (Biirgrechl). a military alliance which also granted citizens the mutual bourgeois (Biirger) status/" Under the terms of the treaty. Bern asked Lausanne to treat Farel as it would any other Bemese citizen and allow him to come to Lausanne in order to defend himself against charges of heresy that were being leveled against him in the city/'' The "defense" justitlcation. however, seems to have been a scarcely disguised pretext for Farel to be allowed to prosel>tize in the city. Farel was not officially charged with heresy, and Bern says explicitly that he was coming "for the ^""Allen dcn(en) so disen brief lasen oder hdren liisen. sye offenbar. dass vvir die Schultheissen. Rat und Burger der statten Bern und Fr> burg an einem. ouch vvir die Regenten. Rat und Burger der statt und gemein Losenn. dem andem teil. dise friindschalt under dem namen eins burgrechtcn mit guote(m) rat zuo unserm. unsem gemeinden, undertanen und landschaften hilf und schirm. zuo handhabcn und ufenthalt des rechten. frid und ruovv. uss bewagniss guoter friintschaft und alter nachpurschaft geneigts willens in nachfolgender gestalt mit einandem ingangen sind. 1. Des ersten. so haben vvir zuo beiden siten einandern zuo vvaren ingeschribnen und ingesassnen burgem. je ein teil den andem. der selben (ver)gabungen und frvheiten bcgabet. truw. lob. nutz, eer. hilf. bestantliche liebe und alles. das getriiwen burgem gezimt und gebiirt, schweeren." Johannes Strickler. ed.. Actenscimmlwi}^ ziir schwcizerischen Rejbnnalionsgcschichle in den Juhren 1521-1532 im Anschluss an die gleich:eitigen eidgendssischen Ahschiede, 5 vols. (Zurich: Theologische Buchhandlung. 1989 [Zurich: Meyer & Zeller. 1878-1884|). 5: 11 (No. 26). Bern. December 7. 1525. ' '"Vous s9aves comme par le passe et aussy presentement Ton a parle en vostre ville de Lausanne, comme nous prescheurs d'Allie preschent choses et opinions hereticques. et aussy. [que] sur nostre disputation ne soyent admis pour disputer que les Alamans, etc.. lesquelles parolles pourtent prejudice a la vraye Parolle de Dieu. A quoy a obvier. maistre Guillaume Farel. prescheur de la paroiche et eglise d'Alie. a propose de vous visiter et soy excuser de ce que Ton az diet de luy et aussy de nostre disputation. A ceste cause, singuliers amys et ires-chiers combourgeoys. vous prions que pour I'avancement de rEvangile. veillics avoir par recommande le diet mai.stre Guillaume Farel et tous autres nous soubgectz et serviteurs. et garder que force, violence, cnuys, desplaisirs et trouble leur soil faict. ains le preserv er de tous inconvenians, et maintenir a raison. equite, droit et justice, a laquelle ilz soy soubmettent et ouffrent de respondre a tout le monde contre eulx querelant." I lemiinjard. II. 198 (No. 262). Bern city council to advancement of the Gospel." Farel was apparently well received by the council but immediately expelled by the bishop. Although the city council had formed an alliance with Bern, the bishop had not. The bishop therefore had no reason to allow Farel's preaching in the city. Nevertheless, undaunted by FarePs e.xpulsion. Bern asked for Farel's immediate return, thanking the council for its favorable reception of Farel and chastising the bishop.^" When Farel did return, on October 31. 1529, the Lausanne council, torn between their loyalties to Bern and the bishop - and in all likelihood wishing to keep Farel out - decided to defer to the bishop's judgment, ' and the bishop the Lausanne city council, Bem. October 3. 1529. ^""Grandement vous mercions de ce que ne cesses de monstrer vostre bonne affection et amitie singuliere envers nous en tous nous affaires que nous sont survenu. et demierement en ce qu'aves benignement. amiablement ct en bonne sorte receu et traictie maistre Guillaume Farel. nostre bien-aime. pour I'amour de nous et sur tout de la Parolle de Dieu qu'ilz adnunce.... Et a cause que le diet maistre Guillaume Farel par cy-devanl n'a peu accomplyr son desir. et produise son et nostre innocence, devant vous et tous vostre peuple. ains. a I'appetit de celluy que deust avancer la verite, et aussy de ses adherans. a este constrainct vuider le lieu . . . comme paravant. vous a\ ons bien voulsuz renvoyer le diet maistre Guillaume Farel. que nous a faict tres-bon rapourt de vostre singuliere et amiable affection qu'aves declaire vers luy." Hcrminjard. 11. 201-02 (No. 264). Bern city council to the Lausanne city council. Bem. October 20, 1529. "Quae nuper contra Magistrum Guillelmum Farellum subditum et servitorem nostrum. Aquilensem Ecclesiae ministrum. ac Stephanum hospitem suum. concivem nostrum, acta sint ma.\imo animi dolore percepimus. Subticemus ea quae monetarius Secretariusque vester nuncio Farelli. literas ad Secretarium nostrum deferenti. irrogarunt. nec satis mirari possumus Reverendam Paternitatem Vestram. ejusque sacratam cohortem, ita in nostros inno.xios quidem saevisse. quandoquidem non putaramus cos qui evangelicam veritatem propagare ejusque precones fovere merito debeant, illos tanta injuria inculpatos viros affectum iri. praesertim in tam libera Civitate, practerea .se jure sisti causamque dicturos offerentes!" Flemiinjard. II. 199 (No. 263). Bem city council to the bishop and chaptcr of Lausanne. Bern. October 20. 1529. ^'October 31.1529. "Item, super eo quod quiddam Guill. Faret [sic|. predicator. apportavit certas litteras parte dominorum Bernensium. at ipsum admicteremus ad 56 ran him out of town once again. Two weeks later Bern made yet another appeal to Lausanne to allow Farel to preach there. Little is known of this third visit, but it appears that it did not last long either."^' His visits were not completely without effect, but it was hardly the one desired. Rather than win people to the evangelical cause. Farel only seems to have caused the authorities to redouble their efforts to keep heresy out completely. On December 19. the Estates of Vaud renewed their decree against the "Lutheran faith."'^ and a few days later, the pope sent a letter to the bishop of Lausanne, congratulating him on preventing Farel from preaching.'^ Hence, the initial attempt to reform Lausanne must be classified as a complete failure. The one small bright spot was that the city council seemed ready to buckle under pressure from Bern if the bishop could be removed. At the moment though, Farel was not welcome there. He and the Bemese turned their attention elsewhere. For Farel's upcoming evangelical tour. Bern furnished him with an open letter to all of its allies, saying that he was acting under Bern's protection and asking that he therefore be allowed to preach in their lands.'" Farel concentrated his elTorts during 1530 predicationem faciendam. Cui fuit responsum. quod nostra non intererat dare locum predicatori. sed reverendo domino nostro Lausannensi et venerabilibus dominis de capitulo: quare fuit remissus ad eos qui potestatem habent dare locum." Chavannes. "E.xtraits des Manuau.x de l.ausanne." MDR 36 (1882): 100. '"He was in Lausanne on November 18. but already in la Ncuvevillc by the end of the month. Giiillaume Farel. 194. ^^Herminjard. II. 227. note 8. ^^Guillaiinie Farel. 189. ''Giiilkiiiine Farel. 194. 57 in and around Neuchatel."' Me continued to run into tierce opposition nearly everywhere he went but finally met with some limited success as well. Farel arrived in Neuchatel at the beginning of December 1529. Once again prevented from preaching publicly, he spoke outside the city gates and in the homes of a small group of sympathizers.'^ Like Lausanne, the political situation in Neuchatel was somewhat complicated. Jeanne de Hochberg. the Countess of Neuchatel. was the titular suzerain of the city, w hich had its own treaties o( cnmbourgeoisie with Bern and Fribourg."'' Unlike Lausanne's resident prince-bishop. Neuchatel's countess lived miles away in Burgundy. Moreover, in 1511. the previous count had sided with France against the Confederation in the Italian Wars. In response. Bem and its allies occupied Neuchatel and afterwards kept a strong grip on their interests over and against those of the count and ^''He visited several locations during this tour, including Neuchatel. la Neuveville. Diesse. Erguel. Morat, Valangin. and Tavannes. I will not be discussing all of these visits but will focus rather on Neuchatel. For his work in other towns, see GiiilUnime Farel. 192-258. '^"De son cote, le pauvre pieu.\ Farel est aussi arrive, et il a presente une lettre qui invitait a I'entendre precher la Parole de Christ, ce qu'il aurait volontiers fait de tout son coeur. mais les autorites le lui ont interdit. ... Je reticns ici Farel et je le fais precher dans les maisons. parce que je sais qu'il peut ainsi faire du bien. quoique cela m'attire des menaces . .. ." Ilerminjard, IL 212 (No. 269). Jacob Wildemiuth to the Bern city council. [Neuchatel], December 3. 1529. "Fratres charissimi. vos nolim latere quid Christus in suis egerit; nam. praeter omnem spem. multorum hie mo\ it corda ut. contra lyrannica praecepta et rasorum rcmoramenta. ad Verbum festinarint. quod in portis opidorum. in vicis, areis et domibus adnunciavimus, avide audientes et (dictu mirum) pene omnes audita credentes. etiam pugnantissima altum impressis erroribus!" Ilerminjard. II. 218-19 (No.274). Farel to Guillaume Du Moulin. Neuchatel. December 15. 1529. ^8 • * For the complicated political situation of Neuchatel. including a vast array ot feudal ties and ecclesiastical rights, see (iuillaumc Farel. 209-14. 58 countess. As part of their alliance. Bern conscripted over a hundred men from Neuchatel for militar>' service in 1527-1528.^'' the moment when the Reformation in Bern was gaining its fullest momentum. The Neuchatel soldiers took some of these new ideas home with them, which the weak central authority in the city could not suppress. Hence, there was already a group of evangelicals in town when Farel arrived. He only stayed for a couple of weeks in December 1529 before returning to Aigle brietly and then continuing his missionary work around Lake Neuchatel. Mis return to Neuchatel in the beginning of July 1530 was marked by religious tumult and division. With Farel still banned from preaching openly in town, the evangelicals appealed to Bern, which in turn asked the governors of the city for a place to hold Refomied services. They were given the hospital ne.\t to the city gates, which was immediately "purified of idols.""" Although it may have been, in part, a calculated move against the dissenters, to get them off the streets, it seems only to have encouraged Farel and his followers. On •August 3. the Bernese wrote to George de Rive, the countess's govemor in the city, e.xplaining that they were sending a delegation to help appease the religious discord and that in the meantime he should "allow Farel and (.Antoine FromentJ to announce the Word of God and allow all who so desire to listen w ithout any obstruction whatsoever."''' ^ 'Guillaume Farel. 218. note 2. ^"Cniillaume Farel. 220. '"'"Percepimus hodie ab oratoribus vestris. communitatisque Icgatis de Nuwenburg. quod inter vos quaedam dissentio sit c.xorta. quod scilicet una pars Verbum Dei audire. pars vero altera non velit pemiittere. Quoniam vero nos cjusmodi animo sumus prediti. ut pacem et concordiam ubique integram servare \el dissolutam restituerc 59 Bern instructed its deputies to strive for the peaceful co-existence of the two religions and to wait on calling for a vote on abolishing the mass since their deputies thought that "the majority would not vote for the good cause, [and] if it favors the mass, the preaching of the Word of God would not be permitted anymore and its followers would be persecuted."''" The other reason that Bern was concerned about the vote was that Farel was apparently taking his own straw polls to figure out if the evangelicals had a majority yet. This unauthorized activity, in addition to several other complaints Bern had received about Farel. led them finally to chastize their French preacher: A number of people have brought very serious charges and complaints to us, namely that in their jurisdictions and domains you have acted with unbelievable e.xcess and insolence, smashing images and calling together communities and people for evaluating whether a majority favors the Gospel, which nevertheless only applies to the secular authorities. Therefore, be well advised that you are not to go beyond the limits we have prescribed but are faithfully to carry out the duty of an Evangelical preacher, especially showing and teaching the people the limits of Evangelical liberty.''^ conemur. c.\ nobis Senatorios Oratores elegimus. quos ad vos proficiscendum pristinam unanimitatem ordinavimus. ita, ut septimo die hujus mensis Augusti. vespere. in urbem N'uwenburg veniant. proximoque mane commissa peragant. Hoc ideo vobis notum facere voluimus. primum. ut vestrum Senatum in ilium diem congregetis. et civitatis prepositis et primatibus dicatis. ut et illi suum Senatum civesque convocare possint, ad intelligendam nostram mentem et voluntatem. -deinde, ut usque ad ilium diem utraque ex parte pacifici quietique sitis. perniittatisque Farellum et alium [read: aUerumJ Dei Verbum annunciare, omnesque qui cupiunt. audire absque omni impedimento. quod ut faciatis summopere vos rogamus." Herminjard. 11. 263-64 (No. 300). Bern city council to the Governor of Neuchatel. Bern. August 3. 1530. ''""Vous savez bien que Messeigneurs preferent que la votation n'ait pas lieu. parce qu'ils pensent que la majorite ne se prononcerait pas pour la bonne cause: si elle etait en faveur de la messe. on ne laisserait plus prccher la Parole de Dieu. et ceux qui la goutent seraient persecutes." Herminjard. II. 266 (No. 301). Bern city council to its deputies to Neuchatel. Bern. August 6. 1530. '""Sunt qui femie tragicas expostulationes et conquestiones ad nos deferaiit. quod 60 For the first time. Bern seems to have realized the ramifications of letting Fare! loose on the Suisse romcmde. The combination of his natural temperament, a taste of success in Neuchatel. and the previously untlagging support of the most powerful canton in the Swiss Confederation proved a volatile mixture indeed. The truce brought about by the Bernese delegation did not last long. On August 15, Farel and Froment were physically assaulted and thrown in prison in nearby Valangin. Not one to be daunted by a mere beating. Farel went on the offensive in September with a mini "Affair of the Placards." which may have inspired Antoine Marcourt in the famous 1534 Paris Affair.''"' He posted his placards on the street corners, accusing "all those who say the mass of being villains, murderers, thieves, renouncers of Jesus Christ's passion and seducers of the people.""^ The entire clergy then sued Farel for libel (alteinte videlicet in ditionibus et dominiis eorum mira intemperantia atque audentia utaris. in confringendis simulachris. atque communitatibus plebisque convocandis. ac tum quae [sit] major pars Evanglio favens discemendo. quod tamen non nisi secularibus convenit. Itaque te commonitum volumus. ne ultra praescriptum nostrum transeas; sed sinceritcr Evangelici praeconis munus administres. potissimumque divulges ac plebem edoceas. quatenus Evangelium quenque liberum faciat." Flerminjard. II. 267 (No. 302). Bern city council to Farel. Bern. August 6. 1530. ''"'Regarding the influence of Farcl's placards on Marcourt. Arthur Piaget remarks. "Vlarcourt cut le tort sans doute de croire que ce qui s'etait passe a Neuchatel pouvait se faire ailleurs avec la meme impunite et le meme succes." Arthur Piaget. ed.. Lcs Acies dc la Dispitic de Lausanne 1536. publics inlc\^ralcnient d 'apres le nwnuscrit dc Berne. Mcmoires de FUniversite de Neuchatel. 6 (Neuchatel: Secretariat de FUniversitc. 1928). xxii. Gabrielle Berthoud is less inclined to make the connection: "Exempic qui. d'apres A. Piaget aurait influence Marcourt; mais il n'avait pas. je crois. besoin de ce modele." Gabrielle Berthoud. Antoine Marcourt: Reformateur et Pamphletairc du I.ivre des Marchans' aux Placards dc 1534. Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance. 129 ((ieneva: Droz. 1973). 178. n. 78. . . tous ceux qui disent la Messe d'etre mechants. meurtriers. larrons. renieurs 61 d'honneur). which gave him the opportunity to explain his views more fully in a document he prepared for court entitled "Reprimands on the stale of the pope . . containing seven articles attacking the Catholic Church."'' He repeats his accusation that "every priest who says the mass renounces the suffering and death of Jesus Christ and is a robber and murderer" (Articlc 3), and he broadens this denunciation in the following de la passion de Jesus-Christ et seducteurs du peuple." Quoted in Guillaumc Farel. 222. ''^Aulcunes remonslnmce.s prechee.s par Guilkmnie Farel de l eslal du pape, affin que ceulx qui pur ignorance ont estez abuse: relournenf a parte evangelique. delciissant leurs iniquites et Dieu leur sera propice: "1. Le pape et les siens donnant entendre que par aultre moyen que par la seulle foy qu'on a en Jesus Christ, nostre seul Saulveur et Redempteur. laquelle euvre par vraye charile. ainsin comme contient le saincl Evangille. aneantit du lout la vertu de Jesus et la foy crestienne en maynne a mort ceulx qui le suy-vent. II. Le pape el les siens vendant paradis. graces et pardons, enseignans que pour argent on en soil participant, il font que Targent de ceulx que le donnent avec eulx vienl a perdicion. Et pourtant ne fut jamais sy meschant larron que luy et les siens qu'on appelle TEsglise. laquelle est du tout contraire a TEsglise de Jesus. III. Tout prestre disant messe renunce la mort et passion de Jhesucrist et est larron et murlrier. IV. Tout homme oyant la messe sachanl el consentant ad ce que le prestre dit renunce la mort et passion de Jhesucrist. V. Tout ce que le pape. les cardinaulx. evesques el aullres papislicques ont ordonne est contre Dieu et sa parole, car il sont contre Dieu. hors de la foy. antecrislz. et ennemys de veritey. VI. On ne doit tenir aullres choses en I'Esglise dc Nostre Seigneur que ce que Dieu a ordonne. VII. On peult cognoistre quel arbre est le pape et les siens. en ce qu'ilz font toute resistance a la parole de Dieu qui est la vie et norriture des ames. El ne font riens en lous leurs offices, services et aullres fat^ons de faire qu'ilz liegnenl en leurs csglises. que tout ne soil fait contre la Parole de Dieu. Et pourtant n'y a sy horrible meurdrier ne larron comme sont tous ces povres aveugles. conducteurs d'aveugles. loups ra\ issans. seducteurs de peuple. faulx Crist et faulx prophelles. lesquielx sentiront horrible jugemens sur eulx sy ne relournent au begnyn Saulveur Jesus. .. ." In Arthur Piaget. "Documents inedils sur Guillaume Farel el sur la Reformation dans le Comle de Neuchalel." Musec Xeuchafelois (1897): 100-01. 62 article: "Evervone who hears the mass, understanding and consenting to what the priest says, renounces the sufTering and death of Jesus Christ (Article 4)."''^ This idea of the "renunciation" of Christ's suffering and death in the mtiss came from the Reformed critique of the Catholic understanding of the mass as a repetition of Christ's sacrifice. Fare! believed that by repeating Christ's sacrifice daily in the mass. Catholics were denying the efficacy of Christ's original sacrifice on the cross and therefore denying him altogether. In this very early stand (the first I have found in French) against the kind of dissembling behavior that would later become known as Nicodemism. Farel leaves the laity no room for excuse in continuing to attend the mass except ignorance. Although Nicodemism is most often discussed in reference to France, it was a problem for the reformers in Switzerland as well, not just in the early years of the Reformation but throughout the sixteenth century. Let us not forget that in the common lordships and towns with treaties of comhoiir^ieoisie with Bern, a majority vote was required to abolish the mass - and the voting was done by head count, not secret ballot. The reformers therefore needed secret Protestants to come out of the closet and make a public declaration against the mass. By announcing to the people that they were renouncing Christ's death by continuing to attend the mass. Farel was giving them a little shove out of the closet, letting them know that it was by no means acceptable to embrace the Gospel ^^As for the case, on September 24. the .Neuchatcl judges, not w ishing to alienate either Bern or the city's clergy, referred it to the higher court in Besan^on. which deemed the matter too serious and in turn referred to either the emperor or a general council. Guillaume Farel. 223. 63 with their hearts and idols with their hands. The vote was taken in Neuchatel on November 4. 1530. following a number of violent outbreaks of iconoclasm. spurred on by Farel's preaching and the retum of a number of soldiers assisting Bern and Geneva against the duke of Savoy in October.''* On October 17. with its army marching through the region. Bern issued a scarcely disguised threat to the governor: We have written to our soldiers in the field, telling them to preserve your chateau of Prengin on their retum. We do this and would grant you other greater pleasures quite willingly, if. for your part, you also would wish to show greater affection towards us to protect and promote our honor, and also in treating our servant Master Guillaume Farel well, guarding him from the many troubles and persecutions made against him by the canons The Bemese also asked that Farel be given a more suitable place to preach.^" fhe implication was. of course, that they could just as easily tell their soldiers to destroy the governor's chateau if he did not do what they wanted. The governor succumbed to Bern's demands, and a week later, on October 23. Farel's semion in the collegiale was ''"See Guillaume Farel. 224-29. '"''"[Nous avonsj sur cella escript es nostres qui sont au camp, de preser\er au retour vostre maison de Prengin. Cestuy et aultres plus grands plaisirs \ ous feriens tres- voluntier. si aussy vous. de vostre couste. voulsissies avoir plus grande alTection enver nous de garder et promover nostre honneur. et mes[me|ment en bien traictiant nostre serviteur Maistre Guillaume Farel. et le gardant dc plu.seurs ennuys ct molestement que les chanoines luy font.. .." Herminjard. 11. 287 (No. 315). Bern city council to the Governor of Neuchatel. Bem. October 17. 1530. Vous nous feres aussy plaisir. silz vous faictes donner place plus competante au dit Farel de prescher la Parolle de Dieu?.; car nous entendons que le bon Jesus est mis riere la pourte. et I'Entechrist est avance. Toutteffoys Dieu sera maistre et punira ceul.\ qui contredisent a I'Evangile." hierminjard. II. 288. 64 followed by rampant iconoclasm/' The governor appealed to Bern for mediation, and Bern's ambassadors arrived on November 4. Rather than mediate between the parties. they called for an immediate vote on the mass. The evangelicals won by eighteen votes. and the mass was abolished in the city of Neuchatel.^" The vote was called for and taken under duress on the same day that the Bernese ambassadors arrived, however, and the governor complained to the countess: Now, Madam, you should understand that the majority in this town, men and women, cling firmly to the old faith and have never wished to consent to the outrages that have been done. and. as good subjects, have obeyed my commandments, fhe others arc young soldiers, brash, and hot-headed. Filled with the new doctrine, and favoring, in general and in particular, the lords of Bern, they did not want to wait for the people to be assembled properly to see which side would have the majority of voices. But on the day the ambassadors from Bern arrived, we were forced to allow the vote; otherwise, there would have been dead bodies, for they were determined to force them, sword in hand, and we could not have even a day's or an hour's rcprieve.^^ An important point to note with regard to the vote is that it was only valid for the parish ^^Guillaiinie Farel. 226. ^""Apres quoy. le plus estant passe le 4"^ de ce mois de No\ embre furent trou\ es dix-huit hommes surpassans le nombre de ceu.\ qui tenoient la foy catholique." Herminjard. II. 296 (No. 317). George de Rive to the Countess of Neuchatel, Neuchatel. November 20. 1530. ^^"Or. Madam, deves entendre que la pluspart de ceste ville. hommes. femmes. tiennent fermement a I'ancien foy. et n'ont jamais voulu consentir aus outrages qui ont este faits. et. comme bons sujets. ont obei a mes commandemens. Les autres sont jeunes gens de guerre, forts de leur personne, ayans le feu a la teste, remplis de la nouvelle doctrine, ayans part et faveur. en general et en particulier. des dits Seigneurs de Berne, n'ont jamais voulu altendre que le peuplc fCit bien ensemble, pour voir de quel coste y auroit plus de voix. .Vlais. sur le jour que les ambassadeurs de Berne vinrent. fusmcs contraints de laisser faire le plus: autremenl il fust demeure des gens morts. car ils estoient deliberes les contraindre I'espee a la main, et ne pusmes seulement avoir jour ni heure de relasche ... Herminjard- 11. 295 (N*o. 317). 65 in which it was taken. Hence, ahhough the mass was abolished within the city walls, the surrounding towns could still hold the mass. This gave citizens unwilling to abandon Catholicism someplace to go to continue hearing the mass and kept tensions high in town. Indeed, just before Christmas 1530. news arrived in Bern that the Catholics were planning an attack on the Protestants to force the city to return to the old faith.Bern hastily dispatched its envoys, armed conflict was avoided, and the situation in Neuchatel calmed down in the new year. Once again we see the heavy hand of Bern at every stage in the Reformation of Neuchatel, from the indirect influence of the army on the Neuchatel soldiers who would form the early evangelical party, to the direct appeals to the governor to allow Farel's preaching, to the threat on the governor's chateau and the questionable final call for a vote on the mass. This is not to take away from the effectiveness of Farel's preaching. It is clear that on his arrival in July, the evangelicals were in the distinct minority, but only four months later they had enough support to win the vote, and Farel's work certainly had a great deal to do v\ ith swinging the numbers towards the evangelical side. Nevertheless, without backing from Bem. he likely would have been forced outside the city walls or confined to private homes. The Bern-Farel relationship was an effective combination, the fiery preacher with the intimidating force of arms behind him. As in most partnerships ^'"Nous avons appris que ceu.x qui tiennent encore pour la messe s'agitent et veulent attaquer dans les eglises. le jour de Noel, ceux qui ont reipu la Parole de Dieu. puis retablir ensuite a main armee la messe ct les anciennes pratiques." Herminjard. II. 299 (No. 319). Bem city council to the Governor of Neuchatel. Bern. December 23. 1530. 66 with two strong-willed participants, however, the strain from pulling in different directions was beginning to show. The Bernese could not have Farel crossing over uninvited into their Catholic allies* jurisdictions, wreaking havoc with inflammatory words and violent deeds. And they certainly could not allow him to usurp their own authority by prematurely counting votes for and against the mass. For his part. Farel could not allow Bern to place limits on his conscience and duties as a preacher of the Word of God. If that included assaulting the Catholic clergy verbally and images physically, then so be it. Farel was battling not only for hearts and minds but also for bodies, for only when enough bodies were lined up on the side of the Gospel could the mass be abolished. The influence of the voting system for determining religion in Switzerland should not be underestimated. It must be understood as one of the most important reasons - if not the most important - for why early "sacramentarians" like Farel. Viret. and Marcourt focused so much of their energy on denouncing the mass, fhey were not simply arguing against transubstantiation or the sacrificial understanding of the sacrament (though they were, of course, doing that as well). More importantly, by attacking the mass, they were as.sailing the entire religious culture of Catholicism. In Switzerland, one was not so much either "Protestant" or "Catholic": instead, one stood on the side of either the mass or the Gospel, and it was only by \'oting away the mass that the Reformed religious culture of the Gospel - including churches "purified of idols." the vernacular Bible, and the preaching of the pure Word of God could replace the Catholic religious culture of the mass - including images, pilgrimages, purgatory, and the cult of the saints. 67 Conclusion Bern's importance in the early Retbrmation in French-speaking Switzerland must not be underestimated. It was only through the intervention of the Bernese that Farel was allowed to preach at all in many areas. The tierce opposition encountered by Farel - and even by Bemese officials - reveals a populace largely attached to the "old faith" and violently antagonistic to the "new heresy." The partnership between Bern and Farel. together with a few e.xisting small, core groups of evangelicals, was able to overcome some of this resistance, pushing through the Reformation in the Oucitre Mundements and abolishing the mass in Neuchatel by vote. Although Bern and Farel were working towards the same goal of winning the people over to the Reformed faith, the differences in their methods and concerns were already beginning to tug at the seams in their alliance. Farel's independent spirit and actions threatened Bern's understanding, confirmed at the 1532 Synod of Bern, that the secular government should have control over all e.xtemal administration of both church and state. This ceasaropapist conception of Bern's will become a much greater problem for the reformers with the development of a Calvinist ecclesiology that insisted on the separation of powers. At the time, however. Farel was not concerned with elucidating a political philosophy. Instead, he focused on eradicating the central ritual of the Catholic Church, the mass. The voting system established after the first War of Kappel set up a distinct either/or situation with regard to religion: one was either on the side of the Gospel or the mass. Hence, the abolition of the mass was not merely one aspect of a shift towards Protestantism: it was (he prerequisite for instituting a more complete reform of religious culture and doctrine along evangelical 68 lines. Farel recognized this fact and went straight for the jugular in the lifeblood system of the medieval church. 69 CHAPTHR 2 BY ANY MEANS NECESSARY: ICONOCLASM, THE PRINTING PRESS, AND THE REFORMATION IN THE COMMON LORDSHIPS Pierre Viret of Orbe: The Early Ministry of a Native of Vaud With the situation in Neuchatel well in hand. Guillaume Farel set out once again to win more converts to the Gospel. The Bernese had made it clear to him in 1530 that he should not stray into territories outside of its jurisdiction or which were not allied by treaties of comhourgeoisie, and so he spent much of 1531 in the common lordships of Murten (Morat), Orbe, and Grandson. Since these areas were under the joint control of Bern and Fribourg, Farel would be ensured a hearing. Each of these regions was governed by a bailiff (A«/7//) from either Bern or Fribourg, and the cities would trade off every tlve years. As an added protection against abuse of power, when the bailiff came from Bern, the final appeal of any contested decision w as made to Fribourg, and vice versa.' Hence, even if the bailiff in these areas represented Catholic Fribourg, Protestant Bern would be able to insist upon the right of its ministers to preach freely. Farel arrived in Pierre Viret's hometown of Orbe on Palm Sunday (April 2). 1531. with ambassadors from Bern who had come to settle a dispute between the Franciscan preacher Michel Juliani and the evangelical Christophe Hollard." There was a very small ' Vuilleumier. 5. "Juliani. preaching during Lent in Orbe. spoke out so harshly against the "new heresy" that even the Catholic tov\n council asked him to lone down his rhetoric. On 70 evangelical contingent in Orbe. led by the school master. Marc Romain. and consisting of eight men and perhaps a few women." Viret would later praise Romain as "the first one to start turning us away, when we were young, from barbarism and sophistry ... and the first to give us a taste of the Gospel.""^ Apart from this tiny group, however, the townspeople were staunch Catholics. When Farel attempted to preach in the church after vespers on Palm Sunday, the people drowned him out with their cries, calling him a "dog. heretic, and devil." and seeing that he would not stop preaching, began to hit him." The March 25. he extolled the virtues of virginity and attacked clerical marriage allowed by the Protestants, calling the priests who had married "infamous fornicators and abominable apostates (paillards infdmes. apostcUs ahominahles)." Hollard sprang up and shouted at Juliani. calling him a liar - his brother Jean had left the priesthood in Fribourg. married, and become a preacher in Vloiitier. The congregation attacked Hollard and probably would have killed him if the castellan had not whisked him away to prison. When Bern's bailiff. Jost von Diesbach, learned of the matter, he released Hollard and threw Juliani in jail. Hollard was attacked again on his release and would not show his face in public again until the delegations from Bern and Fribourg arrived in town. Vuilleumier, 55-56. ^On January 15, 153 1, Orbe's inhabitants met "pour s<;avoir ceulx qui vouldroyent tenyr, observer, obeyr et croyre es sainctz commandement de Dieu, sacrement de I'autel, constitucions et ordonnances faites . . . par nostre sainte mere Esglise." All agreed, "reserver hu>t, qui ne croyent point cs constitutions .. . declarant toutefois croire en Dieu et a riivangile." Herminjard, II, 328 (No. 335), n. 4. Voting was restricted to male heads-of-household, so the total number of e\ angelicals would likely have been slightly higher. ^"Parles-tu de maistre Marc, nostre maistre d'escole. qui a este le premier, qui a commence a nous retirer en nostre jeune age. de la barbaric et sophisterie, et nous a non seulement instruicts es bonnes letres, quant aux letres humaines, mais aussi a este le premier qui nous a donne goust de Tlivangile, et nous a incite a y estudier et le suyvre?" Pierre Viret, Metamorphose chrestienne. fuite par dialogues (Geneva: Jaques Bres, 1561), 496-97. '"[April 2, 1531, Palm Sunday] ... auquel jour les dits ambassadeurs des deux 71 bailirt"intervened to rescue Farel and escorted him back to his residence. When word of Farel's treatment reached the Bern city council, they summoned Orbe's councillors to Bern.'' fined the town two hundred ecus, and demanded that Farel be allowed to preach freely. Orbe had no choice but to comply, and Farel began preaching twice a day to an audience often people, one of whom was Pierre Viret.^ villes Berne et Fribourg arriverent. ayant avec eux un predicant nomme Guillaume Farel. natif de Gap en Provence, lequel Farel. apres que vepres furent dites. avec audace presomptueuse. sans demander conge a personne. s'en alia mettre en chaire a I'eglise pour precher. et lors chacun le suivit. hommes et femmes et enfants. qui tous et un chacun criait et sifflaient pour le destorber avec toute exclamation. I'appelant chien. matin, heretiquc, diable. et autre injures que Ton lui disait, en sorte que Ton n'eut pas ouY Dieu tonner. et n'entendaient aussi chose que il dit. Et sus cela les habitants, voyant qu'il ne se voulait desister. se commencerent a mutiner et prendre jusques a donner des coups." Pierretleur, 16. ''"Nobles, chiers et feaulx. nous ambassadeurs. que sont estes par dever vous. aussy maistre Guillaume Farel. nous ont donne entendre tout ce que est passe, et specialement les violences que Font az voulsuz faire de faict et parolles au diet Farel. nostre serviteur, pareilliement les injures, mesprisances et mocqueries lesquelles aux diets nous commis. et par ainsy a nous vous superieurs. sont estees demonstrees. Mesment que le diet Farel n'az peuz avoir lieuz d'anuncer la saincte Parolle de Dieuz. ce qu'avons a grand regraictz. que \ ous. que estes nous soubgectz. n'aves voulsuz admettre la Parolle de Dieuz.... TouttefFoys attendons que tout le proces [of Juliani] nous soit presente pour y adviser, pareillciment que vous fassies vous excuses par devant nous, au plus loing Jeudi prochain. - v ous mandans et expressement commandans que ce pendant ne molestes, ne ennuyes icuelx que tienent la parthye de I'Evangile. en sourte que soit. car cella ne vouldrions souffrir, ains les contrefaisans punir en corps et biens." Herminjard. 11. 327-29 (No. 335). Bern city council to the council of Orbe. Bern. April 7. 1531. ^"Le dit Farel precha toute la semaine suivante. et prechait par jour deux fois le jour, et chacun sermon tenait deux heures. et tous ses sermons etaient tous semblables Fun a I'autre. sans avoir grand difference. La plus de ses sermons n'tHait sinon de appeler aux pretres et a toute gens d'eglise. disait: "Ces brigands, ces larrons. ces meurtriers.' et quand il avait acheve. il tournait toujours a son propos. ... I.es auditeurs du dit semon etaient Pierre Virct. (Jean Hollard). Christophe llollard. Antoine Secrestain. Marc 72 Unfortunately, we know very little about Pierre Viret's life before he began his ministry."' The little we do know comes primarily from the Catholic chronicler of Orbe. Pierrefleur. who describes Viret's early life as follows: On the feast day of St. John the Evangelist, which was a day in May 1531 [May 6). Pierre Viret. son of Guillaume Viret. a tailor and native of Orbe. preached his first sermon in Orbe. From the beginning. Pierre Viret had been introduced to the study of the humanities [introduit aux lctlres\ in Orbe. He was then in Paris, where he remained for some time, about two or three years, and where he profited greatly in his studies, as will be shown later. While in Paris, he was known to follow the Lutheran religion, and in order to save himself, he returned to his father's house in Orbe. where he remained until he became a preacher.'' We know from the passage cited above that as a child Viret studied in Orbe under Marc Romain. who was the first to instill evangelical ideas in the young Viret. His time in Paris is likewise shrouded in mystery. Viret himself mentions his studies there only once, referring to "our master John Major, the Scot, whom I at one time heard lecture at the Romain. Jean Cordey. sa femme, Mairoz Besson. Claude Darbonnier et Blaisoz Chevrery." Pierrefleur. 26-27. *Jean Bamaud's 1911 biography of Viret remains the best one available, although a new one is badly needed. Jean Barnaud. Pierre Viret: Sa vie el son Ouvre (1511-1571) (Saint-Amans: G. Carayol. 1911). '"Le jour fete Saint-Jean-Evangeliste. qui fut un jour de mai 1531. precha a Orbe Pierre Viret. fils de Guillaume Viret, couturier el retondeur de drap. natif de la ville d'Orbe. son premier sermon. Le dit Pierre Viret avail ete des son commencement introduit aux lettres a Orbe, et puis fut a Paris, ou il demeura pour quelque temps, commc de deu.x a trois ans, oil il protlta fort bien au.\ lettres. comme se montrera ci-apres. Lui etant a Paris, fut note lenir de la religion lutherienne. en sorte qu'il lui fut bien de se sauver. et tourna au dit Orbe en la maison de son dit pere. oil il sejourna jusques a ce qu'il fut predicant." Pierrelleur. 27. 73 College de Montaigu."'" He probably arrived at Erasmus's alma mater very shortly after John Calvin left the same school and studied there at the same time as Ignatius of Loyola. Viret left Paris probably sometime in 1530. It seems an odd time for him to have departed, fearing for his life, for no widespread persecutions of evangelicals were taking place at that time.'' The ^nmd muifre of Montaigu. however, was none other than the . . nostre maistre Jehan Maioris Escossoys. lequel j'ay autresfoys ouy lire au colege de Montaigu." Pierre Viret. Disputations chrestiennes en maniere de Jeviz diviseespar dialogues. 3 vols. (Geneva: Jean Girard. 1544), I, 325. The possible intluence of John Major on John Calvin has been the subject of much controversy. For a good recent summary of the historiography on the issue, see Anthony N. S. Lane, John Calvin: Student of the Church Fathers (Edinburgh: T & T Clark. 1999). 16-25. The controversy revolves around the so-called "Reuter Thesis": In 1963. Karl Reuter argued that Calvin learned a Scotistic theology with anti-Pelagian and Augustinian tendencies from Major at Montaigu. Karl Reuter, Das Grundversldncinis der Theologie Calvins unter Einheziehung ihrer geschichtlichen Ahhdngigkeiten, Beitrage zur Geschichte und Lehre der Reformierten Kirche. 15 (Neukirchen: Neukirchener Verlag des Erziehungsvereins, 1963). Reuter has had supporters who have looked for parallels between Major and Calvin (see. e.g., Patrick Le Gal, La Droit Canonique dans la pensee dialecticpie de .Jean Calvin (Fribourg: Editions universitaires Fribourg Suisse, 1984); T. F. Torrance. The Hermeneutics of John Calvin (Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press. 1988). 80-95), and he has had detractors, notably Ale.vandre Ganoczy (Le Jeune Calvin: Genese et evolution de sa vocation reformatrice (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1966). 187-92) and Anthony N. S. Lane (op. cit.). Ganoczy argued against Reuter's thesis saying, first of all. that Calvin was only an arts student at Montaigu and therefore would not have heard theology lectures from Major, and second, that the Scotistic elements of Calvin's thought pointed to by Reuter appear only in his later works; there is no trace of them in the 1536 Institutes. Lane questions whether Calvin and Major even overlapped at Montaigu and criticizes the attempts to draw parallels between the two men as not being specific enough. The arguments of Ganoczy and Lane seem to be stronger than those of Reuter and his supporters, but //Calvin at some point later in life was intluenced by Major's writings, perhaps it was Major's student and Calvin's close friend. Pierre Viret. who directed Calvin to them. ' 'liamaud (Pierre Viret. 35). however, points to a second-hand report from 74 arch-enemy of all things smacking of heterodoxy. NocM Beda. whose ever-increasing hostility towards evangelical ideas may have made Viret feel compelled to leave Paris before receiving a degree. For whatever reasons and at whatever exact time Viret left Paris, he was back home in Orbe when Farel visited in April 1531. Farel had been operating in Switzerland with very few qualified fellow ministers to help him shoulder the burden, and he jumped at the opportunity to recruit Viret for the ministry. Farel must have been quite confident Oecolampadius that Gerard Roussel and Jacques Lefevre d'Etaples were being pursued: "Gallia tardius accedet Christo. Nuntiant enim qui inde hoc Pasc[h|a venerunt. Episcopos et Theologos multum grassari in eos qui Christum protltentur. Ad quod non solum tacet Rex. sed et minatur ignem doctissimis Gerardo Rufo et Jacobo Fabri. et aliis. nisi dissuaserint sorori quod persuaserunt. videoque optimos nostros aniicos qui illic. valde sibi metuere." Flerminjard. II. 249-50 (No. 290). Oecolampadius to Zwingli. Basel. May 4, 1530. Lefevre did. in fact, leave Paris for Marguerite's court at Nerac soon thereafter, and Bamaud suggests that Viret left Paris around the same time for fear of persecution. On the other hand, in July 1530. faculty of theology member Martial Mazurier received a mere slap on the wrist for his heterodox opinions on the priesthood of all believers, veneration of the saints, and satisfaction for sin: ". . . dominus syndicus Beda dixit ei [Mazurier] quod argumentum factum per eum in examinando predict! baccalarii. quo voluit probare omnes christianos esse sacerdotes per argumenta luthcranorum. plurimum scandalizavit non solum baccalarium sed alios tres magistros qui cum eo cxaminabant predictum baccalarium; et similiter argumentum in magisterio magistri nostri Frizon in aula domini episcopi Parisiensis. quo voluit probare quod Deus non precepit venerari et adorare ymagines sanctorum; et etiam aliud argumentum. quo voluit probare nos non teneri ad aliquam satisfactionem pro peccatis, quia Christus sufficienter pro omnibus satisfecit; et quod non deberet tales materias. cum sint omnino odiose et scandaloze. proponere. quia frequenter fuit alias reprehensus. et quod amodo caveat; quibus auditis. post deliberationem fuit ei prohibitum ne amodo sic de talibus disputaret; qui promisit cavere sibi." James K. Farge. ed. Registre Jus proces-verhaux de la Faculle clc Theologie tie rUniversiie de Paris de Janvier 1524 a novemhre 1533. Textes et documents sur Fhistoire des universites (Paris; Aux amateurs de livres. 1990). 234. ofhis young protege's abilities, tor he left Orbe on May 5. one day before Viret preached his first sermon. Moreover, soon after Farel arrived in Grandson, he summoned Viret to assist his reform etTorts there.'" As might be expected, they were not well received by the people of Grandson, and once again Bern had to step in to reprimand the citizens for their ill treatment of the ministers.'^ Viret remained in Grandson for only two months, and little is known ofhis activities there at this time. By all accounts, he and Farel seem only to have strengthened the resolve of the town to remain Catholic. On successive visits. Farel met with ever-increasing hostility.'^ and the people repeatedly complained to Bern and Fribourg about his aggressive proselytizing, protesting their desire "to live and die in the manner of our predecessors."'^ '"The precise date of Viret's arrival in Grandson is unknown, but Farel testifies that he was there by May 18: "Le jour de 1'Ascension [May 18| . .. avoir presche de Glantinis ches les moynes. laissant Viret pour prescher apres disner. . . Herminjard. II. 372-73 (No. 358). [Farel to the deputies of Bern and Fribourg]. Grandson, [ca. October 8. 15311. "De Glantinis," or Claude de Giant, had been a priest in Yverdon before joining up with Farel in the Prevote of Moutier in 1530. See Guillaunie Farel. 202. '^"Nous entendons tousjours vostre bon vouloir qu'aves enver[s| nous et I'obeissance que nous debves pourter. en ce que ceul.x que blasphement Dieuz et mesprisent sa saincte Parolle. [vous les| entretenes. deffendes et maintenes. vous mocquant de ceulx que vous avons envojer pour annuncer I'Evangilc de Dieuz, commc maistre Guilliaume Farel et Glaude de Glantain et aultres .... De quoy avons grand regraict. vous advertissant que dure punition en sera faicte. Sur ce vous s^aches entretenir." Herminjard. II. 340-41 (No. 342). Council of Bern to the Council of Grandson, Bern. June 7. 1531. '"'See Vuilleumier. 68-70; (liiillaume Farel. 271-73. '"^"Pourquoy. tres-honnores Scignieurs. la plupart de vos dits subjectz habitans de ceste ville. prions et supplions. pour Thonneur de Dieu. en actcndans le vouloir d'lcelluy. 76 Viret. having returned to Orbe in the summer of 1531. was making somewhat better progress. On Easter Sunday. 1532. over seventy people attended Viret's sermon."' seven times the number who had attended Fare!"s services one year before, but still a relatively small minority in a town of approximately a thousand people.'^ Part of Viret's success must be ascribed to his status as native son. Nearly all of the reformers active in the Siiixsc romande - e.g.. Farel. Antoine Froment. /Vntoine Saunier. Antoine Marcourt. Christophe Fabri. and later, of course, Calvin and Beza - were French. As foreigners. they would have been viewed suspiciously even before opening their mouths and spewing forth heretical ideas. Viret. one the other hand, was a native of Vaud and would have been more likely to get at least a sympathetic hearing. Moreover. Viret appears to have been far less inclined to acts of iconoclasm than many of his colleagues, including Farel nous laisser dorescnavant vivre et morir en la sorte ct maniere de noz bons anciens predecesseurs. avoir noz messes et offices accoustumes. sans aulcun empcschement.. .." Herminjard, II. 367-68 (No. 357). the Catholics of Grandson to the deputies of Bern and Fribourg. Grandson. [October 7. 1531 ]. .. [nous] prions de rechief ct supplions icelle vostre notable Seigneurie obtenir d'iceulx nos dits Seigneurs de Berne [de] ne nous contraindre aulcunement vivre en ses nouvelles fassons; nous laisser aussi et desormais entretenir aux affaires ecclesiasticques en la mode, fasson et maniere que noz bons predecesseurs ont vescu par cy-devant. desquelz a I'ayde de Dieu desirons estre vrays imitateurs .. .." Herminjard. II. 400-0! (No. 370). the Benedictines and Catholics of Grandson to the Council of Fribourg. Grandson. [Janurary 18-24. 1532]. '^"Le dit jour de Piiques [ 1532] fut faite la Cene par Pierre Viret. predicant, a la forme que dessus. et s"y trouva tant d'hommes que d'enfants 54, et de femmes 23." Pierrefleur. 65. '^The figure is based on the number of male heads-of-household (227) who voted in the 1554 plus (Vuilleumier, 579. n. 5), adjusted to include women and children. 77 and especially his tellovv townsman. Christophe Holland. The Catholic chronicler of Orbe. Pierrefleur. never misses an opportunity to relate in detail everv' act of iconoclasm in and around the town, and when possible, he names names - more often than not. he points the finger at Hollard;"* he does not accuse Viret of the act even once. Though Pierretleur clearly disapproves of Viret's religious convictions and is critical of him at times.'*' he sometimes cannot conceal his admiration for the bright young reformer from Orbe: He wrote and started several books, in French and Latin; among others was the book entitled Le testament Jii purgatoire. another regarding divine providence and predestination, and another about the world going into decline, as well as several other books. He had such a good reputation that he was the most beloved and advanced of the people and great lords of his religion.'" By contrast. Picrrefleur has nothing but contempt for the iconoclast Hollard. It seems reasonable to assume that many Catholics in Vaud would ha\ e reacted to Viret in a manner similar to Pierrefleur: yes. he's young, presumptuous, and wrong, but at least he's not French or an iconoclast. '"See below. 81-83. ' 'See below, note 31. •""11 fit ct commen^a plusieurs livres. tant en fran^ais qu'en latin, entre autres fit le livre intitule Le testament dii purgatoire. et un autre touchant la divine providence et predestination [Familiere et ample instruction en la doctrine chrestienne et principalement touchant la divine Providence et predestination], et un autre parlant du monde qui va a I'empire [Le monde a I 'empire\. et plusieurs autres livres. 11 fut en grand bruit, tellement qu il etait le plus aime et avance des gens et grands seigneurs de sa religion." Pierrefleur. 28-29. Though none of Viret's e.xtant works is entitled Le 78 testmient ciu pu^atoire. Pierrelleur is probably referring to his Requiescunt in pace Ju Piirgaloire. 79 Iconoclasm in the Suisse romande Viret seems to have been the exception rather than the rule, though. Most of his colleagues approved of and actively participated in numerous acts of iconoclasm. The early inconoclasm carried out by evangelicals in French-speaking Switzerland differed markedly from earlier image removal in German-speaking Protestant lands. First of all. one must keep in mind that most Lutherans left images in the churches alone. Luther thought with Gregor\' the Great that images were the "books of the illiterate" and could be tolerated in the churches as long as they were not worshiped. In the German-speaking areas more heavily intluenced by Zwingli's thought, however, image removal was carried out immediately after a town's decision to adopt the Reformation. 1 use the phrase "image removal" rather than "iconoclasm." for in most cases, the "purification" of the churches took place in an orderly fashion, under the close superv ision of the city councils, which would then either return items of value to the original donors or sell them off to Catholic lands for a profit."' The city of Basel was an e.xception. A majority of Basel's citizens wanted the Reformation firmly established, and when they thought the city council was dragging its feet, over two hundred people took matters into their own hands on February 9. 1528. and stormed the churches on a three-hour iconoclastic rampage."" In contrast to both the usual, organized means of image removal and the mass "'On this iconoclasm in the early Reformation, see. esp.. Wandel. Vorucious klols and Violent Hands. iconoclasm in Basel, the image destruction in the Suisse romanJe was usually carried out illegally and often covertly by a single individual or a very small group of people who were in the religious minority. It was. in effect, a kind of "evangelical terrorism." a means of violently upsetting the religious status quo in a way that could not be ignored by the Catholic majority. Regardless of the usually negative initial reaction of the people, these subversive acts at least got the people talking through a highly visible representation of the evangelicals" e.xtreme opposition to images and the "idolatry" they fostered. To draw a modem parallel, ecoterrorists like the Earth Liberation Front, for example, know quite well that their actions are not likely to gain any immediate sympathy among the majority of people, but that is not their primary goal. Their aim is. first to damage and weaken the institutions responsible for the perceived "atrocities." and second, to force people to ask the question, "why?" When people then begin to search for the reasons behind the terrorist acts, they might begin to see things from a different point of view, which is the first step towards change, the ultimate goal of some terrorists. We see a similar psychology at work among the iconoclasts in French-speaking Switzerland. In fact, if we take the stated guidelines of the Earth Liberation Front and simply substitute a few words, we come closer to understanding what these early "evangelical terrorists" were up to: Earth l.ibcrtation Front (lconocla.st) Guidelines: •"Wandel, Vorucious Idols and l iolcnl Hands. 149-89. 81 To inflict economic damage on those profiting from the destruction and exploitation of the natural environment (human souls). To reveal and educate the public on the atrocities committed against the earth (Christ) and all species (Christians) that populate it (who make up Christ's body)."^ Although the early iconoclasm in the Suisse romande is well documented in the published sources, no one has yet attempted to analyze it in detail. Although I cannot provide here the analysis the subject deserves. I would like to examine it briefly and make some preliminary observations. First, many acts of iconoclasm were covert, carried out anonymously under cover of night. I have alluded to one such instance in chapter one. when the altar in Ormont was destroyed; "The altar of Baal, or Antichrist, was nearly destroyed recently .. . w hich caused the greatest gnimbling (nuiximus murmur) of the people. Some threatened to kill whoever dared to do such a thing.""^ The perpetrator was unknown; no one claimed responsibility, but it would have been obvious that it had been a hardcore evangelical. The "grumbling" of the people indicates that the action did. in fact, get people talking, and their outrage over the event reveals how far they really were from embracing the Reformed faith, despite the promises they had made to the Bernese to do so. Pierrefleur relates several instances of anonymous iconoclasm in and around Orbe and comments on one such occurrence; """Earth Liberation Front Guidelines copied from the organization's official website; The following Thursday [May 11. 15311, the Lutherans toppled over two stone crosses, a beautiful one in the cemetary of Saint-Germain, which had been very expensive to make, the other was no meaner and was not far from the city gate . . . . This was done at night, so that no one would know who had done it. The custom of the Lutherans was such that if they would have seen an image, whether of God. the Virgin Marv. a saint, or a crucifix, w ith a painted devil on it. they would have broken the crucifix or image without touching the devil at all . . . From this we can see that the evangelicals were interested in destroying not only the images in churches but any "idol" they could find in a public place. Pierrefleur's implication that they performed these acts at night to avoid punishment was probably right on the mark. The evangelicals probably feared violent recrimination by the people, however, more than official punishment by the governmental authorities. The Bernese did not look kindly on unauthorized iconoclasm by their preachers or subjects, but they did little beyond writing threatening letters to halt such activity. This realization seems to have encouraged the evangelicals to act more aggresively and openly. Later in May, Christophe Hollard destroyed an image of the Virgin Mar\' and a crucifix right in front of amba.ssadors from not only Bern but also Fribourg. Pierrefieur was "astounded at the patience of the ambassadors of Fribourg. who "^"Le jeudi suivant [ 11 May 15311 furent deroches par les lutheriens deux croix de pierre, dont Tune etait sur le cemetiere de Saint-Germain, fort belle et qui avait ete de grand costange [cout] a faire. I'autre qui n'etait pas guere moindre et non guere distante de la porte de la ville. en une croisee de chemin tendant pour aller aux Clees et I'autre chemin pour aller a Ranees. Cela se fit de nuit. par quoi Ton ne put savoir qui avail fail cela. La coutume des dits lutheriens etait telle que s'ils eussent vu une image, fut de Dieu ou de la Vierge Marie, ou de saint, ou un crucifix, auxquelles images il y eusse eu un diable peinte. ils eussent gate crucifix et autre, sans faire aucun attouchement au diable . . . Pierrelleur. 31. 83 were present and made no resistance besides a complaint.""'' Again, two months later, in July 1531. Hollard knocked down the altar in Orbe's main church, "with the people present, who all looked on with great regret and did not do anything to him because they thought that he had some mandate from the lords of Bern.The ne.xt day. Hollard and "about eleven or twelve accomplices" destroyed a total of twenty-si.x altars in the area, but "the divine office did not cease in the town," Pierretleur notes with a hint of triumph, "for instead of altars, table were brought in for the chanting of the mass.""" From these examples, we get a better idea of which objects were being targeted for destruction. Contrary to what one might expect, they were not primarily images of the . . a Orbe .. . precha Farel en presence des dits ambassadeurs. en la presence desquels Christophe Hollard brisa une image de Notre-Dame. dont la reparation avait coute la dite annee six ecus, et gata un crucifix sans avoir aucun regret; dont grandement je m'emerveille de la grand soufferte des ambassadeurs de Fribourg. qui etaient presents sans faire aucune resistance, fors que ils se plaignirent." Pierrefieur. 32 (May 153 1). "^La dimanche fete de la Vierge Marie, qui est I*"'jour de juillet, fut deroche et mis par terre le grand autel etant au choeur de la grande eglise de Notre-Dame en la ville d'Orbe par Christophe Hollard, present le populaire. qui tous le regardaient a leur grand regret, et sans lui rien faire; la cause etait pour ce qu'ils pensaient que le dit Christophe cut aucun mandement des seigneurs de Berne." Pierretleur. 37 (July 2. 1531). "*"Successivement le lundi suivant [July 3. 15311. le dit Christophe, joints et avec lui environ onze ou douze de ses complices, derocherent tous les autres autels etant tant en la dite eglise [de Notre-Dame] que es autres eglises. qui sont en nombre sept, c'est a savoir la grande eglise de la ville. le convent de Sainte-Claire. I'hopital. Saint-Germain. Saint-Martin et Saint-Alloy. Notre-Dame des Vignes. laquelle depuis fut par eux derochee et mise a fleur de terre. dont ce fut dommage: car elle etait belle et de grande devotion pour lors d'adonques. En icelui jour furent deroches 26 autels. mais pour ce le divin office ne cessa point en la dite ville. car au lieu des autels. on portait tables sur lesquelles on chantait la sainte messe." Pierrefieur, 37-38 (July 3, 1531). 84 saints but altars and crucifixes. The focus on altars brings us back to the reformers" intense assault on the mass. Just as their chief theological and practical concern was with the abolition of the mass, so their iconoclastic activity centered on the physical locus of the sacrament, the altar. The evangelicals saw the altar as the place where the priest performed his ultimate act of deception, pretending magically to transform the elements into the body and blood of Christ and offering him up to God in a sacriligious oblation that denied Christ's original sacrifice on the cross. Pierretleur himself seems to recognize that the iconoclasts' chief goal was the disruption of the mass. Although the mass continued to be said without the physical altar, the evangelicals" iconoclastic attacks on the altar symbolized their deeper theological abhorrence of the mass. The Orbe evangelicals" targeting of the altar appears to have been representative of the iconoclasm in other areas of the Suisse ronumcie. Also in 1531. the townspeople of Grandson complained that the preachers were "violently destroying the altars, crosses, images, baptistry, and other decorations in the church."""'' Later in the year, they reiterated their grievance that the preachers and "several other foreigners (eirangers)" were "violently destroying with force of arms, like senseless madmen, the altars, images, crosses, and reparations in the parochial church and prior\' of Grandson and other .. toutes icelles ordonnances par les dits evangelistes et leurs predicateurs, sans en avoir Toccasion. sont este tou.sjours rompucs. en destruisans violentement les aultelz. croix. ymaige.s. baptistiere ct aultres decorations d'esgli.se."" Hcrminjard. II. 367 (No. 357), Catholics of Grand.son to the deputies of Bern and Fribourg. Grandson. [October 7. 15311. 85 neighboring villages."^'' We note, first of all. the repetition ot" "altars" at the beginning of both lists of destroyed objccts, a likely indication that they were the chief targets of the iconoclasts in Grandson as well as Orbe. If that was not. in fact, the case, the only other reasonable explanation would be that the altars were seen by the townspeople as the most important things attacked by the evangelicals. Either interpretation, however, singles out the altar as the focal point of Catholic religious culture. Second, we note the repetition of the phrase "violently destroying" (detruisant violenlemenl). with the second quotation adding, "like senseless madmen" (cumme ^ens forcenes et dehors de sens). This shows, first, that these were public displays of iconoclasm. since there were apparently witnesses, and second, that it was nothing like the organized removal of images that had been the norm in German-speaking lands. These were apparently violent iconoclastic rampages, full of emotional zeal for purging churches of "idolotry." Georges de Rive s report to the countess of Neuchatel of the iconoclasm that took place in Neuchatal in 1530 likewise indicates an emotional, rampaging inconoclasm: . . . some citizens {hoiirfieois) of Neuchatel tore down certain images in your church and broke them into pieces; others they hurled down to the floor of the "'"Mais des predicans sus-nommes [Guillaume Farel and Claude de Glant|. ensemble plusieurs aultres estrangiers joumellement sourvenans . . . aye este fait... plusieurs voulentes. scandalisacions. tribulacions et empeschemens, tant a leur sermons, messes, et offices accoustumes, que en destruisant violentement a main armee. comme gens forcenes et dehors du sens, les aultelz. ymaiges, croi.\ et reparemens de Tesglise parrochiale d'icelle vostre ville de Granson, aussi du Priore du dit lieu et d'aultres villaiges circonvoisins." Herminjard, 11, 390 (No. 364). the town of Grandson to the Council of Bern. Grandson, [end of 15311. 86 cloister: and they cut otTthe noses and pierced the eyes of the painted images, even of Our Lady of Pity .... The next day, some [soldiers] armed with pikes, a.Kes. and hammers, furiously came into your church and destroyed the crucifi.x of Our Lord, the image of Our Lady and of Saint John and took the paten which held the body of the Lord and threw it onto the ground in the cemetery and distributed the hosts to each other to eat like common bread. They destroyed the altars without leaving a single one, and the church was polluted and violated, and even some canons and chaplains in the church were beaten and crushed.^' Both this passage and the one above regarding iconoclasm in Grandson^" bring yet another element into the picture: the use of weapons. It was as if the evangelicals were, as the title of Carlos Eire's study indicates, declaring "war against the idols.This was not simply an ideological war but an actual physical assault with weaponry on centerpieces of Catholic worship. We see once again the destruction of every altar. When we consider all the episodes together now. we see that the other most frequently . . aucuns bourgeois de la ville de Neufchastel renverserent certaines images dans vostre eglise et les rompirent par pieces, et d'autres qu'ils ruerent el jctterent en bas le cloitre: et aus tableaus avec instrumens ont coupe les nes aus images et perce les yeu.\. mesmement a Nostre Dame de pitie .... Neanmoins, le lendemain. aucuns armes de pioches. de haches et de marteaus vinrent en vostre dite eglise furieusement et abbattircnt le crucifix de Nostre Seigneur. I'image de Nostre Dame et de Saint Jehan et prirent les prirent les patenes oil estoit corpus Domini, et les jetterent en bas le cimitiere et donnerent a manger les hosties comme simple pain les uns aus autres. [Ils| ont rompu Ics autels. sans en laisser un, et la dite eglise polluee el violee. el voire batius cl opprimes aucuns chanoines et chapelains dans la dite eglise. et illec commis plusieurs autres maux que trop prolixe seroient a escrire." Herminjard, II. 292, 293 (No. 317), Georges de Rive to the countess of Neuchatel. Neuchatel. November 20. 1530. ""See abo\ e. n. 30. ' 'Carlos M. N. Eire. War against the kluls: The Reformation oj IVorship fnwi Erasmus to Calvin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1986). Eire is more concerned with the philosophical and theological opposition to images in the thought of major intellectuals. He does not examine the actions of the Swiss iconoclasts in detail. 87 mentioned targets of the iconoclasts were crucifixes and images of the Virgin Mary, the two most widely venerated objects among Catholics. From the evangelical perspective, the veneration of the cross and Marv . given the stamp of approval for "e.xcess" veneration (hypeniiilia) by the Church, drew poor, ignorant Christians away from the true worship of Christ.^^ We should note that absent from all these descriptions of early iconoclasm in Suisse romande are accounts of the destruction of images of local saints. The destruction of the image of Saint John in Neuchatel is the only specific reference we have ^"*Viret explains and comments on the tripartite division of adoration in his Faniilar Exposition of the Ten Coninuindments: "[Daniel| lis [the sophists| la [adoration] divisent en trois parties, desquelles ils appellent la premiere Latria. laquelle ils disent appartenir au seul Dieu. ... lis appellent la seconde Dulia. qui est aussi un nom Grcc. comme le premier, et signifie service, ou servitude. La troisieme est appelle Hyperdulia. qui est un nom compose en partie de ce second icy. pour signifier quelque degre davantage qu'iceluy. Suivant cette division, ils prennent la premiere espece. pour la plus excellente. reservee au seul Dieu. La seconde. pour la moindre; laquelle ils ottroyent a tous les saincts personnages. et a leurs reliques et images. En apres ils prennent la troisieme pour moyenner entre ces deux, et I'attribuet aux creatures qu'ils estiment les plus e.xcellentes. entre celles qui ont servy a la gloire de Dieu: lesquelles ils ne osent pas du tout comparer a Dieu, ny eslever en semblable dignite .... lis ont controuve expressement ceste troisieme espece. pour la vierge Marie, el pour la Croix en laquelle Jesus Christ a este crucifie. [Timothy] Je ne puis bonnement entendre ceste distinction, ne I'intention de ceux qui font controuvee. si tu ne la me declaires plus facilement.... [Daniel] Comment fentendrois-tu. quand ceux mesmes qui ont forge ce.ste nouvelle theologie ne f entendent pas pour la plus part? Parquoy je te laisse a penser. comment le povre menu peuple se peut gouvemer parmy ces distinctions, et comment il les distingue quand il est question d'adorer Dieu et les saincts. et Icur reliques et images, selon leur doctrine." Pierre Viret. Exposition familicre sur les dix Comnumdemens de la Loy. faite en forme de Dialogues (Geneva; Jean Gerard. 1554). 109-10. 88 encountered to an assault on a saint other than Mar\'. Protestant opposition to the veneration of a wide array of saints and the intercessory prayers offered to them has become a commonplace in any general overview of the Reformation. The actions of these early iconoclasts in French-speaking Switzerland, however, seem to indicate that these were relatively minor concerns. Far more important for them was. first, the heinously idolatrous and sacriligious sacrifice of the mass and. second, the excessive veneration offered to the crucifix and the Virgin Mary. The increasingly widespread iconoclasm of 1530-1531, together with the complaints it generated, finally forced Bern and Fribourg to draft religious ordinances for the peaceful coexistence of the two religions in the common lordships of Orbe and Grandson.^" With regard to iconoclasm, "We expressly prohibit that anyone of his own authority be so rash as to break, knock down, deface, or destroy altars, images, and church reparations where the vote has not been made to establish the Word of God. The key problem with the iconoclasm of 1531 from Bern's perspective was that it was ^'Pierrefleur reproduced the ordinance for Orbe. Pierretleur. 61-63 (January 30. 1532). The ordinances for Grandson are printed in Herminjard. II. 401-04 (No. 371). Bern and Fribourg to their subjects in the lordship of Grandson. Bern. January 30. 1532. Herminjard notes that the ordinance for Orbe. unlike that for Grandson, does not make any mention of the surrounding villages, "ce qui prouve que les doctrines reformees comptaient encore bien peu de sectateurs a Montcherand. Chavomay. Ependes. Goumoens-la-Ville. Echallens. etc." Ihid. 404. n. 6. ^''"Aussy deffendons expressement que nulli de sa propre auctorite soyt si hardi de rompre. abbattre. gastez et destruire les aultclz. images et reparations des cglises out le plus ne sera faict de prendre la Parolle de Dieu." Herminjard. II. 404. flie ordinance 89 being carried out without proper authority, i.e.. Bern's authority. The Bernese had no great love of" images, but loose cannons taking matters in their own hands undermined not only the public peace but also their own authority. The 1532 ordinances for Orbe and Grandson did not put a complete stop to iconoclasm in the Suisse romande, but the evidence suggests that they do seem to have been effective at least for Orbe and Grandson. In addition to mandates from Bern and Fribourg. some of the reformers themselves began to question the usefulness of unauthorized iconoclasm and agreed that image removal should be left up to the Christian magistrate, not preachers and certainly not individual laymen. This comes through most clearly in the appendix to Antoine Marcourt's 1534 treatise. Declaration tie la messe. written by the mysterious "Cephas Geranius." who may well have been Pierre Viret.^' In any case. "Geranius" tells priests that they should attempt to abolish idolatry "by the living and powerful Word of God, as it pertains to you; princes and governors, on the other hand, are enjoined to ruin and wipe against iconoclasm for Orbe is identical. Pierrefleur. 62. ^^See Arthur Piaget. Les actes de la Dispute de Lausanne. 1536. puhlies integralemenl d'apres le manusa it de Berne (Neuchatel; Secrtnariat de TUniversite. 1928). xii-xviii; Robert Hari. "Les Placards de 1534." in Gabrielle Berthoud. et al.. Aspects de lapropagande religieuse. Travaux dT lumanisme et Renaissance. 28 (Geneva; Droz. 1957). 79-142; here. 133-38. Gabrielle Berthoud prefers to leave the question open, saying there is not enough evidence to name Viret as the author. Gabrielle Berthoud. Antoine Marcuurt: Reformatcur et pumphletaire du "Livre des Marchans " aitx Placards de /5i-/. Travaux dTlumanisme et Renaissance. 129 (Geneva: Droz. 1973). 244-51. 90 out such idolatry by any means necessar) ."^* "Geranius" specifically distinguishes between the duties of ministers and secular authorities. Ministers are to preach against idolatry', but the task of annihilating idolatry, i.e.. the removal of images, belongs to the secular authorities. This is clearly a critique of the kind of unorganized iconoclasm common in the early years of the evangelical movement in French-speaking Switzerland. Even if Pierre Viret was not "Geranius." he later adopted the same ideas with regard to '"•"Las mes iresaymez considerez en quel espoventable inconvenient, en quel peril et danger de perdition vous estes. voyans devant voz yeu.x et communicans a telz horribles blasphemes contre la majeste et bonte de dieu. Parquoy delaissez et abandonnez telle idolatrie. sortans de Babylonne: ou bien oslant le mal dentre vous resistez de vostre povoir et labolissez, comme ce vray ministre Moyse. et ces vrays Roys Asa, Josaphat, Josias. Ezechias, et Manasse. Mais plus par la vive et puissante parolle de dieu: ainsi que a vous appartient. combien que au.x Princes et gouverneurs est enjoinct de ruiner et aneantir telle idolatrie, par tout moyen qui soil." Declaration de la Me.s.se, F4v°. Christopher Elwood. in arguing that the reformers were issuing a call for action on the part of the laity, badly distorts the meaning of this passage with his translation: ". . . "Cephas Geranius," the psuedonymous editor of Marcourt's Declaration de la niesse. implores those in "danger of perdition" to "forsake and abandon such idolatry, leaving Babylon. Or else remove the evil from among you. resist it with all your might and abolish it. as did the true minister Moses and the true kings Asa. Jehosaphat. Josiah. 1 lezekiah. and Manasseh. And what is more, the living and powerful word of God enjoins you just as much as it does princes and governors to ruin and destroy such idolatry by any available means'" Christopher Elwood. The Body Broken: The Calvinist Doctrine oj the Eucharist and the Symholization oj Power in Sixteenth-C entury France. Oxford Studies in Historical Theology (Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1999), 49, emphasis added. Elwood ignores, in the first place, that this is specifically addressed to the clergy, not the laity. Secondly, he completely mistranslates the italicized portion of the text, rendering "mais plus" as "And what is more" rather than ""but more by"" and ignoring both the "ainsi que a vous appartient" ("as it pertains to you") and the "combien que" ("although"), a clear mark that the duties of princes and governors are different from those of the clergy. 91 iconoclasm,^'^ as did John Calvin/" Nevertheless, although organized image removal by the secular authorities later became the "official" Reformed position on iconoclasm. the early evangelicals in the Suisse romande. including Farel. Hollard. and Marcourt. agreed - based on their actions, at least - that unauthorized image- and altar-breaking was a fully acceptable method of advancing the cause of the Gospel. E.g.. . . il [the minister) n'est pas tenu ny oblige, d'empoigner les armes et le glaive, et d'usurper a soy, roftke du Prince ct du magistral, el de se mesler de faire ce qui est proprement et specialement commis au magistral, pour garder ordre entre les hommes. II ne liiy appartient done pas. d uller de son auforile cihaCre et miner les idolcs. el de punir au corps, ceu.x qui conlreviennent a la parole de Dieu. Car cela n'est pas de Tofflce du ministre ecclesiastique. et encore moins. d'un homme particulier." Pierre Virel. Remonstrances aitx fideles. qui conversent entre les papistes: et principalement a ceux qui son! en court, et qui ont offices puhliques. touchcmt les moyens qu ilz doivent tenir en leur vocation, a I exemple des anciens servitcurs de Dieu. sans contrevenir a leur devoir, ny envers Dieu. ny envers leur prochain: et sans se mettre temerairement en dan<4er. et donner par leur temerite el pur leur coulpe. juste occasion a lews adversaircs de les mal traitter (Geneva; Jean Girard. 1547), 29-30. emphasis added. ^"See Oberman. "Calvin and Farel." 51-56. The novelty of Calvin's shift towards moderation that Oberman identifies may not have been quite as momentous as he makes il seem. As we sec here, criticism of unorganized iconoclasm had been made within the French-speaking movement as early as 1534. Nor is his charaterizaiion of Virel following the same path of "agiiation and confrontation" (59) as Farel entirely accurate, as we see in the note above, n. 39. 92 Religious Coexistence and the Slow Path to Reform in the Common Lordships The iconoclasm of the early 1530"s in the common lordships certainly had little short-term effect, other than alienating many of the Catholics further from the evangelicals. Between 1531 and Bern's conquest of the rest of Vaud in 1536. only the small parishes of Fiez and Yvonand in the lordship of Grandson voted to abolish the mass. Elsewhere, the two sides dug in for what would be a long but surprisingly tumult- free battle for religious supremacy. Contrary to popular belief, official and largely peaceful coexistence of two competing religions in one area was not unthinkable in the sixteenth centur>'. That w as exactly the situation in many of the approximately twenty- five parishes in the common lordships Grandson and Orbe-Echallens throughout the century. The prohibition of unauthorized iconoclasm constituted only one small paragraph in the ordinances drawn up by Bern and Fribourg for the lordships of Cirandson and Orbe. The other provisions laid out in detail exactly how Catholics and Protestants were to live together peacefully. The ordinance first established the times and places for the two worship services. In Grandson, the "Word of God" was to be announced every day in the priory, at the appointed time, "without any contradiction, obstacle, or nuisance." The Protestants had the church in winter, from 7:00-8:00 a.m. and in the summer from 6:00- 7:00.'" Immediately before and after those times the church would be used by the . . ordonnons que en la ville de Granson. en Tesglise des moynes [the prior>' of 93 Catholics tor the mass and other ceremonies "as long as they do not interfere with the sermon, nor the sermon with the aforementioned ceremonies."^" On Sundays and feast days the Protestants could also preach in the Franciscan cloister for one hour before vespers.*^ The ordinance further stated, "We also wish that each person have his own free will to go to either the sermon or the mass and other offices of the Church.'"^"* It was. in effect, a form of religious toleration highly unusual for the time. Everyone had complete freedom to go to either the Protestant sermon or the Catholic mass. One should not push this point too far, however. This religious toleration was bom out of practical necessity, not out of philosophical conviction. In their own lands, neither Bem nor Fribourg allowed any such deviance IVom the state religion. The problem in the common lordships was that the two lords held two different religions, and neither would allow the other the right to choose the official religion. And so it was left up to the parishioners themselves. Despite Zurich's loss in the St. John the Baptist], tous les jours soit annuncee la Parolle de Dieu. sans contrediction. obstacle et ennuys quelconques, a Theure establie, ass^avoyr: en temps d'hyver depuys la St. Michel jusques a Pasques. au mattin de sept jusques a huyl. en este, de si.\ heures jusques a sept heures." Merminjard. II, 402. ^""Pareillement. en la dicte esglise seront tenues et dictcs. avant le sermon, les mattines et laudes. [et| apres. les aultres heures canonicques. la messe, ceremonies et offices de FEglise. comme par avant. par condition que icelles n'empechent la predication, ne aussy la predication les susdictes cerimonies." Merminjard. 11. 402. '^"Les Dimenches et testes. Ton pourra precher au cloystre des Cordeliers, aussy une heure appres disner. avant les vespres." Hemiinjard. 11. 402. ""Nous coullons aussy que ung chescung ayt son libere arbitre d'aller au semion 94 second War ofKappel, the principles of the treaty following the first War of Kappel continued to guide religious affairs in the common lordships. These terms were very favorable for the Protestants, as is clear from the Grandson ordinance: ... we have ordered that in the parishes where the mass and the ceremonies have been abolished by the majority of parishioners, they must not be restored. In the parishes where the vote has not abolished the mass but where it and other offices nevertheless are not said or observed, that if the majority does not want the mass and the offices of the Church, they should cease and the Word of God be announced. And in parishes w here the majority wants to keep the mass and other ceremonies and offices of the Church, the Word of God should be armounced there as well, and if the least part wants to have the Gospel, this should not be denied.^^ It was a decidedly unfair arrangement for the Catholics, and one cannot help but wonder why the Fribourgeois did not fight it harder than they did. Part of the reason must have been that an agreement had also been made that Bern and Fribourg would divide the ecclesiastical goods of the parishes that voted to abolish the mass. Fribourg was therefore in a position to benefit economically even where it lost the religious battle. This had a downside as well, howe\ er. for part of the seized ecclesiastical goods had to go towards paying the Protestant ministers" salaries. Catholic Fribourg, therefore, was actually ou a la messe et aultres offices d"f:glisc .. . ." Herminjard. II, 403. .. avons ordonne que es parroiches esquelles la messe et les cerimonies sont amandees [read: abolies) par la pluspart des parroichiens. que icelles ne doibvent estre remyses ne relevees: et eis parroiches out le plus n'a oste la messe. et toutesfois jusques icy la messe et les aultres offices ne sont dits ne observes, que en icelles, sy la pluspart ne veult la messe et les offices de I'F.glise. que Ton cesse d'icelles, et la Parrolle de Dieu y soit annuncee: et es parroiches out la pluspart veult desmeurer a la messe et es aultres cerimonies et offices d'Eglise, que cella au.ssy ayt lieu, et si la moindre part veult avoyr 95 forced to fund Protestant preaching!""' The Fribourgeois were dealt another blow in 1538 at the conference of Singine. where it was decided that the Protestants could call for the vote on as many occasions as they wanted in the common lordships until the mass was abolished; in parishes where the mass had been eradicated, however, no subsequent votes on the issue would be allowed to take place - once the mass was abolished, it stayed abolished." Despite these significant advantages for the Protestants, in most places the pace of reform in the common lordships moved quite slowly. The Protestants won the vote at Fiez in 1531 and at Yvonand in 1533. Bern's conquest of Vaud in 1536 probably helped to inspire Concise. Onnens. and TEvangille. que celia ne doibt denegue." Herminjard. 11. 403. ^''The ManJalhiich for Grandson in the cantonal archives of Vaud. for e.xample. describes the negotiations between Bern and Fribourg after the town abolished the mass; "En oultre mes dits seigneurs ambassadeurs de Berne ont prie mes diets seigneurs ambassadeurs de Fribourg. que leur plaist s'adjoingdre avec eu.x, a continuer et ordonner une pension pour le ministre et prediquant de Grandson, competente a la forme des aultres lieu.\ et \ illes du Pays de Vauld. avec aussi quelque ayde competente pour un diacre, qui serat pour scr\ ir tant en la ditte ville de Grandson que es parroches de la seigneurie .... A laquelle requeste. mes diets seigneurs les ambassadeurs de Fribourg respondants. ont dit que en leurs instructions n'en avoyent point de charge, toutesfois quant est pour le prediquant du diet Grandson, ont accorde d"en ordonner. reser\ ant le bon voulloyr de messieurs leurs supcrieurs. et ainsi onl ordonne que le diet prediquant de Grandson percepvrogt de pension pour sa nourriture deu.x cens llorins monnoye Lausannayse ...." ACV Be 9/1. 135-36. Bern's position was not as awkward as Fribourg's. for Catholic priests lived off of ecclesiastical revenues, not salaries from the city's coffers. ^^See 1-. Dupraz. "Introduction de la Refomie par le "Plus" dans le bailliage d'Orbe-Echallens." Zcii.schrifi fiir schncizeriche Kirchcngeschichte 9(1915): 1-22. 99- 118. 192-203.268-88: 10 (1916): 50-73. 102-18. 209-23; here. 9 (1915): 8-11. 96 Champagne to vote Tor the sermon in 1537. and Giez tbllovved suit in 1538. After that, no parish voted to abolish the mass again until Provence did so in 1552. initiating a string of favorable votes for Protestantism in the next few years: Oulens went Protestant in 1553, Orbe. Grandson, and Montagny followed in 1554, and St. Mauris did so in 1555. Why did six parishes suddenly abolish the mass in the space of three years after none had done so for the previous fourteen? For at least part of the answer, we must look to the international political scene. The Swiss Confederation, one must keep in mind, was still technically part of the Holy Roman Empire, even though the Swiss had won virtual independence from the emperor at the turn of the sixteenth century. From Bern's adoption of the Reformation in 1528 to Charles Vs tlnal defeat in Germany in 1552. therefore, the prospect of an invasion by the emperor with the aid of the Catholic cantons loomed large in everyone's mind.^* It seems, therefore, that before 1552, several men in the common lordships had evangelical proclivities but were unwilling to declare themselves fully for the Protestant side for fear of reprisal should Charles descend upon the Bernese and bring their lands back into the Catholic fold. With Charles out of the picture in 1552. they felt free to vote their consciences. Let us not forget, however, that this addition of six parishes to the Reformed church only brought the percentage of Protestant churches in the common lordships to about 50%. Other areas, such as Mex (1570) and Goumoens (1575 ). did not abolish the mass until much later; some, like the ^''See below, ch. 4. 199-205. 97 town of Echallens. never did. This slow pace of reform in the common lordships was significant for a number of reasons. First, and most importantly, it meant that Catholicism never vanished completely from the Pays de Vaud. Despite Bern's imposition of Protestantism on the rest of the region in 1536, these little islands of Catholicism in the common lordships remained. Those unhappy with the new religion in Bern's lands, therefore, had the opportunity to continue to attend mass, have their children baptized by Catholic priests - although Bern declared these practices illegal - and marrj' into Catholic families. Second, these areas were a persistent thorn in the side of the Protestant refomiers. Viret was acutely aware of the situation in the common lordships since his own home town of Orbe did not abolish the mass until 1554. How could one devote energy to spreading the Reformed faith outward when one's own house was not yet in order? Third, the lordships provided a rare e.xample of religious freedom and toleration in the si.xteenth century. Viret would later draw on their e.xample when pushing for greater toleration of the French Huguenots. '*' These few small parishes in the common lordships of the Swiss ' 'n.g.. "Nous avons par dev'a des villes. csquelles les habitans avoient iiberte d'aller. ou a la Messe. ou au sermon, ou a tous les deus. et de vivre. ou selon lour vieille papisterie, ou selon la Reformation faite a la reigle de FEvangile. La cause de ceste Iiberte et diversite de religion, venoit de la diversite qui estoit aussi entre les Princes, en cest endroit. Et pourtant. les citoiens et habitans. de tels lieus. avoient par le commun accord des Princes de diverse religion, la liberie de suivre laquelle qu'ils vouloient. de ces deus religions, sans persecution, ne contrainte, ny d'un coste ny d'autre. II y a enocre aujourd'huy certains lieus, qui sont en semblable liberttv Les fideles et le Papistes qui y sont, y ont tous un mesme temple, auquel les Papistes ont Icurs autels, et leurs idoles. et 98 Confederation may not have been politically significant on the wider European scene, but any historian of early modem Switzerland or Calvinism needs to take them into consideration. The Swiss magistrates and reformers spent a disproportionate amount of energy worrying over them. We should look there first as well before eagerly crossing the border into France to look for religious tension. leurs autres instrumens d'idolatrie. et leurs heures delerminees. pour faire leur divin service. Les fideles de I'autre part, ont aussi leurs heures. et leur forme de service divin a part. Et quand les uns ont fait leur tour, les autres font le leur quand leur heure est v enue: et cela tout en un mesme temple, et par Taccord des Seigneurs qui ont la Seigneurie par ensemble." Pierre Viret. De la conmimication que ceus qui coi^noissenl la veriie de I Evangile. ont atis ceremonies des papisles. el principalemenl d leurs Baptesmes. Mariages. Messes. Funerallies, el Ohsec/ues pour les trespassez. Part 2 ol" Trailez divers pour I inslriiclion des fideles qui resident et conversent es lieus et pais esqueis il ne leur est permis de vivre en la purete el liherie de I Evani^ile (Gencv a: Jean Ri\ ery. 1559). 113- 14. 99 Deception and Confrontation in The Reformers* Use of the Printing Press to Reach a Wider Audience Any limited early success the reformers had in the common lordships must partly be ascribed to the simple fact that they were there, working in the towns and moving from place to place. They were not often able to stay in any one place for very long, however, due to the lack of Protestant ministers in French-spcaking Switzerland. By 1534. particularly following the affair of the placards in October, a number of additional preachers had arrived in the country, fleeing persecution in France. Though this influx of ministers helped, the recent arrivals were still not sufllcient to coverall the parishes Bern and the reformers wished to convert. Moreover, we must keep in mind that the prcachers were barred from entering all areas that were not allied with or under the control of Bern. This included Fribourg's lands and before 1536. the vast majority of the Pays de Vaud, with the e.xception of the common lordships. 'l"o reach these inaccessible areas, as well as France, the reformers turned to the printing press. Unlike Germany, or to some e.\tent even France, where the reformers exploited the printing presses from the very beginning, in Francophone Switzerland they moved a great deal more slowly. Farel began his ministry in Switzerland in 1527. but it was not until 1532 that the first Protestant work in French would be printed in Switzerland - De la tressuincte cene tie noslre Sei^^neiir Jesus el de la messe qu on chanle conimunenietU.^'^ ^"[Guillaume Farel? and Pierre Viret?|. De La Tressaincte Cene tie noslre Seigneur Jesus: El De La Messe cfuon chanle communemenl ([Basel: Thomas Wolff". 100 Several things are worth noting about this text. First, the fact that it was printed in German-speaking Basel highlights one of the problems the reformers encountered early on in Switzerland and helps to explain why ihey did not print anything there until 1532: there simply were no printers in the French-speaking areas who were sympathetic to the Protestant cause. Again, we note the difference from Germany, where the printers were among Luther's first adherents. Second, the subject of the treatise, as the title indicates, is the difference between the Lord's Supper as celebrated in the Reformed churches and the Catholic mass, with the emphasis on the evil of the mass: Oh my God! Have we all been so abused and so blinded that we have not seen such a clear and evident blasphemy? And you wicked priests, have you not thought at all about this? Is the authority of the pope so great to you that you cannot understand that this is contrary to God? Do you not see that in offering the mass, which is done for the redemption of souls, that you plainly renounce the suffering and death of Jesus .... Therefore the mass should not be called a "sacrifice of praise" but the "abyss of wickedness." the "sea of outrages and blasphemies of God's name."^' 1532|). For analysis and the text itself, see Francis Higman. "Les debuts de la polemique contre la messe: De la tressaincte cene de nostre seigneur et de la messe qu'on chante communement." in Le Livre et la Refurme. Rodolphc Peter and Bernard Roussel. cds. (Bordeaux: Societe des Bibliophiles de Guycnne). 1987. 35-92. ''"Ha mon Dieu! avons nous este tous si abusez et si aveuglez que une blaspheme si tresevidente et si tresclaire on n'aye veu? Et malheureux prestres. ne avez \ ous sceu penser une foys sur cecy? L'autorite du pape vous a elle este si grande que ne pcussiez entendre cecy estre contre Dieu? Ne veoit on pas qu'en offrant la Messe. et ce qui est faict pour la redemption des ames. qu'on renunce tout plainement la mort et passion de Jesus, et qu'on la tient pour ineftlcace et sans valeut. puis qu'on cherche autre chose? N'est aussy Jesus renunce. et dit n'estre pas parfaict et entier sauveur. puis qu'on prent autre cho.se pour avoir salut? Pourtant fault appeller la messe. non pas "Sacrifice de louenge.' mais "Abysme de vitupere." "Merd'outraiges et de blasphemes du nom de 101 This vicious polemic against the mass set the stage for much of the Swiss Protestant literature that would follow in the coming years. As we saw above, the real battle in Switzerland was between the mass and the Reformed sermon.^" And as with the early iconoclasm. the reformers directed the bulk of their attack against this institution that only a majority vote in the parishes could abolish. The reformers" printing campaign was greatly facilitated by the arrival in Switzerland of the French printer. Pierre de Vingle.^^ Leaving Lyon, where he had published works by Farel and Erasmus, as well as - curiously enough - Eck's Enchiridion.^^ Vingle entered Geneva probably around the end of 1532. In February 1533. he sought permission to print a French Bible and a French translation of Herman Bodius's Unio liissidcntiiim.'' a collection of excerpts from the Church fathers that Dieu": et est ung tresgrand miracle comment tout ne parfonde. quant on ne diroit que une seule messe par tout le monde." Higman. "Les debuts de la polemique contre la messe." 72-73. "Chapter 1. 57-59. ^^On Vingle. see E. Droz. "Pierre de Vingle. l imprimeur de Farcl." in Aspects de lapropagande religieiise. 38-78. '"'Droz comments. "11 est impossible de le dire, mais tout porte a croire que le traite de Jean Eck etait destine a faire oublier [Herman Bodius'sj \' Unio et d'autres ouvrages heretiques." "Pierre de Vingle," 41. Although "Bodius" was formerly thought to be a pseudonym of Martin Bucer. most scholars today agree that Bucer cannot be identified as the author of the text. ""Pierre Winglesz. imprimeur. est entre exponens sicuti dominus procurator tlscalis prohibuit ei ne amodo imprimeret et jubsit quod civitatem evacueret. Supplicat propterea sibi de remedio provideri. Illo audito fuit resolutum quod ipse debeat afferre exeplum rei per ipsum imprimende. postea videbitur: quod tandem fecit. Fuit remissus 102 supported Protestant theology. The work had already been condemned by the Paris faculty of theology,'^ and the council denied him permission to publish it. but allowed him to print the Bible, prov ided that he follow to the letter Jacques Lefevre d'Etaples' version, translated from the Vulgate and printed in Antvverp.^^ The council's answer was hardly satisfactory, and Viret asked Bern to intercede on his behalf and ask the Geneva council to allow Vingle to publish "the Bible and other Christian books in peace and without hindrance.""* Although Bern asked Geneva to "honor the letter of quod perparum expectet: tandem videbitur si imprimendum fuerit." RC XII. 214 (February 18. 1533). "Fuit lectum consilium habitum super libro dicto [/nion et Bihlia gallice imprimenda, et quia nobiles sindici dixerunt se adhuc aliam expectare opinionem. negotium remictitur ad Veneris proximam." RC XII. 224 (March 4. 1533). '""Liber cui titulus est: Unio dissidentium: Hennani Gobii [sic|. compositus ad firmandam damnatam Lutheri doctrinam. publice est exurendus. tam Latine. quam Gallice editus." Charles du Plessis d'Argentre. Collectio Jiuiicioriini Je novis errorihus. qui ah initio duociecimi saeculi post incarnutionem verhi. usque ad cinnum 1735. in ecclcsia proscripii sunt et notati. 3 vols.. (Brussels; Culture et Civilisation. 1963 [Paris: Andre Cailleau. 1728-1736]). II. i, 85 (March 2. 1531). ^^"Negotium bibliopole fuit propositum. et quia nobiles domini sindici proposuerunt fuisse in consilio ordinario resolutum libmm Unionis non debere excuti. el Bihlicim gallicain posse imprimi. fuit resolutum quod dictus Petrus de Vingle posset Bihliam imprimere super illis que Antwerpie excusse fuerunt. non tamen addere aut minuere: quod si secus repertum extiterit. perdetur opus; et videat ne quid aliud imprimat donee dominis sindicis ostenso." RC XII. 232-33 (March 13. 1533). '""hem. admonester les Sindicques et Conseil de Genesve de avoir aultre esgard aux lettres que de part [read: par] vous leur sont presentees que par cy-avant n'ont eu: car. comme ainsy fust que vous eussiez donne lettres a ung imprimeur. pour debvoir imprimer la Bible et aultres livres chrestiens. en paix et sans vexation, lesquelles lettres il leur a presentees. - de cela touteffoys ilz n'ont tenu conte. " Hemiinjard. Ifl. 30 (No. 410). the evangelicals of Geneva to [the Bern city councilj, [Genevaj. [towards March 15. 1533|. 103 recommendation'" they had given Vingle.^ ' the prohibition on books other than the Bible was not lifted. Vingle ignored Geneva's decision and secretly published the Linio anyuay.''" He was ordered to leave Geneva soon after this and took up residence in more accommodating Protestant Neuchatel.'"' where he would establish the first true publishing center for French Reformed literature. In Neuchatel. Vingle's press produced, among other things.''" Pierre Olivetan's French Bible, translated from the Hebrew and Greek and containing a preface by Calvin, the Articles verifahles sur les horrihles, grandz et importahles ahiiz Je la Messe papalle. made famous in the 1534 Paris affair of the placards, and several other scathing polemical The letter is "incontestablement de la main de Pierre Viret." Ihid.. 28. n. 2. ^'"Nous vous prions aussy que de la lectre de recommandation qu'avons donnee a ung imprimeur. et au.x aultres que cy-apres vous escriprons. vuillies fayre plus grande estime que jusque icy aves faict. affm que puissons congnoystre que ayes desir de nous, en choses licites et raysonnables. complayre." Hcrminjard. 111. 33-34 (No. 411), Bern city covmcil to the Geneva city council. Bern. March 20, 1533. ^"Herman Bodius, La premiere partie and La seconde partie de Liinion de pliisieurs passuiges de lescritiire saincie. Livre tresutile a tons amateurs de paix: Extraict des aiitenticc/iies docleiirs de leglise chrestienne. par venerable docteur Herman Bodium: nouvellement revcu et corrige. 2 vols. ([Geneva: Pierre de Vingle). 1533). ^'The two colophons date the printing of the Bodius text June 10 and 12. 1533. and his first publication in Neuchatel. Marcourt's Le livre des marchans is dated August 22. 1533. Though there is no mention in the Geneva city council records of his expulsion from the city, the Lyon trial records of Baudichon de la Maisonneuve refer to it: "Interrogue. respond avoir veu et cognu a Genesve ung imprimeur nomme Pierrot de Vingle, qui imprima quelque temps des N.T. oudict lieu, mais apres la ville Ten envoia et il se retira a Neufchastel. ..." Cited in Droz, "Pierre de Vingle." 72. ''"For a list of the works published by Vingle in Neuchatel. .see Higman. Piety and the People 104 treatises, notably by Antoine Marcourt. Among Vlarcoiirt's fav orite targets was the mass. In addition to penning the placards, he composed the work involved in the "second affair" of the placards, the Pent iraicie tre.s mile, et salutaire de la saincte eucharisfie de noslre Seiqneur Jesuchrist.^^ Nearly three months after the initial posting of the placards, on January 13. 1535. "despicable books, repeating the blasphemies and heresies mentioned above were found at the chateau of the Louvre and around the city,"^"' which appear to have been Vlarcourt's Peril trciicle.^' This affair seems to have raised Francis I's wrath even more than the October event; he called the great procession of January 21 ^^This treatise, moreover, identities Marcourt as the author of the placards: "A ceste cause moy paovre creature considerant les grandes tenebres qui sont. et ja de long temps ont regne, quasi sur toute la terre. Jay este esmeu par bonne affection de composer et rediger en escript aucuns articles veritables sur les importables abuz de la Messe. Lesquelz articles je desire estre publiez et attachez par tous les lieux publiques de la terre: affin que icelle faulsete. laquelle par si Ion [sic) temps a este occulte et cachee. soit dung chascun entendue et amplement congneue: et que par la misericorde de Dieu on y puisse adviser et entierement remedier. . . . Lesquelz articles jay entendu avoir este mis et attachez en plusieurs lieux. pour ung salutaire advertissement a tout le monde. de avoir advis a cela. et tresfort le considerer." [Antoine Marcourt). Pelil iniicte Ires utile et salutaire de la sainete eucharistie de nostre Seigneur Jesuschrist ([Geneva: Jean Michel). 1542). A2v°-A3r°. Although I have not been able to consult personally Pierre de Vingle's 1534 edition, "le texte [of the 1542 edition) n'a subi aucune retouche ...Berthoud. Antoine Marcourt. 236. [Au) chasteau du Louvre [le) 13"^ jour de janvier. .. et sur le matin furent trouvez et par la ville. livres infames. reiteratifz des blasphemes et heresies susditz." Nicole Gilles. Annales. cited in Berthoud. Antoine Marcourt. 187. ^"This is based on the testimony of an unknown Englishman in Paris: "Ther was within thise fewe dayes by the stretes of parrjs scatoryd books which was Intitled Paranthisphrasyn scilicet a right prouflitable Intreatise concemynge the Sacrament of the aulter." Cited in Berthoud. Antoine Marcourt. 187. n. 142. 105 in response to this second affront to the honor of the mass."^ Shortly after the publication of Marcourt's Petit iniicie, an expanded version of the treatise appeared under the title Declaration de la Messe.^^ This revised edition contained a prefator>' letter and epilogue written by the pseudonymous "Cephas Geranius."'*'' The bulk of Geranius's critique is leveled against Nicodemite'''' priests, who are challenged to follow their beliefs and abandon their benefices: And above all. you scoundrel who completely understand the truth, how dare you procure, hold, and retain benefices that should justly be called benefices proceeding from this filthy, vile, and abominable source of Rome? You know that these are the goods of anathema, more horrible than those of conquered Jericho. You know very well that in accepting bishoprics, abbeys, parishes, and canonries. you consent to all the abominations that take place daily in those places against God's honor. What e.xcuse can you make before God and men. seeing as you know by the Word of God that these are nothing but abuses?^" ^'''Berthoud, Antoine Marcourf. 189. On the procession, see ihid. 190-99. ''^[Antoine Marcourt] [and Pierre Viret'.']. Declaration de la Messe. leJniict dicelle. la cause et le moyen pourciiioy el comment on la doiht maintenir ([Neuchatel|: [Pierre de Vingle), [1534[). On the dating of the text and its relationship with the Petit traicte. see Berthoud. Antoine Marcourt. llh-ll. f>8 On Geranius. see above. 89-91. '""'The term Nicodemite. referring to those who claimed to follow secretly the evangelical doctrine but continued publicly to attend Catholic mass, was in wide use by 1534. On the word's origin, see Eire, War against the Idols. 242-43. ™"Et encore sur tout toy miserable qui as entiere intelligence de verite. comme ose tu procurer prendre, et retenir les benefices que justement on debvroit nommer benefices procedans de ceste orde, villaine. et abominable source de Rome? Tu scais que ce sont biens de anathema plus horrible que celuy de Hierico. conquis. Tu ne ignore point en recevant Evesche. Abbaye. Cure. Chanoinerie, que tu consens a toutes les abominations qui se sont journellement esdictz lieux contre Ihonneurde Dieu. Quelle excusation peulx tu pretendre devant dieu, et devant les hommes, veu que tu scais par la parolle de dieu 106 Drawing on the medieval tradition of the cum cmimariim. whereby the priest is held responsible for the fate of the souls in his care. Geranius explains why he must abandon the idolatrous mass: "Not only do you commit idolatry, but you turn others into idolaters ser\'ing an idol, when you say by words or deeds about a bit of bread, "Here is your God. your savior who redeemed you.""^' The priest must either tlee "Babylon" or stay and tr> to bring about change by preaching the Word of God.^' Three years before Calvin's first anti-Nicodemite writing. De fugiendis impiorum illicifis sacrisj' and ten years before his more famous Excuse a Messieurs les McoJemites. Geranius presents the same fundamental objections to Nicodemism that Calvin would later adopt; similarly, just as Calvin would do later on, Geranius demands that clerics renounce their benetices and follow one of only two possible courses: tlee or stay and tight against idolatry by means of the Word of God. Geranius's appeal to the Catholic clergy raises the question of audience. It has long seemed almost self-evident that when si.\teenth-centur>' authors wanted to appeal to que ce ne sont que abuz?" Declaration de la Messe. F3r°-F3v°. ^'"Car comme aveugle et conducteur des aveugles. mettant offense et scandale devant ton prochain. tu ne idolatre pas tant seulement, mais fays les autres idolatrer, servant a lidole, quand tu dis par parolles ou faictz dung peu de pain: Voicy ton dieu, ton sauveur qui ta rachete." Declaration de la Xfesse. F4r°-F4v°. ^"See above, n. 38. ^'Published together with De sacerdotiopapule in Episiolae duae de rehus hoc saeculo cognitu necessariis (1537). te.xt in OS I. 288-328: Calvin-Smdienausgahe. 1.274- 304. 107 the educated elite, particularly the clergy, they would write in Latin, and when they wanted to reach a larger. lay audience, they chose the vernacular. All of the works published by Pierre de Vingle in Neuchatel were written in French, yet Geranius specifically addresses the clergy at the end of the DecUircilion de la Xk'sse. Moreover. Vlarcourt's contribution to this treatise and his Petit iraicle are much more theological in nature than, for example. Farel's popular Sommaire. and seem to be aimed primarily at a clerical audience. How do we explain this? If Marcourt and Viret were writing for the clergy, why did they not write in Latin? They were both certainly proficient enough in Latin to do so. First of all. even though the clergy may have been the primary target, they clearly sought to reach a wider audience. In explaining his role in the affair of the placards. Marcourt expresses his desire to have them put up "in all the public places on earth."^^ and he complains that the common people have been prohibited from reading religious books in the vernacular. '^ We must also remember that many of the clergy at the time were not highly educated and may have had trouble understanding Latin treatises. These writings were intended not so much for the doctors of the Sorbonne or Erasmian humanists, but for the educated laity and. significantly, the common clergy. ^^See above, n. 54. ^V\t the beginning of the Petit traicte. .Vlarcourt complains. "Oullre. quant a la reste du peuple. n"est-ce pas trop empesche et retire les paovres ames rachaptees du sang de Jesuschrist de entrer cn la congnoissance de la pure et saincte verite de Dieu. quand par les superieurs il est prohibe et deffendu de ne a\oir aucuns livres en langaige vulgairc parlans de Dieu et de la foy?" Herminjard. 111. 228 (No. 485). excerpt from Marcourt's 108 Winning over tiie clergy was crucial because of the lack of suitable ministers in Switzerland. The reformers recognized that their published treatises could only do so much among a largely illiterate population. They really needed "ground troops." ministers who would be able to preach directly to the people. In a very real sense, therefore, the early printing campaign in Switzerland reflected a top-down approach by the reformers. The idea was to reach first the clergy and the educated laity, and then these people would be able to enlighten the lower, illiterate classes. Moreover, this seems to have been their approach throughout the sixteenth century. Flistorians have puzzled over why the French reformers did not exploit the use of woodcuts and images as the Germans had; indeed, the entire French Reformation is remarkably devoid of images. Francis Higman guesses. "The most likely explanation seems to me to be a theological one. The Genevan Church stressed particularly the prohibition of images of the Divinity .... This hostility towards images seems to have been extended beyond representations of the Divinity, to include images of all sorts.fhat may be part of it. but another possible explanation is that the reformers had seen that appealing directly to the masses without suitable theological instruction resulted in the Peasants" War and later the debacle at .Vliinster. Petit traicte trcs utile et saliitaire de la saincte eiicharistie ile nosire Sei^ncurJesitchrixt. ^''Francis M. Iligman. "French-speaking Regions. 1520-62." in The Reformation ami the Bonk. Jean-Francois Gilmont, ed.. Karin Maag. trans.. St. Andrews Studies in Reformation llistor\'(Aldershot: Ashgate. 1998 (1990|). 104-53; here. 121-23. 109 Scholars of the French Reformation have. 1 believe, underestimated the impact of the Peasants" War and Munster on mentalities in France and, indeed, throughout Europe. At the 1519 Leipzig Disputation. Johannes Eck's accusation of Luther as a "Hussite" was fraught with revolutionarv' implications. Eck v\as calling to mind not so much Hus himself as the Hussite uprisings of the fifteenth century, insinuating that Luther's doctrine could very well lead to similar revolts. The Peasants" War only a few years later seemed to prove him right. In the scholarship on the French Reformation, the event has been overshadowed by the dramatic capture of Francis 1 at Pavia in 1525. but the French were well aware of what was happening in Germany. In January, the vicar-general of the archbishop of Lyon wrote to Noel Beda concerning the extirpation of heresy. "We must strive as hard as we can to kill that hydra .... lest the terrible waste and desolation that now oppresses almost all of Germany reaches us.""^^ The Peasants' War put the reformers on the defensive as well. Zwingli prefaced his 1525 De vera et falsa reli^^ione with a letter to Francis 1. in which he warned. "Do not allow yourself to fall into the opinion .. . that you should oppose the doctrine of the ""... summe est enitendum. ut hydram istam cum tola lema confodiamus. ne venial in nos dira ilia vastitas et desolatio quae ferme totam nunc opprimit Germaniam."" Herminjard, 1. 325 (No. 136). the Vicar-general and council of Archbishop of Lyon to Noel Beda. Lyon. Januaiy 23. [15251- See also Noel Beda's tonguc-in-cheek inference to the Peasants' War and vernacular Bible translations made to Erasmus: "Si vero in Germania rusticis viris el mulierculis religionis incremenlum in earn iraductae linguam Scripturae contulerinl. vos certius nobis nosse potestis ...." Allen, Opus Episiolunim Erasmi. 6.85 (No. 1579). Beda to Erasmus. Paris. May 21, 1525. 110 Gospel as if it leads to unrest, that in Ciermany ever\thing is mixed up. no one listens to the orders of the princes, and everything is in complete disarray: for those who speak like this do not serve God but their own desires."^"* Eleven years later. Calv in addressed Francis in much the same way in the prefatory letter to the Imtiiuies. Finally, [our enemies] are far from truthful when they maliciously call to mind such great uproars, tumults, and fights that the preaching of our doctrine has dragged with it and those fruits it now bears among many: for our doctrine is unjustly blamed for these evils, which ought to be ascribed to the malice of Satan.^'' Fear of the explosive revolutionary potential of Protestantism stemmed not simply from the equation of heresy with lese-niajeste humciine el divine, or from the identification of heretics as pollutants to the body social, or from the subversive nature of the Calvinist doctrine of the eucharist:*" these may have all been elements of the French Catholic 78"Neque te unquam in eam sententiam trahi patieris . . . ut evangelii doctrmae obstes. tamquam pacis turbatrici: in Germania enim omnia esse mixta, neminem audire principum imperia. el turbata prorsus esse omnia: nam qui sic loquntur. deo non serviunt. sed suo ventri." Z 3.636. ^''"Postremo non satis candide faciunt. quum invidiose commemorant quantas turbas. tumultus. contentiones secum traxerit nostrae doctrinae praedicatio. et quos nunc in multis fructus ferat: nam horum malorum culpa indigne in ipsam derivatur. quae in Satanae malitiam torqueri debuerat." Instituies. Prefatory letter to Francis I. ""See. respectively, William Monter. ./uJ^in}^ the French Reformation: Heresy Trials by Sixteenth-Century Parlements (Cambridge. MA: Harvard University Press. 1999); Natalie Zemon Davis. "The Rites of Violence." in idem. Society an J Culture in Early Modern France. 152-187: Elvvood. The Body Broken. This is not to take away from the excellent work of all three of these authors. I am suggesting, however, that any explanation of fear, violence, and punishment of heretics in the sixteenth centurv' has taken into account the enormous shock of Peasants' War and Miinstcr on sixteenth- centurv mentalities, and none of these authors does so. Ill menudiie concerning heresy, but underpinning it all was the fact that the "Gospel" had already produced one revolt. What would prevent it from giving rise to another? An analogy may be made with the threats and assaults on Arab-Americans in the wake of the terrorist attacks of September 11. 2001. Just as all Muslims came to be feared and blamed in the minds of many Americans, following the Peiusants" War, all evangelicals were seen as "seditious heretics" by many Europeans. And just as the Muslim leaders in America immediately tried to distance themselves from the acts of the terrorists. Zwingli and Calvin (and. of course. Luther'"") had to dissociate themselves from the peasants, and not just from the warring peasants but. in a way. from peasants in general. Henceforth, the Reformation in Germany would proceed from the top down. The reformers in French-speaking Switzerland followed suit. Their literar>' appeal was made to the educated elite, notably the clergy, for they were well aware of the dangers inherent in a mass movement of theologically uninstructed "simple folk." Moreover, the goal of the reformers was not necessarily to "w in over" as many people as possible; they aimed instead to restore Christ's church on earth, and the way to accomplish this was to appeal to the people who had the power to do so: clerics, nobles, aristocrats, and wealthy burghers and merchants."" The Reformation was not a popularity "'Martin Luther. IVieJer die niuherischen undnwrdehschen Rotten der Bauern (1525). ll'A 18.357-61. X "The^ refonners" claims. to be writing• for• the menu pcuple or the povres ignonmts must be taken with a few grains of salt. Viret. for e.xample. is notorious for writing th e 112 contest. Yet herein lies the tension; in parts of Switzerland, it was. Abolishing the mass was the first step towards restoring Christ's church, and in the common lordships this required, as we have seen, a majority vote. The laity in these areas were probably not the reformers' primary concern in their printing campaign, however, since preachers had access there. Where w as their intended audience located, then? In the first part of the problematic question of audience, we sought to answer "who?" Now we must address the question of "where? " Were the reformers try ing primarily to reach the French or the people of the Suisse ronuiHde ? Historians of the book have consistently focused on the impact of Protestant printing on France." ' and with good reason. Geneva would emerge hundred- to a thousand-page treatises intended, he claimed, for the povres igtwrunts. Was he so naive as to think poorly educated lay people would try to plow their way through such extensive books? It seems more likely that when the reformers referred to the povres ignorants and menu peuple. they had in mind everyone who was not noble or theologically trained, and more specifically the ordinary clergy and well-educated laity. Certainly, they hoped that their ideas would filter down to the low classes of illiterate artisans and agricultural workers, but by means of competent explanation by the more highly educated elements of society. Here I disagree slightly w ith Elwood. who argues that "the authors of these writings, then, appealed not only to those with political power - the nobility and the clergy - and not simply to an educated elite likely to follow intricate theological arguments. Writing in the vcmacular and employing straightforward arguments and vivid images, they sought a wide, public readership, making their aim explicit by addressing their writings to common folk (simple ^ens). the lowly (les moinJres). and the 'poor people" whom, they claimed, the clergy had "seduced and blinded.""" The Body Broken. 31. "^Cf Chaix. Recherches sur I imprimcrie a (jeneve: Heidi-Luce Schlaepfer. 113 as the primary center for exporting Protestant literature into France, leading Paul Chaix to remark. "The growing production oFthe Genevan presses after 1550 was not destined for the local market. On the contrary, it is certain that the vast majority of works printed in the city were intended for export."*"* Was the same true before 1550. however? Denis Crouzet seems to think so: "Above all. the installation of Marcourt in Neuchatel corresponds to the historical moment when this city tends to be a kind of bridgehead directed towards France for sacramentarian ideas.""^ Where did the books from Vingle's press end up? The reformers at this time certainly had an interest in France; except for Viret. all of the authors publishing with Vingle were French. The placards were obviously targeted towards France, and Marcourt's Petit traicte appears to have been as well. There is a puzzling inconsistency about the Petit traicte. however, that has thus far been ignored by historians. The colophon indicates that its printing was complete on November 16. 1534. but it did not find its way to the streets of Paris until nearly two "Laurent de Normandie." in Aspects de la propagande religieuse, 176-230; Migman. La Diffusion de la Reforme en France', idem. Piety and the People. "'"La production croissante des presses genevoises apres 1550 n'est pas destined au marche local. II est certain, au contraire. que la plus grande partie des ouvrages imprimes dans la cite fait I'objet d'exportation." Chaix. Recherches sur I imprimerie d Geneve. 55. "'"Mais surtout I'installation de Marcourt a Neuchatel correspond au moment historique oil cette ville tend a etre une fa^on de tete de pont dirigee vers la France pour Ics idees sacramentaires." Crouzet. La Genese de la Reforme/run<;aise. 226. Christopher Elvvood likewise discusses the output of Vingle's press almost exclusively with regard to the situation in France. The Body Broken. 27-55. 1 14 months later, on January 13. 1535. Furthermore, the Declaralion de la Xfesse. a revised version of the Petit traicte, was printed probably sometime in December 1534. plenty of time to reach the streets of Paris by mid-Januar> . If the Petit traicte was originally intended for circulation in Paris, why did they wait two months to send it there? And if the Declaration de la Messe was the "new and improved" version, why did they not distribute that treatise in Paris rather than the Petit traicte? It appears as if the Declaration de la Messe supplanted the Petit traicte in Switzerland, rendering the latter obsolete there. What to do with it? Ship it off to Paris, of course. More significantly, not one of the works from Vingle's press was censured by the faculty of theology in Paris until years later." The most important market for Vingle's books, therefore, seems to have been the lands of the Suisse romande. making the placards and the Petit traicte the e.xceptions rather than the rule. We should not lose sight of the French connection altogether, however, for it played a key role in the act of deception that the reformers w ere perpetrating. Apart from the no-nonsense title of the placards. True Articles on the Horrihle. Great, and L'nhearahle Abuses of the Papal Mass. the majority of the titles published by Vingle were *''Berthoud argues that it was published between November 16 and December 23. the date of the publication of Farel's Sommaire. which makes e.xplicit mention of the Declaration de la Messe. Antoine Marcoiirt. 223-26. ''^Francis M. Higman. Censorship and the Sorhonne; .1 hihlio^raphical Study of Books in French censured by the Faculty of Theolo^' of the University of Paris. 1520- 1551. Travau.x d'Humanisme et Renaissance. 172 (Geneva; Droz. 1979). esp. the 115 ambiguous at best and entirely deceitful at worst: The Book of Merchanls.^^ A Very Useful and Saliilary Short Treatise on the Holy Eucharist of our Lord Jesus Christ.^'' A Declaration of the Mass. Its Fruit, and the Reason IVhy and Means How It Should Be Maintained.'^" The Confession and Account of Faith of Master Noel Beda. Doctor in Theology and Syndic of the Holy University in Paris. Sent to the Most Christian King of France. Francis All of these works were highly polemical in nature and clearly supported Reformed theology. The Declaration de la Mes.se, for example, tried to show- why the mass should be abolished not. as the title seems to indicate, "its fruit and why it should be maintained." Vingle himself took part in the deceit, placing a false name and address on the title page of the Confe.ssion of Beda: "Printed in Paris by Pierre de la Vignolle. residing on the Rue de la Sorbonne." '" The purpose of the deceptive titles was to put the books into the hands of unwitting Catholic booksellers and readers who would proceed to read them and be convinced by the reformers" arguments. chronological account of works censured. 73-107. ^"Antoine Marcourt. I.e livre des nuirchans. fort utile a toutes gens nouvellcment compose par le sire Pantopole. hien expert en tel affaire, prochain voysin du seigneur Panfagruel ([Neuchatel]: [Pierre de Vinglej. 1533). "'Vlarcourt. Petit iraicte. ""Vlarcourt and Viret. Declaration de la Mes.se. confession el raison de la foy de maistre .\ocl Beda Docteur en (heologie cl Sindique de la sacree universite a Paris: envoyee au tre.schrestien Roy de france. Francoyspremier de ce nom ([Neuchatel]; [Pierre de Vinglej. 1533). '""Imprime a Paris par Pierre de la Vignolle, demourant en la rue de la Sorbonne." La conf ession de Beda. A1 v°. 116 The Confession oj Beda. to which Vingle attached his false address, when seen in the context of the Suisse romande. was a stroke of genius. As the title suggests, it is a confession of faith purportedly written by Noel Beda, syndic of the Paris faculty of theology, and sent to Francis 1. At the time of its publication. Beda was living in exile from Paris, having been banished from the city by Francis for fomenting religious disturbances there.The prefatory letter of the Confession of Beda to Francis is a kind of apology, in the modern sense of the term, for his former actions. He acknowledges his former faults and seeks forgiveness: "For if 1 have spoken against the Word of God, I did not do so through malice, but by ignorance and the great zeal 1 had for the traditions of my fathers, just as St. Paul persecuted the church of God." '"' Continuing the allusion to Paul. "Beda" now claims that "God took pity on me in opening my eyes and giving me understanding of his Holy Scriptures."''^ Following the letter to Francis is a discussion of "commonplaces" (loci communes), drawing heavily on Scripture and citations of the Church fathers, all in support of Reformed doctrine. The fraud of this document had the potential to he so effective in the Suisse romande because it appeared to come straight from the head of the most prestigious '^See Reid, "Kings Sister - Queen of Dissent." 491-96. '•""Car si jay contredit a la parolle de dieu ce na point este faict par malice: mais par ignorance et grand zele que ja\oys aux traditions de mes peres: conime S. Paul persecutoit leglise de dieu." Confession de Beda. A2v°-A3r°. . . dieu a eu pitie de moy en ouvrant mes yeulx. et en me donnant intelligence de ses sainctes escriptures." Confession de Beda. A4v°. 117 theology faculty in Europe. If the Vaudois and Genevans could be made to believe that the illustrious Noel Beda had joined the Protestant cause, it might make them think twice about rejecting Farel and his colleagues. The same argument can be made for its potential impact in France, but the level of skepticism undoubtedly would have been much higher among Parisians who knew Beda. and the deceit would be uncovered more quickly there. The Confession oj Beda was published on December 1. 1533. and on December 20. the Paris chancellor Antoine Duprat wrote to Francis I. saying that he had received from Louis Dangerant. seigneur de Boisrigaud. the French ambassador to Switzerland, "a heretical Lutheran book in French, maliciously written against your honor under the name of Beda"'"' Beda was recalled to Paris to e.vplain that he was not responsible for it. Duprat's comment that he had received the book from the Swiss ambassador indicates that it was not circulating widely in Paris but was in the Suisse romande. Had it been widely available in Paris, the work probably would have been brought to the chancellor's attention more quickly by someone residing in Paris. He should not have had to wait for it to be sent all the way from Switzerland. Moreover, the ambassador Boisrigaud wrote to the Geneva city council in F'ebrurary 1534. explaining that this book was a "fraud and deceit, meant to bring the people to [the heretics) opinion, saying that Beda. who is the "... un livrc heretique lutherien et malicieusement compose contre vostre honneur et est en franvois soubz le nom de Beda . .. Cited in Gabrielle Berthoud. "Livres pseudo-cathoiiques de contcnu protestant." in Aspects de hi propa^ande reli^ieuse. 143-54. here. 152. 118 greatest doctor of France, agrees with them and that the king has consented."'' Significantly, he adds, "I have been advised that there are many of these books in your city and that perhaps under its appearance several people could change their premises, thinking its content to be true."'"* Although we unfortunately have no hard evidence indicating where e.xactly these early books circulated, circumstantial considerations indicate that in intention and in fact, the Confession ofBetia as well as most of the other books from Vingle's press circulated primarily in the Suisse romancie. The reformers' early printing campaign can be characterized as one of deception and confrontation. The fraudulent titles and printer's marks of the works, together with the false impersonation of Catholic authors, constituted an unabashedly deceitful attempt to lure Catholics into bu\ ing the books. Anyone tricked by this ruse would then be confronted with a highly charged polemic against the Catholic Church and particularly the mass. Marcourt's placards set the tone: the papal mass was an unbearable abuse and an intolerable idol that had to be destroyed; its renunciation of Christ's original sacrillce on the cross had led thousands of souls to eternal damnation, and anyone w ho continued "•'Et. ad ce que je voy. c'est une piperie et tromperve pour myeulx atyrer le peuple a leur opinion, di.sans que le dit Beda. qui est le plus grant docteur de France, c'est mys de la leur. et que le Roy y a consenty." Herminjard. III. 143 (No. 450). Boisrigaud to the Geneva city council. Soleure. February 20. 1534. .. j ay este adverty que en vostre ville y a beaucop de ses dits Kvres. et que paravanture. soubz coulleur d'iceul.x, plusieurs personnes y pourroient prandre fondement. pan^ans le contenu d'yceul.x estrc veritables .. . ." Herminjard. ill. 144 (No. 450). 119 to attend it would go next. 120 Conclusion Apart from the notable exception of Geneva, which Farel and Viret had helped to reform in 1535. the Reformation made very little headway in Switzerland in the early I530"s. Bern and the reformers focused their attention on the common lordships, yet only two parishes voted to abolish the mass before 1536. In his early career. Viret met with the same resistance to evangelical preaching that Farel had been encountering since 1527: Viret's native status made him somewhat more popular than his French colleagues, however, and his calmer temperament would eventually lead to his displacement of Farel as Bern's chief ecclesiastical agent in Vaud. As we will see in the following chapter. Bern called on Viret rather than Farel to lead both the Synod of Yverdon and most of the discussion at the Lausanne Disputation. Many of Viret's colleagues opted for a more aggressive approach towards spreading the Gospel and engaged in frequent acts of iconoclasm. Unlike earlier iconoclasm in German-speaking lands, the French-speaking iconoclasts operated without any governmental authority in cann ing out a passionately violent war against the idols. Their principal targets were altars, crosses, and images of the Virgin Mary, which indicate to us the key theological issues at stake for the evangelicals, namely, the rejection of the mass and the "idolatrous" worship, masquerading under the distinction of "super- veneration" (hypenhdia). of the cross and the Virgin Mary. Bern and Fribourg worked together to stem the rising tide of iconoclasm in the common lordships, and Calvin and 121 Viret would later insist upon the organized removal of images from churches by the governmental authorities. Nevertheless, the early unauthorized iconoclasm in the Suisse romande set the tone for future sporadic outbreaks of image destruction both in Vaud and later in France. A lack of both suitable ministers and success stories in Switzerland led the reformers to turn belatedly to the printing press. Contrary to common scholarly opinion, the majority of works published in Neuchatel by Pierre de Vingle appear to have circulated primarily in the Suisse romande rather than in France. The ferocity of the continuing attacks on the mass and direct appeals to the Catholic clergy stemmed from the parish voting process established after the first War of Kappel and the dire need for more ministers in Switzerland. Unfortunately, we have little information on how successful the reformers" printing campaign was. It certainly did not have the desired direct result of convincing enough people to abolish the mass. It probably did. however, accelerate the circulation of Protestant ideas throughout French-speaking Switzerland, especially in light of the complete absence of any printed Catholic responses. Had the years after 1535 unfolded in the same way as the previous eight (1527- 1535) of the introduction of the Reformation in the Suisse romunde. the establishment of Protestantism would have been a slow process indeed. A few pockets of Reformed communities may have developed, resulting in increased iconoclasm and tension with neighboring Catholics. The situation probably would have borne a striking resemblance 122 to the one in France in the second half of the centur> .. perhaps complete with the accompanying religious wars. As it turned out. though, one major event altered the course of events in Switzerland: Bern's conquest of the Pays de Vaud. C HAPTER 3 CONQUEST AND RESISTANCE Bern's Conquest of Vaud While Viret. Farcl. and their colleagues worked in Geneva, Neuchatel. and the common lordships, the rest of the Pays de Vaud remained largely untouched by the new- religion. Following Farel's first failed attempts to preach in Lausanne.' the Bernese and the reformers left the episcopal city alone. The political situation in Lausanne was similar to the one in Geneva. Both cities were ruled in part by their bishops, yet both had relatively independent city councils as well. Both city councils had formed alliances with Bern and Fribourg against the will of their bishops. Bishop Sebastian de Montfalcon was more successful than his counterpart in Geneva in keeping the city free of evangelical ministers, though. In 1533. a Protestant minister from Ormont. Michel Doubte. attempted to preach in Lausanne, but he was literally shipped off from the neighboring port of Ouchy after only a short stay." Likewise, as in Geneva, the Lausanne council was careful 'See above, ch. 1. 52-56. ~"Fuit deliberatum debere rescribere magnificis dominis Bemensibus responsionem litterarum. per eosdem missarum quoad magistrum Michaelem predicatorem luterianum. nobis parte prefatorum magn. dom. Bemensium adductum. Fuit renvoyatus magister Michael predicator luterianus qui venerat hue L.ausannam ad predicandum absque mandate et scitu communitatis. sed suo bono velle et sua temeraria auctoritate; et fuit eidem predicatori prohibitum ne regrediatur amplius. nisi fuerit eidem mandatum per litteram signatam per secretarium communitatis; qui lamen non predicavit; et ipsum cumcomitavit. parte rev. domini nostri. Christophorus. nuncius domini ballivi. el parte communitatis. dictus Bachouz et solvit e.xpensas omnes borserius communitatis. tam stando in villa, quam ipsum reducendo. nee non eciam pro salario navateriorum." Chavannes. "Extraits des Manuaux de Lausanne." MDR 36 (1882): 136-37 (April 1. 124 not to cross its powerful allies in Bern, even at the expense of alienating their other allies. When Fribourg asked Lausanne to supply a contingent of soldiers in 1533. for example, the Lausanne city council refused, believing that their men might be used against Bern's forces in a new religious war.' Nevertheless, unlike Geneva. Lausanne maintained its alliances with both Bern and Fribourg. and Bern was unable to exploit its alliance with the city for religious purposes in the same way as it had done in Geneva.' As for the areas of Vaud under the duke of Savoy, the Bernese had no jurisdiction or alliances that would have enabled them to exert any pressure towards allowing 1533). For the entire history of the Reformation in Lausanne before 1536. see Vuilleumier. 104-21. '"Fuit congregatum consilium et retroconsilium. deliberaturi super quadam littera. missa parte magnificorum dominorum Friburgensium. qui mandabant ut haberemus eligere centum hacquebutier bene equippatos ad arma et guerram. quia intelle.xerunt se invasuros per nonnullos eorum inimicos. Fuit deliberatum et conclusum non debere eligere donee et quousque sciamus contra quos volunt ire." Chavannes. "Extraits des Manuaux de Lausanne." MDR 36 (1882): 158 (November 7. 1533). Fribourg renewed its demand for soldiers, and Lausanne again decided to refuse on December 19 (ihid., 158). Chavannes notes. "Les troubles religieux qui avaient eu lieu a Soleure le 30 octobre 1533. et qui necessiterent 1" intervention des confederes. furent bien pres d'amener une nouvelle guerre de religion en Suisse. Les cinq petits cantons. Fribourg et Vallais avaient entre eux un pacte pour la defense de la religion catholique et avaient noue des negociations avec le pape et I'empereur. De leur cote, les cantons protestants. abattus par la guerre de Cappel. se rapprochaient: Berne s'etait entendu avec Bale. Ainsi dans les deux partis, on se preparait en secret a une lutte armee qui cependant put etre evitee." Ihid, 158-59. ^On the Reformation in Geneva, see. e.g., Henri Naef. Les origines de hi Reforme a Geneve. 2 vols. (Geneva: Librarie Alex. Jullien, 1936. 1968); William Monter, Calvin 's Geneva. New Dimensions in History, Historical Cities (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1967); William Naphy. Calvin and the Consolidation of the Genevan Reformation: 15-H- (Manchester: Manchester University Press. 1994). Fribourg had broken off the alliance with Geneva in May 1534. when the Genevans refused to expel I'arel and Viret from the city. See Naef. op. cit.. II. 549-63. 125 evangelical preaching. Moreover, the Estates of Vaud renewed their condemnation of the "l.utheran heresy"' in 1527 and 1530 and were joined by the count ofGruyere." These condemnations appear to have been effective, for there is very little evidence of any evangelical activity in Savoyard Vaud before 1536.^ Bern's conquest of Vaud and subsequent introduction of the Reformed faith, therefore, came as a shock indeed. Tensions between the dukes of Savoy and both Geneva and the Swiss "See above, ch. 1. 41-42. ""'Nous sumes estes advertis comme. ces jours passes, les gentilzhommes du Pays de Vaulx soyent estes assambles a Lausanna. et ce a cause de la foy. au [read: ou| par avanture d'aultres pratiques. Et pour ce que Ton diet que vous y esties en icelle assamblee, et que. apres la conclusion d'icelle. ayes faict en vostre seigniorie d'Oron une crye au [read: ou| commandement que a tous ceulx que seroint de la foy lutheriene (ainsy appellent les ennemys de la Parolle de Dieu nostre vraye foy chrestiene). ou que maintiendront icelle foy. que Ton leur doit donner trois estrapades de corde. et ce [read: si] puis apres y [read: ilz) ne soy veulent depourterde tieulle foy, que Ton le[s| doit brulez . . . ." Herminjard, 11, 225-26 (No. 277). Bern city council to the count of Gruyere. Bern, January 5, 1530; cf. ibid.. 226-21. n. 8; Herminjard. 11. 229-30 (No. 280). Bern city council to the count of Gruyere, Bern, January 16, 1530. ^The duke of Savoy wrote to the govemor of Vaud soon after Farel's visits to Lausanne, however, e.xpressing fear that the "damnable sect was prospering" and ordering the governor to crack down on the heretics there: "Nous avons este adverty que les afferez de ceste dampnee secte pullulent et prospercnt joumellement. qui est chose tresgros inconvenient et scandale, et que ne sommes deslibere souffrir en noz pays, ains voulons et entendons que noz subjectz vivent comme bons crestiens en nostre saincte foy catholique. ainsi que eulx et leurs predecesseurs ont fait par le passe. Sy vous ordonnons et mandons tresacertes de rechiefz qu'ayes a faire de rechiefz cour et publier les mandementz. deffenses, et prohibitions qui en ont desia este par vous publiez une foys riere vostre baillivaige. Et avons Toueil que narme soit sy ose ny si hardy de rien dire, faire, actcmpter, ny practiquer en faveur de ladicte sccte, ains que lesdictz mandementz et deffenses soyent entierement obser\'ez." ACV .4b 16. 191, the duke of Savoy to the governor of Vaud, Turin, November 19, [1529|. 126 Confederation had a long history." In 1265. the bishop of Geneva had granted in fief to the House of Savoy the office of v/t/owwe. which included criminal jurisdiction within the city of Geneva. The bishop recognized the commune of Geneva in 1308 and granted a charter of liberties in 1387. partly to offset Savoy's encroachments on the city's independence. Duke Amadeus VIII's election to the papacy as the anti-pope Feli.x V by the Council of Basel in 1439 inaugurated nearly eighty years in which the see of Geneva was held by the House of Savoy. This led to increased tension between the city and the Savoyard prince-bishops. As a measure of protection. Geneva signed a short-lived treaty of conibourgeoisie with Fribourg in 1519. Duke Charles 111 (1504-1544) convinced Geneva to renounce the treaty and e.xecuted the leader of the pro-Fribourg faction. Philibert Berthelier. Charles' infiuence in the city was strongest during his residency there in 1523-1524. After Lausanne signed treaties of comhoiirgeoisie with Bern and Fribourg in 1525. however, the Genevan Eidguetwl (Confederation) faction ignored the duke's prohibition against making alliances with the Swiss and signed its own treaties with Bern and Fribourg. The bishop. Pierre de la Baume. and Duke Charles III opposed the treaty, pitting them together as uneasy allies against the commune of Geneva. In 1528, Geneva virtually abolished the duke's office ofvidomne and created a new civil tribunal in 1529 to replace the episcopal one. In 1530. partisans of the duke of Savoy threatened to attack Geneva, and Bern and Fribourg sent over 12.000 men to Geneva's "See Gilliard. La conqueie tin I'ays de I'aiid. 1-31; Monter. Calvin \s (lencva. 29- 59. 127 aid. The treaty of St.-Julien'' ended the conflict in October 1530 and forced Charles III to pay heavy reparations to Bern and Fribourg. which also charged Geneva itself even more - 15.000 ecus - for their military aid. The financial settlements further depleted Savoy's nearly empty coffers and strengthened the Swiss cantons* influence over Geneva. More importantly in retrospect, the treaty stipulated that if the duke of Savoy were to attack Geneva again. Bern and Fribourg would be authorized to seize his lands in the Pays de Vaud. In the fall of 1535. Charles III renewed his assault on Geneva. Since Geneva's iTCixiy o{comhourgeoisie with Fribourg had been canceled in 1534.'" they called once again on Bern for military aid. .At first. Bern refused, worried about possible assaults by Soleure and the emperor on Protestant lands. In October 1535. however. Bern gave the duke fifteen days to end his blockade of Geneva; Charles did not completely withdraw but left the chateau of Penny as a gesture of conciliation and suggested a conference with Bern at the end of November. Bem reiterated its demand for an end to the blockade and required the duke to allow Geneva, which had abolished the mass in August, to live peacefully in the Reformed faith." The two sides were unable to reach an agreement. 'The text of the treaty is found in Kaiser. Amtliche Sitmmlung Jer dlicrn fiidgcnnssischen AhschieJe. IV. lb. 1501-05. '"See above, n. 4. ''"lis [the Savoy ambassadorsi Ihont charge de s'en retoumer dcs la oti ilz .scront. quant Messieurs [of Bern] leur rescripront qu'ilz sont advertis que ceul.x de Pigney. ne les gensdannes de Savoye ne sont retires, et que les vivres ne sont laichez. no les chemyns faictz seurs. comme les trieves pourtent. Item, [ils] hont charge de s en retoumer. quant, devant toutes choses. ne leur sera accorde que I'Evangille demeure purement en Cieneve 128 Meanwhile, in the absence ofBemese aid. Laurent Meigret. a French refugee living in Geneva, had been secretly negotiating with one of the officers of Francis I. Fran9ois de Montbel. Lord of Verey.'" who set off towards Geneva with five hundred French troops. They were ambushed and annihilated by Savoyard soldiers, but Verey escaped and arrived in Geneva on December 14, 1535. with only a dozen of his men. Despite Verey's utter failure to rescue Geneva, as an officer of the French king, his arrival in the city brought with it the terrifying prospect - to both Geneva and Bern - that Francis I would claim the city for France. Bern could no longer afford to delay assistance to Geneva. Geneva's ambassador in Bern. Ami Porral. officially requested Bern's assistance on December 20.'' and Bern comme il y est. Et sil le Due veult cela accorder. que adonc [read: alors] debgent demander la sentence [de Payeme| et absceid de Sainct-Jullyn estre observees et demeurer en leur estre. - en condition toutesfois que. sil le Due se sent greve en quelque passaige d'icelles, comme de la peyne de perdre son Pais de Vaul.x. que en cela la veulent bien revoir. pour en faire du m[e]ilieur." Herminjard. III. 369 (No. 532). Ami Porral to the Geneva city council. Bern. November 23. 1535. '""Vous [Vereyj pryant qu'en la plus grande dilligence . .. vous la faictes marcher et valoir. soubz nostre nom, par tous les marchez que vous v errez a nostre commung adventaige .... Et a ceste fin. et pour vous asseurer. nous \ous avons escript les presentes, signees de nostre secretaire et scelles du seel de nostre compagnye." Letter dated October 19. 1535. from Meigret and some Genevan councilors to Verey. quoted in Herminjard. III. 384. n. 7. '^"Londi 20''". apres avoir faict lire la lettre derniere que m'aves envoye. par devant Messieurs les bourgois. je les ay prie. tant pour I'honneur de Dieu et charite que par la vertu de la bourgoisie. a la forme de ma dite lettre. de vous vouloir donner aide et secours. - leur reduysant en memo>Te et non pas pour reprouche. comme a leur persuasion, vueillans plustost perdre la bourgoisie de Fribourg. incourir I'indignation de TEvesque. du Due. du pais et dc tout le monde. avions receu I'Evangille. desirans plustost vi\Te et mourir avec Leurs E.xcellences en icelkiy. comme \ rayz Crestiens et gens de bien doibvent faire. que avec point d'aultres." Herminjard. III. 383 (No. 537). Ami Porral to 129 orficially declared war on the duke of Savoy on January 16. 1536: Therefore, since all reasonable arguments and offers towards you have been useless, we cancel by these present letters all alliances, old. new. particular, common, found, and not found, by this our herald of war. against you and your subjects, advising you that with the aid of God we will invade you, your people, and your lands, defying you by these present letters and declaring war on you and yours. And we will employ all our efforts towards belligerently harming and assaulting you in bodies and goods to safeguard our honor as much as possible." At the same time, Bern notified the other cantons in the Confederation of its intentions and rationale in order to a\ oid yet another religious war. At Fribourg's instigation, a diet was held in Lucerne on January 17, but Zurich and the seven Catholic cantons decided to delay any decision on the matter until a second meeting scheduled for January 30; by that time, it was too late. The Bernese army of si.x thousand men and sixteen cannon set out on January 22 under the leadership of Hans Franz Niigeli. Stopping in Payeme the ne.xt day. the Bernese officers gave the town twenty-four hours to yield all of the duke's former rights there to Bern. The same demand was given to deputies from Moudon. Rue. and Romont. All except Romont complied, although Moudon and Rue significantly demanded that no one the Geneva city council. Bern. December 23. 1535. '"'"A ceste cause, puis que toutes raisonnables causes, offres. envers vous n'ont point profite. vous quittons par ces presentcs toutes alliances, vieilles. nouvelles. particulieres et communes, trouvees et non trouvces. par le present notre heraut de guerre, contre vous et les votres. vous avertissant que a I'aide de Dieu invaderons vous. vos gens ct pays, vous dt41anl par icestes ct dcclarant la guerre, contre vous et les votres. et emploierons tous nos efforts a vous dommager et hostilement aggredir en corps et en biens et pour autant notre honneur avoir empourv u [read: sauvegarde|. temoin notre sceau plaque a icelles." Pierrelleur. 107. Bern city council to the duke of Savoy. Bern. Januar\ 16. 1536. 130 in their towns be required to abandon the Catholic taith. In a statement of religious freedom that was truly remarkable at the time. Bern promised that they would not compel anyone in matters of religion and that each individual would be allowed to follow the religion of his or her choice.'^ Many of the other towns Bem would conquer repeated this demand for the freedom to continue to follow the old faith, and Bem repeatedly promised they would not force anyone to convert. As for the people of Romont. they explained their reasons for not submitting to Bem in a letter to the town of Vevey; "Our entire commune assembled to hear each opinion, and everyone resolved, without any discord, to live and die in our old faith and under our most honored lord [the duke of Savoy].""' Clearly, despite protests to the contrar>'. Bern's march through Vaud brought with it widespread fear that subjugation to the city would entail forced conversion to the Reformed taith. From Payeme. the Bernese army stopped in the common lordship of Echallens before sweeping uncontested through Morges. Rolle. Divonne. and Gex to arrive in Geneva on Februar>' 2.'^ Meanwhile, the Genevans had defeated a troop of Savoyard .. ergebenn. und geschwom, mit vorbehalt ir fryheitten und das man sy von irem glouben nit trennge; sy werdenndt dann dessen selb eins . . .Quoted in Gilliard, La contjiiete dii Pays de Vaud. 83-84. n. 2. '^"Et ayant avoir heuz ceste responce. avont faict assembler lout nostre commung pour oir d"ung chescung Toppignion. lesquelx hont tous resoluz. sans point de discords, de vivre et mourir en nostre ancienne foy et sujebtion de n"^"" tresreddoubte seigneur . . . Romont to Vevey. January 25. 1536. Quoted in Gilliard. La conquetc du Pays de Vaud, 83. n. 83. '^"Magnifllci domini I'ranciscus Neiguely . .. capitanei. vcxillifcri. scriba. consilliarii. prepositus et alii de consilio dominorum Bematum. cum magno cxercitu et 131 soldiers at Cologny. and news of Bern's approach led Charles III to lift the blockade. On February 3. General Nageli addressed the Geneva city council, indicating that, in his view, the campaign was over but that his troops were prepared to provide any further assistance Geneva desired.'" The Genevans, weary of the repeated harassment from Savoy, asked him to push his troops further into the duke's lands to guarantee the city's security." Fears of Francis fs designs on Geneva and Savoy proved to be well-founded. As Bern was marching towards Geneva. Francis's armies were moving from Lyon towards Savoy, seeking to break open a French route to Milan, fhe ruler of Milan. Francesco septem decim petiis artillerie societateque illorum de Neufz Chastel et de Lausanna ab oppido Gay venientes, civitatem feliciter ingressi sunt, dimisso in castro Gay quem comburi mandant nobili n. d'Erlach." RC XIII. 421 (February 2. 1536). See also Gilliard. La conquete dii Pays de laud. 85-99. '""Magnifici domini Franciscus Neguely. [Wolfgang] Vingard. [Hans Rudolt] Grafferrier et Petrus Gironus et alii de consillio exercitus dominorum Bemensium intrant: faciunt commendationes. postea ore dicti Neyguili vulgari germanico sermone proferunt et narrant iscuti per multos menses, septimanas atque dies, ipsi audiverunt nostras querelas contra ducem. episcopum et illos qui in Pineto fortes fecerant, illorumque replicata: ac sicuti nos auxilium contra dictos adversarios postularemus; fuit tamen eorundem et suorum superiorum opinio omnia componere paciffice. quod maxime per viginti menses facere temptarunt plures jomatas. inde tam in patria ducis. apud Lucernam et in Baden, etiam cum d. suis confederatis Ligarum habuerunt que nihil profuerunt. Propterea sic dominis suis superioribus visum est et formatam armatam nobis in succursum miserunt. Ipsique capitanei. vexillifferi, consilium et alii cum armata et exercitu venerunt. adeo quod hostis jam multum fugatus videtur. Neominus unum petunt. videlicet eis dicamus si nobis videatur bonum et velimus quod ipsi ulterius procedant. cum ipsi sint ad hoc parati." RC XIH. 422-23 (February 3. 1536). ' '"Super quibus fuit advisum et resoluium fiant remersiationes condigne narreturque sicuti precamur ipsos. qui tantum pro nobis pugnarunt, adhuc juxta suam bonam voluntatem ulterius pergant. ad fines ul, sicuti sua gratia sepe nobis promiserunt. nos pacifficos dimittere valeant." RC Xlll. 423 (February 3. 1536). Sforza, had died on November 1. 1535. without leaving an heir, and Francis wanted his son Henry, duke of Orleans, to take over.'" For entirely different reasons but at exactly the same time, therefore. Bern and Francis I found common cause against Savoy. The Bernese had arrived too swiftly in Geneva for Francis to consider seizing the city for France, but soon afterwards. French ambassadors appealed to Bern for the right to take the remainder of Savoy for their realm. Bern's willingness to step aside and let Francis I move into Savoy illustrates the primarily political, rather than religious, nature of the conquest. Bern was not seeking to bring as many territories as possible into the Reformed faith. Instead, it wanted to extend its territorial boundaries as far as possible and neutralize the political power of the duke of Savoy. The Bernese army had already extracted oaths of loyalty from Thonon and the other towns in the Chablais region and needed to turn back towards Vaud to deal with the remaining Savoyard presence along the northeastern shore of Lake Geneva and the strongholds of Chillon and Yverdon. General Nageli reported from the field. We would have thought to advance a bit further, for we have learned that there were some soldiers in Salenove. Rumilly. and Chambery. But since we have learned that the king has designs on the aforementioned places, tow ns. lands, and people, and since we have been advised that he wants to bring them under his power, we do not wish to stop him. We let him do so; we are going to accomplish our mission and remain the best friends of the king."' •"See R. J. Knccht, Renaissance Warrior and Patron: The Rei^^n (tf Francis I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1994). 330-34. "'"Syennt wir willenns das allso Einig v\yter zu verennden. und also wir bericht das dero Kttlich zu Salenone. Riimili unnd Cammerach. Syennt wir willenns gsin die zubesuchenn. so wir aber ghorenn unnd vcrnemmen das der kiing obgemelte pliitz. Stett. As for poor Duke Charles, his appeals to the emperor Charles V for assistance" went unheeded, since the latter was in Naples at the time, much too far away to lend a hand, and Francis I had no trouble conquering the rest ot" Savoy, capturing Turin in March. The Bernese, before turning back to Vaud. sought to clarify their relationship with Geneva itself. They demanded the same rights and privileges that the duke of Savoy and the bishop of Geneva had formerly enjoyed over the city. The Genevans were astounded; they had seen Bern simply as their liberator, not as yet another overlord to replace the old ones.'^ The Bernese protested that they were not infringing on Geneva's liberties but Lannd unnd Liit anspreche, unnd unnderstannden zu Sinenn hannden zcbringen wellennt vvir Inn dar Inn nit Irrenn. Lassenns allso beschechen. dameben das thun So unns bevolchenn. unnd des kiinngs gut friind sin etc." Wolfgang Friedrich von Mulingen. "Waadtlandische Kriegsberichte des Hans Franz Nageli." Archiv ties hisiorischen Vercins des Kantons Bern. 12 (1888). 253-81; here. 263. Nageli to the Bern city council. Vouache. February 13. 1536. "E.g.. "Les Bemoys sont sortys en gros nombre. ont prins Mouldon. Rue et Payeme. villes du Pays de Vuaud. et s'en viennent avant en [mes] pays. et. en sortant. ont mande notifier la desfiance et ranvoye toutes les alliances vieilles et nouvellez. Et n'est question de les pourvoir radoulcer. mais [ils| vueillent suy-vre leur emprinse et me faire tout le pys qu'ilz pourront.... Et de porter ce fays seul me seroit chose impossible. D'ailleurs. le Roy trescrestien a icy envoye le president Poyet pour me fere ses demandez qui sont la conte de Nyce. la pluspart du pays de Bresse. XXIIl villes de Piemont.... la fidelite de la conte de Genevoys et celle aussi de Foucigny. a Fopposite de quoy je pretens avoir plusieurs bons litres .... Je regarderay. par I'advys du Sr. ambassadeur. faire la plus honneste response que me sera possible au diet president et de tout sera advertie Sa Ma"^. a iaquelle vous tiendres ces propos. luy suppliant m'avoir pour recommande. Car. sans luy et sa bonne aide et faveur, je suys pour souffrir beaucoup." Quoted in Gilliard. La cnnquete du Pays de Vaud, 130-31. Charles III, duke of Savoy, to Emperor Charles V. Turin. January 29. 1536. "'"Sur ce que messieurs les capitainnes. banderetz et conseilz de Berne, nous treshonores seigneurs et combourgois. nous demandcnt que nous leur doibgons remettre Foffice du vydompnat essenmble toute I'auctorite. jurisdictions ct preheminence soloit havoir I'evesque de Geneve en Geneve, est este advise et arreste de respondre ainsin: 134 were simply taking what was rightfully theirs, but the Genevans stood steadfast in their refusal to give Bern any of the former ducal and episcopal powers.""* For reasons that are not entirely clear. Bern let the matter go for the time being.'" although negotiations over primierement les remersier humblement des poennes. travaulx et labeurs ilz hont heubt pour nous, et des biens il nous hont faict jusques icy; et faire les humbles remontrances comment, I'anviron de dix et sept a vingt anns. nous havons soffert la guerre tant contre le due de Savoye que les evesques, a cause de quoy nous sumes recorus a leurs superieurs, quil par pitye nous hont receup combourgois et dempuys deffendus. protegy et garde jusque icy, qu'il ha pleu a Dieu les envoyer en si grosse puyssance et bon voloir que nostre ennemys devant eulx est fuyct comment la neige fond devant le soleil; et que, de nous, quandt nous n'heussions pas tant soffert que nous havons. Don encore n'entendons que eulx fussent de tel voloir que nous missions la pouvre ville. qui hat tam pugne et soffert pour estre en liberte. en aulcune soubgetion; leur prians qu'il prenent cela a la bonne part et qu'il leur plaise havoir regard sur nos costes et de nous ayder a maintenir le nostre et a avoir nostre recompense, comment en eulx est nostre entiere confiance apres Dieu. " /?CXin, 444 (February 15. 1536). "'"Pource que mess^ les cappitaines. banderetz et conseilz de I'armee de Berne ne sc contentent de la response a eulx faicte. mais disent: "Vous nous haves presente vostre ville, voz corps et vous biens, et disies que ne demandies sinon demorer en vouz franchises, hus, libertes et coustumes; et maintenant vous nous refusez ce qui n'est pas vostre. Nous ne vous demandons sinon cela du due et de I'evesque que nous havons chasses; pourtant ne nous scerions contenter de vostre response.' Sur quoy est este advise et resolu que I'on leur doebge faire les remonstrances comment dessus et leur dire que encore noz corps, nouz biens et tout ce que nous havons est a leur commandement et service, pour en user comment nous scavions bien que leur excellence raisonnablement usent de leurs bons amys, conbourgois et alliez. et que nous croyons par ce que havons veu qu'il ne soyent point venus pour nous mettre en soubgettion. mais pour nous delivrer de captivite et noz mettre en liberte, comment ansiennement sumes estes. Et pourtant leur supplions il leur plaise su>'vre le bon voloir Dieu leur ha donne, et nous faire selon le mandement de Dieu, ainsin qu'il voldriont leur fust faict." RC XllI, 447 (February' 17, 1536). " Viilliard surmises. "Cette reponse n'cHait pas de nature a satisfaire les Bemois. Cependant. ils n'oserent pas employer la force dont ils disposaient en faire de Geneve une ville conquise. Qu'est-ce qui les retint? La femiete des magistrats genevois? le respect de la combourgeoisie? cet appel a I'Evangile qu'ils ne cessaient d'invoquer eux aussi? Peut-elre. lis ne nous Font pas dit. Peut-etre esi-ce la presence des deputes confederes: les Bernois leur avaient repete qu'ils n'avaient pris les armes que pour secourir Geneve; il the nature and specifics of their treaty of comhoiir^eoisie continued in the months and years to come."'' Though the Bernese had accomplished their primary objective of liberating Geneva, they still had much unfinished business to take care of in Vaud. While in the Chablais and Geneva. Bern had received oaths of loyalty from Morges. Rolle, Villeneuve. and Cossonay. As Moudon and Rue had done. Morges insisted on the right to continue to practice Catholicism. Vevey. Yverdon. and the strategically crucial chateau de Chillon continued to hold out against Bernese lordship, however. Deputies from Vevey. fearing that a march on Chillon would take the Bernese army right through their town, capitulated to the Bernese in Morges on February 19. demanding as well the right to remain in the Catholic faith."^ Yverdon. however, continued to refuse all invitations to parley.""* and the leur eut tHe difficile de I'asservir sous leurs yeu.\. Peut-etre est-ce surtout la crainte de voir Geneve se jeter dans les bras de Francois dont les armees etaient proches et avec qui les Genevois n'avaicnt pas encore rompu les pourparlers." Gilliard. La conquete Jii Pays de Vaud, 150-51. Another possibility could have been that their treaty of comhourgeoisie was up for renewal in another month, and that the details of their relationship could be arranged during those negotiations. "''See Naphy. Calvin and the Consolidation oflhe Genevan Rejormation. 21-43. "^"Sensuyvent les articles lesqueulx supplions a nous estre concede par nous magniffiques et redouble seigneurs. Premierement que degeons totalement reste et estre maintenu en nostre foy et loy ... cart en icelle desirons vivre et morir aidant dieu qui nous en donit la grace." ACV. Bu 5. submission of Vevey (1536). """Nous, nobles, bourgeois et habitants generalement de la ville d'Yverdon. avons reqiu par votre heraut present porteur une lettre de notification que nous nous devons rendre. et en defaut nous defiez et declarer la guerre, que trouvons fort ctrange. vu que ne vous donnames jamais les occasions. Pourquoi sommes resolus et dtMiberes de non jamais Ic faire sans la volonte de notre tres redoute prince et .seigneur, ayant la fiance en Dieu. a notre bon prince qu'il nous maintiendra en noire bon droit." Pierretleur. 112. 1 he 136 army set up to tire the first shots of the entire war on February 24. The commander of the Yverdon garrison had undoubtedly underestimated the strength of the Bernese. particularly their artillery, and he slipped out of town the next day. leaving the citizens to fend for themselves. They immediately surrendered and. because of their resistance, were forced to accept much stricter terms than the other Vaudois towns had received. They were to give up all arms and all titles and charters regarding the city's liberties, and unlike in the other towns, the mass was to be abolished."' Meanwhile. Fribourg. which had done nothing either to hinder or help Bern, demanded its share of the pie, which according to the 1530 treaty of St.-Julien was rightfully theirs.^" On February 17. while the Bernese army was still in the field. Fribourg asked for the towns of Rue. Romont, Vevey. Montreux. Chatel-Saint-Denis. Vaulruz, inhabitants of Yverdon to the Bern city council. Yverdon. February 12. 1536. "''"De la dite prise n'eut pas grand hormeur le capitaine Saintephorin. qui etait commis a garder la dite ville: car il fut charge d'avoir pense rendre au.x dits Bernois le baron de La Sarra et le seigneur de LTsle, lesquels etaient a la garde de la dite ville: mais eu.x. sentant et etant avertis de la composition et que les dits Bernois voulaient entrer dedans, trouverent moyen de se sauver au moins mal qu'ils purent. et pendant leur retraite les dits Bernois entrerent dedans, et depuis qu'ils furent entres en la dite ville. Ton cessa toutes ceremonies ecclesiastiques; mais en lieu de cela. il fut mis precheurs lutheriens. Au dit lieu d" Yverdon dut donne conge au capitaine et aux soldats qui etaient venus a la dite conquete. excepte qu'il en fut retenu deux cents hommes pour la garde de la ville. et fut fait et ordonne par les dits Bernois un bailli. lequel etait nomme Zombard [Georg Hubelmann "Zum Bach"|. de Berne. Apres la prise de la dite ville furent contraints par commandement tant a ceux de la dite ville que a ceux des villages de deux lieues a Tentour d'apporter tous leurs batons, si comme amies, epees. batons a feu, piques, hallebardes. poignards et autres quels qu'ils soient. sans en reser\'er quelqu'un a leur garde, lesquelles armes et batons demeurerent au chateau de la dite ville." Pierretleur. 113-114. See also. Gilliard. La conquete Jii Pays cle Vaud. 161-63. ^"See above. 127. 137 Saint-Aubin, Estavayer. and Romainmotier. Bern was willing to cede ail but Vevey, Montreux, and Romainmotier. Vevey and Montreux were key. for landlocked Fribourg greatly desired a port town on Lake Geneva/' On the same day that Vevey capitulated to Bern at Morges. ambassadors from Basel convinced the Bernese magistrates to let Fribourg have Vevey. When the Bernese army officers were notified of the decision, they were outraged that Fribourg should have any share in the spoils from a war in which they did not lift a finger. They forced the question of Vevey's fate to Bern's large council, which overturned the small council's decision to yield it to Fribourg. At the same time, the Bernese also requested that the count of Gruyere pay them homage as his new overlords. The count sought Fribourg's assistance in the matter.^" After long negotiations, it was decided that the count did not have to pay homage to Bern; in return. Bern would keep Vevey.^^ ^'For a detailed study of the diplomacy involved in the negotiations over Vevey. see Jeanne Niquille. "Quand Fribourg voulait un port sur le Leman (1536)." in Melanges J 'hisloire ef de litteralure offerts it Monsieur Charles Gilliarda I occasion de son soixanle-cinqitieme anniversaire (Lausanne: F. Rouge & C"", 1944). 331-43. ^""Touchant la comte de Gruyere. ce qu'elle fut en grand different entre les deux villes Berne et Fribourg. Les dits Bemois disaient a eux appartenir la dite comte a cause du pays conquis. et qu'ils devaicnt etre souverains. comme etait jadis le due de Savoie. et que le dit comte leur devait la fidelite. et autres raisons qu'ils disaient. Le comte. craignant etre a la sujetion des dits de Berne, se remit a la protection et sauvegarde des dits de Fribourg, lesquels s'opposerent et prindrent la querelle a eux. en sorte qu'ils furent en division si grosse que preparatives de gens furent faites. sous esperance de sortir. mais en fin tout fut apaise. et demeura la dite comte a la sauvegarde et protection des dits de Fribourg, avec la fidelite que le dit comte fit aux dits seigneurs de Fribourg." Pierrefieur. 116-17. ^^See Gilliard. La conquete du Pays de l aud. 168-83. 138 With the definitive addition of Vevey. Bern's hold on the north shore of Lake Geneva was nearly complete; only Lausanne and the stronghold ofChillon remained. Following the third refusal of the captain ofChillon to yield.^^ Bern sent one thousand five hundred troops, again under the command of Hans Franz Nageli. to lay siege to the chateau. Artillery fire commenced on March 29. and as at Yverdon. lasted only a short time before the defenders cried for mercy. The Savoyard presence in Vaud was annihilated. One certain enemy remained in the area, however: the bishop of Lausanne. From the beginning of the war. Sebastien de Montfalcon had clearly allied himself with the duke of Savoy, garrisoning his chateau of Saint-Maire in Lausanne, placing another of his chateaux at the disposition of the captain ofChillon, and intercepting letters from Bern. On the army's return trip to Bern, it passed through the bishop's lands around Lausanne and extracted oaths of loyalty from the towns in his jurisdiction. It is uncertain whether the army was under orders from the Bern city council to do so. but the magistrates certainly did nothing to stop it. Nageli demanded the immediate capitulation of Lutry, not even allowing the council time to deliberate, for individuals from the town had beaten the .. en espoir que vous. [apres] avoir entenduz la conqueste de la ville d'lverdonn et de toutes villes. chasteaux et pays de ceste lisiere. vous eussies advises de vous rendre, [nos officiersj ont supersedir a cella. Ains, puis qu estes ancore obstines, [nous] vous sommons par ces presentes. pour la tierce et demiere foy. que vous. incontinani. [vous] vous ayes [a] rendre a nous sans dilation; ce faisans [vous] saulveres vos vies; aultrement faisant reffus. [\ous| n'aures point de marcy de nous." Quoted in Gilliard. La conqticle du Pays de Vaud, 198-99. Bern city council to the captain and soldiers of Chillon. Bern. March 4. 1536. 139 Protestant minister of Ormont. Michel Doubte. some years before. As with so many other towns. Lutry asked for and was granted the right to continue to celebrate the mass.The community took the oath of fidelity in the evening together with the other three parishes of the Lavau.x: Villette. Saint-Saphorin. and Corsier. The next day, the Bernese delegation entered Lausanne, asked for the former rights of the bishop in the town, and requested pemiission lo place a garrison in the bishop's chateau. The city council, which like Geneva's had been struggling with its bishop for several years, acquiesced to Bern's demands, reserving the commune's traditional liberties. Unlike the Genevans, w ho refused to grant Bern any of the powers formerly wielded by the bishop and duke, the Lausannois apparently believed that by yielding "only" the bishop of Lausanne's temporal powers, the city itself would remain largely free from Bernese interference. They could not have been more wrong. Negotiations between the two cities lasted seven months before they agreed upon the terms set out in the so-called "Largess" (Lar^ition) of Lausanne - though the Lausanne council members hardly found it to be as generous as the name implies. Lausanne was granted high, medium, and low jurisdiction in the city and neighboring villages and part of the ecclesiastical goods confiscated after the Lausanne Disputation. Bern reserved for iLself (among other things) the rights of final appeal and regalia (coinage, war. and peace), and the moveable and immoveable goods of the cathedral chapter. '^ As Henri ^^See Gilliard. La amfucie du Pays cic Vaiul. 210-15. '^"Pn'miereiuenl. En contemplation des bons services que ceux de Lausanne ont 140 Vuilleumier sums up. "From the capital ofa vast diocese, from comhour^eoise and ally of Bern, from imperial city, fmally. Lausanne descended to the rank ofa simple local administrative center."" The flag of the Bear was to fly over Lausanne for the next two hundred fifty years. * * » As the Bernese army was preparing to besiege Yverdon. Pierre Viret was passing fait et feront ci-apres, Leurs Excellences leur octroyent toute haute, moyenne et basse jurisdiction es causes tant civiles que criminelles. sur les personnes et biens de quelle condition qu'ils soient. riere les lieux qui seront limites. Sous toutefois les reserves et conditions qu'ils administreront bonne et brieve justice a un chacun. Leurs Excellences se reservant aussi les quatre paroisses de La Vaux avec leurs appartenances et dependances. Item, le chateau d'Ouchy avec ses appartenances. le lac. etc. lis se reservent aussi la souverainete. a savoir la monnaie. la grace, les suites de guerre et les demieres appellations es choses de plus grande importance, etc. lis se reser\ent aussi I'eveche. le chapitre. le clerge ensembles toutes et singulieres appartenances d'icelles. Secondemenl. lis donnent aux dits de Lausanne, leur laissent et leur abandonnent les deux couvents de Saint-Francois et de la Madelaine. Item, les cinq paroisses. Saint- Pierre. Saint-Paul, Saint-Etienne. Saint-Laurent et Sainte-Croix en I'cglise cathedrale. Item, le priore de Saint-Sulpy apres du lac. Item. I'abbaye de Monteron, I'abbaye des nonnains de Bellevaux, proche Lausanne, et celle de Sainte-Catherine dans le Jorat; ensemble toutes les appartenances et dependances des dites cures, abbayes. couvens. prieures. etc.. qu'elles soient dedans ou dehors des dites limites. Item, le chalet, aussi le moulin de Gobet. Item, la maison aupres de la grande eglise appelee le vieux eveche. Et ce par condition qu'ils pourvoient et entretiennent les predicans. leur donnant pensions competentes pour vivre selon leur etat et necessite. Pareillement les moines et nonnains qui voudront vivre selong I'evangile et se faire conformes a la reformation des seigneurs de Berne, leur vie durant. Troisiemement. Promettent aussi Leurs Excellences qu'apres le deces de ceux du clerge et que la papaute et momerie sera abolie. elles se souviendront d'user envers eux de leur faveur et bienveillance encore plus grande." Auguste Verdeil, Histoire du Canton de l aud, online document at http://vv\vw.rootsvveb.com/-chevaud/verdeil/bk4ch2.htm [Lausanne: Martignier and C"^. 1849-1852]. '^"Dc capitale d'un vaste diocese, de combourgcoise et alliee de Berne, de ville imperiale. enfin. Lausanne descendait ainsi au rang de simple chef-lieu de bailliage." 141 through the area on his way from Neuchatei to Geneva/'' He encountered a group of soldiers from Lausanne^'' who asked him to accompany them to Lausanne and preach the Gospel there. This chance meeting changed the course of Viret's career. For the next twenty-three years, he would serve as minister of Lausanne. Viret's decision to go to Lausanne rather than Geneva typifies the contingencies lurking around every comer of the Bernese conquest of Vaud. A remarkably bloodless and seemingly anticlimactic affair in and of itself, the situation was fraught with potentially e.xplosive diplomatic tension. If the Catholic cantons or Charles V had come to the aid of the duke of Savoy, or if diplomatic negotiations between Bern. Fribourg. and the count of Gruyere had broken down, there could have been a religious war of far greater proportions than either of the Wars of Kappel. which might have torn the Confederation apart. If Francis I had marched on Geneva before Bern, he might have claimed the city for France and returned it to the Catholic fold. And if the Genevans had given in to Bem's demands for the former rights of the duke and bishop, the city would have found itself in a situation similar to that of Lausanne - largely under Bern's control. Any one of these scenarios would have prevented Geneva from becoming the center of Vuilleumier. 127. ^*Viret"s activities in the second half of 1535 are difficult to document. It appears he was in Bern September 10. and in Basel, where he likely met Calvin for the first time. September 15 and at the end of November. In February 1536. he was in Neuchatei. and he was on his way to take up a permanent post in Geneva when he stopped in Yverdon. See Bamaud. Pierre Virel. 105-08. ^'Bem had enlisted military help from its allies for the campaign, including soldiers from Ncuchatel and L.ausanne. 142 international Calvinism. 143 Religious Resistance and the Lausanne Disputation With the defeat ofChillon and the capitulation of Lausanne, Bern accomplished all the objectives of its campaign. The army had driven the duke of Savoy away from Geneva and the bishop from Lausanne and had subdued the Pays de Vaud. the Pays de Gex. and the Chablais. The ease of the conquest, however, was matched by the difficulties encountered in its aftermath, particularly concerning religion. At the beginning of the campaign. Bern established its religious policy for the newly conquered lands: Catholic worship was to be allowed in all areas (c.xcept Yverdon) as long as the towns would allow evangelical ministers to preach unhindered. As they had done in the Ouatre Mandements.^^^ the Bernese did not want to compel their subjects in matters of conscience and seem to have been operating once again under the assumption that once the people actually heard the Word of God being preached, they would embrace the Reformed faith with open arms. They were sorely mistaken. Viret arrived in Lausanne around the middle of March 1536. The bishop had already vacated the city, but on March 16. his representatives asked the council to e.xpel Viret from the city. With the Bernese army mustering its forces for a march on Chillon that would pass very close to Lausanne, the city council deferred to the absent bishop's judgment.^' The Bernese amiy's arrival in Lausanne two weeks later ensured that ^"See above, ch. 1. 44-52. ^'"Comparuerunt nobilis l-ranciscus Gimel. ballivus Lausanne. Johannes Gignilliati. commissarius. et Michael Francisci parte R. D. N. episcopi. propter eius absenciam. exponentes. quod est nunc hie Lausanne unus predicator luterianus. petentes. 144 Sebastien de Montfalcon would never return, and Viret's position in town became secure under Bern's protection. This is not to say that he did not encounter any dit'tlculties. Just three days after the city's capitulation to Bem. the Lausanne city council drafted ordinances to deal with the "impertinence taking place in the churches." Every one was to be allowed to go to either the sermon or the mass, the divine service was not to be interrupted, no one was to preach in the taverns or on the street, and no one was to deride anyone else.^' The clause about preaching in the streets and taverns must have been aimed primarily at Viret. Henceforth, he was to preach only in the appointed place, the church of la Madeleine. Nine days later. Viret went on the offensive, accusing the Dominican prcacher Dominique de Monbouson of "preaching false things" and "seducing super hoc debere habere bonum advisum et bonam deliberacionem; et super eo quod sunt nonnulli stranei qui ipsum conducunt: dicens ulterius dom. Ballivus quod policia pertinet communitati. Similiter comparuerunt ven. Domini Amedeus Raveri. P. Perrini. P. Brisseti et Jo. de Bioleis. canonici. proponentes parte ven. Capituli. quod venit quidam predicator qui predicavit in conventu fratrum minorum S. Francisci; dicentes quod non est consuetum habere duos predicatores; petentes ilium expelli debere. Quibus fuit responsum quod habeant advidere cum R. D. nostro. cui pertinet spiritualitas." Chavannes. "Extraits des Manuaux de Lausanne." 36 (1882): 202-03 (March 16. 1536). ^""Fuit congragatum totum commune per sonum cymballi et voce preconis. visuri et deliberaturi super occurentibus et insolenciis que fiunt in ecclesiis et de modo bene vivendi. Fuit communis oppinio. omnes bene vivere debere in pace et bono amore unus cum alio. Item, quod quis voluerit ire et audire predicatorem. quod vadat et audiat; et qui volucrit audire missam. quod audiat. Item, quod nulle insolencie fiant. Item, quod non impediatur divinum officium. Item, quod eligatur unus ex duobus conventibus ad predicandum. Item, quod non predicet in tabemis neque carreriis. sed in loco deputato. Item, quod nullus audeat deridere de alio, neque improperare aliqua verba." Chavannes. "Extraits des Manuaux de Lausanne." MDR 36 (1882): 246 (April 4. 1536). 145 the poor simple people who hear him." and he suggested holding a disputation/^ When confronted with the charges, de Monbouson answered that he would only dispute before a university.^"* Though not ready for a religious disputation, the city council ordered de Monbouson to stop preaching, and he left town." It is not clear why the council made this decision. It simply is not possible that the majority was leaning towards the Reformed faith a mere two weeks after the Bernese army strode into town. The more ^^"Et ainsi que je me submectz. et offre devant vous. aussy je vous prie qu'il soit vostre bon plaisir de m'administrer bonne justice ... de cestuy Jacopin. qui presche au grand temple: contre lequel je veux prouver par la Saincte Escripture comme il a presche choses faulses. et qu'il .seduict les povres simples gens qui I'oient. El ne demande pas que aucun dommaige luy soit faict. ou aucun mal. combien qu'il se trouvera au tort, mais que vous mectez si bon ordre. qu'il mainctiene sa doctrine. Et si je ne puys prouver ce que je mectz en avant. punissez-moy comme un calumnialeur et imposeur de faux crimes; et au contraire. s'il ne s(;ait mainctenir son cas. que misericorde luy soit facite. Car je ne demande sinon que le povre peuple ne demeure poinct en ces erreurs. et que la faulte de cestuy Jacopin soit congneue et le scandale oste." Herminjard. IV, 30 (No. 548), Viret to the Lausanne city council. [Lausanne], [April 13. 1536j. We can get some idea of the things of which Viret accused Monbouson from their later confrontation at the Lausanne Disputation: "[Monbouson| A la reste. jc n'ay rien enseigne que je ne veuille bien mainctenir devant gens et jugez non suspectz. J'ay presche du sainct sacrement de Tautel comme Nostre Seigneur Jesuchrist a diet: Hoc est corpus meum. Messeigneurs, je le croy ainsy que le precieux corps de Jesuschrist y est, c'est ma foy. et ainsi I'ay enseigne et ne m'en suis point fouy. ... "[Viret) Vous dictez que vous n'avez presche que la verite. Je vous prie done, dictez moy ou vous avez trouve en toute la saincte escripture que sainct Gregoire aie tire Trajan des enfers. et ou vous avez trouve le purgatoire et ces beaux miracles, et ce feu de sainct Anthoine qui a lant brule de gens, comme vous avez preche? Avez vous trouve ces fables en I'evangile?" Piaget. Les acles de la Dispute de Lausanne, 38. 39. ^"'••[ViretJ Et quand le jacopin les [articles written by Viretj eut vcu. il dist qu'il ne vouloit pas icy disputer. ouy bien en quelque universite, comme a Paris, a Dole, et en Avignon, la ou fussent juges non suspectz." Piaget. Les acles de la Dispute de Lausanne. 37. '^••[Monbouson! Mais, messeigneurs me defendirent que je ne preschasse plu.s. et qu'on m'en feist aller. ce que je feiz." Piaget. I.es acles de la Dispute de Lausanne. 38. 146 likely explanation is that the Lausannois were fearful of upsetting their new lords, especially since negotiations with Bern over the city's rights and liberties were just beginning. We cannot, of course, dismiss the possibility that Viret and his colleagues were, in fact, winning converts in the new ly conquered lands. Indeed, they seem to have had some initial success. In April. Christophe Fabri reported to Farel from Thonon. "The number of the faithful grows daily .... I hope that many will see the light shortly, who freely and eagerly li.sten and argue reverently enough."""*'' Farel responded. "Christ has given Viret success similar to yours.Nevertheless, the evangelicals remained a small minority. Fabri related that, w ith the Bernese commissioners in Thonon. over six hundred of the town's Catholics held a procession in demonstration of religious unity. '* Contrary to Fabri"s early hopes, the situation in Thonon continued to deteriorate. The minister Denis Lambert and his wife were nearly killed after being thrown into a sack filled with ashes and broken glass.When Farel arrived in the town soon afterwards, his first report was ^""Numerus tamen fidelium in dies crescit.... Spero brevi multos ad lucem accessuros. qui libenter et avide audiunt et satis reverenter arguunt." Herminjard. IV. 32 (No. 549). Fabri to Farel. Thonon. .April 18. 1536. ^^"Vireto Christus successum dat quo tu non cares." Herminjard. IV. 37 (No. 551). Farel to Fabri. Geneva. April 22. 1536. """"Aversarii nihil non moliti sunt, ut nos horis adstringeremur; dissipata sunt eorum consilia; et. cum nil aliud possent. domatim sese invicem praemonuerunt. ut circuitibus (quos processiones vocant) nemo non adesset. quo fidem suam nondum deperditam publice ostentarent; adeo ut plusquam tercentum viroriim. niulieres \ ero plures. numerare liceret."' Flerminjard. IV. 32 (No. 549). as cited in n. 43. '''"Dionisium rursus sacculis cineribus reffertis et frustis vitracis immixtis fere ad 147 one of fear and frustration: "We are in danger working here. We are having little or no success. Today, sev eral armed men were prepared to attack us when we feared no such thing. ... I don't know what to hope for."^" Three days later, he was even more despondent: We are always in the midst of the tempest here, with what success among the people. God only knows. It almost seems to be a complete waste of time and labor. I wish that Viret were here, but his presence is ail the more necessary in Lausanne. 1 don't know what can be done with such a lack of ministers. May Christ be with us!"' When Fabri returned two days later, the situation erupted into full-scale violence. One of the townsmen yelled at him in the pulpit. "Devil! I say. devil, get down from there!" Fabri's host hit the man with the broad side of his sword, and a riot ensued. Fabri narrowly escaped townsmen hurling rocks at him^" and was forced to suspend his mortem usque ceciderunt; viri hujus urbis eo concesserunt. ut cum hue advehendum curent; uxor quoque ejus non fuit e.xpers hujusce tragoediae. nam laesa fuit satis graviter." Herminjard. IV. 44 (No. 553). Fabri to Farel. Geneva. April 29. 1536. ^""Hodie paratis erant non pauci armati in nos insurgere. cum tale nihil vereremur. .. . Quid sperem. nescio." Herminjard. IV. 50 (No. 555). Farel to Fabri. Thonon, May 2. 1536. ''"Nos hie agimus semper in procellis. q[uali cum successu) ad plebem. Deo notum est. Pene mihi videor oleum oper[amque perdere. ViretumJ hie esse vellem. sed plus satis Lausannae est necess[arius. Quid in| hac Ministrorum penuria agendum sit. ignoro. Christus [JesusJ nobis adsit!" Herminjard. IV. 51 (No. 556). Farel to Fabri. Thonon, May 5. 1536. ••"Heri. inter tertiam et quartam. concionem nobis turbavit unus ex his civibus. damans in tempio: "Diabole. inique Diabole, descende illinc." Stephanus, hospes nostcr. hunc ad vestibulum templi sequutus. evaginato gladio semel impetiit ea gladii parte quae est plana, nec laesit eum. Ubi absolvissemus concionem. nihil erat dissidii. sed molestc omnes ante templum invicem colloquebamur. Abbas vero Praefectum rogavit. ut tantam in Christi evangelium vindicaret contumeliam. Quamobrem hie turbatorem apprchensum deducebat in carcerem: quod ubi resciverunt adversarii qui mecum colloquebantur. velut 148 preaching for several days while waiting for a delegation from Bem.'^ Part of the problem was that Bern had not installed bailiffs in all of its new lands yet.^^ but when they learned of the situation in Thonon. they did not mince words; What is this sedition? And how do you think our lords will view it? Be advised, if you don't know already, that with the first favorable wind, they will send you armed men and will punish you in such a way that you will be talked about for years to come as an example of merited rigor. We will not let the guilty escape punishment." Though the punishments meted out were not as harsh as threatened (the syndic of Thonon insani insilierunt in Praefectum et alios, pulsatisque campanis (ut vocant Teffroy), omnia armis statim visa sunt plenissima. Pars illorum persequebatur illos, altera vero in me gladiis evaginatis irruebat. adeo ut parum abfuerit quin me gladio perfoderint, nisi Dominus miraculose me in fugam per templum convertisset: cumque in templo me sic pro.xime sectarentur. ego potius volans quam currens. per medium advcrsariorum, ex altera latiori janua templi. ad domum Praefecti subito velut raptus fui; cumque eo usque prosequerentur me. ingressus [sicj in domum. protinus uxor Praefecti januam occlusit. Illi vero ensibus et pedibus earn aperire tentabant. projicientes undique lapides. Mirum quoque quod sic fuga mihi consulens, lapidibus undique jactis nihil laeserunt me." Herminjard. IV. 52-53 (No. 557). Fabri to Farel. Thonon. May 7. 1536. '^"Novissime tragoediam illam. sou potius rebellionem. quae eo die quo hinc solvisti accidit. ad te utcunque scripsimus. et adhuc domi Suffectus et ipse heremus. cum legatus Bema nondum redierit. Quamvis id fratribus multis argumentis causae nostrae profuturum videatur. mihi tamen molestum est publicas conciones sic intemiittcre: quod videant adversarios hac occasione maxime anxios ac suspensos." Herminjard, IV. 54 (No. 558). Fabri to Farel. Thonon. May 12. 1536. ""'Bern appointed its new bailiffs on May 13. 1536. See the "Dccret d'institution des bailliages." in the Chroniqueur. 273-74. On the administrative organization in Bern's new lands, see Gilliard. La conquetc du Pays de l and. 221-59. "^""Ou"est-ce que cette sedition? et comment cro>ez-\ous que Fcnvisagent nos seigneurs. Apprenez. si vous I'ignorez. qu'au premier vent qui se releverait, its vous enverraient des hommes d'armes. et qu'ils vous chatieraient de telle sorte que vous seriez cites long-temps comme exemple d'une rigueur meritee. Nous ne laisscrons pas les coulpables sans les punir." Chroniqueur. 280. 149 was fined 50 crowns)/'' the arrival of the Bernese legates appears to have restored order in the town, and the Protestants were given their own church."^ Thonon was by no means the only area upset by religious resistence. On April 9. the council of Lutry declared that anyone requesting a Protestant minister for the town would be fined 10 florins and that if a minister should arrive, no one was to listen to him.^" In the Pays de Gex. the only minister active there. Jacques Hugues. was having an extremely difficult time; Farel reported. "Jacques believes the people and clergy of Gex are horribly disposed against Christ. They utterly reject the Word: worse, they hale it as much as it is possible. They will hardly be correctcd unless it is by the whip."^'' In June, the Bern city council ordered the tow n of Avenches to reinstate its hanneret. whom the Avenches council had deposed for requesting a Protestant minister. Bern likewise declared in no uncertain terms that the town was not to appeal to Fribourg in the future; the Bernese were now their "lords and superiors."''" Fribourg was the natural ally for all "''Herminjard. IV. 58. n. 3. ^^"A discessu tuo. traditum est nobis Hypoliti templum. idque ex consensu totius Consilii." Herminjard. IV. 60 (No. 561). Fabri to Farel. Thonon. May 27. 1536. ^""Le Dimanche des Rameaux. 9 avril. le conseil general de Lutry decida: T que nul ne devait faire venir un predicant, sous peine de 10 tlorins d'amende; 2'^ s'il s'en introduisait un. qu'on n'irait point I'entendre precher. mais qu'on ne lui ferait aucune insulte; 3° que nul ne devait gater ou vituperer les images dans Ics cglises ou aiileurs. ni commettre aucune violence ou indecence dans les cglises. sous la meme amende." Chavannes. "E.xtraits des Manuaux de Lausanne. MDR 36 (1882): 250. ^'"Jacobus Giaci plebem ac rasos habet pessime in Christum affectos. Verbum prorsus speniunt. imo summe oderunt: vix nisi Hagris emendabuntur." Herminjard. IV. 39 (No. 551). Farel to Fabri. Genc\ a. April 22. 1536. '"'"Nobles, chiers et feaulx. nous summcs advertis des innovations que. ces jours 150 those in Vaud who wished to remain Catholic. Bern insisted that its new subjects were not to appeal to its Catholic rivals under any conditions. Perhaps the greatest resistance, not only to Protestantism but to Bernese authority itself, came from the people of Moudon. the former capital of Vaud. On April 20. the Bernese summoned representatives from Moudon before them for taking an oath to remain Catholic and refusing to allow the Protestant minister. Jean de Toumay. to preach there. They were also ordered to bring with them all of their "rights, letters, seals, and privileges," a clear threat to take away the commune's traditional liberties.''' The passes, aves faictes en deposant vostre banderet. et envoyans \ oslre ambassade a Frybourg: de quoy avons tres-grand regraict, qu'estes sy presumptueu.x. A ceste cause est nostre vouloir et expres commandement, que incontinant remettes le diet Banderet en son office, sy ne I'aves pour aultres raison depose, sinon pour ce qu'ilz a desmande ung predicant, - et vous depourtez cy-apres de tieulles presumptions, en tant que desirres d'eviter nostre indignation. Pareillement, quant vous sourviendront aulcunes choses sur lesquellcs aures besoing de bons advis, ne vous recourrir a aultres que a nous, vous Seigneurs et Superieurs. Vous advertissans que les particuliers entre vous que desmenent tieulles pratiques, en tieulle sourte chasteieront [read: chatierons], que les aultres y prendront e.xemple, et cella en brieff" Herminjard, IV. 65-66 (No. 563). Bern city council to the Avenches city council, Bern, June 19. 1536. ''""Nous somes este advertis des oprobres, injures et violences que, ces jours passe[s|, haves dictes et faictes a ung predicant annunciant la Parolle de nostre salut en nostre ville de Mouldon; semblablement, a nostre ballifz et officier... ce tout ad cause de la Parolle de Nostre Seigneur et Createur, contre laquelle vous estes ungnis [read: unisj et joincts, par serement sur les Saincts Evangilles d'icelle exterminer et non permectre d'estre prechee. Dont non sans cause somes este fort esmeuz a courouz et indignation contre vous, que scaves, quant vous commis fisrent la fidelite a nous conducteurs de nostre exercite, reservants vous drois, bons us, coustumes et privilieges. - que allhors, de nostre couste, vous fust expressement diet et reserve la liberte et franchise de la dicte Parolle, par condition que ne deussies ycelle aulcungnement impedier ny persequuter, coment par oullrecuidance et mesprisance de nous haves faict. Pour ce. vous mandons et commandons tres-acertes, que, sur peine de nostre griefve punition et perdition de no.stre grace, vous doibjes transporte en ce cartier, pour 151 Moudon ambassadors protested that they had understood that no town would be compelled to have a Protestant preacher if it did not want one. Furthermore, it was only the peasants in the surrounding area who gathered together, apart from the townspeople, to declare "that they did not want to have a preacher, but that they wished to live and die in the faith and law of their good predecessors." and this declaration was not made under oath.''" It appears that the Bern city council was reasonably satisfied with their response and ordered the Moudon city council to punish the offenders."^ When ambassadors from Bern visited the town in May. however, the people of Moudon complained that the Beme.se were usurping the town's traditional liberties and franchises, and reiterated their comparoir par devant nous, ce Lundi prochain 24e de ce mois. avecque tous vous drois. lettres. seaulx et privilieges; et. yceulx nous estans presantes. y adviserons de sorte que scelon equite sera en tel cas requis. En ce ne faires faulte." Herminjard. IV. 35-36 (No. 550). Bern city council to the Moudon city council. Bern. April 20. 1536. ''""Pour ce que ... les nobles, paysans et sujets. tant de la ville. chatellenie. que du ressort. vinrent faire le serment et fidelite a nos dits Seigneurs, leur fut e.xpressement reserve . . . que Ton ne compelliroit nul d'avoir predicant, si on ne le vouloit avoir... . Alors furent mandes ceu.x de la terre et ressort, pour les avertir du cas .. .. Laquelle congregation ne se trouvera etre faite nullement par mauvaise inention. effet ni vouloir. et n"a ete fait chose contre Tautorite de nos dits Seigneurs, mais seulement les susdites conditions d'avertir les dits paysans de la venue du dit predicant, et si leur plaisoit Tavoir ou non. Sur quoi. ceu.x de la ville etant retires a part, les dits paysans conclurent entre eux et puis vinrent dire a ceux de la ville. qu'ils ne vouloient point avoir de predicant, mais qu'ils vouloient vivre et mourir en la foi et loi de leurs bons predecesseurs .... Et ne se trouvera point que alors fussent ete faites par ensemble nulles promcsses. semiens . . . de non aller ouir la Parole de Dieu. mais resieroit chacun en sa liberie comme auparavant...." Herminjard, IV. 35-36. n. 1. instructions from the Moudon city council to the Bern delegation. ''^"Cest pour nous punir. dites-vous. de I'assemblee que nous avons faite apres Paques des hommes de la chatelainie et du ressort. en quoi nous aurions agi contre I'autorite de nos seigneurs." ChronUfiiciir. 274. complaint to Bernese commi.ssioncrs. May 14. 1536. 152 objection that their delegates had taken the oath of fidelity on the condition that "they were promised that no one would be compelled to have a preacher if one was not desired."''^ To this, the people of Moudon added the grievance that "the bailiff, against our way of life, prohibited the vicar from saying the mass in the great parochial church, and that this church had been ruined and the altar destroyed, making it impossible to perform the accustomed office there.""' Catholics certainly were not the only ones responsible for the religious disturbances taking place after the conquest of Vaud. On April 30, the Catholics of Peney-de-Beaulmes complained to Fribourg that "the preacher [Thomas Malingre| and provost of Yverdon and several others came and took [the curate of Pcney] and all dressed in the habit of the Church to Yverdon, making great mocker)', and dumped cow manure on his tonsured head in derision of God."'"'' Apparently, they also dragged him "^"Nos seigneurs, nous ne voulons ni ne pouvons etre que ce qu'il vous plait; mais nous vous supplions qu'il vous plaise observer nos franchises et commander a M. le bailli de celte ville qu'il en fasse le serment. comme les baillis et oftlciers font toujours fait par le passe.... Sur ce point supplions la grace de nos seigneurs voulir entendre comment ce pays de Vaud. et nommement Moudon. en a use selon ses grandes liberies, tant ecrites que non ecrites, approuvees et confirmees par les princes de Savoie.... Or quand par I'ordre de M. de Villardin. pour lors bailli. les nobles, paysans et sujets du ressort sont venus faire fidelite a nos seigneurs, il leur a ete reseve expressemeni de les laisser en tel mode de vivre et telles libertes esquellcs nos seigneurs les avaient trouves. En outre il leur a etc promis que Ton ne compellirait nul d'avoir predicant s'il ne le voulait: sous celte condition avons fait sermeni." Chroniqeuer. 274-75. ''"^"Vous faisons enfin doleance et querimonie de M. le bailli. lequel contre le mode de vivre a defendu au vicaire de dire plus messe a la grande eglise paroissiale. et de ce qu'on a ruine celte eglise. detruit les autels. et rendu impossible d'y faire roffice accoulume." Chronufiieur. 215. . . vous avertissen. nous magniffiques Seigneur[s|. que sanbedi passer. 153 around town, "as if he were a savage man and a monstrous ihing."''^ In order to settle the religious situation in Yverdon''^ and to bring all of Bern's new French-speaking ministers together. Bern convoked the Synod of Yverdon on June 8. 1536. With the Bernese ministers Peter Kunz and Simon Sulzer present, the delegates selected Viret over Farel to preside.'''' The synod established which parishes had abolished the mass, elected new ministers for each, asked Bern to publish the Berner Synoilus in the area, and sought to depose the minister Claude de Giant for leaving his congregation, refusing to participate in pastoral meetings, e.vhibiting avarice, acting as a Monsieur le cure de Pynetz nous a dit que. de votre begnyne grace, luy avcs remys la messe et avcs fay refayre les autel. por chanter la messe de la dymenche de Misericordia Domini. Lequel cure, la dicte dymenche de Misericordia Domini, aut matin, cez [read: s'est] revetu des habits de I'Eglise por dire la messe. Luy fassein I'yaul benoiste [i.e.. while consecrating the holy water], sont venuz le predican de Yverdon. le prevoz du dit Yverdon et plusieurs autres. et I'ont pris et emmener aut dit Yverdon tous abille des habit de I'Eglise. fassen grosses derision, luy meten dessus la coronnez une tlunte de vache en derision de Dieu. et plusieurs autres choses . ..Herminjard. IV. 45-46 (No. 554). fhe Catholics of Peney to the Fribourg city council. Beaulmes. April 30. 1536. ''^"Depuis ce temps, la persecution des pretres et de toutes gens ecclesiastiques commen9a toujours a croltre. en sorte qu'a un village appele Peney. a une lieue d" Yverdon. fut trouve un prctre revetu pour chanter ia messe; icelui tout ainsi accoutre fut pris et mene par derision au dit Yverdon et mene par la rue comme s'il cut ete un homme sauvage et chose monstrueuse. Ne faut aussi mettre en oubli. entre les autres enonnites. ce qu'ils lui firent. c'est qu'en le menant par les chemins. ils prindrent de la fiente de vache et la mirent sur la couronne du dit pretre." Pierrefleur. 114. ''"Yverdon was the only city in which the Bernese abolished the mass immediately following the conquest, due to the resistance offered by the town. See above. 135-36. '"''"Le jeudi 8e de juin fut tenue a Yverdon une congregation des predicants lutheriens. en laquelle ils furent tous assembles en la presence de deux ambassadeurs envoyes de Berne, auquel fut depose Guillaume Farel d'etre le grand ministre. et par I'opinion de tous les autres predicants fut mis en .son lieu Pierre Viret. d'Orbe." Pierrelleur. 119. 154 merchant, litigating against another minister, and being a liar.™ Despite the continuing problem of a lack of ministers, this kind of behavior by a preacher simply could not be tolerated. The synod also established ordinances prohibiting every one in the area from participating in the Catholic mass, confession, or other ceremonies, on pain of a 10-florin fine (5 tlorins for women ).^' Though only of relatively minor importance in the history of ™"Ecclesiarum nomenclatura in quibus non agitur Missa. Sanctus-Martinus. Donneloy. Cronay, Bayoie. Ursin, Cressi. Espendes. Lignerolles et Les Clefz. Ranee et Valere. Penay et Saincte-Croix. Troquevaigne. Cotantin. ju.xta Moratum. Nomenclatura eorum qui electi sunt ad Ministerium Verbi. Ecclesiac Divi- Vlartini praeticiendum judicaverunt Joannem Moleriacum [Jean de la MoliereJ; ecclesiae de Ranee et Valere. Joannem Balbum [Jean le Beguej; Chavant et Matou, duae parochiae ubi adhuc est Missa. Adamum a Regressu [Adam de Retoursj: Penay et Saincte-Croix. Franciscum Medicum [Francois Meige]; Cotantin. prope Moratum. Hubertum Garrotum [Hubert Carrot]; Chavoumay. Bayoie. Courcelles. Joannem Scutiferum [Jean Tissot?]; Espendes. Joannem Martellum; Lignerolles et Les Clefz. Joannem Paterium [Jean Pautier); Cronay. Andream Pignolium; ecclesiae de Grecy. M. Jacobum, Iverdunensem Ludimagistrum; ecclesiae Sancti-Ursini. Stephanum Galatinum. Placeat Magnificis Dominis omnibus his providere de victu. Articuli super quibus monendi sunt Domini Bemates. Petit Ecclesia ut Domini dignetur mittere ordinationem ab ipsis factam super Refomiatione ecclesiarum. et jubere earn in praefectura Iverdunensi promulgari. ... Item, omnes fratres uno consensu censuerunt Claudium Glandinaeum. qui nunc praefectus est Couldretln. ministerio Verbi indignum. ob multas et graves caussas. praesertim: 1. Quia multa loca, ut fertur muneribus ambivit. ct absque facultate Ecclesiae. IL Proprias oves reliquit absque pastore. cum promisisset Domino Caspari. gregem suum absque ministro. priusquam alio concederet (quod tamen non fecit), non relicturum. IH. Item, quia contempsit. ab hinc quinquennium, congregationes fratrum. colloquia. admonitiones et censuras. neque visus est in aliquo emendatus. imo pejor cffectus. IV. Item, notatur ab eisdem fratribus avaritia, inhospitalitate et maxime erga fratres. V. Item, cauponarium e.xercet. quod miixime Verbi ministrum dedecet. ubi fovet blasphemes, ebriosos, etc. VI. Item, litigiosus est et percussor. qui publice. cum magno scandalo populi. alium fratrem Verbi ministrum invasit. VII. Item, maledicus est et compertus ordinarius mendax, tam in accusando quam in excusando." Ilerminjard. IV. 62-64 (No. 562). [The Synod of Yverdon] to the Bern city council. [YverdonJ. [June 8. 1536 J. ^'"Firent aussi certains statuts et ordonnances concemant a leur mode de vivre. 155 the Reformation in Vaud. the Synod of Yverdon marks the first known official gathering of Reformed ministers in all of French-speaking Hurope. The delegates made it known that they would not accept sub-par preachers and voiced their preference for the young Viret as the leading minister in the area. The Synod of Yverdon may have helped to settle matters in that area, but the rest of Bern's newly conquered lands remained in chaos. The decision to allow people the freedom of religion hardly had the desire effect of bringing people w illingly into the Protestant fold; on the contrary, it hardened the resolve of the people to remain Catholic and resulted in violence and challenges to Bernese authority. Bern decided to solve the religious problem once and for all by means of a disputation. Bern may have intended to make its new subjects Protestant all along. The promise to allow the people to continue to practice the Catholic faith may have simply been a ruse to get the towns of Vaud to capitulate more easily. Nevertheless, the Bernese likely would have kept to their promise a while longer if not for two things; first, the high level of resistance offered by the people threatened not only the future of Protestantism in the area but also the ver> lives of the ministers; and second, on June 4. 1536. at the instigation of Charles V. Pope Paul III called for the long-awaited general council to open In Mantua in May 1537.^" A general council had the potential to unite the secular forces defendant a tous leurs sujets d'aller a la messe. de se confesser, de se trouver ni faire ceremonies ecclesiastiques. les hommes dt4"aillant sous la peine de dix fiorins. et la femme la moitie." Pierrelleur. 119. ^•"Ad Dominici gregis curam. et regimen, divina disponente providentia. 156 of Catholicism against the Protestants to an extent not yet seen in the sixteenth century. It could also lock the Catholic people of Europe in tirm opposition to a more clearly defined "heresy." The Bernese could not risk the effects of a general council on its Catholic subjects and decided to hold the Lausanne Disputation in October 1536. as a kind of pre emptive strike. Word of the upcoming disputation leaked out long before Bern's official summons on July 16. On June 12. Fribourg sent a delegation to Bern, demanding clarification of rumors about a religious disputation to be held in Lausanne.^'' On July 5. assumpti. nihil magis ex animo desideramus. et ab omnipotenti Deo precati sumus. quam ut ecclesiam suam nobis commisam, et tot haeresum. et errorum vepribus iampridcm in ea subortis. Spiritus Sancti operante gratia, nostroque studio repurgatam. eiusque moribus in melius reformatis. debito nitori. et sinceritati restitutam in sanctitate. et justitia gratum Deo obsequium praestare videamus: sed et ilia nihilominus cura nos tangit. cum consideramus. atque adeo oculis ipsis cemimus Christianam rempublicam intestinis fidelium odiis. et infidelium vi. ac dolo aftlictam. in diebus magis dissipari. atque adminui.... Hoc igitur perpetuum. et constans animi nostri super universalis concilii celebratione propositum. et sententiam ad Dei laudem. et gloriam, ecclesiaeque suae salutem, decus. et incrementum exequi aggredientes. in nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Paris, et Filii. et Spiritus Sancti. auctoritate omnipotentis Dei. ac beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum eius. qua in terris fungimur. de venerabilium fratrum nostrorum S. R. E. cardinalium consilio. et assensu Oecumenicum. seu universale, ac generale concilium in civitate Mantuana loco tuto. commodo. fertili, et domorum. ac bonarum habitationum copia praedito. anno domini MDXXXVII. die XXlll. mensis maii. quae erit feria quarta post sacratissimum festum Pentecostes inchoandum. et ut sequitur. continuandum. et auctore Domino, finiendum, nuntiamus. convocamus. statuinius. indicimus. et ordinamus ...." Gian Domenico Mansi. et al eds.. Sacrorum conciliorwn nova et amplissima collectio. 54 vols. (Oraz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt. 1960 [1759-19271). 35: 359-60. Pope Paul III. "Ad Dominici gregis curtim." June 4. 1536. ^'Rene Deluzand Henri Meylan. cds.. La Dispute de Lausanne (Octohre 1536): Textes choisis et adaptcs par Rene Delur. avcc iinc Introduction historique par Henri .VIeyUin. et deux planches hors-texte. Cahiers de la Faculte de Theologie de lUniversitc 157 Emperor Charles V wrote to the Lausannois. forbidding them from holding any such disputation: We have learned that in our imperial city ... innovations have been made in the matter of our religion and faith, and that, among other things, a certain disputation on these matters has been ordered to take place there soon. We are all the more opposed to these things since we see that they are undertaken against the previous decision of our imperial edict, in which we have desired that ail innovations cease and be suspended until the future council.... .And therefore, we order you in earnest not to hold the said disputation nor admit any other innovations in matters of faith and religion. On the contrary, you arc to annul and abolish them and restore all innovations to their original state, and you are to remit the case to the celebration of the aforementioned future council . . . The Lausanne city council wanted to obey Charles^^ and tried to dissuade the Bernese from holding the disputation, but the appeal was unsuccessful. de Lausanne. 8 (Lausanne: La Concorde. 1936). 11. ^^"intelie.ximus in ista Civitate nostra Imperiali. ubi inter caetera ecclesiastica aedificia Cathedralis Ecclesia. a nostris Praedecessoribus dotata. et sub nostra protectione e.xistit. fieri innovationes in Religionis el tldei nostrae causa, et inter caelera institutam esse certam disputationem brevi isthic fiendam super eodem negolio. Quae omnia nobis eo magis sunt adversa. quod ea in praejudicium Ediclorum nostrorum Imperialium (quibus omnes innovationes usque ad futurum Conctliam. jam nostro studio et apud Beatitudinem Summi Pontificis intercessione indicium, et ad futurum mensem Maii inchoandum, cessare et suspensas esse voluimus) attentari videamus. Et proinde vos requirimus serio mandantes. ut dictam disputationem. ut praefertur. institutam. nec non omnes alias innovationes in negotio tldei et religionis nostrae attentalas. ilico annulletis. aboleatis, et omnia innovata in pristinum resiituatis. causamque ad futurum Concilium, uti praefertur, celebrandum. remittas ...." llerminjard, IV. 68-69 (No. 565). Charles V to the Lausanne city council. Savigliano. July 5. 1536. ^"•"Fuit evocatum consilium, retroconsilium et ducentum burgenses. deliberaturi super una lictera parte Caroli imperatoris Romanorum communitati Lausanne transmissa et destinata. incipiente: Carolus divina favente clemencia. etc., coram cunctis personaliter assistentibus in lingua materna et latina lecta et promulgata. Fuit (conclusum) per maiorem partem assistentium debere et esse bene vivere in pace et bono amore. et quod nulle insolencie neque innovaciones fiant. sed debere e.xpeclare concilium tenendum." Chavannes. "E.xtraits des Manuaux de Lausanne." MDR 36 (1882); 274 (July 23. 1536). 158 By the time Charles" letter had reached Lausanne. Bern had already issued the summons to the Lausanne Disputation/'' If anyone previously could have had any doubt about the outcome of a religious disputation sponsored by Bern, the reasons given in the summons for holding it would have cleared that up: ... Gross injuries have been done, in word and deed, both to those, such as the preachers, who have wanted to speak about the Gospel and to those who have wanted to follow and hear it... . Therefore, wishing to establish order amidst all these troubles and desiring that all our subjects live piously and purely according to God and the pure evangelical truth in good peace and union ... we have ordered that all priests, monks, and other churchmen in our lands, as well as the preachers, appear in Lausanne this coming October 1, in order to defend their faith 77 The phrase "desiring that all our subjects live piously and purely according to God and the pure evangelical truth" could scarcely be interpreted otherwise than that Bern was going to impose Protestantism on all of its subjects. Nevertheless, the summons ^''The te.\t of the summons and the articles to be debated are printed in Piaget. Les uctes de la Dispute tie Lausanne. 3-7. . . neantmoings ce n"a este tenu. ains grosses injures ont este faictes. tant de faict que de parolles. et a ceu.x qui ont voulu parler de I'evangile comme aux prescheurs. et aussi a ceux qui I'ont voulu suivre et ouyr... . Parquoy. voulans donner ordre a tous les troubles, taschans et desirans que tous noz subjectz vivent sainctement et purement selon Dieu et la pure verite evangelique. en borme paix et union, ce qui ne peult estre sans estre uniz en la vraye foy de Jesus, en tenant ce qu'il a commande. et puisque la saincte promesse de Jesus porte qu'il donnera bouche et saigesse aux siens. a laquelle tous les adversaires ne pourront resister. avons ordonne que tous les prebstres, moynes et gens que Ton appelle d'eglise quelzcunques. ilz soient estans en nos dictes terres. et les prescheurs aussy, aient a comparoir et se trouver a Lausanne, le premier jour du moys d'octobre prochainement venant. pour rendre raison de leur foy. pour mainctenir et soubstenir par la saincte escripture. tant du vieux que de nouveau testament, ce qu'ilz enseignent. font et tiennent en I'assemblee du peuple." "Le mandement de I'ordonnance et publication des disputations contenant la forme d'iccllcs et la liberie et saufconduict pour tous. mesmes estrangers. allans et venans. public et plaque avec les conclusions par tout le pays'" (July 159 promised that everyone. Protestant or Catholic, would be given a hearing, provided that he base his arguments on Scripture, and safe conduct was granted to any foreigner wishing to attend.^* The ten conclusions to be debated accompanied the summons.^'' in 16, 1536). in Piaget. Les actes de la Dispute de Lausanne, 3-4. ^*"Et que. au diet lieu, devant tous. apertement, en toute benignite et charite chrestienne. ung chacun avance les raisons et auctoritez de la saincte escripture, tant pour prouver ce qu"il croit. faict et tient. que pour impugner ce qu'il pourra monstrer de la partie adverse estre repugnant a la saincte escripture. et pour respondre aussy par la saincte escripture aux raisons et objections de la partie adverse, et ce liberalement et franchement. Car nous voulons que tant une partie que autre soit ouye. et ameine sa raison prinse de Tescripture. sans aucun empeschement ne fascherye. et que ceste disputation et raison que ung chacun rendra de sa (by, et ce que une partie objecte contre I'autre. soit libre et trance a tous, et non seulement a ceux de noz terres. mais a tous allans et venans de quelque pays qu'ilz soient. Auxquelz et a tous donnons asseurance. saufconduict et sauvegarde. pour aller. venir, opposer ou respondre en la dicte disputation, et ce par la saincte escripture. commandant expressement que paisiblement et amiablement. en parlant par la saincte escripture. par laquelle voulons toute la disputation estre faicte et conclue." Piaget. Les acres de la Dispute de Lausanne. 4. ^'"1. La saincte escripture n'enseigne point autre maniere pour estre justitle. sinon celle qui est par la Toy en Jesuchrist une fois offert. et qui jamais plus ne le sera, tellement que celuy aneantist du tout la vertu de Christ, qui meet aultre satisfaction, oblation ou purgation pour la remission des pechez. 2. Icelle escripture recongnoist Jesuchrist qui est resuscite des mortz et se sied au ciel a la dextre du pere. seul chefet sacrificateur vrayement souverain. mediateur et advocat vrayement de son eglise. 3. La saincte escripture appelle eglise de Dieu tous ceux qui croient qu'ilz sont racheptez du seul sang de Jesuchrist. et qui constaniment sans vaciller croient et du tout se fondent et s'appuient en la parolle de celluy seul. lequel estant retire de nous par sa presence corporelle remplist par la vcrtu de son sainct Esprit, soubstient. gouveme et vivifie toutes choses. 4. La quelle egli.se. combien certes qu'elle soit congneu aux yeux du seul Dieu. toutesfois elle a scs cerimonies ordonnees de Christ, par lesquelles elle est veue et congneue, c'est assavoir le Baptesme et la Cene du Seigneur, qui sont appellez sacremens. a cause qu'elles sont symboles et signes des choses secretes, c'est a dire de la grace divine. 5. La dicte eglise aussy ne recongnoist aucun mini.stre. sinon celuy qui presche la parolle de Dieu et administre les sacremens. 160 Latin and French, although the disputation was to take place in French only. Some of the conclusions*" were similar to those debated in the 1528 Bern Disputation:"' both proclaimed justification by faith alone (Bern Article 3, Lausanne Conclusion 1), Christ as sole mediator between God and man (Bern Article 6. Lausanne Conclusion 2). and clerical marriage (Bern Article 9, Lausanne Conclusion 9); both condemned images and ceremonies not established by Scripture (Bern Articles 2 and 8. Lausanne Conclusions 4 6. Davantaige. icelle mesme eglise ne re^oit autre confession que celle qui est faicte a Dieu. ne aultre absolution que celle qui est donnee de Dieu pour la remission des pechez et qui seul pardonne et remect les pechez. auquel seul a ceste fin se fault confesser. 7. Davantaige. icelle mesme eglise ignore toute autre fa<;on et maniere de servir a Dieu fors celle qui est spirituelle. ordonnee par la parolle de Dieu. qui gist en la dilection d'icelluy et du prochain. Et pourtant elle rejecte entierement les moqueries intlnies de toute cerimonies. en tant qu'elles pervertissent la religion, comme sont les images et semblables choses. 8. Aussy elle recongnoist le magistral civil seulement. ordonne de Dieu. necessaire pour conserver la paix et tanquilite de la chose publique. Auquel elle veult et ordonne que tous obeissent entant qu'il ne commande rien contre Dieu. 9. En apres. elle afferme que le mariage institue de Dieu a toutes personnes. pourveu que a icelluy soient aptes et ydoines. ne repugne a la sainctete de quelcunque estat que ce soit. 10. Finalement, quant au.x choses indifferentes. comme sont viandes. bruvaiges et observations des jours, conibien que I'homme tldele en puisse user librement en tout temps, ce neantmoins autrement qu'en science en charite il ne le doibt faire." Piaget. Les actes ik la Dispute de Lausanne. 5-7. Latin te.xt. ibid ""^The author of the conclusions remains unknown: "Depuis A. Ruchat. les historiens ont pris I'habitude d'affirmer que Farel serait Tauteur des theses. Or nulle preuve interne ou exteme ne corrobore cette affirmation." Eric Junod. "De la conquete du Pays de Vaud a la Dispute de Lausanne." in idem. ed.. La Dispute de Lausanne (1536): La iheologie reformee apres Zu in^^li et avant Calvin. Textes du Colloque international sur la Dispute de Lausanne (29 septemhre-l'"' octuhre I9 and 7). There were significant differences between the two sets of articles as well. In general, the Lausanne Conclusions are less specific, as illustrated in the differences regarding the mass and purgatory; whereas the Bern Disputation devoted three articles to these issues."" the Lausarme Conclusions condensed them all into one: "Holy Scripture teaches no other means of justification than that by Jesus Christ, offered one time and who can never be again, so that he who places another satisfaction, sacrifice, or purgation for the remission of sins completely denies the virtue of Christ.""^ This general wording ofthe Lausanne Conclusions likely stemmed from the calling of the general council. No one could tell at the time e.xactly how the council would redefine Catholic doctrine. Leaving the l.ausanne Conclusions somewhat vague would leave Bern more leeway to respond to whatever decisions the general council would make. It would also give the reformers more room to work during the disputation itself. A significant addition in the Lausanne Conclusions was the article on secular government, which was completely absent from the Bern Articles: "'"4) Dass im Brot der Danksagung der Leib und das Blut Christi als ebendas. als Leib und Blut. empfangen werde, lasst sich mit biblischer Schrift nicht beweisen. 5) Die Messe. wie sie zur Zeit Brauch ist und in vvelcher Christus Gott dem Vater tiir die Sunden der Lebendigen und Toten aufgeopfert sein will, ist schriftvvidrig, etwas. das das allerheiligste Opfer — das Leiden und Sterben Christi — lastert. und wegen dieser Missbrauche vor Gott ein Greuel. 7) In der Schrift findet sich kein Fegfeuer nach dieser Zeit. Darum ist aller Totendienst — Vigilie. Seelenmesse. Seelgerat, Siebenter, Dreissigster. Jahrzeit. Ampeln. Kerzen und dergleichen — sinnlos." Locher. "Die Berner Disputation 1528." 151. 154. *"'1. La saincte escripture n'enseigne point autre maniere pour estrejustifie. sinon cclle qui est par la foy cn Jesuchrist une fois offert. el qui jamais plus ne le sera, teilement que celuy aneantist du tout la vertu de Christ, qui meet aultre satisfaction, oblation ou 162 (The church j also recognizes only the civil magistrate, ordained by God. as necessar\' for preserving public peace and tranquility. It [the church] wishes and ordains that all obey [the magistrate!, as long as it does not command anything against God.*^ Again, this conclusion was likely intended to undercut the authority of the coming general council among Bern's subjects. Moreover, it strengthened the secular government's hold on the church, which, as in the 1532 Berner Synot/us.^^ is granted only spiritual power: "The same church disregards all other ways and means of serving God beyond the spiritual, ordained by the Word of God, which lies in the love of God and neighbor."'*^ Overall, therefore, the Lausanne Conclusions were constructed to counteract the decisions of the coming general council by establishing the Reformed faith as the state religion and tightening the grip of the Bernese government on its new subjects. The convocation of the Lausanne Disputation met with some initial resistance, from, as we have seen. Fribourg and Charles V. as well as from the people of Lutry."^ but the general attitude among the people seems to have been one of resignation; once the Bernese had made up their minds, little could be done to change it. In August, the Lau.sanne city council. purgation pour la remission des pechez." Piaget. Les actes dc la Dispute Je Lcniscmne. 5. ''^"8. Aussy elle recongnoisi le magistrat civil seulemcnt. ordonne dc Dieu. necessaire pour conserver la pai.x et tranquility dc la chose publique. Auquel elle veult et ordonne que tous obeissent entant qu'il ne commande rien contre Dieu. " Piaget. Lcs actes de la Dispute de Lausanne. 6. "^See above, ch. 1.37-39. ^^"7. Davantaige. icclle mesme eglise ignore toute autre fa^on et maniere de ser\ ir Dieu fors celle qui est spirituelle. ordonnee par la parolle de Dieu. qui gist en la dilection d'icelluy et du prochain." Piaget, Les actes de la Dispute de Lausanne. 6. *^Vuilleumier. 148-51. 163 foreseeing the outcome of the disputation, asked Bern for a share of the ecclesiastical goods expected to be confiscated: We pray, our honorable and magnificent lords, that when the disputation is over, if it happens that in these churches and similarly others of this bailiwick, both within the city and without, that the papal ceremonies are abolished, we ask .. . that they be at the disposition of the nobles and citizens to assist those will have held benefices, if they want to serve God and declare his Word.^* The Lausarme cathedral chapter likewise had little doubt about how the disputation would turn out. The canons asked the city council to look after the cathedral."'' sent their titles to Fribourg and Valais, and stashed the most precious ornaments of the church to prevent them from being seized by Bern or ravaged by any iconoclasm that might take place.'"' On October 1. 1536. the scheduled date for the opening of the disputation, the Bernese ambassadors had not yet arrived, and so f-arel opened the proceedings with an e.xhortation to "invoke the aid and ask the grace of Our Lord, who by his Holy Spirit chases all error and ignorance from our hearts, making us plainly understand the truth, the **"Tercement. nous pryons nous redoubtes et manifiques seigycur[sj que. quant la dispute sera achevez. que sy le cas advient que es dictes eglises et semblablement les aultres. tant dedans la ville. que dehors riere nostre ballivage. et les cerimonies papalles soyent abolliez. prions nos redoubtefs) et manifiques seignyeur[s| qu'elles soyent az la disposicion des nobles et borgoys. en faisant du bien a cieulx qui auront tenu les benifices. sy voulent sers'ir a Dieu et declayrer saz parolle." Chavannes, "Extraits des Manuaux de Lausanne," MDR 36 (1882): 291 (August 22, 1536). "''"Comparuerunt ven. viri domini P. Perrini et Michael Barberi parte ven. capituli. proponentes quod habeamus in conservacionem ecclesiam cathedralem beate Marie virginis, et ita prefati dom. canonici requirunt. Quibus fuit responsum quod facient et manutenebunt eorum toto posse. Item, fuit preceptum et datum in mandatis G. Ravinel burgimagistro ut habeat mandare per parrochias ressortorum ut habeant apportare jacolia (jocalia) et omamcnta eorum parochie custodienda, actentis occurrentibus." Chavannes. "Extraits des Manuaux de Lausanne." MDR 36 {1882): 295-96 (September 26. 1536). 16^ things that please him. and what he wants us to hold and preserve."" The Bernese arrived the next day, and the disputation commenced on October 2. The procedure adopted was that one of the Protestant ministers, usually either Viret or Farel, would read out one of the conclusions and then argue in support of it. After that, the tloor would be open for debate. When the debate subsided, the participants would be asked three times if anyone had anything further to argue against the conclusion. If not. the conclusion would be read again and summarized by Viret or Farel.^" Following FareFs defense of the first conclusion, the Lausanne cathedral chapter lodged a protest against the entire disputation, saying that 1) it could not be carried out without contention or discord,'^ 2) it could be dangerous to members of the audience." '^'Vuilleumier. 152. '""[Farel] L'affaire mes freres. n'est point de petite importance, car en cecy ne gist un petit bien ou un petit mal. mais un gros bien perpetuel. la vie non seulement du corps, mais de Fame a perpetuite. la mort aussi et perte des biens etemelz qui nous doibt grandement poulser et esmouvoir de tout nostre cueur invoquer Faide et demander la grace de Nostre Seigneur, qui par son sainct esprit chasse tout erreur el toute ignorance de noz cueurs, nous faisant entendre plainement la verite, ce qu'il luy plaist et qu'il vcut que nous tenons et gardons." Piaget. Les actes de la Dispute Je Lausanne. 8. ''""Et de rechief il fut crie si personne voulloit rien dire contre la premiere conclusion, t-t ce par troys foys. Et apres avoyr longuement attendu, sans que nul se presentast. de rechief la premiere conclusion fut leue par maistre Guiilaume Farel. ct faicte une recapitulation des choses dessus dites." Piaget. Les acles de la Dispute de Lausanne. 137. See also ihid.. 145. 244. 273. 282. 289. 296. 354. 394. ''^"La doctrine de Jesuchrist. les oracles des prophetes ct les escripturcs des apostres nous enseignent. exhortent et admonnestent de aymer verite et recepvoir la paix. dont saint Pol nous exhorte de laisser les oeuvres des tenebres et de vestir les armcs de lumiere, sans dissention ou emulation. Certes. la disputation ne se peult e.xercer sans contention, emulation et discorde. repugnantes a la paix. pour autani que la dicte disputation est accoustumee d estre faicte des actes contentieux. consi.sians en parolles de 165 and 3) it was dangerous to the Church itself, which is only permitted to dispute when gathered together as a whole.They then declared that they refused to participate in the disputation and would refer the entire controversy to the coming general council: Therefore, let no one charge us with foolishness, weakness, or ignorance, if we refuse ... to dispute outside of the general congregation of the faithful, the most certain and most Hrm holy ministries of our holy Catholic faith. For it is not licit for us to usurp the judgment that pertains to the one universal Church: on the contrary, it is expressly prohibited to us and to all.. . . Therefore, we remit the controversy of this disputation to the future general council, already canonically instituted and ordered, and universally published and promulgated.. . . Therefore, we the provost, canons, and chapter of this holy church, for us. the clergy, and all others wishing to adhere to it [the church], publically make this solemn protest instead of disputing or responding.'"' ceux qui ont contraires voluntez a la victoire." Piaget. Lex actes de la Dispute de Lausanne. 24. ^"'"Aussy. souventesfois. la disputation est perilleuse a la subvention des auditeurs. Et. pour ce. I'apostre preallegue [Paul| deffend la disputation, escripvant a Timothee au second chapitre de la 2*^ epistre: "Garde toy de contendre de parolles. car ce n'est a rien utile que a la subvertion des auditeurs."" Piaget. Les actes de la Dispute de Lausanne, 24- 25. ''^"D'autre part, la disputation est dangereuse a Teglise particuliere. A laquelle congregee au nom de Jesuchrist. combien qu'il y assiste. si peult ellc toutesfoys tumber en erreur, comme il est escript en sainct Mathieu. Donques, a ces respectz et aultres. les canoniques sanctions et les loix imperiales ont defendu la publique disputation de la foy catholique. Et jaijoit que survenantz doubtes en la foy qu'est unique, tesmoing sainct Pol au 4'"" chap, aux Ephes.. la sentence se doibt donner selon le sens parfaict de la saincte escripture. et ce neantmoins ce n'appartient ny n'est licite a aucun. sinon a I'eglise universelle de Jesuchrist qui n'est subjecte a aucunes erreurs." Piaget. Les actes de la Dispute de Lausanne. 25. '"""Par ainsi. nul ne nous veuille imputer ne adcripre a imprudence, ou pusillanimite ne ignorancc. si nous recusons de revoquer en dubitation. et de rechief disputer, hors de la generalle congregation des fideles. les trecertains et tresfermes sacrcs ministeres de nostre saincte foy catholique. Car il ne nous est licite de usurper particuliercment le jugement appartenant a la seulle universelle eglise. ains a nous et a tous est expressement prohibe. .. . Pourquoy. nous remectons la contro\ ersie de ceste disputation au prochain futur concille. desja canoniquenient institue et ordonne. et 166 The chapter's protest set the stage for the entire disputation. It appears that the Catholic clergy was threatened with excommunication for speaking up during the debates,''^ though it is not clear by vvhom. The Protestants, therefore, encountered very little opposition in the week-long affair.'"' There was no Eck in Lausanne, and the "debate" was decidedly one-sided. The one person who did. in fact, argue consistently for the Catholic side was a medical doctor named Claude Blancherose. whom even the Catholic chronicler Pierrefleur characterized as "a man howling at the moon and quite fantastic, who mixed up medicine with theology in his disputes and made everyone laugh."'''' Viret. only twenty-five years old at the time, led the Protestant side, providing the initial support universellement public et promulge. . . . Nous donques. les prevost. chanoines et chapitre de ceste saincte eglise. pour nous et le clerge d'icelle. et tous autres veuillans ad ce adherer, faisons publiquemenl ceste solennelle protestation, au lieu de disputation ou de response." Piaget. Les actes de la Dispute de Lausanne, 25. '""[Jacques Drogy. vicar of Morges); On m'a bien diet que j'estoye excomunie de parler et disputer avec vous. mays cela ne m'a pas empesche. combien que me ayez receue amerement. de revenir pour parler a vous gatieusement. Et si. par cela. je suis excomunie. je m'en absoubz moy mesme." Piaget. Les actes de la Dispute Je Lausanne, 385-86. '"'Alistair McGrath distorts the historical record when he writes. "Even though pitted against representatives of the local catholic clergy. Farel and Viret found the debate hard going." A Life of John Calvin: A Study in the Shaping of Western Culture (Oxford: Basil Blackwell. 1990). 96. ''''"Entre tous les opposants. qui fort se presenta, cc fut un medecin nomme Blanche Rose, homme tenant de la lune et fort fantastique. lequel en ses disputes melail le medecine avec la theologie el faisait incontinent a rire." Pierrclleur. 124. Irena Backus has analyzed Blancherose's argumentation during the disputation more closely. concluding that he was drawing on the works of the "mcdecin-alchimiste joachimite." Arnaud de Villeneuve. "Medecine et theologie: L'argumentation de Claude Blancherose a la Dispute de Lausanne." in La Dispute de Lausanne, Junod. ed., 178-88. 167 for seven of the ten conclusions'"" and offering the bulk of the support during the open debates. He was accompanied by Farel. Fabri. Marcourt. Pierre Caroli - the Sorbonne doctor he had formerly argued against in the Rive Disputation in Geneva - and a young Frenchman who had recently arrived in Geneva named John Calvin. Calvin's involvement in the disputation has been blown out of proportion by some scholars."" He only spoke twice during the entire week, and although his first intervention was lengthy and powerful, he hardly "turned the tide of the debate.""'" Viret and Farel had the situation well in hand long before Calvin opened his mouth. In the absence of much opposition, the Protestants were able to clarify their ""'Farel gave two and Christophe Fabri one. '"'E.g.. Alister McGrath: "On 5 October Calvin finally intervened. He turned the tide of the debate. ... his catholic opponents at Lausanne (and. indeed, as time would prove, elsewhere) lacked the ability to refute him. Calvin emerged from the Lausanne Disputation with a new-found (and. it must be said, a fully merited) reputation as an orator and religious controversialist. Perhaps more importantly, his success at Lausanne appears to have persuaded him that he possessed more abilities than he had hitherto suspected."' McGrath. /I Life oj John Calvin. 96-97. Francis Higman: "L'effet de cette inter\ention est profond. et immediat. Le debat. qui depuis deu.x jours semblait toumer en rond. paraissait maintenant clair. regie. - la precision des references que donne Calvin, jointe a la lucidite de re.\post\ offrent un moyen de persuasion autrement puissant que les longs dialogues de ses confreres. Bref. on assiste ici a un changement de cap qui. plus que tout autre, detlnira I'avenir de la reforme suisse. de la reforme francophone, et meme. j"ose le dire, de la reforme mondiale: Calvin arrive en scene." Higman. "La Dispute de Lausanne, carrefour de la Reformation fran^aise." in La Dispute de Lausanne. Junod. ed.. 23-35: here. 34-35. If. however. Calvin's intervention on October 5 boosted his esteem and self- conlldence to such a large e.xtent. and if it marked a "changing of the guard." one must wonder why he only spoke once more, and only briefly, in the remaining three days of the disputation. '""McGrath. A Life oJ John Calvin. 96. 168 positions clearly and expand upon the published conclusions. Although the conclusions themselves had been left relatively vague. Viret's and Farel's closing summaries greatly sharpened the anti-Catholic polemic inherent in each: [Re: Conclusion 1J Therefore, all pilgrimages, indulgences, masses, pardons, entries into religious orders, confessions to men. satisfactions towards God. and the false invention of purgatory ...all this is contrary to God and his holy doctrine.""'^ [Re: Conclusion 2j Therefore, no one other [than Christj may be called head of the church .... Thus, the horrible blasphemy of the pope's church is clear, in that he is held as the head of the church . . . [Re: Conclusion 3] Therefore, it tbllovvs that the doctrine of the priests is totally repugnant to faith and Holy Scripture and that their mass is totally contrary to God. seeing as they cause Jesus Christ to be adored in bread, saying he is there and that the bread is no longer bread but the body of Jesus Christ. And by this perverse opinion, they have turned the entire world into idolaters.'"^ "'^"[Farelj Parquoy, ne fault ccrcher autre maniere pour estre justifie pour avoir remission des pechez que la seulle foy en Nostre Seigneur Jesus, qui a este offert une foys pour nous et plus ne le sera. Dont vient que tous pellerinaiges. indulgences, messes, pardons, entrees de religion, confessions au.x hommes. et satisfactions envers Dieu. et rinvention mensongere du purgatoire . . . tout ce generalement est contre Dieu et sa saincte doctrine." Piaget. Lcs acles de la Dispute de Lausanne. 138. '""'"[Farelj Parquoy nul autre ne peult estre appelle chief de Teglise. ne se faire ou reputer pour tel qui ne derogue a la grande majeste de Jesus, et qu'il ne soit vray antechrist voulant estre esgal a Jesus, s'eslevant sur tous les membres de Christ qui sonl son eglise. En quoy I'horrible blaspheme de I'eglise du pape est manifeste en ce qu'il est tenu chief de I'eglise ... ." Piaget. Les acies de la Dispute de Lausanne. 145-46. """[Virctj Parquoy s'ensuit que la doctrine des prestres est totalement repugnante a la foy ct a la saincte escripture et que leur messe est totalement contre Dieu. veu qu'ilz font adorer Jesuchrist au pain disans qu'il y est. et que ce pain n'est plus pain, mais le corps de Jesuschrist. Et. par ceste perverse opinion, ilz ont faict lout le monde idolalrer." Piaget, Les actes de la Dispute de Lausanne. 234. 169 [Re: Conclusion 4) By all that has been said, it follows that the papist and Roman church is not the true church of Jesus, no more so than the Jews are the people of God ... [Re; Conclusion 5] But the popes, vice-chancellors, legates, cardinals ... patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, priests, monks, guardians, priors, abbots, and this entire papal system, so diverse in life, doctrine, and ordinances ... none are in any way ministers of the church of Jesus; they neither have nor do anything that pertains to true ministers.'"^ Hence, the Lausanne Disputation was a public, largely uncontested condemnation of the Catholic Church. Following the disputation, a roll was taken of all the Catholic clergy in attendance to see if they accepted the conclusions. Of the 211 for whom a response is recorded, only 12 are marked as confirming (confermans) or accepting (acccptans) the conclusions. Of the remaining 199, 135 arc recorded as opposing {opponens) and 65 as obstinate (cw7/w»c;.v).""' With a handful of e.xceptions, the Protestants clearly failed to convince """'[Viret j Et par tout cecy que a este diet, s'ensuit que I'eglise papistique et rommaine n'est point la vraye eglise de Jesus, non plus que les Juifz ne sont le peuple de Dieu . ..Piaget, Les cictes de la Dispute tie Lausanne. 275. '"^"[FarelJ Mais les papes. vichancelliers. legatz, cardinaux, prothonotaires. referendaires. dataires, patriarches, archevesques, evesques, prestres. doyens, moynes. gardiens, prieurs. abbez, et toute ceste maniere papule tant diverse en vie. doctrine et ordonnances, tellementque les piedz de fer et de terre de la grande statue [Da. 2] sont plus d'une matiere et plus conviennent ensemble que I'estat et ordonnance de ceu.\ cy ne conviennent ensemble, tous ne sont nullement ministres de Teglise de Jesus, et n'ont rien et ne font rien qu'appartiennent a vrays ministres." Piaget. Les actes de la Dispute de Lausanne. 283. '"""Role des gens d'eglise du Pays de Vaud. du Pays de Gex. du Chablais cites a la Dispute de Lausanne." in Piaget. Les acles de la Dispute de Lausanne. 427-43. Contuniax. in this context, is a legal term indicating those who do not even recognize the authority of the judge, in this case, the Bernese ambassadors: "Vere contumax dicitur qui expresse dicit iudici vel eius ser\'ienti scilicet nuncio ipsiim citanti quod non comparebit 170 their opponents by means of debate. Nevertheless, the outcome of the disputation was not to be decided by vote but by edict. The Bernese ambassador. Jean-Jaques de Watteville closed the debate by thanking the representatives for their attention and participation and commanding them "to live in peace and union with one another w hile waiting for the ordinance and will of my lords, which will shortly be made clear to all.""^'' On October 19, 1536. eleven days following the Lausanne Disputation. Bern issued its first Edict of Reformation, ordering the abolition of the mass, the cessation of all Catholic ceremonies, and the removal of images: We order and command all our bailiffs, deans, castellans, lieutenants, and other officers, as soon as you have seen this, that you go from one church to another, and also to the cloisters and monasteries that are under your charge and office, and to all priests, provosts, deans, canons, curates, vicars, chaplains, abbots, priors, monks, nuns, and all other persons called churchmen {gens d'eglise). and make express commandment on our behalf to cease and desist immediately and completely from all papist ceremonies, sacrifices, offices, institutions, and traditions if they wish to avoid our bad grace and grievous punishment. We also expressly command you to break (ahatre) all images and idols, as well as the coram ipso, vel qui dum comparel illicenciatus recedit." Vocahiilariusjuris (Venice: Peregrinum de Pasqualibus. 1493). Sv" '""^"[Watteville] Nobles. s<;avans et honorables seigneurs et tous chiers feaux et bons subjectz. nous avons veu la bonne et attentive assistence que avez faict en la presente disputation, depuis le commencement jusques a present. De quoy. au nom de messeigneurs noz superieurs. grandement vous remercions. et nous en ferons le raport a nos ditctz seigneurs, lesquclz le recongnoistront en\ ers ung chacun selon sa qualite. Si commandons a tous. de la part de noz superieurs. soubz la peine de leur indignation, que personne ne face aucun trouble, motion ne sedition, mays que chacun vive en paix et bonne union fun avec fautre. en attendant fordonnance et vouloir de messeigneurs. lequel, en brief, .sera a tous manifeste." Piaget. Lcs actes ck la Dispulc de Lausanne. 424. 171 altars in the aforementioned churches and monasteries without delay. This should be done, however, in good order and without tumult."" The same day. Bern appointed fourteen ministers to serve the major towns in its French- speaking territories.'" In a single day. therefore, the Bernese government abolished the Catholic religion throughout the majority of French-speaking Switzerland. Approximately 50.000 people"' who had been Catholic on October 18 suddenly found themselves declared "Protestant." The Edict of Reformation may have officially ended """A ceste cause et effect mandons et commandons a tous et un chacun nous bailliffs, advoyer. chastelains. lieutenans et aultres officiers que. incontinent avoir vues icestes. vous transpourtiez d'une eglise en I'autre. et aussy es cloistres et monasteres que sont soubs votre charge et office et a tous prestres. provosts, doyens, chanoines. cures, vicaires. chappelains, abbes, prieurs. moennes. nunins et toutes autres persomies appelees gens d" Eglise. de notres part fassez expres commandement de sy incontinent depourter de toutes ceremonies, sacrifices, offices, institutions et traditions papistiques. et de toutellement cesser d'ycelles, entant qu'ils desireront d'eviter notre male grace et griefve punition; aussy vous expressement recommandant sans dilation abatre toutes images et idoles. aussy les autels estans dans lesdites eglises et monasteres: touteffois cella par bon ordre et sans tumulte . . . ." Chroniqueur. 341. Bern city council to its officials, Bern. October 19. 1536. "'"Nous avons regarde Telection que les predicants estans a Lausanne ont faicte des ministres en nous pays conquestes. pour anuncer la Parolle de Dieuz a nous soubgects des diets pays, et. sur ce ordonne que tu. incontinant avoir receuz iceste. toy transpourte ver[s| nostre Bailiff de *** lequel toy presentera a nous soubgects de ***. lllaicq tu exercera[s| Toffice du ministre de TEvangille. selonn la grace que Dieuz t'aura donnee.. .. a Payeme. Richard du Boys; a Mouldon. Francoys du Rivier; a Vivey. Jehan de Tomay: a Morgez. Jaque le Cocq; a Cossonay. Pierre Masuyer; a Rolle. Melchior d'Yvonant; a Coppet. Pierre Furet; a Nyon. po[u)r maistre d'escole. Math[i|euz Blanch; a Villeneu[vle et Mustreux, Jehan le Gruz; a Collonges, Jaques Camerle: a St.-Jullin. Adam a Regressuz; a Villa Emart. Beynon; a Concise. Ayme Collon; a Yvonant. Pierre Epilon; a Lustry, Guillaume Henry." Herminjard. IV. 91-92 (No. 574). Bern city council to the new pastors in the puys romand. Bern. October 19, 1536. These ministers were in addition to those previously appointed for the bailiwick of Yverdon (.see above, n. 67) and Fabri in Tlionon and Viret and Caroli in Lausanne. "'Figure based on 1558 bailiff report: Total number of households in Bern's 172 Catholic worship in Bern's lands, but it was only the beginning of a long struggle to get the people to follow the Protestant faith willingly. As Calvin wrote to his friend Francois Daniel shortly after the Lausanne Disputation. "The idols and altars have now begun to be destroyed in many places, and 1 hope that what remains will shortly be taken away. May the Lord grant that idolatrj' be removed from the hearts of all!""" French-speaking lands (not counting the city of Lausanne): 16.613. C'hronicfuciir. 286. "^"Jam e.\ multis locis idola et altaria labefactari coeperunt. ac brevi futurum spero. ut quod adhuc superest repurgetur. I"a.xit Dominus ut e.\ omnium cordibus idololalria corruat!" Herminjard. IV. 89 (No. 573). Martianus Lucanius (Calvin) to Francois Daniel. Lausanne. Octobcr 13. 1536. 173 Conclusion Bern's conquest of Vaud in 1536 brought thousands more people under its jurisdiction, further strengthening its position as the most powerful canton in the Swiss Confederation. Coming to the aid of Geneva against the duke of Savoy. Bern's swift military action and deft diplomacy ensured an easy v ictory free of potentially catastrophic interference from any third party, whether the Catholic cantons. Charles V. or Francis 1. During the march, the Bernese army received oaths of loyalty from all of the towns in Vaud formerly within the jurisdiction of both the duke of Savoy and the bishop of Lausanne. In return, they promised neither to infringe on traditional communal rights and privileges nor to compel anyone in matters of religion. Geneva, however, refused to yield former ducal and episcopal rights in the city to Bern and retained its independence. Bern quickly reneged on its promise not to force anyone in matters of faith. The majority of its new subjects proved to be steadfastly resistant to Protestant preaching, and religious disturbances erupted frequently. This antagonism and violence, together with Pope Paul Ill's convocation of a general council, prompted Bern to settle the religious situation once and for all by calling for the Lausanne Disputation. The Protestant ministers, led by Viret. had little difficulty debating with the much larger but mostly silent Catholic opposition. Although the vast majority of the clergy prc.sent at the disputation opposed the conclusions reached there. Bern acted swiftly to order the abolition of the mass and other "papist'' ceremonies, as well as the removal of images and altars. In one fell swoop, most of French-speaking Switzerland became nominally Protestant. The military campaign to defeat the duke of Savoy may have lasted only a couple of months. 174 but the battle for religious conformity would continue for years. Just as Calvin. Viret. and others have been labeled "second-generation reformers." the Reformation in Vaud might be classified as a "second-generation Reformation."' which may be an appropriate label for the Reformations in England and France as well. The unifying factor of the generation after Luther and Zvvingli was precisely the existing impact of those reformers on all of Europe. The second generation reformers benefitted from a Protestant theology already well developed before they themselves rose to prominence, but this advantage were counterbalanced by the deeply entrenchcd opposition to the "new heresy." The reformers may have had some fifteen years of Protestant writings to draw upon, but in areas untouched by the Reformation movement before about 1530. each passing year demonstrated more fully the radical break that the Protestants were making from the Catholic Church and strengthened the resolve of the people against the "Lutherans." as Protestants of all persuasions were universally labeled. The "second-generation Reformations." therefore, proved to be all the more difficult to push through. In France, it ultimately failed. In England. Catholic opposition to the Church of England would last throughout the si.xtcenth cenlur\'. The only reason Vaud became Protestant was because the first-generation Reformation city of Bern conquered it, forced it to become Protestant, and held it for over two hundred years. ""' This is not to be confused with the term, "second Reformation." which refers to the Calvinist advances in Germany during the second half of the sixteenth century. CHAPTER 4 THE STRUGGLE FOR RELIGIOUS CONFORMITY Enforcing the Edicts of Reformation Few of the natives of Bern's new French-speaking lands were pleased about the sudden religious change their new lords had imposed on them, and the generation following the Lausanne Disputation was marked by resistance to the new religion. Opposition to the new faith took different forms, depending on the socio-economic status of the people in question. I will examine three separate groups in attempting to analyze the various negative responses to the imposition of Protestantism on the people: the Catholic clergy, the nobility, and the lay commoners. The clergy were the most active opponents of the new faith, secretly peforming the mass and other Catholic ceremonies and encouraging the people not to trust the Bernese and their Reformation. The nobility's hostility primarily took the form of non-compliance and stemmed from resentment over their new. more subservient position within the Bernese political structure. They had been accustomed to governing their territories as they saw Ht; now Bom was forcing them to enforcc its edicts, which they did not agree with in the first place, on their lands. The common laity, as usual, is the most difficult group to assess accurately. Their resistance also most often took the fomi of non-compliance; they refused to attend the sermons, to send their children to catechism, or to abandon their accustomed religious traditions. One must also consider factors of ignorance and apathy, however. iVlan> of the customs that 176 the reformers saw as distinctly Catholic, the people simply saw as a common way of life. And we must always at least consider the possibility that many people simply did not care much about religion. From the reformers" point of view, however, apathy was the worst kind of resistance. The Gospel demanded devotion to God; even Catholicism was better than apathy, which they saw as a kind of atheism requiring the strictest correction possible. The Edict of Reformation issued on October 19. 1536, started the process of dismantling the Catholic religion in Bern's French-speaking lands. The first order of business was the organized physical removal and/or destruction of all Catholic ornamentation, including altars, images, and vestments. The Bernese hoped to weaken attachments to the old faith by eliminating all visible remnants of it. Only when that process was fully under way did Bern issue a second Edict of Reformation, which defined the religious and moral laws the people were to follow. In Lausanne, the destruction of images started prematurely, almost immediately following the disputation. On October 10. the cathedral canons complained of the iconoclasm before the city council and handed over the keys to the cathedral, which would remain closed to the public until February 1537.' For the most part, however, the '"Tunc ibidem fuit conclusum. eo quod domini de capitulo exposuerunt quod nonnulli habitatores et burgenses qui vocantur evangeliste qui maiorem ecclesiam saltern altaria dirruere volebant. et quod ipsi dom. de capitulo deprecabant ipsos de consilio ut haberent ecclesiam recomendatam. et quod darent claves ipsius ecclesie cui placeret consiliaribus. Et promiserunt qui supra non facere innovationes. eo quod tradite fucrunt claves burgimagistro dicte ccclesie. et juraverunt." Chavannes, "Extraits des Manuaux de Lausanne." A/D/? 36 (1882): 300-01 (October 10. 1536). 177 destruction and removal of images took place in an orderly fashion under the auspices of Bernese ambassadors moving from town to town between October 1536 and January 1537. Images of stone and wood were destroyed. Items of value, including clerical vestments, were confiscated and often sold to other Catholic lands, enriching Bern's coffers with vast sums of money." Much of the Lausanne cathedral's ornamentation ultimately ended up in the Bern Historv' Museum.^ Lausanne itself likewise profited from the sale of ecclesiastical vestments and ornaments. Although Bern had reserved for itself the goods of the cathedral, it granted the property of the parish churches to the Lausanne city council.^ Lest the profits made from the sale of this ecclesiastical merchandise lead ""La vente qui se fit au plus offrant des biens sequestres des couvens, produisit. selon le compte qu'etablit la Notice sur les cures dii pays de Vuud une somme de L[ivresl. 145.000. La vente des omements et habits sacerdotau.\ donna [L.] 2515. Les vases d'or et d'argent. .. ensemble faisant [L.| 16.195. [Total): L. 165.710.. . . Mais ce chiffre est loin de representer la realite. La seule cathedrale. selon les inventaires que nous avons donnes de sa richesse. renfermait 275 marcs 5 Vz onces or. 1668 marcs 6 '/; onces argent; c'est plusieurs fois la valeur des 16.195 livres portees ci-dessus." approximately an additional 39.600 pounds. Chroniqueiir. 355, and note. ^See Jacques Stammler. Le fresor de la cathedrale de Lausanne, Jules Galley, trans.. Memoires et documents publics par la societe d'histoire de la Suisse romande. 2"'' ser.. 5 (Lausanne; Georges Bridel & C""", 1902). ^"Furent vendu certeyns callices. estant entre les meyns de sire Anthoine Gavet el Jaques Violat. pour le pris de III'^ (300) bon florins. 4 sols, 6 den." (April 9. 1537). "Put conclud et ordone debvoyer vendre les chappes et chasubles aultrefoys apartenantes au.\ convents de Sainct Franscoys et La Magdaleyne a Lausanne, a certeyn marchand de Besanzon. et c'est pour le pris de si.\ vingts et qutre escus au soloyel du coingt du Roy de France, lesquieulx furent remis es mayns de S' Jehan Borgcys" (March 25. 1538). "J'ay [Johan Rochit. the treasurer] receuz de monsieur le bandaret de la Pallu. le S' Glaude Gumuens. de I'argent par luy receuz du brodeur de Besansom. de trenta et IX chappes et chasubles, de quoy il y en avoyt deux chasubles extimees XX.X escus aud soloy. vendu tout en somma la somme de quatre vignt escus aud soloy. desqueulx ledit 178 one to become cynical about Bern's motivations tor dissolving the Catholic Church in its lands, it should be pointed out that a significant portion of the money made went towards providing salaries for both the new Protestant ministers and the old Catholic clergy who chose to adopt Protestantism and remain in Bern's lands. To add insult to injur>'. Bern forced the towns themselves to pay for the labor involved in removing the images. Not all areas were eager to yield or destroy the symbols of the old faith. At Saint-Saphorin. whose church had been enriched by gifts from the bishops of Lausanne, armed men rebuffed Bern's bailiff, initially preventing him from cann ing out his task. The townspeople later gave in. and sent a deputation to Bern to beg for mercy.'' Other places resisted more subtly. The people of Lutry. for example, decided to hide the great crucifix, the baptismal font, and the consecrated host.^ Despite brodeur delivra pronteman XX escus aud soloy aud dit banderet. et je Jeham Rochit confesse les avoyer receuz les XX escus. chescum escu valiam quatre tlorin VIII gro.. le demyer d'octobre 1545. qui som en somma LXXXXIlf flor. 1111 gr." "Item plus, ay re^uz du Jasque Violat a causa de la fianse du brodeur de Besansom pour les chasubles, desquelles le seigneur Jasque Violat avoit respondu. sosanta escu aud soloy. desqueux sosanta escus j'ay receu/. le XIX d'octobre 1545. trente escus aud soloy. qui se admontem en somma CXXXX tlor." Chavannes. "Extraits des Manuaux de Lausanne." MDR 1 (1887): 10-11. 'See below. 183. ''Vuilleumier. 191. ^On October 31. Aime Deprez reported to the Lutry city council, "comment Monseigneur le bailli de Lausanne gate toutes les eglises dans la region de Lucens et fait bruler les images. Sur ce. on a charge Ic banderet. . . de descendre Ic crucifix et de le cacher.... Plus, le vicaire de Monsieur le Cure a comparu et demande i'avis du Conseil sur ce qu'il doit faire de la conche de I'eau baptismale. du corpus Jomini. de la custode et aussi des vetements saccrdotaux appartenant a la paroisse. 11 a etc conclu que le corpus Jomini sera depose dans la crotte [a vault in the town hallj. d'une fai;on honnete. decente 179 these few minor setbacks, the purging of ornamentation from the Catholic churches and monasteries went fairly smoothly. The abolition of the mass, however, presented a different set of difficulties, for it was much more difficult to enforce. Removing images from a church was one thing; preventing priests from secretly saying the mass wtis quite another. Moreover, the number of Protestant ministers available to lead the Reformed worship service still lagged far behind the number of parishes that theoretically required them. In many places, therefore, where no Protestant minister was available, the priests continued to celebrate the mass exactly as before.'* Even in Lausanne, where Pierre Viret et digne et qu'on y allumera la lampe. comme s'il etait dans Teglise. On y joindra aussi la dite conche afin que le tout soil retrouve quand besoin sera. Quant aux vetements d'eglise appartenant a la paroisse. le vicaire devra les remettre au banderet et a Guillaume Carrat. qui ont ete charges d'executer le present arrete." Quoted in Campiche, "La fin du culte catholique a Lutry." 284-85. *Farel refers to instances in the Chablais in a letter to Johannes-Rudolph Nagueli: *11 semble que, jusques a ce qu'on puysse donncr ordre plus plainement, sera bon que instituez Froment a Colonges et lyeux la prochains. faisant que les prestres ne se meslent plus du peuple. ne d'enseigner. ne d'administrer les sacremens, ne des cures, ne autres. et singulierement les gros loupz el qui plus ont seduict et presse le povre peuple. Davantaige. Monseigneur. je ne puys rien entendre de la chastellanie de Temy fTernier]; il me semble proprement que c'est une mocquerie. Le chastellan. vous le congnoissez qu'il vault; il y a ung lieutenant que je crois estre peu songneux ne de I'honneur de Dieu. ne de Messeigneurs. Les uns chantent. les autres je ne s(;ay qu'ilz font." Merminjard. IV. 103 (No. 580). Farel to Nagueli. Geneva. November 14. 1536. In December. Christophe Fabri reported to Farel that he had heard that three parishes near Nyon were still celebrating the mass: "Audivi a quibusdam rusticis Missas superstites esse in tribus pagis Niduno proximis. quos vocant Bourcin [Bursins). Machicy [Marchissyl et Longeroz [Longirodl." Merminjard. IV. 126 (No. 589). Fabri to Farel. Thonon. Decembers. 1536. I.ikevvise. Bern had to order the town of Chardonne [northwest of Vevey| to stop celebrating the mass; "Chiers et feaulx. nous avons entenduz que. non obstant la deffense que nous ambassadeurs a tous \ ous de la parroiche de Corsy ont faicte. et les promesses que vous deputes a nous diets ambassadeurs ont faictes. de nous obeyr en I'endroit du 180 and Pierre Caroli were both active as Protestant ministers, the city council imposed a 10- pound fine on anyone celebrating or attending the mass, since members of the council had heard that "certain individuals had arranged to celebrate the mass, baptize children, and perform marriages and other papal ceremonies."'' To bring order to some of the chaos following the Edict of Reformation published on October 19. Bern issued its second major Edict of Reformation for its French-speaking lands on December 24. 1536. Whereas the first edict had defined the Bernese Reformation in primarily negative terms, abolishing the mass and images, the edict of Christmas Eve set out positively and more fully the ecclesiastical order and way of life that was to be followed.'" The edict stated, first, that only ministers approved by Bern would be allowed to preach in its lands and commandement que vous ont faict de desister des toutes ceremonies papales, - vous comme obstines. laisses chanter au [read: ou] disre messe en vostre chapelle, ce que nous est grand regraict et mesprissance. Dont vous commandons tresacertes. de vous incontinant depourter de cella. en tant que desires d'eviter nostre indignation et grieffe punition." Herminjard. IV. 138-39 (No. 593). Bern city council to the parishioners of Chardonne. Bern. December 17. 1536. ''"Le vendredi XXll de decembre convoque le Conseyel. Ricre Conseyel et ir. au.xquieulx fut expose par le bourguemeystre en la mode qu'il s'ensuyl: Magniffiques signieurs. vous estes yci invoques pour cella que messeigneurs de Conseyel ont entendu que aulcuns particuliers. habitans de l.ausane et bourgoyes. feysiont celebrer me.sse. baptiser enfans. tere manage et aultres sermonies papales, lesquelles sont differentes et repugnantes a la loy evangelicquez. a laquelle sommes conformes et a ycelle volons vivre: pourquoy fut par ledit signieurs [sic| bourguemeystre prie aux dit signieurs acistans [read: assistans) vouloyer sur cella avoyer advis et avoyer leurs opinions. Et alors fut conclud: Ordonez de crier publiquemant que ung chescun feysant telles serimonics papales. comme dessus. et ausi ung chescun allant hoir messe hors du ballivage. ny allieurs. soyet tenuz poyer. a scavoyer X lib. pour une chescune foyes." Chavannes. "Extraits des Manuaux de Lausanne." MDR 1 (1887): 18-19 (December 22. 1536). "'The full text of the edict is printed in the Chronuiticur. 348-50. 181 that they were to preach oniy the pure Word of God. but it left the tasic of electing ministers to the existing Protestant clergy." The edict went on to overturn Catholic prohibitions on clerical marriage and the eating of meat during times of fasting, and it reiterated the ban on going to mass "or other papal ceremonies."'" Additional prohibitions were made against taking oaths in the name of saints.'^ reciting the.-/vv Maria}^ and wearing the rosary." Several moral laws followed, outlining punishments for adultery, fornication, prostitution, blasphemy, gambling, luxurious clothing, and immodest dancing. Many of the penalties were not as harsh as those established in other Protestant communities. Adultery, for example, was punishable by five days and nights in prison on bread and water for the first offense, ten days for the second otTense. and fifteen days for the third. Banishment was not prescribed ""Premierement que nul soit mele d'annoncer la Parole de Dieu en nos dits pays que ne soit sur nous a ce depute. Toutefois ['election desdits ministres se pourra faire par les predicans et iceux a nous presentes pour les confirmer. 2) Que iceux ministres purement annoncent la Parole de Dieu en tant que desirent eviter notre male grace." Chroniqucur, 348. '""Nous avons aussi ordonne que vous vous deportiez d'aller a la messe et autres ceremonies papales sous le bamp. I'homme de dix florins et la femme de cinq." Chroniqiieiir. 349. '^"Nous etablissons que quand vous ferez serment. que le fassiez par le nom de Dieu sans nommer les saints." Chroniqiieiir. 349. ""Nous sommes tous certains que tous sont d'opinion que nul doive adorer autre, sinon un Seigneur Dieu. comme notre Seigneur JtSus-Christ nous a appris. a cette cause voulons que Ton ne dise I'Ave Maria en lieu de priere et que Ton ne les sonne plus comme du temps passe." Chroniqiieiir. 350. ''"Pour eviter le scandale et noise a\ ons ordonne que nul doive porter paternoster sous peine. Thomme de trente sols et la femme de quinze sols." Chroniqiieiir. 350. 182 until the fourth offense."* The Strasbourg reformer Martin Bucer. by contrast, believed adultery should be punishable by death.and indeed, many Protestant towns made adultery a capital crime on the books, even if they rarely meted out the extreme sentence.'" Bern's "four strikes and you're out" policy was quite lenient by comparison.' ' ""'Nous ordonnons et expressement commandons que tous publics adulteres et paillards se remettent a honnetete. delaissant leurs mauvaise et scandaleuse vie. en tant qu'il desirent eviter punitions suivantes: 1) Les adulteres hommes ou femmes qui auront commis adultere public, a savoir que tels adulteres seront manifestes. ou par fuite. ou par procreation d'enfans, ou par bons temoignages, iceux et icelles doivcnt etre mis en prison et detenus cinq jours et cinq nuits a pain et a eau. et ensemble du potage; ceux qui portent office etre prives d'iceux et davantage etre detenus en prison trois jours et trois nuits; les predicans avoir perdu leur ministere et aussi etre punnis par prison comme dessus. 2) Ceux et celles qui commettront adultere la seconde et tierce fois, etre punis la seconde fois de dix jours et dix nuits. la tierce fois quinze jours et autant de nuits a pain et a eau comme dessus est dit. en prison. 3) Ceux et icelles qui commettront adultere la quatrieme fois doivent etre bannis hors de nos pays. Commettant la cinquieme fois adultere apres que nous leur aurons pardonne. sur evidente meilleurance, voulons chatier et punir scion notre avis plus rigoureusement." Chroniqueur, 349. '^"Porro. quantum Dominus detestetur retinere aut iterum admittere adulteram. et ex CO certe debet perspici. quod lege populo suo praecepit. idque summo misericordi et salutari iudicio. adulteros lapidare. Probeque consyderandum. quod huic flagitio a populo suo protligando hanc decrevit peonam lapidationis, qua omnis populus nianus suas talium sanguine sanciificaret, eoque gratum ipsi faceret sacritlcium, atque tanti sceleris contaminatione et culpa turn Ecclesiam. turn rempublicam suam liberaret. Atqui manifesta est in Dominum blasphemia. dicere. eum non aeque nunc velle deterrimum istud adulterii tlagitium de populo suo summa severitate profligari." Martin Bucer. De Re^no Christi. Fran9ois Wendel. ed.. Martini Buceri Opera Latina. 15 (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France; Gutersloh; C. Bertelsmann. 1955). 189. '*See. e.g.. Joel F. Harrington. Rconlerinf^ Marriage and Society in Reformalion Ger/m/m'(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1995). 224-38. Robert Kingdon has documented a number of cases where adultery was punished by death in Geneva before it was officially designated a capital crime. Adidlery and Divorce in Calvin '.v Geneva. Harvard Historical Studies. 1 18 (Cambridge. VIA: Harvard University Press, 1995). 116- 42. 183 The most significant article of the December edict concerned the existing Catholic clergy; Concerning those who are called churchmen (gens J'egiise). we have ordered that all those who wish to live their entire lives according to God and the Tonn of our Reformation may and should enjoy their benefices and prebends .... And since many goods are necessary due to the great number of these churchmen, and also in order to support the preachers, and since we must equally consider the poor of this country, we have ordered that all [immovable] goods of the church remain as they are. and everyone must continue to pay them as in the past, until we order otherwise upon the deaths of the churchmen.'" It may seem surprising that Bern allowed the Catholic clergy who agreed to convert to continue to hold their benefices and prebends, but from a financial perspective, there were few other options. Denying them these incomes would have rendered hundreds of former '''The punishments for fornication and prostitution were likewise rather light, demanding only a simple warning for the first offense in both cases: "Personnes non mariees commettant paillardise. doivent etre admonestees de soi deporter de tels vices, et icelles qu'apres tels admonestemens perseveront en leurs dits vices, etre punies par bannissement ou autre sortes. comme bon nous semblera. Partant les prostituees vagantes ne doivent etre hebergees es hotelleries. sinon une nuit. et les hotes les faire vuider sur perdition de leurs hotelleries. Les prostituees residantes en nos pays doivent etre admonestees de se desister dc leur mauvaise vie. et si apres icelles monitions ellcs ne se deportent. doivent un jour et une nuit a pain et a eau etre en prison detenues. et si elles faillent la seconde et tierce fois, toujours accroissement d'autant de jours el de nuits ladite punition: pareillement entendons que les paillards doivent etre comme les prostituees sus est dit. admonestes et punis." Chroniqueur. 349-50. "'^"Concernant les gens qu'on appelle gens d'eglise avons ordonne que tous ceu.x d'icelle qui voudront vivre scion Dieu et la forme de notre reformation, leur vie durant puissent et doivent gaudir de leurs benefices et prebendes. toutefois les pensions et absences deneguetes. Et a cause qu'il est grand nombre desdits gens d'eglise. et aussi pour entrctenir les predicans, il faut beaucoup de biens. pareillement est de necessite d'avoir consideration sur les pauvres dudit pays, avons ordonne que tous les biens d'eglise demeurent en leur etre. et chacun les payer ci-apris comme du passe, jusques a tant qu'apres les deces desdits gens d'eglise. nous y ordonnions autrement." C 'lironiqileur. 348-49. 184 clcrics homeless and penniless. The key provision of the allowance was that each cleric had to agree to follow the Protestant faith. Anyone who continued to profess Catholicism openly was forced to leave Bern's lands. In addition to avoiding an unemployment catastrophe. Bern's decision appears to have also stemmed from a desire to recruit the e.xisting clergy to help fill the many open preaching positions in the parishes. At the close of the Lausanne Disputation, there were only about thirty active Protestant ministers"' serving one hundred fifty-four parishes."" Former priests were not accepted as Protestant ministers without suitable training and e.xamination, but an avowal of religious conformity together with the promise of financial security seemed a good starting point towards transforming Catholic priests into Protestant preachers. What the Bernese got instead was a couple hundred fomier clergymen continuing to pull in ecclesiastical income while - at best - doing little to help the new Reformed Church or - at worst - causing disruptions in the churches and continuing to celebrate masses secretly. "'This number includes the eleven ministers elected at the Synod of Yverdon (see above, ch. 3. n. 70). the fourteen appointed after the Lausanne Disputation (see above, ch. 3. n. 111). Jacques Hugues in the Pays Gex, Viret and Caroli in Lausanne and Fabri and Fare! in the Chablais. There may have been a few others, but there were certainly not nearly enough to cover all the parishes. ""For a detailed study of the numbers of parishes and Catholic clergy in Vaud before and after the Lausanne Disputation, sec Christine Lyon. "Le sort du clerge vaudois au lendemain de la Reforme." Mcmoire de licence cn histoire modeme. L'niversity of Lausanne. 1998. 185 Catholic Clergy in a Protestant Land The first thing the Bernese had to do with regard to the existing Catholic clergy was to find out which ones were willing to follow the Edicts ot" Reformation and would therefore be allowed to stay, and which ones they had to banish from their territories. A commission was sent out in January 1537 both to examine the clergy and to take account of the existing ecclesiastical incomes."^ In most cases, the Bernese commissioners simply noted which individuals decided to stay and accept the Refonnation and which ones wanted to leave or had already left."^ The monks at Lac de Joux begged for an extension. based once again on the promise of an upcoming general council: The abbot and two monks from Lac de Joux appeared; the commissioners w ished to know if they intended to conform to the Reformation. They responded, after reading the act of submission signed by the abbot during the war. that they w ished to live in the ecclesiastical state until after the council. They were refused.""^ "^Excerpts from the commissioners' joumal have been published in French by Robert Centlivres, "Fragments du Joumal des Commissaires Bemois (Janvier-mars 1537)," Revue Historique V'audoise. 33 (1925): 257-69; 289-97; 345-50: 375-80; voL 34 (1926); 19-27:55-59:88-92. "^See. e.g., the list of the monks at Haut-Cret: "Les noms de Fabbe et des moines qui ont accepte la Reformation a Haut-Cret: L'abbe Petrus Morellus (t). Fabbe elu Claudius Morellus, Jean Marcens, prieur. Jean d" Yverdon (quittavit). Gaspardus Cevet [Levet?) (abiit), Johanes Villerum (abiit). Ludovicus Clerici (t). Anthonius Malliard (abiit), Petrus Hugnetus. Johannes Visinandi (abiit). Anthonius Ballif. Johanes Convert. Galesius Farqueti, Villermus Perrodus." Centlivres. "Fragments du joumal des commissaires bemois." RHV 33: 296. "^"L'abbe et deux moines du lac de Joux ont comparu: Messieurs les commissaires ont desire savoir si leur intention etait de se conformer a la Refomiation. A quoi ils ont repondu. apres lecture de Facte de soumission. signe par Fabbe durant la guerre qu'ils desireraient vivre dans Fetal eccleiastique jusqu'apres le concile. ce qui leur fut refuse." Centlivres. "Fragments du journal des commissaires bernois." /?//! '33: 269. 186 Despite their desire to live in the "ecclesiastical state." the abbot and monks eventually promised to accept the Reformation.''' From this brief e.xchange, we can note, first, that the monks had no great desire to follow the Reformation; their acceptance of Bern's edicts was a last resort, only offered after their plea to remain churchmen was rejected. Second, the episode shows that the clergy still held out hope that the promised general council would solve the religious question once and for all. This may. in fact, help to explain why (in addition to keeping their benefices) so many clergymen who clearly had no interest in joining the Protestant Church decided to stay in Bern's lands. An entirely different situation developed later; when the town of Orbe finally abolished the mass in 1554 - after the first two meetings of the Council of Trent had made it clear that the Western Church would not be reunited ~ every one of the Catholic clergy left Bern's lands.'' A third item of interest in the e.xchange between the monks of Lac de Jou.x and the Bemese is that the monks threw back in the faces of the Bemese the act of submission "''"Ceux du Lac de Joux qui s'engagent a respecter la Refonnation: En premier. Tabbe Claude Polens. Pierre Matery. de Thonon. Aymo de Tornafolo, cure de Saubraz. Jehan Lachez (veut aller ailleurs) (ne peut boire). Henri Romain Danesy [d'Anecyj (sequit Evangelium). Mischel Dinisat (veut etudier) (est parti), Pierre Rey. d'Evian. a accepte la Reforme. Pierre Crusy. cure d'Ependes (accepte la Reforme) (est paili)." Centlivres. "Fragments du journal des commissaires bemois." RHI 'J3: 290. •^The Catholic chronicler Pierrefieur notes with local pride. "Et est ici a noter qu'il n'y eut aucun pretre ni moine. ni aussi religieuses ni converses, qui etaient en la dite ville d'Orbe. qui vouliit renoncer a sa religion, quelque parti que les dits seigneurs dc Berne leur pre.sentassent. Ce qui n'a ete fait par tout leur pays: car la oil la dite religion est. tous ou la plupart des gens d'cglise ont renonce a leur loi premiere ...." Pierretleur. 232. 187 signed during the war against Savoy. It seems surprising that there is not more evidence of towns and individuals doing so. During the campaign the Bernese had promised to compel no one in matters of faith, an assurance they quickly withdrew. By reminding the Bernese of their untrust worthiness, the monks probably represented a widely held opinion among Bern's new subjects and caused the commissioners a certain amount of embarrassment. As during the Lausanne Disputation, the Lausanne cathedral canons proved to be the most uncooperative group of clergymen. After their request for a delay was denied." the Bernese asked if they were willing to accept the Edict of Reformation. The canons replied that they had no problem with the articles on morality, but "as for the rest, our conscience binds us to live and die according to God and the determination of the universal church . . . The commissioners then ordered them to leave, noting that • "Les chanoines de Lausanne qui ont accepte la Reformation de LL. EE.; Claude de Praroman. Etienne Gimel, Claude Blanc. Les autres ont demande un delai jusqu'a la St-Jean. ce qui leur fut refuse; ils ont eu le temps et le loisir de reflechir depuis la Dispute ...." Centlivres, "Fragment dujoumal des commissaires bemois." RffV3j: 375. "''"Interrogati an vellent acceptare et tenere eorum legem seu Reformacionem. ... Et premiercment ont respondu jote ce que dicte leurs conscience. Tant qui touche les articles de glothonie. adultayre, palliardise. maquerellage. blasfeme. jeuz. vestementz, benitions, dances, abolicions des pensions, et guerres. Iceulx voullons et desirons tenir et obser\'e cellon le commandement de Dieu. A la reste nostre conscience nouz rapporte de debvocr vivre et morir cellon Dieu et la determination de I'esglise universale en la quelle nous croyons en observacion de Tarticle du simbole aut quel n'entendons de voulloer devier. mays totalement observer." Peter Ruck. "Un recit de la captivite du Chapitre de Lausanne en fevrier 1537." Revue Hislorique VaiiJoise 78 (1970): 43-67 (text 62-64); here. 62. 63. Ruck found this document, entitled De Jetentione ct incarceralione dominonim de capiiiiio. in the Burgerbibliothek in Bern. He surmises. ". . . Tauteur est tres probablement - apres Tecriture et le contenu - le chanoine Michel Barbey (Barberii). 188 although they had caused Bern enough grief to deserve punishment, the canons would be free to go if they would immediately hand over all their moveable and immoveable goods.The canons replied that they had never hiirmed or conspired against the Bernese and that they could not hand over all their titles and goods since some had been placed in the care of the city and others sent to Fribourg and Vallais.^' The exasperated commissioners then locked them up - at the canons" own expense - in the chateau Saint- Maire until the goods could be retrieved/" One was released to cross Lake Geneva to collect titles that had been sent to Evian." but he returned with only a fraction of the qui dut rediger son texte immediatement apres les evenements, soit a la fm du mois de fevrier 1537" {Ibid.. 45). ^""Puisqu'ils se refusent a admettre la Reformation, les commissaires continueront a traiter avec eux et ils devront sur I'ordre de LL. EE. quitter le pays. On leur a represente qu'ils avaient assez travaille contre Tinteret de LL. EE. pour meriter d'etre traites avec plus de riguer: cependant on les laissera aller a la condition expresse qu'ils mettent immediatement a la disposition des commissaires tous les titres du Chapitre. les reconnaissances et le reste. avec les habits, omements. vetements sacerdotaux. coupcs, ostensoires. statues d'argent, etc." Centlivres. "Fragments du journal des commissaires bemois." RHV33: 375-76. ''"Les chanoines ont essaye de jurer qu'ils n'avaient jamais nui a Leurs Excellences, ni conspire contre elles. Ils ont declare qu'une partie des titres etaient a Fribourg, une autre partie au Valais. Ceux de la ville ont la majeure partie des habits et omements." Centlivres. "Fragments du journal des commissaires bemois." RHV 33: 376. ^""Necnon sub eorum manibus reposuerunt et detinucrunt omnia et singula bona mobilia el immobilia. eciam jurisdictiones totius Capituli et dominorum predictorum. Et nichilominus eosdem in dicto castro detentos retinuerunt et carceratos januis clausis et cum custodia prime janue et camere seu aule in qua erant repositi custodes vero circa octo vel deccm donee et quousque omnia jocalia. thesaurum juraque et titulos dicte ecclesie integre restituerint et cisdem deliberaverint. Expense vero eorundem dominorum ab eorum domibus fuerunt aportate." Riick. "L'n recit de la captivite du Chapitre de Lausanne." 63. '^"Dictus vero D. Michael Barberii dicta die sabbati hora meridiana fuit relaxatus 189 chapter's goods.Having spent nearly two weeks in Lausanne already, the Bernese commissioners finally released the cathedral canons from their incarceration and banished them from Bern's territories without having received all the chapter's titles. On the eve of the Lausanne Disputation, there had been approximately 550 members of the Catholic clergy in Vaud.^' By the time the Bernese commissioners had finished their investigations, about half the clergy had left the country and half stayed. One must, of course, question the motives of the 250 or so who remained, for only twelve had previously accepted the conclusions of the Lausanne Disputation.^'' Certainly money and property were factors. Bern presented the clerics with the option to stay and keep their incomes or go into exile penniless. This was essentially the same option facing many Protestants in France that led to widespread Nicodemism. It should hardly seem surprising that many of the clergy opted for economic security over religious conviction. pro eundo ultra lacum ad querendum ea que erant in sua potestate de consensu tamen prefatorum dominorum detentorum. Et inibi permansit usque in diem mercurii sequentem propter ventum vallidum in lacu, qua die rediit cum juribus. titulis et bonis." Ruck, "Un recit de la captivite du Chapitre de Lausanne." 64. Evian was. at this time, part of Valais, a Catholic canton that had aided Bem in its war against Savoy and took over the Chablais east of Evian. ^'"Unnd sye nit an. dz sy einen gan Efian geschickt hatten. der nun dz so s>' daselbs gehept bracht und uns dasselbig fiir gelegt, dz nit mer dann zwey erkandtnuss biicher und ettlich brieff gewiisenn." Riick, "Un recit de la captivite du Chaptire de Lausanne." 65, letter from the commissioners to the Bern city council. Lausanne. February 22. 1537. ^^Lyon, "Le sort du clerge vaudois au lendemain de la Reforme." 53. Lyon bases her number on 476 clergy she has been able positively to identify, plus an estimate of about another one hundred - vicars and curates primarily - who do not appear in the extant records. 190 Moreover, many of them probably believed that they were not. in fad. completely betraying their beliefs. We have seen how keenly aware the clergy were of the coming general council, scheduled to open in just a few months. Many probably thought that if they could stick it out until then, the council, perhaps together with the military might of the Catholic powers of Europe, would set the upstart, heretical city of Bern in its proper place, releasing the members of the clergy from their Protestant oppressers and allowing them to return to their jobs. The vast majority of the clergy had absolutely no interest in furthering the Protestant cause. The Bernese later made it clear that they did. in fact, hope to transform Catholic priests into Protestant ministers. In 1539. they ordered the Lausanne city council to train the former Catholic clergy in the city for the ministry: ... It has come to our notice that there are various priests and monks among you who have accepted the Reformation and are living off of the goods of the church. In the future they could serve in the ministry of the Gospel if they would only study Holy Scripture. Therefore, we order and command that they go to lectures and studies if they wish to enjoy their prebends . . . . "'See above, ch. 3. 169. '^"Et \ ous faysons s9avoir estre venuz ii nostre notice, comme riere vous soyent aulcuns devers [Herminjard. "jeunes"| prestres et moynes que ont accepte nostre reformation, et en vigeur de ce vivent des biens d'Esglise: lesquels a I'advenir pourroint servir au ministere de I'Evangile. sy ainy feust que voulsissent estudie en la Saincte Escripture. A ceste cause, vous mandons et commandons iceul.\ induisre d'aller es lections et estudiez. en tant que desirent de jouir de leurs prebendes. affm que puissent. comme diet est. servir et ministrer [Herminjard. "servir au diet ministere"]." Herminjard. V. 288-89 (No. 783). Bern city council to the Lausanne city council. Bern. April 21. 1539; SK.B AIll 159. fol. 114v°. I note the differences between my transcription of the letter in the Bern archives and the published letter in Herminjard because Bern did not just want the young ("jeunes") clergymen to be trained but all of ihcm ("aulcuns devers"). 191 Bern's hopes proved to be ill-founded, however: only four former Catholic clergymen out of over two hundred ever became Protestant ministers.^* Perhaps an even better indication of the utter lack of Protestant conviction on the part of the Catholic clergy is that we know of only twelve who ever married/' Rather than a potential pool of ministers, therefore, the Bernese found instead a coterie of disaffected clerics waiting out the Reformation until the general council and Vaud's eventual return to Holy Mother Church. In the meantime, some former priests were continuing to celebrate the mass in secret. In July 1537. Andre Ansel was arrested in Lausanne for performing "certain Papal ceremonies" in his home on the feast of Mary Magdalene and sentenced to be "marked" (se suhmisil marcationi) for his offense. All those who performed or attended such ceremonies and were to be punished "according to the content of the established edict."^" ^*Lyon. "Le sort du clerge vaudois au lendemain de la Reforme." 62-66. ^''Lyon, "Le sort du clerge vaudois au lendemain de la Reforme. " 68. ^""Die Martis praescripta fuerunt congregati Retro Consilium numero sexaginta Burgenses deliberaturi super detentione Domini Andraeae Anselli qui est arrestatus in domo villa, occasione certarum seremoniarum Papalium factarum in domo sua die Dominica festi Beata Maria Magdalena. Fuit deliberatum et conclusum quod illi qui fecerunt tales serimonias pugniatur iu.xta continentiam cridarum factarum. Et quod illi qui fuerunt praesentes. solvant iuxta contentum articulorum et cridarum factarum. Item, idem Dominus Andraeas Anselli se submisit marcationi de dicta offensa. et promisit solvere id quod erit marciatiim. moderatione Dominorum Consiliariorum reservata." AVL Chavannes. D 12. fol. 30v° (July 24. 1537). It is unclear what sort of mark he was to receive, but it could hav e been as serious as a brand: cf. Charles du Fresne. Seigneur du Cange. Gossariim mediae el infimae Lalinitatis. 10 vols. (Paris Librarie des sciences et dcs arts. 1938 f 1883-1887|). V. 265; 192 It is not clear, however, whether the council was referring to the statutes they themselves had esablished the previous December^' or to Bern's Edict of Reformation/" The Bemese were not pleased about the activity of the priests in Lausanne. In August, they warned Lausanne. We hear that you are still supporting priests who did not wish to accept our Reformation and that they continue to carry on. completely filled with idolatry, to our great regret. We expressly advise you to administer to them immediately and without delay the oath to leave your city and territory and to reside there no longer, notifying them that if they do not wish to obey, we will determine what further action must be taken.^^ Ambassadors from Lausanne replied that they had always exercised "extreme diligence " in enforcing the Reformation and that there were only a few non-conformist priests who remained in town simply because they were debilitated by old age or sickness." By "Marcatio: Nota. inustio. stigma . . . Stat. Crimin. Saonae cap. 17. pag. 19: Piiniaiur talis delinijiiens et condenmutur atlfrustram et Xfarcalionem: et una Jie fusti^etiir piiblice per civitateni Saonae. alio die ferro i^riito niarchetiir in fnmtis." ^'See above, n. 9. ^"See above. 180-81. '""F.ntendons comme .soubstenes tousjours les prestres que n'ont voulsu accepter nostre reformation, el que iceulx acomplissent ancores tout plain d'idolatrie. don't avons tres-grand regret. Vous admonestans expressement. sans aulcung delays, de leur donner incontinant le serement de vuider vostre ville et seigneurie. ct n'y plus fayre residence, en leur notiffiant que sy ne veulent obehir. que adviserons comme ly fauldra en oultre besognier." Herminjard. IV, 279 (No. 652). Bern city council to the Lausanne city council. Bern. August 24. 1537. •'•'"En appres. vous pleutz aussy nous rescripre que ancore [il y| avoyi dans Lausanne plusieurs prestres non conformes a vostre reformation. Vous advertissans que tousjour avons fayctz extreme diligence, et ancoure. par Ic moyan de \ostre susdicte lettre. avons cherche par toutte nostre ville. Si n'avons irouve en icelle que certayns prestres mal-ayses. lesqueulx tant par vielliesse et impotence ne pourriont cheminer; sil se sont outTertz vivre jouste icelle [reformation!, et eulx contrevenans estre griefvenient 193 October 1537. Lausanne still had not lived up to Bern's demands and received another stem admonishment to banish the priests/" A month later, the discovery of another cleric who had secretly performed the mass in Lausanne aggravated the situation. The Dominican Jacques Dau.\ had celebrated the Feast of All Saints" Day in his room and was apparently fined by the city council but not banished.^'' This was the last straw for the Bernese. They summoned representatives from Lausanne to appear in Bern "to hear our will and final resolution.""*^ A summons to appear before the Bern city council was not generally something to be relished. The magistrates were irate, and they wanted the troublesome priests out. This time. Bern apparently got through to the Lausannois. Ibr no more angry letters on the subject e.xist. This is not to say. though, that no priests remained in punis." Herminjard. IV. 289-90 (No. 656). Deputies from Lausanne to the Bern city council. Bern, [towards the beginning of September 1537]. . . vous derrechieff et tres-acertes commandons que a icelle incontinant soit donne lieuz: ... Secondement. que les prestres que n'ont voulsuz accepte nostre reformation, lesquels debvies bannis atout le serement [read: avec sermentj hors de nous pays, incontinant mettes en prison et captivite. et de la leur donnes serement de vuider incontinant nous pays et jurisdictions." Herminjard. IV. 302 (No. 662). Bern city council to the Lausanne city council. Bern. October 8. 1537. .. Frere Jaques Dau.\ detenu en prison a cause qui a\ oit chante le jour Feste Toussainct en sa chambre. comparu et a deu.\ genoulz en terre demandy pardon dc ladite offence. Et se submist a la misericorde et ordonnance de Mess"^' de Conseil. de tout cella que sera ordonne. et a promist de poyer ce que sera ordonne." .WL Chavannes D 12. fol. 35v° (November 13. 1537). ^^"A ceste cause avons estably journee pour comparoistre par devant nous et nostre grand Conseil. assavoir Lundi iii dc decembre prochain. Sur ce s<;aches envoyer vous commis avecq plaine et entiere charge d'entendre nostre voiilente et finale resolution, et a icelle sans plus delayer donner lieuz. A ce ne taicte faulte." SKB AMI 194 Lausanne: Bern only wanted those who had not accepted the Reformation to be banished. Still. Lausanne's reaction through the whole affair is telling. For one thing, it shows that the magistrates were not terribly eager to evict former priests from the city. Even after at least two stem warnings and an appearance in Bern, they saw fit only to fine Jacques Dau.\ for celebrating the mass. More than ten years later, in 1551, when a former cathedral canon came looking for his pension, the Lausanne council denied it "since it came out of poor relief funds . . . and since he had not accepted the Reformation (ipse mm in Reformatione).'~** The council, therefore, while not encouraging Catholicism, certainly did not go to the ends the Bernese desired in keeping its lands free of non-conformist priests. Another aspect of the above Bern-Lausanne exchange to note is the somewhat confused jurisdiction. Both cities had issued edicts concerning the Reformation; Lausanne's edict prescribed a simple fine often pounds for saying or attending the mass.^ ' Bern's Edict of Reformation imposed a similar tine on those attending the mass but implied that any priest who continued to celebrate the mass did not. in fact, accept the Reformation and must therefore be banished.The Largess of Lausanne'' had given the city a certain amount of independent jurisdiction, but matters of religion were not 159, fol. 46r''. Bern city council to the Lausanne city council, Bern. November 21. 1537. ^""Eadem die dominus Claudius de Prez alias Corcelles petiit sibi solvi retentas centum ffl [florins] pensionis. Et fuit conclusum vise quod dicta pensio est de bonis pauperum quod nihil habebit. viso etiam quod ipse non in Reformatione. sed fuit remissis ad mensem." AVI. Chavannes D 12. fol. 231 r" (February 5. 1551). '''See above, n. 9. '"See above. 180-83. 195 specifically spelled out. Years later, this confusion over competing jurisdictions led directly to Viret's banishment.'" If Catholic priests continued to pose a problem in l.ausanne. which as the largest city in Bern's French-speaking lands had resident Bernese officials and Protestant ministers, how much greater a threat did they pose in towns and villages where no officials or ministers resided? The problems in Lausanne led Bern to send out another commission to investigate the religious situation in their lands at the beginning of 1538. The commissioners were instructed once again to banish priests who accepted the Reformation only in order to keep their prebends and who continued to perform Catholic rituals in secret.'^ They were also ordered to investigate the nuns of Corsinge. near Thonon. and reprove them for their alleged "scandalous life."^^ Upon the commission's return, the Bernese called for a synod to take place in l.ausanne on March 31.1538. under the leadership of the Bemese pastors. Peter Kunz and Erasmus Ritter. All of the clergy in Bern's French-speaking lands were asked to attend, and Calvin and Farel were also invited, as long as they agreed to adhere to the Bemese ^'See above, ch. 3, 139-40. ^"See below, ch. 5. 290-92. '^Ruchat. VI. 474. .. au commencement de I'annee 1538. LL. EE. y cnvoyerent de nouveau.x Deputez. chargez de divers ordres; .. . examiner ensuite la vie des Religieuses du Lieu pres de Coursinge. au Bailliage de I honon. pour les chatier a cause de leur vie scandaleuse." Ruchat. VI. 474. Ruchat does not indicate the exact nature of their scandalous life, however. 196 liturgical forms." The Synod of Lausanne did not paint a rosy picture of the state of religious affairs in the land. The ministers complained that Bern's bailiffs were not strict enough in weeding out priests who did not truly accept the Reformation.''' The priests, "continued to keep their habits, concubines, and religion, and persisted in saying the mass. They go from house to house seducing the people, especially the women."'^ People continued to keep their pennies, or statues of the saints, and women continued to wear their rosaries.'** "In some places there were people who had never been to the holy ^'"Nous avons. pour bien et union de nous predicans. avise de tenir ung synode a Lausanne sur le dymenche d'en my-caresme. qu'est le dernier jour de ce moys. - vous sur ce prians notiffier a maistre Guillaume Farcl el maistre Jehan Calvinus. et [leur| permectre de soy trouver illaicq sur le dit jour." Herminjard. IV. 403, n. 1 (Bern to Geneva. March 5. 1538). . . toutteffoys par condition que premierement eulx et aultres vous predicants et vous. vous accordes de vous conformer avecque nous touchant les ceremonies." Herminjard. IV. 403 (No. 694). Bern city council to the Geneva city council. Bern. March 20. 1538. The churches in Bern's lands used unleavened bread in the Eucharist and baptismal fonts, whereas in Geneva, leavened bread was used and baptismal fonts were not. Moreover, the Bernese continued to celebrate the feasts of Christmas. New Year's. Annunciation, and Ascension Day. but the Genevans abolished all feast days but Sundays. See Ruchat. VI. 476. Vuilleumier. 306-07. '^"En divers lieu.x les Baillifs et autres Hauts Officiers ne faisoient pas assez observer les Loix de la Reformation, ne chatioient pas les Contrevemins. et en particulier toleroient les Pretres qu'on avoit laisse chez eux. dans I'esperance qu'ils se reformeroient." Ruchat. VI. 480. '^"Ces Pretres conservoient toujours leurs habits, leurs Concubines, et leur Religion, et disoient la Messe: et meme ils alloient de maison en maison. seduisant le Peuple. et particulierement les femmes." Ruchat. VI. 480-81. "En divers lieux les particuliers conserv oient encore chez eux leurs Dieux Penates, je veux dire, les Images el les statues de leurs Saints. Les femmes portoient toujours leurs Chapelets." Ruchat. VI. 482. Penates is a Latin word referring to the household gods venerated by the Romans. It is not clear whether this is a direct quote or paraphrase from the manuscript - now unfortunately lost - Ruchat was using. 197 assemblies to listen to the ministers.. . . There were entire villages where the inhabitants had never been to a single sermon, and when a minister went to preach, they did not want to listen to him ... and they did not baptize their children."^' In Aubonne. the nobles rejected the Reformation: the priests accepted it but only to keep their prebends. The priests did not go to the sermon, but "when the sermon was over, they entered the church and muttered their prayers. They went publicly to visit the sick, consoling them in their manner."^" We must recognize that the synod's report reflects the unusually high e.vpectations of a group of ministers intent on accomplishing a "true Reformation" of the church, and it may therefore have exaggerated the extent of the problems in order to get the Bernese magistrates to crack down on religious non-conformity. Nevertheless, the complaints are detailed enough, matching one's expectations for the initial success of a Reformation imposed from above, that they must have been largely true. Two years after Bern's conquest of Vaud. the majority of the priests and the people had not come close lo embracing the new religion. ^''"En quelques lieux 11 y avoit des gens qui n'avoient jamais encore ete aux Saintes Assemblees. pour ecouter les Ministres. On pria LL. EE. d'employer leur autorite pour les y contraindre. 11 y avoit des Villages entiers. dont les habitans n'avoient point encore ete a aucun Sermon; et quand un Ministre y alloit precher. ils ne vouloient pas I'ecouter, mais le chargeoient d'injures. et ils ne faisoient point batiser Icurs Enfans." Ruchat. VI. 483. ''""A Aubonne. les Nobles, le Chatelain et le Secretaire rejettoient la Reformation. Les Pretres I'avoient embrassee; mais il parut evidemment qu'ils ne I'avoient fait que par un vil interet. afm de conserver leurs prebendes. lis portoient toujours leur habit, n'alloient point aux Sermons: et des que le Sermon etoit fini. ils entroient dans le Temple, el y marmottoient leurs Prieres. Ils alloient publiquement visiter les malades. pour les consoler a leur maniere." Ruchat. VI. 484-85. 198 Monks and nuns represented yet another obstacle to the Reformation in Vaud. Like the priests, they were allowed to stay in Bern's lands and keep their property if they declared their acceptance of the Reformation. In most cases, they simply followed what their abbot or abbess decided to do.''' an ironic "decision" for those who accepted the Reformation; newly "Protestant" and released from their vows, these monks and nuns became Protestant precisely due to their adherence to the monastic vow of obedience. Unlike priests, the regular clergy lived together in communities; were they to be allowed to remain in their communities, presenting a highly visible reminder of the old faith? Or were they, like other visible remnants of Catholicism such as images, to be broken up? In Lausanne, a compromise position was reached: the regular clergy were brought within the city walls but allowed to live communally.''" The Cistercian nuns of Bellevau.x were allowed to live in their convent for a year after the Lausanne Disputation before they were moved en masse into a single dwelling within the city walls.Only after the Synod of Lausanne, in April 1538. were they required to cease wearing their monastic habits.''"* Despite these restrictions, it appears that the nuns continued to live together in Lausanne for years: the Lausanne city council increased their pensions in 1539 and 1540. and '"'Vuilleumier, 226. ''"The property rights of the clergy in Lausanne were somewhat different than in the rest of Vaud. The Lausanne Largess (see above, ch. 3, 139-40) divided all ecclesiastical goods and property rights of the cathedral, parish churches, and monasteries between the cities of Bern and Lausanne, which were to use those goods to prov ide for any clerics who remained, agreeing to accept the Reformation. ''^Ruchat. VI. 365; Vuilleumier. 198. 199 provided new clothing for them in 1541 and 1544."^ Likewise, the Cistercian monks of Montheron were forced into the city in 1538. where "it would be easier for them to go to the lectures and sermon in Lausanne."''^ Although both houses were forced to move inside Lausanne, it is telling that the men were not relocated until a full year after the women. The magistrates obviously thought that the nuns required closer supervision than the monks. This becomes especially apparent when one considers that the convent of Believau.x lay a mere quarter-mile outside the city walls, whereas Montheron is si.x miles, or appro.ximately a two-hour hike, north of Lausanne. The collective decisions of these monastic communities to remain together despite having "accepted" Bern's Reformation underscore their monastic identities. Whatever their individual religious convictions, they were first and foremost monks and nuns who did not wish to abandon their communities. Moreover, despite the failure of the hoped- for general council to open in May 1537.''^ those who wished to return to the Catholic ''"'Ruchat. Vl, 365. "'Ruchat. VL 365-66. ''''"In retro consilio. eo videlicet quod ballicus Neyguilliz parte dominorum Bemensium petcbat et instanter volebat quod religiosi de Montheron de cetero et amplius non haberent moram in docto loco de Montheron. sed in Lausanna, videlicet eo quod essent plus apti et plus conveniens pro ipsis religiosis ire in lectionbus et semonibus qui fmnt Lausanne. Eo tunc fuit conclususm. ipsos monachos ut haberent relinquere locum de Montheron et veniant Lausannam. et eo mediante quod habeant et habere debere eorum pensiones. prout fuit eisdem promisum." Chavannes. "E.xtraits des Manuaux de Lausanne." MDR. 1 (1887): 8-9 (November 28. 1538). ^^See Hubert Jedin. .4 History oj the Council of Trent [Geschichte des Konzils von TrienlJ. 2 vols. [5 vols.]. Ernest Graf, trans. (London: Nelson. 1957-196! [Freiburg: Herder. 1951-1975]). 1: 313-36. 200 Church were given new hope in June 1538. when Emperor Charles V and King Francis 1. whose fighting had delayed the opening ofthe council, agreed in Nice to a ten-year truce through the mediation of Pope Paul III.'''* As long as Charles and Francis were at war. Bern could rely on France's assistance in defending its borders from any attempt by the duke of Savoy to retake his conquered lands with the help of the emperor. The truce. however, had several potential consequences, none of which the Bernese wanted to occur. First, the emperor could, in fact, help his vassal, the duke of Savoy, perhaps with the aid ofthe Catholic cantons, to reconquer the lands he had lost to Bern. Second. Francis could attempt an assault on Bern's French-speaking lands in an effort to complete his own conquest ofthe duke of Savoy's former territories. Finally, there was the dreadful possibility that Francis and Charles could work together as a united Catholic front against the Protestants in Switzerland and Germany. The truce produced a considerable uproar among Bern's French-speaking subjects. An important letter from the Bernese magistrates to Lausanne, which has never been analyzed in detail, sheds a great deal of light on this situation. The Bernese begin by claiming their right to issue ordinances in religious as well as civil matters: Since the good, eternal, and omnipotent God, by his grace and assistance, has ordained that you be placed under our government and obedience, it therefore applied and pertained to us to prescribe and give commands, edicts, and ordinances conforming to Holy Scripture and natural rights, not only regarding external matters, but also religion, in the hope and complete confidence that you ''"See Francis Decrue, .Innc dc Montmorency, grand nuiilre ci connclahle tie /•'ranee, a la Coiir. aiix Armees. el an Conseil dii Roi Fran<;nis ler (Gene\ a: Megariotis Reprints, 1978 [Paris, 1885|). 342-53: Knecht. Renaissance Warrior and Patron. 385-86. 201 would have observed them. Nevertheless, we have been advised that certain individuals not only do not keep and honor them, but entirely mock and despise them, to our great regret.'''' The declaration that God Himself had placed the Bemese over their new ly conquered subjects with the right to legislate religion is indicative of their caesaropapist political philosophy. Similarly, though not seen here, their constant use of the phrase "our Reformation." as opposed to "the Reformation" reveals their attitude that the changes they had wrought in religion constituted a specific act of state, not an appropriation of the ideas of a mass religious movement. Likewise, disobedience to their religious edicts constituted a civil crime. Little more than si.x months after the Lausannois were summoned to Bern for not observing its order to banish the priests who did not accept the Reformation.™ Leurs Excellences once again complained that their commands were not being obeyed. Bern's letter goes on to explain; We think and believe, however, that some do this from fear and others out of hope for their former lord. With regard to this, especially those who used to be priests proudly raise their horns and make threats, chietly about the uproar over the ten- ''''••Puisque le bon. etcmel et tout puissant Dieu. par sa grace et ayde. a ordonne que vous estes mis soub nostre gouvemement et obeissance. a ceste cause [il] nous a convenuz et appartenuz. non-seulement touchant les choses e.xtericures. ains aussy touchant la religion praescripre et donner mandement. edict et ordonnances. a la Saincte Escripture el droicts naturels conformes. en espoir ct entiere confiance [que| vous yceulx eussies observer. Ce que touteffoys. comme summes advertis. aulcungs non-seulcment ne gardent et ne Testiment. ains toutellement s'en moquent et les mesprisent. chose de quoy avons tres-grand regraict." Herminjard. V. 51 (No. 724). Bern city council to the Lausanne city council. [Bern]. July 14. 1538. '"See above. 191-93. 202 year truce made in Nice between the Imperial Roman and the Royal Majesty of France/' The most intriguing phrase in this passage is that some people are disobeying Bern's ordinances out of fear. But fear of what or of whom? One might think that those who disobeyed the religious ordinances had more to fear than those who followed them. The explanation must be that the disobedient feared either etemal damnation for following the new religion or reprisal by their neighbors. Either interpretation indicates the continued presence of a strong current of Catholic belief in Lausanne. That others were disobeying Bern's edicts out of "hope for their former lord" reveals that some were, in fact, hoping for a reversal of Bern's conquest. In Lausanne's case, this meant the return to power of Bishop Sebastian de Montfalcon. The bishop's return would be ideal for the Catholic clergy in the city, and it appears from the letter that the clcrgy vvere, in fact, the chief instigators of the commotion. The laity, however, would have greeted the prospect of the bishop's return with a great deal more ambivalence. Those who wanted to return to the Catholic Church would have their wish; on the other hand, the Lausanne magistrates had been locked in a struggle with the bishop over rights and jurisdiction before Bern's conquest, and they understandably would have been worried that, as punishment for so swiftly handing over the bishop's powers to Bern, the bishop might seize many of the ^'"Ce neansmoings. pensons et estimons. de couste ce. que aulcungs faccnt cella par craincte. les aultres sur esperance de leur seigneur passe; el. sur ce. singulieremenl ceulx que sont este prestres esleveni les comes, et soy font Tiers et menassent. principallement sur le bniict des treves do dix annees faicte a Nyce enlre Romainnc Imperiale et Royale Mageste de France." Herminjard. V. 51. 203 commune's "liberties and franchises" that the Bernese had left intact. The Bernese then went on to insist that their orders be obeyed, despite the menaces of the priests: This has forced us to admonish and command each and every one of you by this letter to better yourselves [.vc nieilleiirer\ and entirely obser\e our commands, edicts. Reformation and ordinances, in so far as you wish to avoid our ire. indignation, and severe punishment/" The threat of attack and the potential reversal of the religious situation was no excuse for disobeying Bern's ordinances. The Bernese also wanted to convey to the Lausannois that they had no intention of abandoning the city in case it was assaulted: We assure and comfort you that, since God has placed you in our hands, with His help we are entirely and unwaiveringly resolved to defend and protcct you with all our power from all violence, injustice, tyranny, and oppression, and as it pertains to Christian Superiors, to protect you against each and every worry, trouble, quarrel, and assault, and in no way abandon you, nor drop you from our hands ... J' Four days before the dale of this letter. Calvin wrote to Louis de Tillet that "an affair of great consequence with the joint knowledge of Augustus [Charles V| and Caesar [Francis 1] is being undertaken .... There is great doubt that one would test the shallows without ^""Ce que nous necessairement occasionne vous tres-tous et ung chacun. par ceste escripture. vous admonester, voire e.xpressement commander de vous meillieurer, et entitlement observer nous dits mandemens, edicts, reformation et ordonnances, en tant que desires d'eviter nostre male grace, indignation et griefve punition ...." Herminjard, V, 51-52. .. par ycestes \ous asseurans et confortans. que summes d'entier, invariable vouloir. propost et couraige, puis que Dieu vous a mis entre nous mains, avcc son ayde de vous deffcndre et garder de tout nostre pouvoir de toutes violences, injustices, tyrannies et oppressions, et, comme a chrestiens Superieurs apartient, [vous] garder contre chescungs de tous ennuys. troubles, facheries et molestements. et en nulle sorte vous abandonner. ne laisser de nous mains . . . ." Hemiinjard. V. 52. 204 the intention of proceeding ... Fears of a united Franco-Imperial front to extirpate heresy from Europe were ver>' soon compounded by the meeting at Aigues-Mortes between Charles and Francis on July 14. 1538 - the same date as the above letter from Bern. The two rulers agreed to work together to defend Christendom and bring the heretics back to the Church.^' For two years. Bern had resisted constant appeals from both sovereigns to ally with one against the other. Now that Charles and Francis appeared to be allied themselves, the Bernese had much to fear if either one of them should decide to turn his forces towards the Swiss Confederation in an attempt to force the land back into the Catholic fold,^'' and indeed the rumor was widespread that the ^^•'11 se remue pour le present une afere de mer\eilieuse consequence, nec sine conscientia Augusti et Caesaris. lequel je pense bien que Monsieur Firmus vous touchera; pourtant je m'en deporte. 11 y a grand doubte qu'on ne tente le gue. sans intention de proceder; mais on cognoistra ce qu'il en est dedans deu.\ mois."" Herminjard. V, 44-45 (No.722). Charles d'Espeville [Calvin] to Louis du Tillet. Strasbourg. July 10. [1538], ^'See Knecht. Renaissance Warrior and Patron. 386-387; Decrue. Montmorency, 353-56. Anne de Montmorency, the Constable of France, commented after the meeting. "Durant leur assemblee. lui mande-t-il, [les princes) ont faict la meilleure et plus privee chere qu'il est possible, en usant tant de bons et honnestes propoz d'amytie que, en cela. ne se pourroit. si me semble. riens adjouster. F.t se sont departiz. ensemble leurs compaignies. au plus grand contentement Tung d'avecques I'autre que oncques princes. De sorte que. par ce qui se pourra ensuivre de ceste dicte entrevue et grande amytie. se peuvent doresnavant estimer les affaires de Tung et de Tautre une mesme chose." Quoted in ihid.. 356. ^'"See Jacques Freymond. "Les relations diplomatiques de Berne avec Francois 1" et Charles-Quint apres la conquete du Pays de Vaud." Schweizer Beitrd^e ziir allgemeinen Geschichte 3 (1945): 210-28. In fact. Charles V posed a lesser threat at the time to the Bernese: "Du moment que Charles-Quint avait reconnu - malgre lui sans doute. et momentanement - Toccupation par Francois T'' de la Savoie et des deux-tiers du Piemont. il y avait peu de risque qu'il piit menacer les Bernois. II leur avait d'ailleurs cnvoye. en mai 1538. son ambassadeur Mamoz pour les assurer de son bon vouloir et les prier de ne pas preter foi aux allegations des gens mal intentionnes qui pretendaient que 205 emperor would force both Francis and Bern to give back the lands they had taken from the duke of Savoy. The Catholic clergy in Lausanne apparently were looking forward to that very possibility and used the news of the truce and possibly of the upcoming meeting at Aigues-Mortes to threaten the people of Lausanne w ith the consequences of continuing to obey their Protestant lords in Bern. The Bernese would soon send a delegation but wished by their letter to "admonish and console" the people of Lausanne.^* They would not abandon the city militarily, and for that very reason, the people should ignore the priests and conform themselves to Bern's Reformation. Unfortunately, little supporting evidence for the events surrounding this letter e.xists; the Lausanne city council records do not say anything about it, and Bern's instructions to the delegation they then sent to Lausanne do not indicate what was to be done with the priests.^' The ambassadors lui, I'Empereur, voulait faire restituer par les Bemois les territoires pris au due de Savoie. ... Si la pression de la diplomatic imperiale sur Berne se relachait manifestement. il n"en fut pas de meme du cote franpais. Au cours de 1538 et 1539, comme I'indiquent certains echanges de lettres, malheureusement insuffisants pour avoir une representation exacte des faits. Francois I" chercha a realiscr les intentions qu'il avail manifestees a fin 1537. au moment oil il engageait la campagne du Piemont." IhiJ., 224. 225. .. sparsus hie est rumor Regem et Bemates necesse habere reddere Sabaudiam Duci." Herminjard. V, 55 (No. 725), Pierre Toussain to Farel, Montbeliard, July 16, 1538. .. comme cy-apres plus ampiement. par nous ambassadeurs qu'envoyerons vers vous en temps convenable. a ce vous pouves et debves hardiment tier et vostre confiance funder. etc. Car prcscntement nous a semble estrc bon vous seulemcnt. par ce brieffcontenu. vous admonester et conforter." Herminjard, V. 52. ^'See Herminjard, V, 52, n. 4. 206 certainly did not expel all of the former priests, for it was not until a year later that the Bernese ordered former clerics to start going to lectures if they wanted to keep their prebends.'"' Nevertheless, the letter captures the spirit of the time - the rumors and uncertainty of military and diplomatic affairs. Bern's resolve to maintain the lands they had taken from the duke of Savoy, the priests" desire to return to the old order, and the people's anxiety over following either religion with too much zeal. Although nothing came of the rumor in 1538 that the emperor would restore the duke of Savoy's former lands, the resumption of warfare between Charles and Francis in 1542. and particularly the Schmalkaldic War of 1546-1547 later raised diplomatic and religious tensions in Bern's lands once again."' The persistent threat of an invasion gave continual hope to those in Bern's French-speaking lands, especially the former clergy. '"'See above. 190-91. "'See Freymond, "Les relations diplomatiques de Berne avec Frani^ois et Charles-Quint," esp. 224-28. Bern expressed its fears of an invasion during the Schmalkaldic War to Geneva, asking them to block the passage of any Italians or Spanish; "Nous ne doubtons point que ne soyes advertis de la grande esmotion de guerre que presentement est es Alamaigne et Italie drcsse contre le sainct evangile et parolle de dieu et les adherans d'icelle pour les subprimer. Dont est requis que trestous prions dieuz que veille par sa grace reprimer les maulvaises entreprises des enncmis. Ft a cause que avons entenduz que certains Italiens et Hispaniols lesquels ont serviz es Roys de France et Angleterre ont conge et se retirent en leurs pays ... considerant que soub ce umbre ilz pourroint faire quelque machination et domaiges a nous pays aussy a vous. avons advise et delibere de leur deffendre les passaiges par nous pays, et a ce effect escript a nous bailliffs de s'asambler et consulter sur cella. Dequoy vous avons voulsuz advertir pour de vostre part aussy y adviser et Faire bon gart. considerant que cella vous louche." SKB AllI 160. fol. I03r''-I03v°. Bern city council to the Geneva city council. [Bern|. July 13. 1546. See also the letter to Lausanne asking the council to appoint men to keep the Italians and Spanish out of their lands. SKB Alll 160. fol. 105r". Bern city council to the Lausanne city council. [Bem|. July 28. 1546. 207 who wished to return to the Catholic Church. It is no coincidence that the common lordships ofOulens. Orbe. Grandson, and Montagny all voted to abolish the mass in rapid succession in 1553-1554;"' in August 1552. after being routed by the Protestant princes of Germany with the aid of French troops. Charles V was forced to sign the Treaty of Passau. which effectively ended his quest for religious reunitlcation of the empire.*^ This, in turn, lifted the threat of an imperial invasion of the Swiss Protestant cantons. Catholics finally saw their hopes of returning to Roman allegiance all but disappear - small wonder, then . that all of Orbe's clergy decided to leave Bern's lands in 1554."' As for the clergy causing the uproar in Lausanne, we do not know what happened to them on the arrival of the Bernese ambassadors in the city, but a year later, the Bemese tried to put an end to clerical grumblings in their lands once and for all. In September 1539, they issued an ordinance commanding all of the former Catholic clergy to appear in church and declare not only whether they wished to follow Bern's Edicts of Reformation, but also "if the mass is good or not."**^ Some responded that "the mass was good and ""See above, ch. 2. 95-96. "'See Thomas A. Brady. Jr.. Protestant Politics: Jacob Sturm t!4S9-1553} and the German Reformation, Studies in German Histories (Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press. 1995). 359-63. '^'See above, n. 27. "^"Au mois de septembre fut faite publication et ordonnance par tout le pays de Vaud appartenant es seigneurs de Berne, que tout pretrcs. gens de religion et autres gens qui se disent d'eglise, doivent etre cites personnellement a devoir comparaitre au.\ preches au dimanche suivant. pour repondre au.\ petitions et demandes des predicants, et aussi etaient cites les curials et scribes, pour devoir reduire par ecrit Ics demandes et reponses des demandants et repondants. Le dimanche suivant. que les dits pretres et gens 208 ordained by God. and they wished to live and die in that faith;" they were subsequently banished from Bern's lands."'' Others claimed it had no worth and were allowed to stay.*^ Still others re.sponded that "such a question pertained to the lords of Bern, who were their lords and superiors, and that they had the power to learn from the great doctors the answer to their question; it did not pertain to those who were poor and simple priests. Nevertheless, they always wished to live according to the Reformation of their lords and superiors.""'' Even Pierretleur could not hide his disgust at these priests who succumbed to the Bernese: d'eglise etaient au dit sermon, le predicant, present le bailli. ou chatelain, ou autre oftlcier. selon les lieux oil il etait. et presents toujours les curials. lors le predicant, etant en chaire. faisait petition et demande a tous les dits pretres. aux uns apres les autres. s'ils etaient a ce vouloir de toujours vivre a la reformation des seigneurs de Berne, leurs superieurs. Item que de leur spontanee volonte dussent dire et confesser devant tous. a savoir si la messe est bonne ou non." Pierretleur. 142. "'•"Dont les uns faisaient reponse qu'elle [the mass) etait bonne et ordonnee de Dieu. et en icelle foi voulaient vivre et mourir. A ceux-la etait fait incontinent commandement de vuider et etre bannis du dit pays des dits seigneurs de Berne, leurs benefices contlsquees. et quant a leurs biens patemels. iceux leur etaient reserves." Pierretleur. 142. "^"Les autres faisaient reponse et disaient que la messe etait de nulle valeur et contre Dieu; a ceux-la etait permis de demeurer au dit pays, comme gens de bien. savants et de grande connaissance. les laissant jouissant de leurs benefices, si en avaient." Pierretleur. 142. """Les autres faisaient reponse que eux ne sauraient dire mal ni bien de la messe. et qu'icelui interrogat etait et appartenait aux dits seigneurs dc Benie. qui tHaient leurs seigneurs et superieurs. et qu'ils avaient puissance de savoir envers les grands docteurs la resolution dc telle demande. non pas a eux qu'etaient pauvres et simples pretres. nonobstant qu'ils etaient toujours a ce vouloir de vivre a la reformation des dits seigneurs, leurs superieurs." Pierretleur. 142-43. 209 Above ail. we see that avarice, which is the root ofall evil, blinded so many of the priests that almost all of them caved in to the w ill of the lords of Bern, as much from fear of leaving the country as from fear of losing their benefices. Unfortunately, we do not know e.\actly how many pronounced for or against the mass, but Pierretleur indicates that the majority agreed to stay and follow the Reformation, whatever their actual views on the mass might have been. The order to investigate the former Catholic clergy was repeated in 1543 and 1545. '" a likely indication that problems with the clergy were continuing, or at the very least, that the Bernese were still worried about them. The clergy presented a constant reminder of the old faith and an institutional presence that could rapidly return religious affairs to their fonner state should the lands revert to their former lords, the duke of Savoy or the bishop of Lausanne. '''"Or sur le tout est a savoir que I'avarice. qui est la racine de lout mal. offusqua tant les dits pretres que quasi tous se condesccndirent a la volonte des dits seigneurs de Berne, tant pour crainte de non abandonner le pays que aussi pour crainte de perdre leurs benefices." Pierretleur. 143. '"'Vuilleumicr, 391. 210 Lay Resistance to the Reformation While the former Catholic clergy posed a clear and present danger to Bern's Reformation, lay resistance was more common and often better hidden. Indeed, at times, the people probably did not even realize they were disobeying Bern's ordinances; "Catholic" traditions had simply become so deeply entrenched in the common culture that the people did not even realize that particular practices were especially Catholic. Other times, they were fully aware of their disobedience. Overt resistance to Bern's Reformation was seen primarily in the first few years following the Lausanne Disputation. The citizens of the town of Lutry. which had previously been in the jurisdiction of the bishop of Lausanne, made their displeasure with Bern's edicts known publicly. When the Bernese commission of 1537 arrived in the Lavau.\, "The people of Lutry, Saint-Saphorin, and Villette protested against the ordinances of Their Excellencies of Bern, as contrary to the liberties and franchises of the parishes." Not surprisingly, the Bernese refused to revoke them." The following Sunday, after the new Protestant minister read out the ordinances on the Reformation, the governors of the town voiced their opposition.''" And on April 8. 1537. Bem sent a letter '""Ceux de Lutr>'. de Saint-Saphorin et la Vaux ont proteste contre les ordonnances de LL. EE. de Berne, lesquelles sont contraires aux libertes et franchises des paroisses. Messieurs de Berne ont refuse de les retirer." Quoted in Campiche. "La fin du culte catholique a Lutry." 317-18 (Februarx' 14. 1537). ''""Le predicant a donne lecture des ordonnanccs faites sur la Reformation par Nos Tres Redoutes Seigneurs, le banderet et les gouverneurs ont manifeste leur opposition." Quoted in Campiche, "La tin du culte catholiquc a Lutry," 318 (February 18. 1537). The minister was Matthieu Delacroix, who arrived in Liitr}' on January 18, 1537 (ihid., 316). 211 to Lutry "by which it appeared that the people did not want to go hear the preaching of the Gospel, that many people protected persons living wicked lives (gens dc mauvaise vie). and that no punishments were being made."''^ Rather than giving in to Bern's threats, on April 19. Lutr>'"s neighbor. Saint-Saphorin. proposed a conference of the towns of the Lavaux (Saint-Saphorin. Lutry. Villette. and Corsy) to oppose the Edicts of Reformation.'^'' An extreme example of opposition to the Reformation may be seen in the 1537 murder of a Protestant minister at Romanel. The townspeople were gathered at a meeting when a minister coming from Geneva passed through the village; two of the men seized and killed him. '^ When the Bernese heard about it. "two or three months later." they ''^"Monsieur le mayor a fait assembler le Conseil general pour lui communiquer une lettre des commissaires. suivant laqueile il paraitrait que le peuple ne veut pas aller entendre la predication de I'Evangile. que plusieurs personnes gardent des gens de mauvaise vie et que dans ce cas aucune punition n'intervient jamais. Le mayor a donne lecture de la dite lettre. afln que nul n'en ignore et chacun se tienne pour averti." Quoted in Campiche. "La fin du culte catholique a Lutry," 326 (April 8, 1537). After citing text after text from the Lutr\' council records showing just how opposed the people were to the Reformation. Campiche nevertheless comments. "Selon toute probabilite, cettc resistance tacite des paroissiens de Lutry fut assez rapidement brisce, de telle sorte que la majorite se rallia bientot aux idees nouvelles." /hid, 326. Although overt resistance may ha\e been broken swiftly, it is highly doubtful that the people "soon rallied" to the new ideas. Campiche's comment is generally representative of much of the .scholarship on the Reformation in Vaud from the early twentieth century: for them the "lln du culte catholique" was definitively a good thing, and this Protestant outlook affected their interpretation of the sources. It seems much more likely that the people of Lutr\' continued for many years to resent being forced to adopt Bern's Reformation but that they kept their opposition silent. "'••Ruchat. VI. 462. . . il y a au pays de Vaud nouvellement sujet aux seigneurs de Berne un \ illage appele Romanel. situe entre Cossonay et Morges. lequel est de la sujetion du seigneur de 212 ordered the lord of Vullierens. on whose land the village was located, to punish the guilty. When all the men of the town over eighteen years old were gathered together, a father and son were found guilty of the crime and hanged.''^ In yet another example of violence directed against Protestant ministers, we see just how high the tlames of religious passion Vullierens. qui a present se dit Vlontfort. Or est ainsi que les hommes du dit village, etant ensemble pour consulter des affaires de leur commune, de fortune ils virent passer par devant eux un predicant venant de Geneve; eux. ie voyant et connaissant etre predicant, prindrent propose de Taller desadvancer pour Ie mettre a mort, lequel propos fut mis a execution par deux qui pour tout le reste eurent charge faire le dit homicide." Pierrefleur. 134. '"'"Environ deux ou trois mois apres. le dit homicide vint a notice aux seigneurs de Berne, lesquels incontinent apres firent savoir au dit seigneur de Vullierens de non faire faute de punir les dits habitants du village de Romanel et coupables du dit homicide. Apres le dit mandement furent incontinent tous les hommes du dit village pris et menes au chateau de Vullierins. de dix et huit ans en dessus, et furent defaits par justice; en telle maison furent pris et pendus le pere et le tils, que c'etait grosse pitie de voir." Pierreileur. 134. l.ouis Junod. the editor of Pierrelleur's Memoires. comments on this episode. "L'atrocite de cette mesure de represailles pourrait faire douter de sa realite. . . . Pierrefleur est le seul a parler de cette histoire, on n"en trouve pas trace dans les manuaux du Conseil de Berne, ni ailleurs. On trouve seulement dans les comptes du bailli d'Yverdon. a Tannee 1537. une mention qui se rapporte peut-etre au meme fait: "Item livre a la femme du predicant qui fust tue. XVIII florins . .. Ibid., 134-35. n. 6. This last piece of evidence from the bailiff of Yverdon should be enough supporting evidence for Pierrefleur's account, for we know of no other preacher who was killed at this time. F.ven disregarding that, however. I do not see why the "atrocity" of the crime should "make one doubt its reality." Two attempts had previously been made on Viret's life; in 1533. he was attacked by a priest on the road near Payeme. and in 1535. he was poisoned In Geneva. Bamaud. Pierre Viret. 74. 92-95. Denis Lambert and Christophe Fabri were assaulted in Thonon (see above, ch. 3. 146-47) in 1536. and in 1540. Antoine Froment was nearly killed by a Vaudois gentleman in Fribourg (see below. 217). As should be common knowledge by now. religious violence was far from uncommon in the sixteenth ccntur>'. and an assault on a Protestant minister by Catholic townsmen resentful of having been recently forced to accept the "new religion" should not seem surprising at all. Moreover, one must ask oneself why Pierrefleur. a devoted Catholic, would make up a story about Catholics murdering a Protestant minister. 213 could be fanned by the mere appearance of a minister in town: there is no indication that he was attempting to preach or break images. That kind of religious fervor would not subside overnight, certainly not by legislative acts from Bern. Significantly (and, in my judgment. Pierrefleur's account appears trustworthy), Bern's magistrates did not even find out about the crime until two or three months after the fact, which illustrates the limitations of Bern's ability to enforce its ordinances in its French-speaking lands. If it took the magistrates two months to find out about a murder, how many lesser infractions of the edicts of Reformation went completely unnoticed and unpunished? Indeed, it took them two years to realize, at the Synod of Lausanne, that there were entire villages whose inhabitants had never even heard a Protestant semion. " Bern simply could not place officials in every one of the parishes under its control. The costs would have been e.xcessive. and it ver>' likely would have been difficult to find some 150 qualified men who spoke French well enough to serve in that capacity. In fact, very few officials from Bern itself resided in the wvlsche Lcinde: in general, only the bailiffs were appointed directly by the Bern city council. The magistrates initially created six bailiwicks (haillages) following the conquest of Vaud: Yverdon. Moudon. Vevey. Lausanne. Thonon. and Ge.x. Later, bailiffs were also installed at Avenches. Ternier. Romainmotier. and Nyon. '" These bailiffs were responsible for overseeing the administration of the French-speaking lands and may have "See above. 197. ''^See Gilliard. La com/iiatL' ilu Pays ile I'aiul. 245-46. 214 been well informed about events in the towns in which they were stationed, but in most cases and for most places, they had to rely on reports from the native, local officials in the outlying regions. Particularly difficult to regulate were areas, like Romanel. that belonged to the nobility. Although Bern had e.xtracted oaths of loyalty from the nobles during the conquest, noble lands remained largely under their own jurisdiction: furthermore, they were more likely to be located in rural areas, away from the watchful eyes of Bern's bailiffs. Indeed, the nobles were responsible for much of the early overt resistance to Bern's Reformation. Quite apart from the religious question, the nobles were likely appalled by their new "suzerain." the Bern city council. As Thomas A. Brady. Jr. has shown, the idea of "turning Swiss" - joining the Swiss Confederation or creating a new- federation of independent city-states - was widely disparaged among the German nobility as an underhanded means to "live without lords."'*' The nobles" former lord had been a dutiful vassal of the emperor; they themselves, as members of the Estates of Vaud. had been the land's primary governors, who (let us not forget) had outlawed "Lutheranism" not many years before.""' Their new lords, on the other hand, had withdrawn allegiance from both pope and emperor and created their own independent state. The nobles" submission to Bern during the conquest made them vassals of the "common man."" '''Thomas A. Brady. Jr.. 7'iiniing Swiss: Cities and Empire. 1450-1550. Cambridge Studies in Early .Modem History (Cambridge; Cambridge University Press. 1985). esp.. 32-42. '""See above, ch. 1.41-42. 215 As such, they were none too eager to act as officers of Bern on their own lands, enforcing laws they themselves did not believe in and had no part in framing, in the Romanel case, it appears that Vullierens did not punish anyone for the murder until it came to Bern's attention; no one was already in prison, and all the townsmen had to be rounded up to find the guilty parties. At the 1538 Synod of Lausanne."" complaints were made that the nobles of Aubonne. the baron of Grandcour. and the baron of Coppet competely rejected the Reformation and that the latter. Michel de Viry. tried to chase off the minister Bern had sent.'"" Hans-Roch von Diesbach. the baron of Grandcour, had left Bern when the city adopted the Reformation in 1528 only to find himself once again confronted with Bernese Protestantism. In July 1539, the Bernese wrote to his father-in- law. Georges de Rive, the governor of Neuchatel. complaining that Diesbach. "together with his companions, is scandalizing our subjects, doing everything contrary to our Reformation."'"^ The Synod of Lausanne also complained that the barony of La Sarraz still did not have a minister in 1538. In 1539, the Bernese made yet another visitation. ""See above, 195-97. '"-Ruchat. VI, 484-85. '"^"Ilz nous est venuz a notice comme Rochius de Diesbach. vostre beau-filz. par aulcungs temps fassc sa continuelle residence a Grandcourt, et iilaicq, ensemble son menaige. a nous soubgects donne escandle. faisans tous actes a nostre reformation contraircs: chose que nous est fort deplaisante et que bonement ne pouvons souffrir. Or puis que nous avcs. entre aultres vous seigniories, faict fidelite et homaige du dit Grandcourt. vous commandons expressement de mettre aultres gens au dit Grandcourt. que observent nostre reformation, affin que ne sayons occasiones d"y avoir auitre esgard et y pourveoir comme de necessite." Hemiinjard. V. 360-61 (No. 805). Bern city council to Georges de Rive. Bern. July 29. 1539. 216 one of whose tasks was to censure the baronness for not observing the Reformation.'""' The situation of the nobles was further complicated by the fact that some of them served more than one lord: that is to say, some of their lands were within Protestant Bern's domain, but others may have been in France. Fribourg. Valais. or another Catholic territory, in August 1539. the Bernese demanded that they choose a religion once and for all. They were cited to appear before the closest bailiff and "declare themselves for one fixed place and whether they wish to live according to the Reformation or not. And if they declare themselves for the Reformation, they must be prohibited from using papist ceremonies." If they refused to accept the Reformation, they would forfeit Bernese protection, but not their goods, "provided that they have them managed and worked by people of the Reformed Religion."'"^ It is not known how many (if any) refused to accept the Reformation and left Bemese dominon to reside in Catholic lands. As with the clergy who did not want to lose their benefices, however, one must question the nobles" '"••Ruchat. VI. 511. "'^"Ayant ete remarque que plusieurs Gentils-Hommes et autres possedant des biens riere LL. F.E., lesquels meme ils auroient reconnus et prete hommage pour cela. qui possedent en meme tems aussi d'autres biens ailleurs. et dans d'autres pais et dominations qui ne sont pas de la Religion, lesquels par consequent prt^endent de jouir d'une double protection, demeurant tantot riere celle-ci. et tantot riere celle-la. Est done ordonne qu'ils soient cites par devant le .seigneur baillif. oil ils ayent a se declarer pour un lieu fixes, et s'ils veulent vivre selon la Refomiation. ou non. Et s'ils se declarent pour la Reformation, il leur doit etre defendu de se serv ir des ceremonies papistcs. sous peine de bamps et amendes. Mais s'ils refusent d'embrasser la Reformation ils ne pourront pas se couvrir de la protection de L.L. EE., excepte que Ton ne leur prendra pas leurs biens qu'ils possedent riere eux. mais leur resteront. a condition cependant qu'ils les fassent gerer et travailler par des gens de la Religion Reformee." AVL Corps de Ville B5. fol. Ir": "Ordonnance touchant les Geniils-Hommes et autres qui possedent des biens riere la 217 motivations and nature of their acceptance of the Reformation. Even if they ceased celebrating "papist ceremonies." some of the nobles were not eager to attend Protestant worship services. In 1543, Bern issued another decree ordering its bailiffs to imprison those nobles who "maliciously" stayed away from the sermon and to banish those who "absolutely did not wish to go."""' Even Catholic nobles who resided outside of Bemese territories could still attempt to upset the Protestant status quo inside Vaud. The count of Gruyere. for e.\ample. ordered his castellan of Palezieux in 1546 to erect an altar and an image of Saint George in Marascon and to bring in a priest to say the mass there. When the bailiff of nearby Moudon found out about the plans, however, he warned the castellan to abandon the subversive project and threw him in prison after the warning went unheeded.'"^ In another case, a Vaudois nobleman in Fribourg assaulted the Protestant minister Antoine Froment as he was passing through the city on his way back from Bern. Froment was accosted in his room by Ilugonin du Jordil and his valet, who drew his sword on Froment. saying. "Where are these wicked men who say that the mass is not good?" Froment was rescued and escorted out of town by another nobleman from Vaud. Claude Charvin. who was more sympathetic to the Protestant cause.'"" jurisdiction de Berne." August 7. 1539. '"""Ordre d'emprisonner les Gentils-hommes. qui s'absentoicnt malicieusement dcs Sermons, et de les tenir en prison, jusqu'a ce que LL. EE. les eussent chatiez selon leur merite: Ceu.\ qui ne vouloient absolument point y aller. devoient etre bannis du pays." Ruchat. VI. 533. '"^Ruchat. VI. 541. '""llerminjard. VI. 176-77. n. 6. 218 This last case, in pailicular. illustrates both the relatively porous religio-political borders in Switzerland and the intensity of emotion on both sides of the religious divide. It calls to mind that Fribourg stood as an island of Catholicism in between the city of Bern and its French-speaking subjects. The preferred route for official ambassadors and especially Protestant ministers moving from the pays rumumls to Bern skirted Fribourg by passing along the Broye River through Payeme and Murten. The most direct route, however, tbilovved the Glane River, straight through the canton and city itself of Catholic Fribourg. For some reason, Froment opted for this more dangerous route and found himself confronted not by angry Fribourgeois but by a Vaudois noble who wanted to kill him. If Froment. a Protestant minister, was willing to risk the path through Fribourg. how many lay travelers, whether nobles, merchants, day laborers, or messengers, would have had regular contact with - and opportunities to worship with - their Catholic neighbors? Fribourg was by no means the only Catholic area within easy reach of Bern's French-speaking subjects. Mo single Protestant town or village in the pays romands was more than about 15 miles from a parish that still celebrated the mass. In the common lordships, even if one parish voted to abolish the mass, there would likely be another parish just down the road that had not done so. Bern forbade its subjects to go elsewhere to hear the mass, but this law would have been e.\traordinarily difficult to enforce, for it would have required secret informers in the Catholic parishes. As we have seen. however, the Bernese had trouble enough monitoring their own lands. We know that at least one attempt was made in 1539 to find out which citizens ofl.ausanne were crossing 219 Lake Geneva to attend Easter mass in Evian.'"' but we unfortunately do not know what the informers discovered. As is frequently the case in studies of early modem Europe, the "common man" in the French-speaking lands is the most difficult group to analyze. We must rely primarily on reports from the ministers and ordinances from Bern to piece together an idea of the religious life of the people."" The general picture that emerges from this evidence in the Suisse romande over the course of the twenty-three years between the Lausanne Disputation (1536) and Viret's banishment {1559) is one in which concerns over continued "papism" and moral levity among the people remained constant, although worries over attendance at the mass itself gradually died off. As mentioned above, the 1538 Synod of Lausanne painted a grim picture of the overall religious situation in the pays romamls two years after the Bernese conquest. Entire villages had never heard a Reformed minister, people refused to listen to the preachers where they were active, they refused to let them baptize their children. '"'"Item plus, et delivres la villie de paques, qu'il fut le 5 de avry 1539, par le comandemen de Muns^ Bonaventurat Frontone ad ung compagniun lequel aly Eviant pour savoer ceu.x que porroent alers a la pasperie le jour de paques. VIII sols. - Item plus, par le commandement de Muns' le bandaret du Pont et de la Cita ad de compagnun lequel sun alers ad autre part pour semblable cas. XII sols." Chavannes. "Extraits des Manuau.x de Lausanne." MDR 1 (1887): 21. ""Potentially the best direct evidence for an e.\amination of this type would come from consistory records, but Lausanne had the only continuously functioning consistory in the pays romands during this period, and its surviving consistorv' records are quite fragmentary, covering only a few years: they are also e.xtraordinarily difficult to read. 220 Individuals continued to venerate saints in their homes and wear their rosaries."' Two years later, in 1540. Viret complained to Heinrich Bullinger. ...So rarely does the fruit of the Gospel appear, so great is the contempt for the Word and the sacraments, so great the lack of faith and charity, so great the security in sinning, there is no fear of God and practically no religion at all. so that we fear we are sliding gradually towards a certain kind of atheism, once religion and all fear of God are extinguished and driven out from the souls."' Bern's Reformation was hav ing, according to Viret. very little positive impact. One almost gets the sense from this letter that he thinks Catholicism would have been preferable to the current slide towards "atheism." By "atheism." Viret certainly does not mean a philosophical assertion that there is no God. but something more akin to "libertinism"; evangelical liberty had been perverted into a moral and religious free-for- all. The Catholic Church had been dismantled, but the people were not following the Reformed Church either. People could do and believe whatever they wanted, a problem exacerbated by the "security in sinning." a not-so-subtle critique of Bern's efforts at enforcing their Reformation. For Viret. the state of affairs did not improve swiftly or significantly. On his return to I.ausanne in 1542 after an extensive stay in Geneva, he remarked (paraphrasing Julius Caesar). "I came. I saw. I was dumbfounded [veni. vidi. ohstupui). If only what we "'See above. 196. .. tam rarus appareat Evangelii fructus. tantus sit Verbi et sacramentorum contemptus. tanta lldci et charitatis inopia. tanta peccandi securiias. nullus Dei metus. nulla prorsum religio. adeo ut vereamur ne paulatim labamur in atheismum quendam. semel deleta ex animis religione et omni Dei timore excus.so." I lenninjard. VI. 182-83 (No. 851). Viret to Bullinger. Lausanne. Februar>'20. 1540. 221 had heard about the state of this church were not so true.""^ One event recorded during Viret's absence sheds some light on the "state of the church." A minister by the name of Alexandre came upon a group of girls dancing and singing "verv- dishonest songs" and rebuked them, telling them to sing something more appropriate. Pierre Saint-Cierge, a member of Lausanne's small council, asked why the songs were dishonest and went on to complain that the preacher had said in his sermons that his wife was a whoremonger and that "all of us are sodomites." "Preach your Gospel."' he continued, "and don't come to bother us about anything." The minister responded that he had neither called his wife a whoremonger nor the people sodomites, which he would know, "if [hej were to come to the sermon."'" The episode lends some anecdotal support to Viret's seemingly "^"Veni. vidi. obstupui. atque utinam non tarn vera essent quae de hujus ecclesiae statu audiveramus."' Herminjard. VIll. 68 (No. 1136). Viret to Calvin. Lausanne. July 21. 1542. Viret had been sent to Geneva in January 1541 to help prepare the way for Calvin's return, following the latter's e.xile in Strasbourg. He stayed there at Calvin's insistence until July 1542. See Barnaud. Pierre Viret. 194-220. "^"Dimanche au soir. apres souper. aulcunes tilles dansant un virolet chantoient une chanson fort deshonneste. Par quoy Ale.xandre. ministre de la Parolle du Seigneur et serviteur de noz tres redoubtes seigneurs Messieurs de Beme. passant aupres d'elles. les reprit. disant: "Filles. chantes aultre chansons [sic| plus honneste." Adonc le seigneur Pierre Saint-Cierge avec plusieurs aultres vindrent contre luy. disant: "Pourquoy ne sont ces chansons honnestes? Vous nous cerches tropt. Vous aves presche que ma femme estoit maquerelle de ses filles. Je suis aussi homme de bien que vous et davantage. Au surplus, vous aves dis que nous sommes tous sodomites. Presches vostre evangile et ne nous venes rien reprendre. ou Ton vous monstrera que c'est a dire.' Ale.\andre luy respondit: "Je n'ay point appelle vostre femme maquerelle. ni le peuple sodomite. Si vous venies au sermon, vous curies comme Ton parle; mais vous croies un tas de rapourteurs quilz ne demandent que renverser la Parolle de [)ieu. pour vivre a leur plaisir et mettre dissention entre le peuple.' lit les autres Icvoient le point au droit de luy. disant: "Depuis que vous estes venus. nous n'avons que troubles: mais si vous ne vous taises. Ton vous fera bien taiser." Ce pendant un de la conipagnie se jetta sur un fidelle qui exaggerated claim that every thing was sliding towards atheism. One of Lausanne's leading magistrates apparently had no interest in either going to the sermon or abandoning traditional practices like dancing. The ministers were fighting an uphill battle to change people who did not want to change. It even appears that some ot"Lausanne's citizens may have been conspiring to do something to overturn the new order in the city, although the details are not altogether clear. In October 1541. the community of Lausanne was gathered together. because some members of the city have met together, holding a certain particular council in the bishop's house in Lausanne and elsewhere. This matter is believed to place at risk the entire community and its liberty and franchises. ... it was concluded by the community that the conspirators .. . and their adherents should be punished I have unfortunately been unable to find any other evidence that might help to e.xplain estoit avec le ministre. et luy donna des coups de point sur la teste. Beaucoup d'autre propos et menasse furent faictes au dit ministre." Herminjard. VII, 144-45 (No. 992). [Alexandre Sedeille?) to [the bailiff of Lausanne], [Lausanne], [May or June 1541 ]. The last name of the minister is not known for sure, but Herminjard guesses that it was Alexandre Sedeille, who was serving as an interim deacon in Viret's absence; he would later serve as Hebrew instructor and then minister in Thonon. IhUi, 144, n. 2. Although this account reflects the minister's point of view, the others involved were, in fact, summoned to Bern to account for their behavior, whore Saint Cierge admitted that "il a attaque et pique le predicant, parce qu'il censurait certaines filles trop rudement et sans raison suffisante." and Jacob de Praroman was ordered to be punished for the blows he had delivered. Ihid.. 145. n. 8. "^"Die dominica ix octobris anno quo supra, fuit congragato communitas Lausanne pro certis ipsius communitatis negotiis et praesertim quia nonnulli ex civitate se invicem cumularunt tenendo certum particulare consilium in domo episcopali Lausanne et alibi, quae res credit in praejudicium totius commimitatis et libertatem et franchisiarum ejusdem. et quia hoc conspirantes sunt videlicet Franciscus Gindron. G. Deneschal. Michael Roland. Pctrus Folliardi. ut asseritur. fuit conclusum per eamdem communitatem illos et eorum adhaerentes puniri debere et data fuit potestas dominis consili illos 223 these mysterious meetings."^ Nevertheless, the fact that in the bishop's house, meetings took place which were seen as potentially dangerous for the entire city's liberties, seems to indicate that those called "conspirators" were up to something that would greatly upset the Bemese; how else could the city's liberties and franchises be threatened? In general. Bern only punished entire communities when they completely flouted its authority, as at Yverdon during the conquest."^ It seems reasonable to conclude, therefore, that these conspirators in Lausanne were plotting somehow, whether by themselves or with the aid of the bishop of Lausanne or the duke of Savoy, to overturn Bemese authority and bring about a return to the Catholic Church. This may also help to explain the lack of additional evidence for this case; the Lausannois certainly would not want to report such a plot to Bem or anyone else for that matter, it appears that they wanted to settle the matter quickly and quietly and did so successfully. Nine years later, in 1550. Viret was still altogether unsatisfied with the progress of the Reformation in Lausanne. He and his colleague Jacques Vallier drew up a list of grievances for the Lausanne city council. Their first complaint stated. It seems to us that God and the ministr\' of his holy Word and the Reformation of our most revered lords are greatly despised; we do not know the way in which many people in the city live nor which doctrine and law they follow. Among them, there arc some w ho openly declare themselves adversaries of the doctrine we preach and others who do not go to the sermons at all. or only very rarely."" pugniendi etc." AVL Chavannes D12. fol. 92v" (October 9. 1541). "''The entr> is not commented on by Ruchat. Vuilleumier. or Chavannes. "^See above, ch. 3. 135-36. "''"Pour le premier, il nous semble que Dieu ct le ministere de sa saincte parolle et 224 Among the worst oftenders, claimed the minsters, were the council members themselves, who were the "first to break the statutes and ordinances" and who often "remained for long periods of time without going to the sermon."'' Practices they considered superstition and idolatry remained in full force, "especially sorcery and magic. observations of feasts, patron saints, and other such things prohibited in the Reformation."'"'' By "sorcery and magic." they were probably refering primarily to white la reformation de noz tres redoubtez seigneurs, sont grandement mesprisez. en qu'il y en a plusieurs en la ville. desquelz on ne scait. comment ilz vivent. ne quelle doctrine et loy ilz suivent entre lesquelz il y en a les ungs. qui manifestement se declairent adversaires de la doctrine que nous preschons. et les aultres qui ne hantent nullement les sermons, ou le font bien rarement. et jours ouvriers et festes." Text printed in Henri Meylan. "Pierre Viret et les Lausannois. vignt annees de luttes pour une discipline ecclesiastique," Memoires tie la Societe pour I Histoire chi Droit et cks Institutions cles cinciens pays boiirgiii^nonx. comtois et ramands, 35 (1978): 15-23; here. 17. " ' • En apres. nous trouvons fori scandaleux. pour tout ce pauvre peuple que vous. noz tres honnorez seigneurs, qui estes les chiefz de la ville. et presque tous voz officiers. ensemble voz femmes el families et les leurs. excepte bien petit nombre. faicte semblablement si petite assistence aux sermons, et jours ouvriers et festes. et que souventes foys plusieurs. tant d'entre vous que de voz officiers et families, estes premiers qui rompez les status et ordonnances faictes tani sur cela que sur les aultres poinclz de la reformation, tant de noz magnifiques Seigneurs de Berne que par vous mesmes. Car il y en a plusieurs des principaux de la ville. tant hommes que femmes. qui demeurent souventes foys longue espace de temps sans aller au sermon, non pas seulement les dimanches. qui est une chose qui ne seroit pas enduree touchant la messe en la papisterie, sans ceux qui demeurent sur les rues, a Theure du sermon." Meylan. "Pierre Virel el les Lausannois." 17. '•""Quant aux superstitions et idolatries, tout en est encores plein. el notamment de sorcellerie et charmerie. d'observations des festes. des vogues et aultres scmblables choses defendues en la reformation, qui seroient longues a raconter." Meylan. "Pierre Viret et les Lausannois." 18. Du Cange defines "vogue" as a "Fete du patron d'un lieu ou il y a concours de peuple." Glossariiim mediae el infimae latinitatis. IX (Glossarium Gallicum). 395. The Dictionnaire du moyen fran(;ais is more specific geographically: "Fete annuelle du village dans Test et le sud-est de la France." Algirdas Julien Greimas and Teresa Mary Keane. Dictionnaire du moyen fran(;ais: La Renaissance. Tresors du magic performed by "wise women" and "cunning men."'"' Bern had passed ordinances against going to these popular "divines." on pain of being fined "as those who go to the mass." and the divines themselves were to be imprisoned and punished at least as severely as their clients.'" Viret and Vallier did not believe that the statutes had been very etTective, however. They went on to claim that immoral behavior continued to run rampant, such that "every day one sees pregnant fornicators, many of whom leave, and one does not know what becomes of them or their children; others go into papist lands to "empty their sack." where they are supported by their lovers and their children baptized by priests .... There are also fornicators who keep lovers here and there and nourish their bastards before our eyes and others who turn their homes into brothels."''^ The fran9ais (Paris; Larousse. 1992). 661. It seems from this that the festival in eastern France was also celebrated in Switzerland. '"'See. e.g.. Keith Thomas. Religion and the Decline oj Magic: Sliuiies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century England (London: Wcidenfeld and Nicolson. 1971). '"""Defendu d'aller vers les devins et les discurs de bonnes aventures: ceu.x qui le font, doivent etre chaties comme ceu.x qui vont a la Messe. s^avoir dix llorins de bamp. L"on emprisonnera aussi ces divins. Ton leiir imposera la meme amende, reserve neantmoins de chatier ces derniers plus stHerement selon re.\igence du fait." AVL Corps de Ville BIO. fol. 2v° (June 4. 1543). The specific identification of the penalty for .seeing divines with going to the mass both indicates how seriously the Bernese took this common practice and seems to imply that the mass itself w as a kind of sorcery, which is certainly the position taken by Viret and other Reformed authors. '"'"Quant au.\ meurs. il y a grande corruption, principallement en ivrongneries et en gourmandises. et toutes dissolutions. jeu.\. dances, cabaretz, fornications, adulteres. maquerelages et de aultres telles insolences, lellement qu"on voit tous les jours paillardes grosses, des quelles plusieurs s'absentent. qu'on ne scait qu'elles ne les anfans deviennent; les aultres vont vuider leur sac en la papisterie. oil el les sont cntretenues par leurs paillardz. et les enfans baptisez par les prestres: les aultres font leurs enfans toutes 226 consistory was utterly ineffective since it had not met for such a long time, and even when it had, there was no justice; the poor were called to appear but not the rich.'""* On the rare occasions when sentences were given, they were a sham, to the point where "fomicators have sometimes gone to visit their lovers in the prison itself."''"^ seules. et mortz on ne scait comment, ct aulcuns enfans meurent par mauvais traictement. H y a aussi des paillardz qui tiennent paillardes deca et dela, et qui nourrissent leurs bastardz devant noz yeux. et d'aultres qui tiennent les bourdeaux en leurs maisons, et n'y a moien d"y metre ordre. ny a une infinite d'aultres telles choses. qui seroient longues a raconter par le menu." Meylan. "Pierre Viret et les Lausannois." 18. De metre ordre a toutes telles vilainies. par le moien du consistoire. nous n'y avons plus d'esperance. car il demeure souventefoys une grande partie du temps sans estre tenu. combien qu'il y ait des causes fort urgentes. Si on le tient. il y a souventefoys bien petite assistence. point d'honneur. ne de reverence, ne d'obeissance en ceux qui y sont appelez. sinon mespris. moquerie. et toute rebellion, voire jusques aux jeunes enfans. D'esgalite en justice, il n'y en a point. Les ung sont appelez, ascavoir quelcung des plus petis. les aultres sont laissez. principallement les gros. combien que leurs insolences et scandales soient tous publiques. et qu'ilz en facent mestier: et ja<;oit que congnoissance en vienne au consistoire. et qu'il soit propose de les appelcr. et par plusieurs fois, il ne s'en faict rien ou bien peu." Meylan. "Pierre Viret et les Lausannois." 18. On the Lausanne consistory, see Vuilleumier. 298-305. and below, ch. 5. '"'"Et si aucun y est appele. il est bien difficile de veoir de longtemps le bout d'une cause, les unes se commences, puis sont delaisses. sans estre poursuivies. Si elles sont poursuivies. il y a peu d'execution des sentences, ou pour le moins. il y a peu d'esgalite. et une grande moquerie aux punitions et grande indignite. voire jusques en telle licence que les paillardz sont quelquefoys alles visiter leurs paillardes au jaquemard. et de jour et de nuict. et que ung tas de galands y ont porte les grans barilz et tlascons de vin. et y ont banquete avecques les paillardes et tout cela sans punition quelconque." Meylan. "Pierre Viret et les Lausannois." 18. This last charge is confirmed by the city council records: "Lesdits Seigneurs ont ordonne que pourtant que leurs a conste que Jaques Sccretan est alle entre en leurs prison de I'eveschie vers une paillarde detenue en leursdit prison s'effor^ant d'entre par ung trellis ... sans leurs vouloir. ains par infraction de leurs pri-son. qu'il doibge crier mercy a leurs Sg^' de ladite offence ct doibge poier [read: payer] a leurdits Seigneurs six escus d'or au soleil. coing du roy de France . . .AVL Chavannes DI2. fol. 241 v" (July 30. 1551). 227 The ministers do not say anything about secret masses being held in town or people leaving town to hear the mass elsewhere. It seems that those problems had been solved, or at least ceased to pose major difficulties by 1550. Many people were not going to the sermon either, however, and that was unacceptable. Moreover. Viret and Vallier claimed that some people still openly opposed their doctrine. Although these people could possibly have been "libertines," Protestants who wanted nothing to do with ecclesiastical discipline or Bern's moral laws, in light of the rest of the document it seems more likely that they favored a return to the Catholic Church. From the ministers" point of view, the laws governing "superstition" and moral behavior had hardly changed a thing. Earlier in 1550. fheodore Beza arrived in Lausanne to assume the post of Professor of Greek at the Lausanne Academy.'"'' Beza was a noted humanist, Greek scholar, reformer, and Calvin's later successor in Geneva. After a short stay in Geneva, he was astonished by the very different religious situation in Lausanne: . . . Very few seek to avoid the wrath of the Lord, no one is moved by the reproach of his neighbors. The magistrate thinks that he has performed his duty admirably when he has promulgated some edict; the warnings of the ministers are in vain, for public scandals either are ignored or unrestrained by the severity that the depravity of men deserves; zeal for the Lord is frozen. Here, certainly, the mandates of the princes [of Bem) are violated openly and with impunity; Lent is observed with no less "religion" than among unmi.xed papists; everything resounds with drinking, blasphemies, and fornications. In the colloquys '"''On Beza's career in Lausanne, see PauI-1-. Geisendorf. Theoilore Jc Bezc (Geneva: Labor et Fides. 1949). 33-103. 228 (condones), there is remarkable solitude. In short, the state of the church is miserable.'"^ Beza levels a critique similar to that of Viret and Vallier in his remarks about Bern's ordinances. The Bernese think that issuing edicts is sufHcient. yet no one obeys them in the least. The magistrates of Bern and Lausanne did. in tact, promulgate multiple ordinances concerning the Reformation after the initial 1536 Edicts of Reformation. Bern issued several individual ordinances over the years, e.xpanding on the prohibitions set out in 1536 and requiring church attendance and catechism for children.''" In their 1548 general mandate on reform, the Bernese complained. We are well aware of not only the transgression but also the contempt almost ever>'vvhere in our lands for preaching, catechisms, and instruction of the youth, and for our mandates and edicts regarding the abolition of papal ceremonies, idolatries, superstitions, blasphemies, sorcery, magic, pilgrimages, drunkenness, gluttony, dances, dishonest songs, games, clothing, fornication, usury, theft, cheating, and other similar dissoluteness and iniquities . . paucissimi iram Domini deprecantur. nemo pro.ximorum animadversione commovetur. Magistratus se putat officio praeclare functum quum aliquot edicta promulgavit; ministrorum vani sunt clamores. quum publica scandala vel negligantur. vel ea severitate non prohibeantur. quae mcrebatur hominum improbitas: frigct zelus Domini. Hie quidem principum mandata palam impune violantur: quadragesima non minore religione observatur quam apud meros papistas; potationibus. blasphemiis. scortationibus perstrepunt omnia. In concionibus mira solitudo. Ut paucis dicam. miserabilis est ecclesiae facies." Corresponciancc dc Bezc I. 59 (No. 14). Beza to Bullinger. I.ausanne. Februar>' 16, [1550|. The condones, mentioned by Beza probably refer to the weekly meeting of the colloquy of Lausanne, which were partly intended to instruct the laity. See below, ch. 5, 243. '"Ve Ruchat. VI. 532-43: AVL Corps de Ville B 5, B 10. EE 834. \IE 706: ACV Ba 1. Bd2. .. or non estans ignorans comme diet est non seulement de la transgression. 229 The exact same wording was used two years later in an expanded Reformation mandate.'^" By 1558. however, the ministers had not noticed any difference. In June, the ministers and professors of Lausanne drafted a project on ecclesiastical discipline.'^' In outlining the need for more effective ecclesiastical discipline, they explained. The fathers of the family ought to be like prophets and ministers in their homes, as it is said of Abraham and Job, but how can this be done if the fathers themselves are not first instructed? Now. it is useless to hope that they be taught at the ordinary sermons, for we have clearly seen the contrary through more than twenty- three years of experience. ... In fact, how has it happened that so many young people who have never seen the mass or papism are better instructed in those than in the Gospel, unless their fathers taught them what they know?"" ains aussi du mespris qui sont presque par tout nostre pays des predications, cathechiques et instructions des enfans. et de noz dictz mandemens et edictz touschans abolition des ceremonies papales. idolatries, superstitions, blasphemes, sorcelleries et charmilliers. peregrinaiges. yvrogneries. gourmandises. danses. chansons deshonnestes. jeulx. abillemens, pailliardises. usures, rapines, tromperies. et aultres semblable dissolutions et iniquites . . . ." AVL Corps de Ville EE 706 (December 16. 1548). A transcription of this mandate, under the same call number, was typed by Janick Astreoud and was most helpful. '•'"ACV Ba 1. fol. 16f. '^' fhe complete text of this project, found in the Archives cantonales vaudoises. has never been published. See appendix A for my transcription of the full text. Louis Vulliemin published an excerpt of an earlier draft written in March 1558 in his edition of l^uchat. Abraham Ruchat. Histuira tic la Reformation de la Suisse. EJilion avec appendices et une notice siir la vie et les ouvrages de Ruchat. L. Vulliemin. ed.. 7 vols. (Nyon: M. Giral-Prelaz. Paris: Risler. Paris: Cherbuliez. Lausanne. Marc Ducloux. 1835- 1838). 7. 302-07. Jean Bamaud apparently did not realize that Vulliemin had published the text from March, not the one written in June: "Vulliemin en a public un resume dans son edition de Vflistoire de la Reformation de Ruchat. mail il n'indique pas ses sources et son expose est incomplet. 11 diflere. d'ailleurs. au moins quant a la disposition des matieres. de celui qu'ont conserve les archives de Lausanne." Pierre I 'iret. 453-54. Neither author printed or even discussed the passages to follow. '^""Item comme ainsy soil que les peres de famille doivent estrc comme prophetes 230 The ministers knew very well that learning started in the home. I he problem was that the home was often the worst place for children to be instructed, for most of their parents were still carry ing and passing on the folkloric and papist baggage of their own childhoods. The ministers" statement about the insufficiency of the sermon to effect real change challenges our understanding of the importance of the sermon in Reformation Protestantism. The preaching of the Word of God and its ability to stimulate faith through hearing {Jhies ex auditu) are commonly seen as the very foundations on which the Protestant message was built and spread. Twenty-three years of preaching in Lausanne - by Viret no less, an excellent preacher according to many contemporary testimonies - had not brought about the desired results. The ministers believed that only way to reach the people effectively was through individual instruction.'"^ To add to the problems of "home schooling." catechetical instruction, the ministers pointed out. was sadly lacking in many areas; How many children are there in the villages as well as the cities who neither go nor are sent to cathechism? How many places are there that never even hold them? . .. When all is said and done, if things remain the way they are, what hope can we have for young people except that, without good order established et ministres en leur maison. ainsy qu'il est dit d"Abraham, Gen. 18. et de Job. Job. 1. comment cela sera il practique si les peres ne sont premierement instruicts? Or d'esperer qu'ilz soyent instruicts aux presches ordinaires il n'y a ordre. Car nous avons veu Texperience toute claire au contraire. depuis 23 ans et plus. De les enseigner aussi avec les petits enfans au Catechisme public, voz excellences peuvent penser comme cela seroit pris. Et de faict, d'oii vient cela que plusieurs jeunes gens qui n'ont jamais veu Messe ny Papisterie. y sont mieulx instruicts toutesfois qu"en I'F.vangile. sinon de ce que les peres leur en.seignent ce qu'ilz savent?" .ACV Bd 1/1. 122-123. '"'See below, ch. 5. 282-83. according to the Word of God. most of them will become epicureans and atheists, as we hav'i seen all too often ... The ministers located a third problem in frequent contact with or even living among Catholics: "How many are there who leave and remain for a time among the papists, and then return infected? How many others send their children there? Or others who even marry them ihcre?'"'^' We are again reminded of the nearby borders of Catholic territories, over which the people of Vaud would have often had occasion to cross. Especially in the smaller villages, simply in order to marry outside the forbidden degrees of consanguinity.' ''' young people may have had to look for spouses in the surrounding villages, some of which (depending on the area) may still have been Catholic. According to the Protestant ministers, therefore, twenty-two years after the introduction of Protestantism in the pays romands, the majority of their parishioners were '^"'"Secondement. combien y a il d'enfans tant aux villages qu'aux villcs qui ne vont, ny ne sont envoyez aux Catechismes? combien y a il de lieux ausquelz on n'en fit jamais? et quelle assistance y a il aux lieux oil on les faict? Et quand lout sera bien considere. si les choses demcurent comme elles sont. quelle esperance pouvons nous avoir des jeunes. sinon que la plus part sans un bon ordre estably scion la parolle de Dicu. deviendront Epicuriens et Atheistes. comme nous n'en voyons que trop d'expcrience. et donl souventesfois nous vous avons advertis." ACV Bd I/I. 123. '^'"Tiercement combien y en a il qui s'en vont demourer pour un temps en Papisterie. dont ilz reviennent infectez? d'autres y en a qui y envoyent leurs enfans. d'aultres mesmes qui les y marient." ACV Bd 1/1. 124. '^^Bemese marriage law. like Catholic canon law. prohibited marriage within the fourth degree of consanguinity. See Harrington, Reordering Marriage and Society. 85- 86; Thomas Max Satley. "Canon Law and Swiss Reform: Legal Theory and Practice in the Marital Courts of Zurich. Bern. Basel, and St. Gall." in Canon Law in Protestant Lands, Comparative Studies in Continental and Anglo-American Legal History. 11 (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot. 1992). 187-201. On the various marriage impediments in general, see James Brundage. Law. Sex. and Christian Society in Medieval Europe tar from being truly "reformed." in both senses of the term; they had not welcomed the doctrines and practices of the Reformed Church, nor had they reformed their lives according to its moral precepts. Church attendance was low; parents passed "papist" practices on to their children rather than sending them to catechism; Catholic territories lay around every corner, where Catholic schools, spouses, and sacraments were in easy reach of nearly everyone; and immoral behavior continued unabated and unpunished. In short, from the ministers' perspective. Bern's "Reformation by edict" had failed. What was needed to ensure a true Reformation of the Church, they thought, was effective ecclesiastical discipline. The Lausanne ministers and professors undoubtedly had higher standards of reform than the magistrates in Bern. In all likelihood, the situation was not as bad as they made it seem. The number of pastors had increased over the years, concern over people going elsewhere to hear the mass had decreased, and complaints about the opposition of the former Catholic clergy and the nobles, which had been so common in the early years of the Reformation, had practically disappeared. Nevertheless, we should not completely cast aside the grievances of the ministers as absurdly idealistic w hining. No Reformed minister worth his salt would have ever been completely satisfied with the moral behavior of his parishioners, but the issues raised by the Lausanne ministers go well beyond mere moral levity. The specifics they address point not just to a level of moral behavior one might honestly expect of the average citizen, but to a real problem in getting people to (Chicago: University of Chicago F'ress, 1987). 233 abandon their Catholic beliefs and traditions. The most telling testimony, it seems, comes from Beza's letter to Bullinger. He had just been in Geneva - a Geneva that was not yet fully tmder the control of Calvin's supporters'"'^ - and he was flabbergasted by the difference he saw in Lausanne. Although the Bernese had helped to introduce Protestantism in Geneva, the Genevans themselves had established a far more successful Reformation than the Bernese were able to push through in their own French-speaking territories. '"^ rhat did not happen until 1555. See Naphy. ('alvin and the ('onsnlidalion of the Genevan Rejormation. 234 Conclusion The problems encountered by both the Bernese magistrates and the Reformed ministers in the first twenty-two years of the Reformation illustrate the difficulties inherent in imposing a reform "from above" upon a populace that had no real desire to abandon Catholicism in the first place. Moreover, one generation is not enough time to effect any significant change in people's beliefs and attitudes. The Bernese struggled to enact "their" Reformation largely through legislation. The two Edicts of Reformation following the Lausanne Disputation set the stage; "papism" was outlawed, the mass abolished, images removed, and several moral laws were put into place. The success of a legislative Reformation, however, is by its nature dependent on the efficacy of enforcement. Bern was reliant on a just few of its own bailiffs who, in turn, had to rely on local officials. The bureaucracy was insufficient to cover the conquered lands, and the laws therefore lacked real force. Much of the inital opposition to the Reformation came from the former Catholic clergy. Bern allowed the former clergy to remain in its lands and keep their benefices if they agreed to accept the Reformation. Many of them did so. but very few of them appear to have had any real affinity for Protestantism. Bern's hopes that they might help to swell the ranks of a pathetically understaffed Protestant clergy came practically to naught. Instead, the former clergy continued to wear their habits, visit the sick, and perform the mass and other Catholic ceremonies in secret. The nobility presented a second main source of religious resistance. Forced to "turn Swiss" and accept common councilmen as their new o\ erlords. the nobles had ver\ little interest in enforcing Bernese edicts. With their rural lands mostly lying beyond the purv iew of Bern's bailiffs, they were better able to do e.xactly as they pleased. Moreover, some of them possessed territory that lay under Catholic jurisdiction and could simply go to the mass there. The close proximity of Catholic areas posed problems with regard to the common laity as well. Most areas in Vaud were within relatively easy reach of a Catholic parish. Evian was just across Lake Geneva. Gruyere lay to the east and France to the west; Fribourg stood like an island directly between Lausanne and Bern, and pockets of Catholicism remained in the center of Vaud in the common lordships. People could, and apparently did. go to these areas to hear the mass, attend school, and tlnd potential spouses. For those people who rarely v entured beyond their own town, old habits were hard to break. Traditional practices, such as celebrating feast days, praying to the saints, and visiting wise women, were too deeply ingrained in the culture to obliterate overnight, or even over a generation. Finally, if the people were not going to the mass, neither were they flocking to the Protestant semions in droves. Looming over the entire situation were anxieties about the international scene. Protestant efforts in the Suisse romamle were hindered by the perception that one of two major events might turn the area back over to the duke of Savoy and the Catholic Church. First, many people still believed that the promised general council would once and for all heal the rift in the Church, bringing Protestants back under Roman obedience. Second. Francis I. Charles V. or both of them together might launch an invasion and either give the lands back to the duke of Savoy or take them for themselves. Either scenario would mean a retum to the Catholic Church, and both remained distinct possibilities until 236 Charles turned back south over the Alps in 1553. A final obstacle to the Reformation came from precisely the people who wanted it the most: the Bernese magistrates and the Protestant ministers. The ministers themselves were at odds with one another almost from the close of the Lausanne Disputation. The Bernese could not agree on doctrinal matters with practically anyone else. And the ministers were locked in a fight with the magistrates over ecclesiastical discipline for nearly twenty years. This constant bickering among the very people who were responsible for the Reformation undoubtedly led many of the common people to look askance at the "new religion" they had been asked to embrace. Nevertheless, one cannot fully comprehend these religious debates, which are so often evaluated from a purely theological point of view, unless one first understands that they stemmed primarily from the difficulties encountered in the attempt to establish a "true" Reformation in French- speaking Switzerland. 237 CHAPTER 5 THE STRUGGLE FOR CONFESSIONAL L^'ITY The difficulty of imposing the Protestant Relbrmation on the people of the Suisse romunde is crucial for our understanding of the ever-widening rift that developed between the Bernese magistrates and the ministers and professors of Lausanne and resulted in the banishment of Pierre Viret and more than twenty of his colleagues. The debate is most often described in terms of the ecclesiological differences between Calvinist ministers and Zwinglian Bern.' According to this interpretation. Bern's Zwinglian political theory, which stressed the virtual identity of church and state." came into conflict with the Calvinist theology of Viret. who demanded greater ecclesiastical independence, including the right of excommunication. From a purely theological point of view, that was indeed the case. The root cause of the disagreement, however, was to be found literally on the streets, where the people, from the ministers* point of view, were loitering about and engaging in all sorts of mischief rather than attending the sermons. 'Charles Schnetzler writes. "Le contlit qui a abouti au commencement de 1559 a une issue presque tragique n'est qu'un effet particulier d'une cause generale: I,e zwinglianisme triomphant a Zurich, a Berne et dans la Suisse allemande. devait entrer en lutte avec le calvinisme." Charles Schnetzler. "Pierre Viret et le conflit ecclesiastique avec Berne au milieu du XVI"""" siecle." Revue Hismrique VauJoise 15 (1907): 366-80. See also Hundeshagen. Die Conjlikte cles Zwinglianismus. des Luthertums und des Cidvinismus in der Bernischen Landeskirche: Eduard Bahler. "Der Kampf zwischen Staatskirchentum und Theokratie in der welschbcrnischen Kirche im sechzehntcn Jahrhundert." Zeitschrift fitr Schweirerische Geschichte 5 (1925): 1-61. 129-91. "See above, ch. 1. 37-39; esp n. 19: ".. . Christianum hominem nihil aliud esse quam Udelem ac bonum civem. urbem Christianum nihil quam ecclesiani Chrislianam esse." 238 As the Bernese themselves wrote to the Lausanne city council shortly before the crisis came to a head at the end of 1558. "The principal cause of [the ministers") troublemaking and scheming in question proceeds in part from the fact that up to now the vices and disorders among you have not been punished as they should: instead, everything grows worse from day to day."^ Viret pushed so strongly for greater ecclesiastical discipline not primarily because of a theological concern to bring the Lausanne church in line with Calvin's ecclesiology but because in his eyes. Bern's Reformation had failed. He saw his congregation in Lausanne, not to mention those in the nearby rural parishes, little changed, morally or theologically, from when he had first taken the pulpit in 1536. This is not to say that the theological issues involved were unimportant. In fact, they were crucial and contributed to the "failure " of Bern's Reformation. Although Viret's ecclesiological differences with Bern led most immediately to the complete breakdown of their relationship, at the very heart of the matter lay their different interpretations of the cucharist. The right of e.xcommunication was so important for the Calvinist ministers because in their doctrine of the eucharist. uninstructed or unworthy individuals who took the supper ate and drank to their own damnation and prol'aned the sacrament. Bern's Zwinglian understanding of the cucharist. on the other hand, with its symbolic understanding of the elements, led the magistrates to stress the communal. . . la principalle cause de ses facheries et pcrple.xites. dont est question. procede en parthie de ce que jusques icy. les vices el desordres es estants entre vous n'ont este sy bien chastiez qu'il apartient. ains que le tout de jour en jour est impire ...." Ruchat (Vulliemin edition). Vll. 313. Bern city council to the Lausanne city council. Bern. December 20. 1558. socially unifying nature of the sacrament and made excommunication completely counterproductive. The cura animariini of the Calvinist ministers, which focused on the spiritual well-being of each individual parishioner, was pitted against the cura commimiuitis of the Bemese. for whom excommunication would have cut off an individual not just from the communion table but from the community at large. The Bemese had exactly one type of "excommunication": political banishment. Several other secondary factors contributed to the growing rift between Bern and its French-speaking ministers. In the wake of the Bolsec controversy. Bern became increasingly disillusioned with Calvin and his growing influence over its own ministers. The Bemese forbade preaching about predestination, taking communion in the Genevan manner, and using Calvin's Instiiiues in the Lausanne Academy. Furthermore, they refused to heed the ministers' pleas for a synod to discuss theological differences and often ignored their recommendations when tilling preaching posts. Finally, the Lausanne city council entered into the equation as well, first by lodging a fomial complaint against Viret for preaching against the citizens of Lausanne and in the very end. by granting him pemiission for the fateful delay of the 1558 Christmas eucharist that was the ultimate cause of Viret's banishment. The consequences of this struggle were significant. On the local level, the church of Lausanne and the Academy there were left destitute. The Bernese certainly had not foreseen that so many other ministers and professors would follow Viret into exile. This catastophic outcome may well have helped to push them seven years later to sign the Second Helvetic Confession, ending nearly forty years of Bemese religious isolationism. 240 The dispute likewise impacted the history of international Calvinism. Before 1559. the Lausarme Academy had been the only Protestant academy in Frcnch-speaking Europe and, as such, was the real epicenter of the French Reformed intelligensia. The "brain drain" surrounding Viret's expulsion emptied into Geneva, allowing its academy to open at full strength in 1559. and redirected the energies of the Genevan company of pastors westward, away from the hitherto fniitless attempts at confessional unity with Bern and towards planting the Gospel in France. 241 The Institutional Matrix In order to understand more fully what Viret and his colleagues wanted to change, we must first examine the ecclesiastical structure established by Bern in the beginning.' The most basic ecclesiastical unit was the parish. As we have seen, at the close of the Lausanne Disputation there was only one Protestant minister for approximately every five parishes in Vaud.^ Although the situation improved over the years, some ministers continued to be pressed: in 1541. the minister of Vullierens, for example, still had to serve seven separate parishes.'' By 1558, the number of ministers and deacons^ had grown to ninety-three, triple the number in 1536 but still barely more than one for every two parishes. The chief administrative division of the pastors took place on the regional level: the pastors were grouped into ecclesiastical departments called classes, which generally followed the political boundaries of the administrative bailiwicks: 1) The classe of Lausanne encompassed all of the northeastern shore of Lake Geneva, from Lausanne through Vevey and Montreux to Aigle. 2) The classe of Payerne covered northeastern Vaud. from Moudon northwards to ^In this section. I follow the extensive treatment by Vuilleumier. 267-305. ^See above, ch. 4. 184. ^"Vous advertissans. tres redoubtes Seigneurs, que m'aves donnes charge de Veilleren. Aden. Romance Gueillon et Gransi. Collombiers. Sainct-Saphorin. Claremont. qui ont este sept eglises parrochiales." Herminjard. Vll. 37 (No. 948). Jean Bonivoye to the Bern city council. [Vullierens|. [February 15411. ^"Deacons" in Vaud were more akin to the deacons of the Catholic Church clerical assistant ministers - than to those in Geneva, who were laymen charged primarily with poor relief 242 the linguistic border in the common lordship ofMurten (Morat). 3) The dasse of Yverdon. in the northwestern part of Vaud. included the area of Yverdon and Romainmotier. as well as the Protestant ministers in the common lordships of Orbe-Echallens and Grandson. 4) The dasse of Morges extended along the north shore of Lake Geneva west of Lausanne to Nyon. 5) The dasse of Gex included Bern's lands in the western crescent around Geneva, in what is now part of France, from Divonne northeast of the city to Temier in the southeast. 6) The dasse of Thonon comprised the rest of Bern's lands in the Chablais. along the southwestern shore of Lake Geneva. The primary purpose of the dasse system was essentially to ensure that the ministers in each area were doing their jobs; preaching correct doctrine, celebrating rites in conformity with practice in Bern, and living moral lives. Each dasse was headed by a doyen [Latin: decanus\, a member minister elected by his colleagues whose duties were to preside over the meetings of the dasse and to attempt to moderate in any disputes. In addition, each dasse also elected four jures. who did the real leg-work, performing visitations to check up on the ministers' preaching and way of life. Originally, the classes were to meet weekly, but this proved to be impractical since many of the ministers had to travel extensive distances. The dasse of Lausanne, for example. normally met in Vevey. 10 miles from I.ausanne to the west and 12 miles from Aigle to the east. 243 In order to help rectify this situation, the classes were subdivided into more localized colloquys (colloques) in 1539. centered in all the major towns. Taking again the classe of Lausanne as an example, it was divided into the colloquys of Lausanne. Vevey. and Aigle. The colloquys would meet at least monthly and often weekly and then bring their concerns before quarterly gatherings of the entire classe. Unlike the classe meetings, however, the colloquys met publicly and discussed the Bible and doctrine in order to instruct the laity and former priests. When the Bernese ordered the former priests around Lausanne to attend the "lectures et estudiez."" they were referring to the colloquys. Bern suppressed the colloquys in 1549 because they provided a public platform for both sides of the doctrinal controversies that Hared up at the time.'' Public instruction was only useful if the ministers themselves were in agreement with one another. The colloquy of Lausanne alone was reinstated, on the condition that no one contradict the scriptural interpretation set forth, and that absolutely no "innovations" be introduced.'" *See above, ch. 4. 190, n. 37. "See below. 259-73. "'"Quoties vero ita fuerit conventum. ferre se nullo modo posse ut controversiis et contentionibus res agatur. quemadmodum quidem olim est factum, adeo ut litigationum potius quam colloquiorum speciem hi conventus habuerint. Hunc igitur ritum se probare: Ut semel aliquis scripturae locum aliquem tractet. mox discodat. caeterique fratres turn doctrinae tum morum ipsius censuram agant. ut eorum quae necessaria videbuntur decanus eum admoneat. nec postea quidquam repugnans proponere liceat. Possint quoque hebraicae et graecae linguae professores eundem scripturae locum tractare atque declarare.... Eaque etiam conditione ut serio admoneantur ut ab omni innovationc caveant. ne magnificentissimis Principibus occasio praebeatur. non hoc tantum colloquiorum iure ipsos privandi. sod ipsa quoque eligendorum ministrorum potestate." CO 13.444 (No. 1301). Bern city council to Viret. Bern. November 9. 1549. 244 The broadest unit of ecclesiastical organization in Bern's lands was the synod, to which all of Bern's clergy would be summoned. The 1532 Berner SynuJus called for synods to be held annually to resolve disputes and discuss matters of doctrine and church practice." The Bemese government's decision to prohibit the use of Latin in all official business, however, meant that the German- and French-speaking ministers would each hold separate synods; all required the presence of ministers and officials from Bern. At first, the synods did. in fact, meet regularly in Lausanne. In November 1536. one was held soon after the Lausanne Disputation to appoint ministers to the newly Protestant lands. The Bemese representatives established the classe system, and other administrative concerns were discussed at the 1537 Synod of Lausanne, held in May.'" The 1538 synod, which dealt with the general religious climate in the French-speaking ' '"Ut autem Christianae huiuscemodi exercitationi diligentius incumbanus. quotannis celebrari talis Synodus. ab omnibus parrochis. et qui urbi praesunt, et qui agro. ipsis Calendis Maiis debet, qua semper memorata instituta renoventur. Ad haec duo Capitula cogantur annis singulis, quatenus hoc dominis nostris visum fucrit. in quibus similiter id agemus. quod pertinere cum ad nostri. tum ad gregis prefectum videbitur. quemadmodum amplius cum dominis nostris deliberare ac decemere constituimus." l.ocher, Der Berner SynoJus. L 252. '"The classe system proposal, drawn up by the Bernese minister Kaspar Megander. was based on the system in place in Bern's German-speaking lands. There were two principal differences between the systems in the German- and French-speaking lands. First, the geographical boudaries in the German lands followed the former Catholic deaconries rather than the newly constructed political administrative divisions as in Vaud. Second, the ministers themselves in the French-speaking lands elected the Juyen for their classe. whereas these were state-appointed positions in the German lands. As Glenn Sunshine has demonstrated. Viret found the classe system quite useful for territorial administration, as opposed to the company of pastors in Geneva's small urban environment, and he was largely responsible for importing the classe system into France in the early 1560"s. Glenn S. Sunshine. "From French Protestantism to the French Reformed churches: The Development of Huguenot Ecclesiastical Institutions. 1559- 1598." Ph.D. dissertation. University of Wisconsin-Madison. 1992. 245 lands, has been discussed in chapter 4,'^ and I will soon return to it again.Suffice it to say for the moment that the requests made by the ministers at the 1538 Synod, which mostly went unfulfilled, quite likely led the Bernese to abandon the annual synods. Another one was not held until Vlarch 1549. this time in Bern. Despite the persistent pleas of the ministers of Lausanne, no further synods were convoked for the French- speaking lands until the end of the sixteenth century. With regard to ecclesiastical discipline, Bern established consistories in the pays romatuis, but until 1558 they were only in the chief administrative towns, such as Lausanne, Vevey. Yverdon, in contrast to its German-speaking territories where every parish had a consistory. Like the consistory of Geneva,'" the Bernese consistories were supposed to act as a kind of morals police, watching over the behavior of the people, reprimanding them for continuing to practice "papist" ceremonies or not attending the sermon, and judging cases of marriage, adultery, and fornication. Divorce, however. could only be granted by the consistory in Bern itself. There were several major differences between the Bernese consistories and the one in Geneva, however. Both in conception and in fact, the Bemcse consistories were chiefly instruments of the slate rather than of the church. In Lausanne, the consistory included the two pastors of the city and seven members of the city council, and it met largely at the whim of the '^See above, ch. 4. 195-97. "See below, 252-56. '"On the Genevan consistory, see Thomas A. Lambert and Isabella VI. Watt, eds., Re^istrcs ilu consisloire Je Geneve an temps ile Calvin. Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance. (Geneva: Droz. 1996- ). especially the introduction to volume 1. 246 councilors'^ (also unlike in Geneva, where the consisiorv' met every Thursday without fail). VIoreover. the Lausannois were not at all eager to enforce ecclesiastical discipline. Despite warnings from the Bern city council that the consistory should "treat, as we do in our city, all cases regarding marriage, games, drunkenness, dancing, blasphemy, inappropriate dress, debauchery, prostitution, and other matters contained in our Reformation."'^ the Lausanne city council obstinately decided that "only three types of cases should be treated in the consistory, namely, marriage, adultery and divorce, and fornication."'" The dif ference between the Bernese and Genevan consistories that would prove to be most significant in the struggle between Viret and Bern was that the Bernese consistories did not have - and were never given - the power of excommunication. One final institution merits special attention here, the Lausanne Academy. Established in 1537. it was the only institution of its type in French-speaking Europe until the opening of the Genevan Acadcmy twenty-two years later. Bern decided to open the academy shortly after the Lausarme Disputation as a means to overcome the shortage of ""See. e.g.. Viret and Vallier's complaints to the Lausanne city council above, ch. 4. 222-23. '^"Aussy nous vient a notice comme ne traictes quasy aulcunes causes au consistoyre. sinon tant seulement celles concemantes manages, par avanture pource que nostre bally est co-auditeur. Vous notiffians que doiges en cela fayre comme fesons ici en nostre villc. pour toutes causes, tant matrimoniales. jeu.x. ivrogneries. dances, blasphemes, dcchequetures de vestement. putherie. maquerclaige. que aultres comprises cn nostre reformation, et en ce ne vous fayre diffonnes a nous, et vous nous feres plaisir." Herminjard. IV, 279 (No. 652). Bern city council to the Lausanne city council. Bern. August. 24. 1537. "*"Conclusum in consistorio non deberc deduci nysi trcs cause, videlicet; cause matrimonii, divorsii et adulterii vel pailliardise." Chavannes. "Hxtraits des Manuaux de Lausanne." MDR 1 (1887); 66 (January 27. 1539). 247 ministers in the pays romands. The school started modestly with the two ministers. Viret and Pierre Caroli, as the only instructors. Viret lectured on the New Testament and Caroli taught the Old. Caroli did not last long, tor in the days before tenure, falsely accusing one's colleague and his powerful friends of Arianism was a good way to ensure one's dismissal. Early in 1537, Caroli began preaching on the efficacy of prayers for the dead. When Viret reprimanded him. Caroli responded with charges of sedition and Arianism. Calvin and Farel came to their friend's defense, and Caroli leveled the same charges against them. In the summer of 1537. Caroli was finally condemned and banished.'*' This left Viret to teach both parts of the Scriptures. Soon after, chairs in Greek and Hebrew were tilled, but for the tlrst few years, that was it: three professors and a handful of students. The fortunes of the academy turned around in 1545. however, when Maturin Cordier was placed in charge."" Cordier had been one of Calvin's former teachers at the College de la Marche in Paris; he had come to Geneva to teach at the College de Rive and was expelled from the city with Calvin in 1538. The Lausanne school grew rapidly under Cordier's leadership. In 1547. the Leges schulcie Luusunnensis were drawn up by a commission in Bern, including Simon Sulzer. who would be '"'On the entire Caroli affair, see Bamaud. Pierre Viret. 157-64; John Calvin, Defense de Guillaume Farel et de ses cullegiies conire les calonmies du iheologastre Pierre Caroli par Nicolas Des Gallars. Jean-Francois Gounelle. ed.. Etudes d'histoire et de philosophic religieuses. 73 (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. 1994). ""On Cordier. see Emile Puech. Un professeur dii 16 siecle: Mathurin Cordier. sa vie el son oeiivre (Geneva: Slatkine Reprints. 1970 [Montaubon: Marius Bonneville. 18961); Jean-Jules le Coultre. Maturin Cordier et les origines de la pedagogic prolestante dans les pays de la langite franc^aisc (i530-1564). Memoires de I'lJniversite de Neuchatel. 5 (Neuchatel: Secretariat de I'L'niversite. 1926). 248 banished by the city council soonthereafter. and these guidelines served as the prototype for the future Reformed academies at Geneva and in France."' The Leges were divided into two parts, one for the schola classiva sive privata. the school where the basics in grammar and rhetoric were taught, and one for the lectUmes piihlicue. the academy proper, which offered advanced work, with chairs in Greek. Hebrew, the arts, and theology.'" We can get some idea of the extent of the academy's growth since its inception from one of Beza's letters to Farel in 1558. Beza apologizes for not writing sooner, explaining. "For apart from the fact that I returned at the time when we usually examine the students one-by-one (and there are ahaul seven hundretf). you also know the type and magnitude of our situation.""^ Vuilleumier estimates the total number of students to have been around a thousand, since not all of them would have had to take the examination."^ Later in Geneva. Beza reported 1.200 students in the schola privata and three hundred in the scholapuhlica at the academy there.If we apply the same ratio to Vuilleumier's figure of one thousand, the Lausanne Academy had approximately eight hundred students "'Vuilleumier. 408. ""See Louis Junod and Henri Meylan. eds.. L Academie de Lausanne au Xl / Steele, I: Leges Scholae Lausannensis 1547. [{tudes et Documents pour servir a I'histoire de rUniversite de Lausanne. 5 (Lausanne: F. Rouge & C""'. 1947). "^"Nam praeterquam quod incidit reditus meus in id tempus quo solemus in singulos scholasticos inquirere (sunt autem hi ad septingentos) nosti etiam quae el quanta sint negotia quae nunc versamus." Correspondance de Beze. 2.187 (No. 137). Beza to Farel, Lausanne, April 29. 1558; emphasis added. " Vuilleumier. 427. "'Kingdon. Geneva and the Coming of the (Pars a/ Religion. 15. 249 in the lower school and some two hundred in the academy - a very rough estimate to be sure, but it gives us some idea of Lausanne's importance in the critical task of training ministers for the Reformed church in the days before the establishment of the Geneva Academy. Unlike in Geneva.'^' however, the ministers trained in Lausanne were meant to serve in Bern's territories, not to go off on missionary work in France as some scholars have assumed.'^ If the Lausanne Academy's missionary role has been overemphasized, its status as the intellectual center of the Francophone Reformed church in the 1540's and 1550's has scarcely been noticed. By the mid-1540's. the early evangelical movement in France centered on Marguerite de Navarre's network had mostly died out. Before 1558. Geneva was home to few leading Protestant intellectuals apart from Calvin himself. In the years between the collapse of Marguerite's network and the opening of the Geneva Academy, Lausanne was the place to be. In addition to Viret, Beza. and Cordier. the Greek scholar Conrad Gessner"'' and noted legal scholar Francois Hotman"'' taught in the Academy as "^On the missionary activity of Genevan ministers in France, see Robert Kingdon's groundbreaking study. Geneva ami the Coming of ihe ff^ars of Reiigion. •'E.g.. Oberman. "Calvin and Farel." 53. n. 78. The five Lausanne students who were tried and burned for heresy in Lyon in 1553 were the exception, not the rule. Sec Jean Crespin, Des cinq escoiiers sortis de Lausanne hriislez a Lyon (Geneva: Jules Fick. 1878); Correspondance inedile des cinq eiudianis martyrs hntles a Lyon en 1553. relrouvee dans la hihliotheque de Vadian. d Sl-Gaii. et suivie d un cantique allrihue d Pierre Bergier (Geneva: Emile Beroud. 1854). I have found no evidence of any other students from Lausanne on missionary work in France, although, as we will see, after Viret was banished from Lausanne, a great many of those who followed him into exile in Geneva then went into France. •*See Hans H. Wellisch. ConradGessner; A Bio-Bihliography (Zug: IDC. 1984). "'See Donald R. Kelley. Fran<,ois Hotman: .1 Revolutionary 's Ordeal (Princeton: 250 well/" The talented faculty drew visiting intellectuals to the city as well. Renowned Parisian jurisconsult Charles du Moulin^' resided in Lausanne tor a time, as did the later contentious Reformed theologian. Jean Morely.^" Jean Crespin. the printer and author of the History of the Martyrs."^ lived briefly in Lausanne as well, but Bern's restrictions on printing probably led him to return to Geneva before setting up shop.'^ The Bernese did not allow any printing in their French-speaking territories besides books intended for use in the Academy.^^ Robert Estienne. another famous French printer, wanted to go to Princeton University Press. 1973). ^"The faculty also included Jean Raymond Merlin (professor of Hebrew). Jean Ribit (professor of theology). Eustache de Quesnoy. and Caelius Curione. "'See Jean-Louis Thireau. Charles Du Moulin (1500-1566): Etude sur les sources, la methode. les idees poUtiques et economiques d un juriste de la Renaissance, Travaux d'Mumanisme et Renaissance. 176 (Geneva: Droz. 1980); Donald R. Kelley, "Fides Historiae: Charles Dumoulin and the Galiican view of History." Traditio. 22 (1966): 347- 402: Wanegffelen, Ni Rome ni Geneve. 133-47. ^'See Philippe Denis and Jean Rott. Jean Morely (ca. 1524 - ca. !594) et iutopie d une democratic dans I Eglise Travau.x d'Humanisme et Renaissance. 278 (Geneva: Droz. 1993): Robert Kingdon, Geneva and the Consolidation of the French Protestant Movement 1564-1572. A Contribution to the History of Congregationalism, and Calvinist Resistance Theory. Travau.x d'Humanisme et Renaissance. 92 (Geneva: Droz. 1967), 37- 137. '^Jean Crespin. Histoire des martyrs persecutez et mis d mort pour la verite de I 'Evangile. 3 vols.. D. Benoit, ed. (Toulouse. 1884-1887). On Crespin. see Jean-Fran9ois Gilmont, Jean Crespin: Un editeur reforme au XlT siecle. Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance. 186 (Geneva: Droz. 1981). ^•'"Lesdits Seigneurs ont admis certain Imprimeur habitant en leurs ville nomme Johan Crepin. Pont accepte." AVL Chavannes DIG. fol. 297v° (December 27. 1554). Since Crespin appeared before the city council, he very likely intended to move his printing press from Geneva to Lausanne. The fact that he did not indicates that he was somehow discouraged from doing so. This brief interlude in Lausanne is not mentioned by Gilmont (Jean Crespin). Vuilleumier. 428. 251 Lausanne in 1548 but was likewise discouraged by the Bernese/'' These printing restrictions may go a long way towards explaining why the Lausanne Academy has been so underappreciated among modern scholars. Beza. Hotman. Cordier, and especially Viret were indeed actively writing treatises while in the city, but they had to have them printed in Geneva. The faculty of the Lausanne Academy played a significant role in the debates with Bern over doctrine and ecclesiastical discipline, particularly in the crisis year of 1558. Although it is usually presented as Viret's struggle with Bern, all of the ministers and professors of Lausanne stood with him, as retlected in the (largely unpublished) correspondence.^^ And when Viret alone was banished from Bern's territories, nearly all of them followed him into exile, allowing Geneva to become at last the unrivalled center of international Calvinism. ^''Vuilleumier. 428. '^See Appendix B. 252 Prelude to Crisis: Initial Efforts towards Ecclesiastical Discipline and the Growing Rift between Bern and Geneva The report at the 1538 Synod of Lausanne of the sad state of religious affairs in the puys romands indicated to everyone in attendence that something had to be done to improve matters. For the first time, the ministers in the classe of Lausanne asked for the right of e.xcommunication. for "no pious person can in good conscience bear the horrible profanation of the eucharist any longer."^* The "profanation of the eucharist" was an objection raised every time by Viret and his colleagues when seeking greater ecclesiastical discipline, and it highlights the fact that the ministers' chief concern was not greater ministerial jurisdiction or uniformity with Calvin's ecclesiology (though these were, of course, concerns); rather, it was to keep the sacrament of the eucharist free from the pollution caused by those who took the sacrament unworthily. Calvin, who attended the Synod of Lausanne and who had by this time begun to exert a powerful influence over the ministers in Bern's French-speaking territories, explicitly tied the need for excommunication w ith the danger of polluting the sacrament a year earlier in his proposal for church organization in Geneva:^^ The chief order that is required and merits the greatest care is that the holy Supper, ordained and instituted to join together the members of our Lord Jesus Christ with their head in one body and spirit, not be polluted and contaminated by 38"Superest jam ut de coetu Ecclesiastico pauca adjiciamus. nempe. ut nobis certa aliqua constet ratione. quem conveniat E.xcommunicationis usum in Ecclesia exerceri. et quatenus qui ut admittendi sint. aut rejiciendi a sacra synaxi. cujus tam horrendam profanationem bona conscientia amplius nemo piorum ferre potest." Herminjard. IV. 412 (No. 698). Classe of Lausanne to [the Bern city council], Lausanne. April 4, 1538. ^ '"Articles concernant I'organisation de I'eglise et du culte a Geneve, proposees au conseil par les ministres." OS 1. 369-77: Calvin-Studienaus^ahe I.I.I 14-29. 253 communicants who openly declare by their wicked and sinful lives that they in no way belong to Jesus. For in this profanation of his sacrament, our Lord is greatly dishonored.... For this reason our Lord established the correction and discipline of excommunication in his church by which he wished that those whose lives are disordered and unworthy of a Christian and who have ignored admonitions to improve and follow the right path might be rejected from the body of the church and cut off like corrupt members until they return to reason, recognizing their fault and poverty.""' Luther's theology of the eucharist had a much greater influence on Calvin's thought than Zwingli's did, and although Calvin rejected the Lutheran doctrine of the ubiquity of Christ's body, he was just as insistant that the bread and wine not be seen as "empty symbols."^' The true body and blood of Christ are exhibited, not just symbolized, to the believer through the bread and wine, so that the faithful spiritually feed on Christ's body and blood simultaneously as they eat the bread and wine. The elements themselves, therefore, although not containing the localized presence of Christ as in the theology of ^""Mays le principal ordre qui est requis et du quel il convient avoyr la plus grande sollicitude cest que cest saincte Cene ordonnee et instituee pour conjoindre les membres de nostre Seigneur Jesuschrist avecq leur chefz et entre eu.\ mesmes en ung corps et ung esprit ne soyt souillee et contaminee, si ceu.x qui se declairent et manifestent par leur meschante et inique vie nappertenir nullement a Jesus, viennent a y communiquer. Car en ceste profanation de son sacrement nostre Seigneur est grandement deshonore.. .. Pour ceste cause nostre Seigneur a mise en son eglise la correction et discipline de.xcommunication par laquelle il az voullu que ceux qui seroyent de vie deordonne et indigne dung crestien. et qui mespriseroyent apres avoyr estes admonestez de venir a amandemant et se reduire a la droicte voye fussent dejectez du corps de lesglise et quasi comme membres pourris couppez jusques a ce quil revinssent a resipiscence recognoyssant leur faulte et paovrete." OS I. 372-73; Calvin-StiiJienans^ahe 1.1. 118. ^'On Calvin's theology of the eucharist and the inllucnces on it, see Francois Wendef. Calvin: Origins and Development ofllis Religious Thought. Philip Mairet. trans. (Grand Rapids: Baker Books. 1963 [Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. 1950|), 329- 55. 254 transubstantiation, took on a much more sacred character than in the thought of Zvvingli. That being the case, Calvin wrote in the 1536 Institutes, the eucharist was only to be approached by the faithful: We see that this sacred bread [sacrum panem] of the Lord's Supper is spiritual food, sweet and delicate to those to whom Christ has shown it to be their life, whom it moved to thanksgiving, for whom it is an exhortation to mutual love among themselves. On the other hand, it is turned into a deadly poison for those whose faith it does not teach, and whom it does not arouse to thanksgiving and to love.... Men of this sort who, without any spark of faith, without any zeal for love, rush like swine to take the Lord's Supper do not at all discern the Lord's body. In so far as they do not believe that that body is their life, so far do they dishonor it, robbing it of all its dignity; and finally they profane and pollute it by so receiving it... . Therefore, they are deser\'edly held guilty of the Lord's body and blood, which they so foully defile with sacrilegious impiety. Hence, by this unworthy eating they bring condemnation upon themselves."*" Calvin thought excommunication was necessarj', therefore, to keep both the sacrament of the eucharist and the body of the faithful from being defiled by unworthy recipients. Although much of the extant correspondence following the Synod of Lausanne ^""Porro quemadmodum sacrum hunc panem Coenae Domini spiritualem esse cibum videmus, suavem et delicatum non minus quam salutiferum piis Dei cultoribus, cuius gustu sentiunt, Christum suani esse vitam. quos ad gratiarum actionem erigit. quibus ad mutuam inter se caritatem exhortatio est: ita rursum in nocentissimum venenum omnibus vertitur, quorum fidem non alit et confirmat et quos ad confessionem laudis caritatemque non e.xcitat.... Tale enim hominum genus, quod sine ulla fidei scintilla, sine ullo caritatis studio ad usurpandam Coenam Domini instar porcorum se proripit, minime discemit corpus Domini. Nam quatenus corpus illud suam esse vitam non credunt. qua possunt contumelia ipsum afficiunt. omni sua dignitate spoliantes, ac demum sic accipiendo profanant et contaminant. . .. Itaque non immerito rei sunt corporis et sanguinis Domini, quod sacrilega impietate foede adeo polluunt. Hac ergo indigna manucatione damnationem suam sibi accipiunt." Institutes IV. 17.xl. This did not change from the initial 1536 edition; the translation is from John Calvin. Institutes of the Christian Religion (1536 Edition), Ford Lewis Battles, ed. and trans. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. 1975). 110. 255 dealt with Calvin and Farel's refusal to comply with Bernese rites and feast days/^ the real issue, as they told the Bern city council, was the eucharist. which they had refused to administer on Easter: As for our refusal to administer the Easter Supper, we have publicly protested before the people, that this was not because of the [Bernese use of unleavened] bread, adding that this is an indifferent matter belonging to the freedom of the Church; rather, a great problem moved us to do this, namely that we would have profaned so holy a mystery without the people being better disposed for it. We cited the disorders and abominations that reign today in the city, in both the deplorable blasphemies and mockery of God and his Gospel and the troubles, sects, and divisions; for without any punishment meted out publicly, there would be a thousand derisions of the Word of God and at the same time of the Supper.''"* They made this protestation before the Bern city council three days after their expulsion from Geneva.^' Viret and his colleagues in Lausanne did not react quite so precipitously when denied the right of excommunication. Nevertheless, the fact that they asked for it reveals ^^Herminjard. IV. 414-15 (No. 699). Bem city council to Calvin and Farel. Bern. April 15. 1538; ibid.. 415-17 (No. 700). Bem city council to the Geneva city council. Bem. April 15, 1538; ibid., 420-21 (No. 703). Geneva city council to Jean Morand. Geneva. April 24, 1538. '*''"Ce que nous n'avons point administre la Cene de Pasque. nous avons proteste publicquement devant le peuple, que ce n'estoit point a cause du pain, adjoustans que c'est une chose indifferente qu'est en la liberte de I'Esglise, mais que nous avions grand difficulte que nous mouvoit a ce faire, c'est assavoir que nous eussions profanes ung sy sainct mystere, sinon que le peuple feust mieulx dispose, allegant les desordres et abominations que regnent au jourd'huy a la ville, tant en blasphemes execrables et mocqueries de Dieu et [de| son Evangille, que en troubles, sectes et divisions; car publicquement, sans ce que aulcune punition en soit facite, il soit [read: il se] faict mil irrisions contre la Parolle de Dieu et mesmement contre la Cene." Herminjard. IV. 425 (No. 705), Farel and Calvin to the Bem city council, Bem, April 27, 1538. ^"^See Guillcnima Farel. 358-61. For a detailed analysis of the political circumstances that led to the banishment of the ministers, see Naphy. Calvin and the Consolidation of the Genevan Refurmation. 25-43. 256 Calvin's growing influence over many - but certainly not all - of the ministers in Bern's French-speaking lands. When they looked at the poor state of religious affairs in the newly Protestant lands through Calvinist eyes, therefore, they saw the eucharist being defiled at every turn by a people barely Christian, much less truly Reformed. In 1540. when Viret complained to Bullinger about everything "sliding towards atheism."^'' he added that the only solution was effective ecclesiastical discipline, but he was as yet unsure about exactly what form it should take, for there were no good e.xamples from which to draw: We have thought about reinstating some discipline in the church, which is so degenerate, for necessity compels us to do so, but we have not completely decided on what form it should take. We do not know well enough which church's example we should imitate .... We sense and recognize the disease, but the evil prevails and grows stronger every day while no one moves a healing hand or looks for the antidote ... . In writing to Bullinger, Viret voiced complaints that likely fell on deaf ears. '^See above, ch. 4, 220. ^^"Meditabamur disciplinam aliquam in Ecclesiam. quae sic dissoluta est, revocare. id enim necessitas nos cogit facere: qualem vero. nobis non satis constat. Cujus ecclesiae exemplum nobis proponamus imitandum. non satis novimus .... Morbos sentimus et cognoscimus, sed plus valet arte malum et in dies magis ac magis invalescit. dum nemo manum medicam admovet. nemo occupatur inquirendis antidotis ...." Herminjard, VI. 183 (No. 851), Viret to Bullinger, Lausanne. February 20. 1540. Viret's collegue in Lausanne, Beat Comte. seconded his request to Bullinger two days later; "Porro jacet adhuc disciplina Ecclesiastica. neque prodeunt ii quorum partes sunt eam pro viribus erigere. De qua etiam pluribus forte tecum acturus cram, nisi intellexissem copiosissime id a dilectissimo mihi P. Vireto factum esse. Hoc tantum addam, cum confirmandae ipsius querelae gratia, turn quia nos ab ea parte maxime urit calceus. nihil nos hoc tempore acque vehementer expetere. atque quid vos hac tota de re sentiatis. Hoc si impretamus [read: impetramusj. et nos perpetuo vobis obligaveritis. et rem vestra tum eruditione, turn professione. dignam feceritis." Herminjard. 188-89 (No. 855). Beat Comte to Bullinger. Lausanne, Februar>' 22, 1540. 257 Unfortunately, Bullinger's reply, if indeed he made one. is no longer extant. Eight years earlier (1532), however, he was involved in a debate over exactly the same issue with Leo Jud in Zurich. Jud had argued that greater discipline, including the right of excommunication, was necessary for a true reform of the church. Bullinger replied that "excommunication" belongs instead to the Christian magistrate since it concerns public behavior. Despite Bullinger's lack of support. Viret found his model of discipline a year and a half later. While Calvin was still living in exile in Strasbourg, Geneva had called Viret lo the city in January 1541. as his replacement and to help pave the way for Calvin's hoped-for return.'*'' When Calvin arrived in the city in September, he found Viret's continued presence there to be indispensable; "If Viret leaves me. 1 am completely finished: I will not be able to keep this church alive. Therefore. I hope you [Farel] and others will forgive me if I move every stone to ensure that I am not deprived of him.""" Calvin was able to keep Viret in Geneva for another eight months, during which time the two men constructed the foundations of the Genevan church: the famous 1541 Ecclesiastical Ordinances"^' and the Genevan liturgy.'" Although Calvin most likely ^*See Heiko A. Oberman, "Europa afflicla: The Reformation of the Refugees," Archiv fiir Reformationsgeschichte 83 (1992): 91-111; here, 97-98. ^''On Viret's 1541-1542 stay in Geneva, see Bamaud, Pierre Viret. 203-20. "^'^"Itaque si mihi Viretus auferatur, prorsus perii: nec ecclesiam hanc salvam retinere potero. Quare te et alios ignoscere mihi par est, si omnem moveo lapidem, ne eo spolier." Herminjard. VI. 334 (#1064). Calvin to Farel. Geneva. [November 11, 1541 ]. ''"Les ordonnances ecclesiastiques." CO 10/1.15-30; OS 11. 328-64; Culvin- Stiuiienaits^ahe 2. 238-79. 258 composed the majority of these texts. Viret may well have lent a hand in drafting them. With regard to the ordinances, at least, Viret wrote to Calvin on his return to Lausanne, asking him to "send me the fomi of ecclesiastical discipline that we established [instituimus] there."'^ It would be ditTicult to overestimate the importance of Viret's 1541-1542 stay in Geneva. First of all, Calvin had found the prospect of returning to the city from Strasbourg so abhorrent at first'^ that he very likely would have never inhabited Geneva again if Viret had not been there months beforehand to restore order in the church.'^ •""La forme des prieres et chantz ecclesiastiques." OS IL 11-58; CO 6.165-210. Calvin-Studienaiisgabe 2. 148-225. "^^"Nihil aliud addam, nisi ut.. . per hunc tabellarium ad me mittas formam disciplinae ecclesiasticae quam isthic instituimus." Herminjard, VIII. 88 (No. 1144). Viret to Calvin. Lausanne, August 8, 1542. ^•^See. e.g., his response to Viret's own request that he return to Geneva: "Earn vero epistolae partem non sine risu legi, ubi tam bene valetudini meae prospicis. Genevamne, ut melius habeam? Cur non potius recta ad crucem? Satius enim fueri semel perire quam in ilia camificina iterum torqueri. Ergo, mi Virete. si salvum me esse cupis, consilium istud omittas." Herminjard, VI. 228-29 (No. 865). Calvin to Viret, Strasbourg. May 19, 1540. ^'The appeal to Viret's success in Geneva became a staple argument accompanying the usual "It's God's will" appeals to Calvin to return. E.g.. "Nemo hominum unquam ita acceptus fuit; nulla ecclesia tam ardenter accurrit ad audiendum verbum Domini. Summa: non puto apertiora signa gratiae Domini edita esse." Herminjard. VIl, 7 (No. 937). Farel to Calvin, Neuchatel, January 30, 1541; "Ne ergo tarderis venire, ut videas Genevam. hoc est. gentem novam renovatam sane opera (Dei gratia) D. Petri Vireti." Herminjard, VII, 23 (No. 941) Jacques Bernard to Calvin, [Geneva], February 6, 1541; "Ab ea enim hora qua ejecti fuerunt [Calvin and Farel |. nichil praeter molestias. inimicitias, lites. contentiones, dissolutiones. seditiones. factiones et homicidia habuimus, - adeo ut jam paene obruti fuissemus, nisi Dominus misericordia sua benigne nos intuitas. fratrem nostrum Viretum. qui et olim fidum hie egit pastorem. misisset ad miserum gregem. ita dispensum. ut vi.\ ullam amplius prae se ferret ecclesiae faciem. recolligendum.. . . Quam ob rem. colendi.ssimi Domini, vos 259 Second, Calvin and Viret's friendship deepened during these ten months together in Geneva to the point where Viret clearly replaced Farel as Calvin's closest confidant in the following years. According to the extant record, Viret and Calvin exchanged only fourteen letters between Calvin's exile and return (1538-1541)."^ During the same period, sixty-five letters survive between Farel and Calvin. In the years following Viret's departure from Geneva in 1542. however, the figures are reversed. From 1542 to 1549. Calvin was in contact with Viret (290 letters = one letter every ten days) more than twice as often as with Farel (113 letters = just over one letter per month). After 1550, the frequency of Calvin's correspondence with Viret drops down again to Farel's level"^^ for reasons 1 will explore shortly. VIost importantly, Viret left Geneva in 1542 a devoted disciple of Calvin, eager to bring his theology and ideas on church practice back with him to Bern's territories. Viret found the state of the church back in Lausanne abysmal.'" and he decided at the beginning of August 1542. to travel to Bern to appeal for greater ecclesiastical discipline. Viret's timing could not have been worse, for at the very same time, a dispute Christia nomine rogamus ... ut illustrissimos Principes Argentinenses nostri gratia rogare urgereque dignemini. quo sua erga nos benevolentia ... fratrem nostrum Calvinum nobis reddant...." Herminjard. VII. 130 (No. 985). Geneva city council to the Zurich city council. Geneva. May 26, 1541. have compiled the following figures for Viret from all published and unpublished sources of Viret's correspondence known to me. For the numbers on Farel. I follow the table in Oberman, "Calvin and Farel." 34. n. 5, which, incidentally. I myself compiled for him. "From 1550-1558. Calvin exchanged 116 letters with Viret and 119 with Farel. "'"'See above, ch. 4. 220-21. 260 arose among the ministers of Bern over the proper understanding of the eucharist."'' Erasmus Ritter accused his colleagues Peter Kunz and Simon Suizer of preaching a Lutheran doctrine of the eucharist contrary to the one established in the 1528 Bern Disputation.^" The Bern city council pardoned the accused ministers but took a strong Zvvinglian stance on the eucharist and ordered that in the future, the ministers should not "introduce any new doctrines, ceremonies, or previously unaccustomed ecclesiastical practices contrary to the ten conclusions of our Disputation .. . This was not the time for Viret to be asking for a completely new form of ecclesiastical discipline, based on Calvin's theology. Since there is no mention of Viret's appearance in the Bern city council records, he may have recognized the futility of his mission and never taken his proposal before the council.^' The day after the Bern city council decided the Ritter case, it summoned all of the '''See Hundeshagen. Die Con/likle des Zwinglianismus. Litiherihums. und Calvinismits. 165-168; Bamaud, Pierre Virel. 224-228. ^""Comme ainsi soit que differendz soyent esmeuz entre les honnorables docteurs. noz tres chiers et feaul.x predicants et ministres de I'Evangile. Pierre Cuntzen, Beta Gering, Symon Sultzer et Cunradt Schmid. d'une. ct Erasme Rytter leur confrere, d'aultre partye, touschant leur doctrine et predication, singulierement en 1'article de la Cene de Nostre Seigneur Jesus-Christ.... Premierement. estre les dits Concene [Cuntzen] et ses consors tombes en quelque suspition d'avoir presche, touschant la Cene de Nostre Seigneur, non conformement et contraire a nostre Disputation .. .." Hemiinjard. VIII, 95, 96 (No. 1147). Bern city council to its French-speaking pastors, Bern. .August 15, 1542. '•'"Pareillement, les dits predicants [ne devrontj introduisre aulcunes nouvelles doctrines, ceremonies, ny aulcuns aultres cas d'eglise par cy-devant non accoustumes, contraires aux dix conclusions de nostre dite Dispoutation . .. ." Hemiinjard, VII. 101 (No. 1147). ''"Bamaud. Pierre Viret. 227. 261 heads of the French-speaking classes to Bern to hear its final decision on the eucharist in person.*"^ Calvin counselled Viret to stand up to the Bernese: The very magnitude of the matter does not permit me to remain silent.... We hold that communion with Christ is not only symbolized in the Supper but also exhibited. Words alone are not given to us there by God, but the truth and the substance [veritatem ac rem\ go together with the words. Furthermore, this communion is not imaginary, but we are gathered together into one body and one substance with our head by it.^"* The ministers tailed to follow Calvin's advice, however, and agreed to follow the decision of the Bern city council and hence, the conclusions of the Bern Disputation. Calvin was outraged, not only because the Zwinglian interpretation of the eucharist would now hold sway in Bern's lands.^" but also because of the clause forbidding new ^^"Comme ainsi soit que de rechiefz certains differens soient estes entre noz predicants et ministres de la parolle de Dieu. principallement touchant le sacrement de la Saincte Cene de nostre Seigneur Jesuchrist, - de quoy avons finale conclusion sur ce faicte. - et estimans estre necessaire icelle vous declairer et mettre en avant, pour selon icelle vous s9avoir conduire. Est nostre vouloir que vous. Dimenche XXVll jour de ce moys d'Aoust, au soir. icy comparoisses. pour Lundy apres. a heure de Conseil. entendre nostre vouloir.'" Herminjard, VIII, 102-103 (No. 1148), Bern city council to the doyens of the French-speaking classes, Bern, August 16, 1542. ^"""Magnitudo tamen ipsa causae tacere me ac quiescere non patitur. Duo hie spectanda esse vides: statum ipsum quaestionis et rationem agendi, quae partim ex circumstantiis pendet. De causa non opus est te monere. at cum decano vestro diligenter conferas. Hoc tamen velim tibi curae sit apud eum efficere. ut apud quoscunque loquatur, non dubitet hoc testatum relinquere: non modo figurari in Coena communionem quam habemus cum Christo. sed etiam exhiberi. neque verba illic nobis dari a Domino, sed veritatem ac rem constare cum verbis. Hanc porro communionem non imaginariam esse, sed qua in unum corpus unamque substantiam cum capite nostro coalescamus." Herminajrd, VIII. 110 (No. 1150). Calvin to Viret, Geneva. August 23. 1542. Viret himself did not actually go to Bern, for the doyen of the Lausanne classe at the time was the pastor of Vevey. Francois Martoret. ''"^"Deinde quid putas illic [at the Bern Disputation] fuisse disputatum. nisi Christum non esse inclusum in pane? Id autem Senatus perinde accipit. ac si nihil aliud foret quam signum. Quidquid sit. non ausim credere, mystcrium Coenae illic fuisse bene 262 doctrines, ceremonies, and church practices: "Who does not know that they mean by this excommunication, frequent celebration of the Supper, and many other things? We want those things, we want them to be restored."^^ Viret was more optimistic, if somewhat more naive. He thought that the Bernese were so concerned about avoiding "papism" and "Lutheranism" that for the moment there was little hope for better ecclesiastical discipline, but nothing concrete had been said in the Bern or Lausanne disputations about excommunication, and others shared his and Calvin's concems.^^ Nevertheless, Viret took Calvin's criticisms to heart and sent a sharply worded letter to Bern, signed by the entire classe of Lausanne, chastising the magistrates for usurping ecclesiastical rights and dictating doctrine, both of which, he believed, properly belonged to the body of ministers.''* He does not mention excommunication in the letter, however. Not ac rite explicatum." Herminjard. Vlll, 122 (No. 1156), Calvin to Viret, Geneva. September 11, 1542. ''^"Vetant enim ne de ullo novo ritu aut novis ceremoniis verba posthac fiant. Quis autem nescit, eos et excommunicationem, et frequentiorum Coenae usum, et multa alia hoc nomine comprehendere? quae nos desideramus, ac restituta cupimus." Herminjard. VIII, 123 (No. 1156). ''^"Colligis multa incommoda, quae tametsi satis aperte inde consequi videantur, non arbitror tamen eo spectare autores. Toti eo rapiuntur ut papismum et lutheranismum excludant: quam causam ita agunt, ut praecludere viam ad omnem disciplinam ecclesiasticam videantur. quamvis certo sciam plurimos esse ex eorum numero. qui non postremas partes in hac controversia tenuerunt. qui secus sentiant. Nam quum de aliis quibusdam ritibus, ac praesertim excommunicatione, nihil actum sit in Disputatione, ne putes eos tam late voluisse suum edictum extendere, neque minus penes nos ejus interpretationem quam ipsos autores futuram arbitror." Herminjard, Vlll. 136 (No. 1160), Viret to Calvin, Lausanne. September 19, 1542. "Ni nobis jam satis persuasum esset. quam benevolo ammo et quanto zelo accensi sitis erga ecclesiam Dei. ut eam in sua libertate conservetis, et ministros Christi in ea dignitate qua Pastorum et Ministrorum Evangelicorum Princeps eos constituit. ut et vestris postremis Uteris amplius testificati estis. potius quam eam dura tyrannide 263 surprisingly, the magistrates summoned Viret and his colleagues to Bem,^'^ where the ministers pleaded their case. A decision was made in February 1543: First of all. with regard to ecclesiastical discipline, also called e.xcommunication, many discussions and meetings have been held about the subject by my lords and their adherents who follow the Gospel, but they have never found it useful to establish such a discipline in the form requested by the ministers of Lausanne for several reasons. Fearing to order something that could not be perpetually maintained or supported, they preferred to establish the consistories, rather than establishing more rigorous punishments for vices ... for it is much better always to advance than to retract things once established.™ The Bernese magistrates' equation of ecclesiastical discipline and excommunication is telling. In contrasting excommunication, and hence ecclesiastical discipline, with the consistory, it shows that they did not consider the consistory to be an ecclesiastical body opprimere, ansam ac occasionem haberemus vos admonendi. non esse Principum qui in hoc saeculo agunt, quamlibet potentium aut cujuscunque conditionis, praescribere sola sua auctoritate Ministris, quae docere debeant, neque Ecclesiae quae credere debeat et sequi. sed soli Deo per suam Ecclesiam juxta verbum ejus convocatam, atque ordinem ab eodem constitutum." Herminjard, VIII. 172 (No. 1174), Classe of Lausanne to the Bern city council. Vevey, November I, 1542. '•''"Nous avons, ces jours passes, receu les lettres que nous aves escriptes de la congregation de Vivey du premier jour de novembre dernier passe, et le contenuz d'icelles bien entenduz. Sur lesquelles avons advise de vous tenir quelques propos et faire response. Dont est nostre vouloir que vous ayes a [vous) transpourter ver nous, que soyes icy Dimenche quatorziesme jour de ce present moys, au soir. En ce ne faicte faulte." Herminjard. VllI, 238 (No. 1194), Bern city council to the doyen and jures of the classe of Lausanne. ™"Premierement: quant a la Discipline ecclesiastique. autrement nommee excommunication. - que plusieurs pourparlemens et joumees en ont este tenues par mes Seigneurs et leurs adherans qui tiennent le parti de I'Evangile, san avoir jamais trouve commodite de dresser telle discipline a la forme requise par les ministres de Lausanne, pour plusieurs raisons: dont craignans ordonner chose que I on n'ait pu niaintenir ni entretenir en perpetuelle execution, leur a semble convenable le mode d'exercer les consistoires. plustost que d'cntreprendre plus rigoureuse punition des vices, sans icelle pouvoir pousser avant ni mettre en effet: car trop mieux vault soy tousjours avancer, que des choses une fois prcsumees reculer." Herminjard. VllI. 280-81 (No. 1204). Bern city council to its deputees in Lausanne. Bern, February 12. 1543. 264 but a civic one. The composition of the Bemese and Genevan consistories was basically the same, consisting of lay members drawn from the city council together with the ministers. In contrast to Bern's understanding of the consistory as a civic body, however, the Calvinist ministers conceived of it as a meeting of the elders of the church. For them, consistorial discipline was ecclesiastical discipline; for the Bemese, it constituted social discipline. Bern's decision on e.xcommunication closed the matter of ecclesiastical discipline for the time being, but not for long. In 1548. the issue once again came to the foreground. The spark that set off this particular wildfire was the publication of Viret's De la veriu et usage dii ministere de la Parolle Je Dieu^^ In it. Viret took on the most hotly debated issues of the time, notably the theology of the eucharist and ecclesiastical authority. Viret expresses a Calvinist understanding of the Lord's Supper,^" its pollution by unworthy recipients, and the need for excommunication: To avoid these problems. Christian excommunication must be exercised. Those who hinder and resist it, under whatever pretext they may allege, clearly resist God and his word and the pure ordinance of Jesus Christ. They also make themselves culpable for all the scandals that are in the church due to this lack of ^'Pierre Viret. De la veriu et usage du ministere de la Parolle de Dieu et des sacremens dependans d 'icelle. et des dijferents qui sont en la chrestiente a cause d 'iceux ([Geneva]: [Jean Girard], 1548). ^'"Nous recognoissons done, que nous mangeons vrayement la chair et le corps de Jesus Christ, en la Cene, et que nous y beuvons son sang, et non seulement par imagination. ... 11 s'ensuit bien, qu'il faut que la maniere de communiquer a Jesus Christ, et de manger sa chair et boire son sang, soit spirituelle. Quand je dy spirituelle, je n'entendz pas seulement, comme il a desia este dit. que Tesprit y soit, mais le corps aussi. et Jesus Christ tout entier: mais je I'appelle spirituelle. pource que ce corps de Jesus Christ, lequel nous mangeons. est spirituel. et viande spirituelle." Viret. De la veriu et usage du ministere. 536. 538. 265 discipline/^ This barely disguised criticism of the Bernese magistrates, who themselves forbade the use of excommunication, laid the blame for ecclesiastical scandal right at their feet. The word "scandal" in the sixteenth century had implications beyond our modern meaning of public embarrassment or misconduct. In the Calvinist context, the word implied the hindrance of the Gospel - roadblocks on the path towards the complete reform of the church.^"* This, was precisely the problem caused by Bern's refiisal to grant the ministers the right of excommunication: I am sure that if we follow this rule that [Jesus] gave us in such cases, that there would not be such great and villainous scandals in the church, and that the ministry and sacraments would not be so dishonored. God would not be as offended as He is, and his furor would not be so great over all of Christendom, and especially over those who boast of the Gospel and the Reformation of the church, which cannot be perfect and whole without this discipline.^' Two things, in particular, lie behind this statement. First, the "great and villainous scandals" most likely refer once again to the poor moral behavior and continued ""Pour obvier done a ces inconveniens, Tusage de 1"excommunication Chrestienne. devroit icy avoir lieu, et ceux qui I'empeschent, et qui y resistent, quelque couleur que ilz puissent alleguer. ilz resistent manifestement a Dieu. et a sa parolle, et a la pure ordonnance de Jesus Christ, et se rendent coulpables. de tous les scandales qui sont en I'Eglise, par faute de ceste discipline ...Viret. Du la veriu et usage du ministere. 333. '•"See. e.g.. Calvin's De scandalis. OS II. 162-240. also the French translation. Des scandales, Olivier Patio, ed. (Geneva; Droz. 1984). ^'"Je suis bien asseure. que si nous suyvons celle reigle. qu'il nous a baillee en tel cas. qu'il n'y auroit pas dc si grans et vilains scandales en I'Eglise: et que le ministere et les Sacremens. ne seroyent pas tant deshonnorez: et Dieu n'y seroit pas tant offense qu'il est: et .sa fureur ne seroit pas si grande sur toute la chrestiente. et principalement sur ceux qui se glorifient dc i'Hvangile. et de la reformation de I'Eglise. laquelle ne peut estre parfaite et entiere. sans ceste discipline." Viret. De la veriit el usage du ministere. 336. 266 "papism" of the people of Vaud. Proper discipline had not yet been established. according to Viret. and without it. he was unable to bar unworthy people from the sacrament. "God's furor" most likely refers to the Schmalkaldic War in Germany, in which the Protestants had very recently been defeated. The victory of Charles and the Catholics was. to nearly everyone in Europe, a sign of God's wrath towards the Protestants. For Catholics, it signified the just punishment of the wicked heretics. For Protestants - especially the Calvinists - on the other hand, it indicated God's displeasure with the continuing lack of discipline in the supposedly "reformed" church. The Lutherans had not stressed the need for church discipline, and their defeat in the Schmalkaldic War indicated God's displeasure with them. Viret was. in a way. warning the Bernese that they might well suffer a similar fate if they did not establish true ecclesiastical discipline in their lands. The uproar over Viret's book began even before its publication; quarrels were breaking out everywhere, and threats were made against Viret already in 1547.^'' Leading the opposition to Viret was his colleage in Lausanne. Andre Zebedee. For the next year and a half, the debate continued to rage between the two men and their backers. Viret's supporters in Bem. Simon Sulzer. Beat Gering, and Konrad Schmid. were dismissed from ^^"Nescio an quidquam audiveris de querelis advcrsum me. eius libelli causa in quo nonnihil aspcrsi eos qui ministerio sunt dedecori. Magnae sunt hie in vicinia querelae cum minis etiam coniunctae. Sed non valde moveor. Paratus sum si quis habeat quidquam advcrsum me." CO 12.616 (No. 965). Viret to Calvin. Lausanne. November 13. 1547. 267 their posts in April 1548/^ Viret himself was summoned to Bern in July but fared somewhat better. He even returned from the summons fairly optimistic: "For the moment, I only wanted you to know this," he wrote to Calvin, "that there is good hope about the end of our affair."'^* Although the Bemese called for a synod to take place in Bern in March 1549,^'^ very little was actually decided there."" Zebedee was reassigned to Yverdon in September 1549, but that did not necessarily mean that the Bemese came down fully on Viret's side. He still had not persuaded the magistrates to establish greater ecclesiastical discipline. Moreover, to prevent disputes like the one between Viret and Zebedee from arising again, the Bemese abolished the colloquys in the fall."' Little ^^On the debate within Bern itself, see Hundeshagen, Die Conflikte des Zwinglianismus, des Luthertums iind des Calvinismus in der Bernischen Landeskirche, 197-214. 78'•Quid Bemae egerim scribam alias latius. quum plus otii nactus fuero. Hoc solum te in praesentia scire volui. bonam esse spem de e.xitu negotii nostri." CO 13.4 (No. 1044), Viret to Calvin. Orbe, July 10, 1548. ''"A cause des occurrents et des faultes que presentement sont, tant touchant la doctrine que aussi de la vie et aultres raisons, sommes avec les ministres de nostre eglise icy estez occasiones et d'admys d'assembles et tenyr ung synode. Et a ce effect establye jour, assavoir mardi xix jour du moys de Mars prochainement venant a comparoir icy en nostre ville de Beme au soir. Dont est nostre vouloir et commandement que vous et tous les aultres ministres, diacres et maistres d'escole, de vostre classe sus ledict jour conparoissant." SKB AIII 160. fol. 201 r°. Bern city council to the French-speaking classes, Bern, February 4, 1549. ""See Bamaud, Pierre Viret. 346-349; Vuilleumier. 295-97. 81 • "Hoc tamen interim semper praecavendum erit ne quid contra disputationes atque reformationes nostras, iuratumque iusiurandum suscipiatur vel proponatur: atque tale si quid accident, id decani camerariique nullo pacto admittere sed prohibere debent. Nam in synodis istis nihil quam quod ad doctrinam veritatemque divinam et ad ecclesiae aedificationem pertinet. ut vitentur ri.Kae ineptiaeque. tractandum est. Conveniant igitur in hunc modum ut contentio nulla oriatur: alias profecto ansam et occasionem dabunt omnino abrogandi concilia ilia." CO 13.377-78 (No. 1256). Bern city council to the 268 assistance towards establishing discipline seemed to be forthcoming from Bern. It was around this same time that the intense correspondence between Calvin and Viret dropped off significantly. There is no evidence of a falling-out between the two. and they continued to keep in touch regularly Just not as often. Since Viret's departure from Geneva in 1542. Calvin had been behind his friend every step of the way and had become intimately involved in all of the doctrinal discussions in Bern's lands. He had pushed Viret to keep going forward "for the sake of the Gospel" in his conflicts with Zebedee and Bern. In August 1549, he also had drawn up the Consensus Tigurimis with Heinrich Bullinger. a compromise statement between the two theologians on the eucharist. With respect to Bern, however, hardly any progress had been made. In September 1549, he complained to Viret. "I don't know what hope I should hold out for [the Consensus Tigurimis]. As I understand from [the Bern minister, Johannes] Haller's letter, the Bernese stubbornly refuse to subscribe to it."*^ It seems that the inability to elTect any change among the Bernese, despite the best efforts of Viret and Calvin, led Calvin to see that they were fighting a losing battle and that his energies would be better spent tending to the Reformation elsewhere - in France, for e.xample. The rift between Calvin and Bern widened further in the 1550"s during the Bolsec controversy.K 3 A long and complex affair involving practically every theologian in bailiff of Lausanne, Bern. September 6. 1549. See also above. 238-39. "'"De formula nostri consensus quid sperare debeam nescio. Bemates. ut ex Halleri Uteris intelliges, constanter subscriptionem recusant." CO 13.397 (No. 1270). Calvin to Viret. Geneva. September 23. 1549. 83 On the Bolsec controver%'. see Holtrop. The Bolsec Controversy on 269 Switzerland at the time, the controversy revolved around Calvin's doctrine of predestination. This is not the place to go into the theological details of the dispute. What is important for our purposes is that the controversy deeply divided the ministers in Bern's lands. The Bernese magistrates themselves showed initial support in 1551 for Calvin's position but advised the Genevans that "to avoid greater scandal." they should use "not rigorous punishment but fraternal. Christian admonitions and persuasion to draw [Bolsecj back from his error."*"* When the Genevans failed to heed their advice and banished Bolsec in December, Bern welcomed him in its lands. The controversy died down for nearly two years before flaring up again in 1554. Bolsec's allies in Bern's lands, including Zebedee again, began preaching against Calvin, calling him a heretic from the pulpit. The Genevans complained to Bern about the situation,"^ but by this time the Bernese magistrates had had enough of Calvin and Predestination. ""'"Vous priant tresaffectueusement que veilliez tout bien considerer et pour I'avancement et entretement de la tranquillite et paix des Esglises en ce present temps, si troubles et dangereulx, sercher [read: chercherj et user de tous bons moyens, aftin que plus grand escandale soit evite. Ce que comme nous semble se pourra facilement faire sy avec ledict Hyeronymus non par rigueur. ains par fratemelles et Chrestiennes admonitions et persuasions pour le retirer de son erreur Ton procede." SKB AMI 160. fol. 345r°, Bern city council to the Geneva city council, Bern, December 7, 1551. "•^"Prater hie et symmysta noster istuc mandato nostro profectus est. ut apud clarissimum Senatum vestrum non minus iuste quam necessario de effraeni quorundam petulantia queratur, qui subinde optimum fratrem nostrum Calvinum tanquam haereticum proscindunt: neque id in cauponis modo et inter pocula (quod ipsum tolerabile non esset), verum in mediis quoque templis et in publicis concionibus.... Quum nuper in classe Morgiensi conventum haberent fratres, quidam ex eorum coetu Angelus nomine coram loto populo. quia aliter quam ei placeret Calvinus locum cx quinto Epistolae ad Hebraeos capite exposuit, eum non modo pronunciavit haereticum. sed exagitavit multis atrocibus conviciis. ut per totam regionem volitet rumor, nos a ministris Bemcnsibus pro haereticis 270 jumped to their own ministers" defense: ... We admonish you that tor your part, you should take care and be advised that you and your ministers neither publicly nor secretly otTend. defame, or despise us, our ministers, churches, or any of our subjects by their words, books, or other writings but should consider and hold us as members in Jesus Christ and Christian brothers."*^ This response further exacerbated Bern's problematic relationship with Geneva, and the situation continued to deteriorate in early 1555/^ The upshot of the controversy in Bern's territories was a virtual ban on all things Calvinist. The Bernese magistrates forbade preaching about predestination** and taking communion "in accordance with the damnatos esse.... Zebedaeus contra Dei providentiam blatterans, cuius arcano fraeno docemus, ut scitis, diabolum et impios hue et illuc tlecti, ut iusta eius iudicia exsequantur, non solum odiose in nos invectus est, sed furiose ciamavit nos papistis esse deteriores haereticos CO 15.256-57 (No. 2023), Ministers of Geneva to the Ministers of Bern, Geneva, October 6. 1554. "^"Et devez estre asseurez que a layde et par la grace de Dieu tousjours demourerons en ce constans vous tresaffectueusement prians en charitte Chrestienne vous admonestans que de vostre coste vous y mettez bon ordre pourvoyes et ayes advis que vous et vous ministres par leurs parolles livres cscriptures publiquement ny secretement offensent dilTament ne mesprisent nous ne nous ministres, Esglises, ne aulcuns de nous soubjectz, ains tiennent et embrassent comme membres de Jhesu Christ et freres Chrestiens." CO 15.313-14 (No. 2047), Bern city council to the Geneva city council, Bern. November 17. 1554. *'See Holtrop, The Bolsec Controversy. 202-05 88 .. nous est ilz venuz a notice• que aulcuns entre vous ... encore tousjours soyent apres et ne cessent de mouver questions parties et pretendre innovations contraires a nous ordonnances status et ceremonies jusque a present en nous Eglises observees, voire aussy suyvants et se adjoingnans a certaines haultes et soubtiles doctrines opinions et conditions des hommes principaiement touchant la matiere de la divine predestination. chose que nous semble non estre necessaire ains plus servante a factions sectes erreurs et debouchement que a edifilcation et consolation. A ceste cause derrecheff tresacertes vous admonestons de vous depourter de telles choses et sans contradictions suyvre el observer nostre susdicte rescription et advertissement entant que desirez deviter la punition en icelle exprimee. assavoir deposition de vous ministeres offices et bannissement et aultre plus grieffve punition selon le demerite du cas." CO 15.405 (No. 271 Calvinist ceremonies.""'' Furthermore, they ordered their baililTin Lausanne to investigate the rumor that the academy was using Calvin's Imtitutes. which was "intolerable." They told the bailiff to send a copy of the book to Bern so that it could be examined.''" This last instruction seems surprising; after years of debate with Calvin and their own French-speaking ministers over the eucharist, predestination, and ecclesiastical discipline, the magistrates of the largest Reformed state in Europe had apparently never read Calvin's most famous work, and it appears that a copy of it was not even available in Bern. This is a jolting reminder not to place too much emphasis on the theology of Calvin's InstUiues when investigating the early Reformed church. On the same day that this order was sent to the Lausanne bailiff, the Bernese went one step further and ordered all books by Calvin found in their territories to be burned and forbade anyone from 2096), Bern city council to the Ministers in Vaud, Bern. January 26. 1555. *''"Nous sommes advertiz que plusieurs de nos subjectz et aultres estrangers habitants riere nos terres, au grand mespris des ordonnances et divines ceremonies quelles usitons en nos Eglises jusques icy. sont allez participer et prendre la Cene de nostre seul saulveur a Geneve jouxte les ceremonies Calvinistes. et pource que a nous appartient pourvoir sur ce, et aussi que Jesus Christ fa ordonne, vous commendons doyviez tresacertes admonester nosdictz subjects et habitans en nos terres. tant francois Italiens que aultres de quelque nation qu'ilz soyent. ne ayent ne doyvent plus ainsy user, ains suyvre jou.Kte lordre sur ce par nous establiz." CO 15.406 (No. 2097). Bern city council to its bailiffs, Bern. January 26. 1555. '""Nous etant venu a notice que dans I'Ecoie de Lausanne. I on enseigne et instruit les ecoliers qui sont nos stipendies et autres. dans la religion Chrestienne. selon r Institution de Calvin, laquelle pourtant contrarie et differe en quelques articles d'avec notre disputation, reformation, litugies, et catechismes. et pour cela intolerable. Nous commandons done a nostre baillif de s'en informer et de nous aviser par ecrit de ce qu'il aura trouve en nous envoyant un double de ce livre. pour le voiret pour I'examiner." AVL Corps de Ville BIO. fol. 3v°, "'Mandat Souverain au Seigneur Baillif. a ce qu'il s'informat s'il etoit vrai que dans PEcole de Lausanne Ton instruisit les jeunes gens selon rInstitution de Calvin" (April 3. 1555). 272 entering their lands and saying or writing anything "contrary to our disputation and Reformation.""" The final act in Bern's rift with Geneva was played out in the Genevan elections of 1555. For years Calvin's supporters in the city had been at odds with the "Perrinists" (labelled "Libertines" by the Calvinists), supporters of the magistrate Ami Perrin, who favored greater magisterial independence from both the church and the influence of the rapidly increasing number of French refugees in the city. In January 1555, however, the Calvinists finally won a majority in the council elections and secured their power by extending voting rights to many of their French refugee supporters in Geneva.^" It almost goes without saying that in 1555. the Bernese would have preferred to work with the Perrinists. The treaty of comhourgeoisie between Bern and Geneva was up for renewal in 1556. Negotiations with the new Calvinist party from summer through the winter of 1555 went nowhere, and the treaty was allowed to e.^pire in the spring of the following year. All of these developments put the ministers of Lausarme in a precarious position. Viret and his colleagues were devoted followers of Calvin yet subjects of Bern as well. '^'"Touttcfoys luy [Calvin] et tous les ministres de Geneve, par ces presentes expressement advertissons. cas advenant que nous trouvions aulcungs livres en noz pays, par luy ou aultres composes contrariants et repugnants a nostre dite disputation et reformation que non seullement ne les souffrirons ains aussy les bruslerons. Item tous personnages qui viendront, hanteront en noz pays, parlants devisants disputants escripvants et tenants propos contraire a nostre disputation et reformation, iceulx punyrons selon leur demerite de sorte que chascung entendra que ne voullons cela souffrir." ''"See Naphy. Calvin and ihe Consolklation of the Genevan Refonnalion. 167-99. 273 Bern's hostility towards Calvin rubbed off on his followers in Vaud, yet the continuing shortage of qualified ministers in the pays romands made the Bernese loath to dismiss them. It certainly was not the time, however, for the ministers to push for a Calvinist form of ecclesiastical discipline. Yet that is exactly what they did. 274 The Crisis of 1558 We should not lose sight of the fact that these theological battles between the ministers had a negative effect on the attitudes of the laity towards the "new religion." Reluctant to embrace Protestantism in the first place, the laity were scandalized by these intrafaith quarrels. How could the Reformed faith be the "true"' religion when its ministers, theologians, and governmental supporters not only could not agree upon, but also fought bitterly over what it was? For the ministers of Lausanne, this meant that the need for ecclesiastical discipline grew greater even as the theological battles proportionally diminished the likelihood of Bern's approval of their proposals on discipline. The Lausanne ministers made no attempt to disguise their allegiance to Calvin. After the prohibition on preaching about predestination, they protested to the Bernese. After having read Calvin's Institutes and his book on predestination and other commentaries on Scripture, our conscience, together with experience and the evident testimony of most of Christendom, compels us to say that the doctrine of predestination contained in those books ... conforms completely with the Holy Scriptures ... .^^ Shortly thereafter. Viret and Beza set off to discuss the matter in Bern. Much of the almost unbelievably naive optimism of the Lausanne ministers in their repeatedly failed .. apres avoir leu 1" Institution Chrestienne dudit Calvin ct son livre de la predestination, avec autres commentaires sur I'Escriture. nostre conscience, conjointe avec I'experience et le tesmoignage evident de la pluspart de la Chrestiente. nous contraint a dire que la doctrine de la predestination contenue esdictz livres que nous avons leuz. les uns plus les autres moins. et conferez avec la parolle de Dieu. est en substance du tout conformc aux sainctes escritures ...." CO 15.588-89 (No. 2195). Ministers of Lausanne to the Bern city council. Lausanne. May 2. 1555. 275 negotiations with Bern stemmed from their belief, as they wrote Farei on this trip, that "all of the Bernese ministers not only agree with us but also in this case are more outraged than can be said."'"' The problem, they thought, lay with the city councillors, not with the Bernese ministers. These two issues - the prohibition on predestination and the Lausanne ministers' confidence in the support of their colleagues in Bern - would both play a significant role in the crisis of 1558, but for the start of the tragedy, we must first look at events in Lausanne itself. The story of the 1558 crisis has been told a number of times, but no one has yet taken into account all of the many unpublished documents and letters about this complicated situation. Using these documents,''" I hope to flesh out the important issues of the dispute, which went beyond Viret's desire for greater ecclesiastical discipline to include continued haggling over Bern's prohibition on predestination, bitter complaints about Bern's respect for the ministers, and the unclear jurisdictional authority of the Lausanne city council. On August 7, 1557. Viret appeared before the Lausanne city council to offer his resignation: Master Pierre Viret excused his weakness and frailty, asking that someone else be elected in his place, with many regretful reprimands that the people do not follow the preaching or observe the Christian Reforaiation.'"' '"'"Ministros Bemenscs omnes non modo nobiscum consentientes. sed ctiam in hac causa supra quam dici possit egregie alTectos invenimus." CO 15.625 (No. 2210). Viret and Beza to Farel, Murten, May 26. 1555. ''"See Appendices A and B. "'"D'aultre part ledit maistre Pierre Viret cest [read: s'est) excuse de sa foiblesse et debilite de sa personne, priant d'en vouloir eslire ung aultre en son lieu, avec beaucoupt de remonstrances lamentatoires de ce que Ton ne suyi les presches ny observe 276 The council sought to appease him by raising his salary and electing a new deacon to assist him." Viret does not appear to have been terribly thankful. Just nine days later, the city council complained about the "great injuries done by Pierre Viret, having preached publicly against the citizens of Lausanne in general." '* The council decided to draw up articles of complaint against Viret and take them before the Bern city council.''' The Bernese encouraged both sides to settle the matter amiably.'"" Viret refused to acknowledge fault, however, and the Lausanne magistrates insisted that the case be heard before Bern's ambassadors.'"' A decision on the case was delayed repeatedly, as Bern continued to ask for a peaceful resolution to the situation. In the meantime, the Ton la reformation chrestienne." AVL Chavarmes DIO. fol. 340r° (August 7. 1557). ''^"Et touchant maistre Pierre Viret, pour son soulagement soit esleuz ung diacre s^avant et Ton luy augmenterat son gage." AVL Chavannes DIO. fol. 340r" (August 7. 1557). '""Sont estes assembles les magniffiques seigneurs l.x [the council of sixty], par devant lesqueulx a este propose les grandes injures que maistre Pierre Viret doibt avoir presche publiquement contre les bourgeois de Lausanne en general." AVL Chavannes DIO, fol. 340v''(August 16, 1557). '''"Sus ce a este ordonne que Ton doibt articule contre ledit Viret, et fere plaintifz et prendre conseil contre luy par devant noz tresredoubte princes de Berne, avec puissance eisdicts xxiiii de eslire S" ambassadeurs pour fere ct dire contre ledit maistre." AVL Chavannes DIO. fol. 340v°. '"""Sont estes assembles les magniffiques seigneurs Ix par devant desqueulx a este lisue I'ordonnance et descharge par noz tresredoutes princes eis ambassadeurs de Lausanne contre maistre Pierre Viret faicte. Sus ce a este ordonne que Ton doibt chercher tous les moians d'appoincter et fere accord avec ledit Viret le honneur de ambes parties soit sulve. Item si ledit Viret faict confession desdits articles avec declaration d'iceulx sans prejudice de Thonneur de mesS'^'^que de ce Ton doibt contenter. Si moins et que il ne le veullie confesser que alors il soit procede jouxte I'ordonnance de noz S" tresredoutes princes." AVL Chavannes DIO. fol. 342v°. '"'The verbal process of the hearing is printed in Henri Meylan and Maurice Guex. "Viret et M.M. de Lausanne," Revue Historiquc Vauduise 69 (1961). 113-73. Ill Christmas eucharist was approaching and with it the question of how Viret could administer the sacrament to townspeople who questioned his ministerial authority. On November 30, Beza explained to Calvin. "1 trust our Viret will remain steadfast, especially if you support him. He is not agitated, strictly speaking, by this controvery, but by how the sacraments can be administered in this situation, where there is not only no order but the greatest hatred of order.'"" On December 7. Viret. Bern, and Lausanne agreed, however, that the final decision would be delayed, and Viret would administer the Christmas eucharist.'"^ Viret appeared before the Lausanne council on two further occasions before Christmas to ensure that everything was in order for the eucharist. He asked that strangers be visited to determine which religion they followed, that moral behavior be enforced, and that everyone live "according to God and the Reformation of messeigneurs."^^'^ The Lausanne magistrates expressed their willingness to compy with '"•"Viretum nostrum spero firmum fore, praesertim si eum confirmaris. Non agitur autem de hac controversia dumtaxet. sed quo pacto possint in hoc rerum statu sacramenta administrari, ubi non modo nullus est ordo. sed etiam summum ordinis odium." Cnrresponclance de Beze. 11, 142 (No. 122). Beza to Calvin. Lausanne. November 30. [ 1557]. "'^"Sont estes assembes les magniffiques S'^ Ix, par devant lesqueulx le maistre Pierre Viret a liseuz les articles proposes contre luy par devant noz tresredoutes princes. Lesqueulx ont ordonne que leur se doibt reconcilier avec ledit S' Viret et fere suspendre jusques a Pasques Tordonnance de mesS"^^ noz princes, et cependant recepvoir la saincte cene des mains dudit S' Viret le tenir et reputer pour bon et vray pasteur, en ce qu'il debge tenir mesdits S'^ pour capables pour recepvoir ladite saincte cene." AVL Chavannes DIG. fol. 347r° (December 7. 1557). '"^"Sont estes assembes les magniffiques Ix. par devant lesqueulx monS' Viret a propose Tordre que fault mettre eis choses mal dresses mesmement touchant la religion chrestienne. visitation des habitans estrangiers. pour s^avoir leur religion, les meurs. dissolutions, et biens des pouvres. I'argent genevois. et le different des articles contre lui proposes, priant mesS^^ mettre ordre au totage. et ce qu'il a presche publiquement aussi 278 Viret's requests, though it is not clear whether they did so out of fear of reprisal from Bern, fear of a refusal by Viret to administer the Christmas eucharist. a genuine desire to improve moral behavior in Lausanne, or some combination of all three. The entire affair was crucially important to developments in the following year. Viret saw the magistrates' complaint against him as indicative of a total lack, of respect for the ministry, which could not be tolerated.The personal affront to his office convinced him all the more of the necessity of ecclesiastical discipline. At the same time, however, the Lausanne magistrates - whatever their motives may have been - demonstrated greater support for his recommendations than the Bernese ever had. Viret and his colleagues recognized this and on a couple of occasions attempted to bypass Bern by taking their proposals directly to the Lausanne city council. At the height of the dispute between the councilors and Viret, his colleagues Jacques Vallier and Arnaud Banc presented to the council "certain articles, namely about les remonstrances qu'il faict de present cest a este pour descharge son conscience et pour le debvoir de sa charge, aussi pour I'amitie qu'il porte au peuple de Lausanne. Sus ce a este conclus de mettre ordre au totage." AVL Chavannes DIO, fol. 347v" (December 8. 1557). "Sont estes assembes les ii*^ [the council of two hundred) bourgeois par devant lesqueulx monS"^ Viret accompagnye de maistre Jaques Vallier et de maistre Amauld [Banc, deacon in Lausanne], lequel a propose que Ton se dehuisse preparer a la saincte cene, instruyre le peuple a bonnes meurs, de hanter les presches. avoir les pouvres par recommendes. et vivre cellon dieu et la reformation de mesS^^ .. . Sus ce a este conclus concordablement de soy emender. suyvre et mettre en extreme exequution les admonitions dudict Viret et icelluy remercier grandement d'icelles." AVL Chavannes DIO, fol. 348r° (December 15. 1557). '"^At the beginning of the dispute. Viret wrote to Calvin. "Ego vero non statui causae renunciare quin ea agatur ut res ipsa postulat. Aut certo me amplius non habebunt ministrum. aut coercebitur ista licentia et sancietur autoritas mci ministerii ab iis qui illud tueri debenl." CO 16.599-600 (No. 2697). Viret to Calvin. Lausanne. September 3. 1557. 279 three points, confession, excommunication, and the refusal of vows," which were tabled until the council members who were away in Bern pursuing the Viret case returned.""' The bitter dispute likely led the ministers to drop the matter for the time, but they returned together with Viret before the council in March. Although the Lausannois had been most agreable during the Christmas .season, they realized what the ministers were asking them to do, and they certainly did not want to step on any toes in Bern: It was concluded and decided that they do not wish to add or substract anything from the ordinances and Reformation of our most sovereign princes, to which they hold and refer themselves completely, offering to punish the disobedient, according to their [Bern's] ordinance and Reformation.'"^ Bern had ordered the Lausanne magistrates not to enact any laws concerning religion once before.'"* after Viret and Vallier had appeared before the Lausanne council in 1550 """"Par devant mesS*^^ xx ont comparus maistre Jacques Vallier et maistre Amauld lesqueulx ont prie leur vouloir assemble les S" Ix pour soy purger de certains articles, a s(;avoir de trois poinctz. le premier de la confession. I'excommunication. reffus de serements. Et pource que mesS*^ les ambassadeurs sont a Berne. Ton leur reffuse lesdits Ix jusques a leur retour. et apres leur avoir faict response, il[s] ont assures les S''" bandaretz que par leur serement et cellon la coustume ilz leur doibvent assembler lesdits Ix." AVL Chavannes DIO. foL 342r° (September 12. 1557). ""•'MonS' Viret, maistre Jaques Vallier. S'^ ministres. [et| messy Amauld diacre sont comparus par devant mesS'* les Ix, les priant vouloir conclure sus les articles par devant mesS'^ les xxiiii"^ mis en avant pour la reformation de I'esglise et I'examen. Sus ce a este conclus et arreste que ne veulent adjouter ny diminuer eis ordonnances de reformation de noz tresredoutes princes, eisquelles totalement il se tiennent et retTerissent. soy oflVans les contrevenans a icelles fere chastier cellon leurs ordonnance et dicte reformation." AVL Chavannes DIO. fol. 352r° (March 13. 1557). '"""Nous avons veu certainnes ordonnances qu'avez faictes sus les articles que vous ont presente les ministres de la parolle de dieu. Et a cause que de ce [vous| n'avez puissance et a vous n'appartient de faire Edicts. Ordonnances. ne Status touchant nostre Relormation et nostre souverainite. [nous] ne voullons permettre que icelles ayent lieu, ains que icelles soient rcvocques et que en ce endroit [vous] suivez et observez noz Mandemens. Ordonnances. et Status." SKB AMI 160. fol. 3 Ur". Bern city council to the 280 to complain about the state of moral and religious affairs in the city.'"'' and the Lausanne magistrates knew that any changes in religion they might enact would be revoked by Bern. By this time in March 1558. another event had further confirmed Viret and his colleagues in their design to confront Bern. The Bernese had banished four ministers from the classe of Thonon for preaching about predestination."" This move proved decisive. Viret decided that he would either win his order of ecclesiastical discipline, or he would leave Lausanne. "We are urging discipline." he reported to Calvin, "as long as we are able."''' Immediately after the failure of the Lausanne council to move on the issue. Calvin encouraged Viret. "You can't haggle with them anymore now; the final act must be played out so that you can prove clearly to the Bernese that it is not right to delay [discipline] any longer. The battle will be hard, but it is necessary. For what hope will there be in future if you hesitate to fight now?"''" The Lausanne mininsters drew up a preliminary proposal on discipline, sent it to Lausanne city council. Bern, June 3, 1551. '""See above, ch. 4. 223-26. ' '"See Henri Meylan, "L'affaire des quatre pasteurs du Chablais, champions et victimes de la predestination (1558)." Revue Historiqiie Vaiuhise 80 (1972): 15-31. "'"Urgemusdisciplinam quoad possumus." CO 17.40 (No. 2804). Viret to Calvin. Lausanne. February 16. 1558. "•"Nunc tibi cum ipsis nihil restat negotii. sed extremus actus peragendus est. ut Bemates ingenue contesteris tibi fas non esse longius cunctari. Durum certamen, sed necessarium. Quid enim posthac sperandum. si nunc confligcre dubites?" CO 17.93 (No. 2831). Calvin to Viret. [Geneva]. March 16. 1558. 281 Bern in March, and threatened not to admininster the Easier eucharist."^ Viret was not hopeful: "We expect a hard response and are making preparations to leave."He was summoned to Bern just before Easter, where "beyond all expectation, we were received amicably and courteously .... We explained before the council.. . that we would never administer the sacraments in the future unless the discipline ordained by Christ is established in the church, by which we can distinguish between the swine, the dogs, and the sheep.""^ Bern promised to look more closely into the matter immediately after Easter and allowed Viret to summon "the more unlearned, the more profane despisers of religion, and open enemies of the evangelical doctrine" before the consistory for examination before the eucharist. This satisfied Viret. and he retumed to Lausanne and celebrated the Easter eucharist as usual.' In May. the Bernese sought to appease Viret. They ordered consistories to be "^This is the project on discipline from which excerpts are printed in Ruchat. See above, ch. 4, 229. n. 131. ' '^"E.xspectamus durum responsum. ac nos ad abitionem paramus." CO 17.113 (No. 2840). March 23. 1558. ' '""Praeter omnium exspectationem sumus ab omnibus amice et humaniter excepti.... Palam in senatu exposuimus . . . nos nunquam suscepturos posthac sacramentorum administrationem nisi ea in ecclesia constituatur disciplina qua statui discrimen possit inter porcos. canes, et oves ex Christi praescripto." CO 17.126 (No. 2845), Viret to Calvin, Lausanne. April 4, 1558. ' "'"Responsum est: Senatui nostris satisfactum esse responsionibus: constitutum ut statim post paschatis ferias serio curentur quae proposuimus: moniti sumus, ut interea pergeremus in nostro niinisterio. coenam hoc paschate celebraremus. ea tamcn lege, ut quod rogaveramus perficeretur. nempe ut quos constaret esse rudiores aut magis profanos religionis contemptores et hostcs doctrinae evangelicae apertiores. ad examen in consistorium vocarentur ante proximam coenam. alque hac de re scriptas esse ad praefectum literas. quas afferremus." CO 17.126 (No. 2845). 282 established in every parish, with special "observers" to look into the moral behavior of the parishioners."^ On the subject of perpetually contentious issue of excommunication. Bern finally seemed to give just a little ground, asking the Lausanne ministers to submit a written statement on the subject showing how and why it should be established."* The ministers" final demand, however, was flatly refused. Viret and his colleagues believed that the only way to educate effectively their more ignorant and obstinate parishioners was to instruct them individually in their homes. The Bernese thought this was neither expedient nor necessary."'' Significantly, they added. "Through the catechisms and "^"Nous avons pour extirper et refreindre telz desordres et scandales faict commandement a tous noz baillyfz de nostre pays de Savoye de (suyvant nostre coustume de pardeca touchant ces choses) dresser et observer, oultre les consistoires desia establys es villes de nostre diet pays, constituer et ordonner encores un consistoire en toutes et chacunes parroisses de leur baillyvage, ensemble certains gardiens et conservateurs jurez de nostre reformation a prendre et choisir des plus anciens estans de bonne vie et conversation, lesquelz par leur semient. qui pour ce leur sera bailie, seront tenuz de surveiller. senquerir diiligemment a la verite de tous et chascuns desordres et scandales, qui se feront en chascunes parroisses et vilages, pour d'iceulx faire deue relation audict consistoire." CO 17.186 (No. 2878). Bern city council to the Ministers of Lausanne, Bern. May 28. 1558. "*"Mais touchant I "excommunication par vous requise estre en noz dictes eglises establie. pour ce que ne pouvons bonnement entendre quelle est vostre intention en cest endroict ou comment vous entendez icelle debvoir estre dressee et exercee: Est nostre vouloir affin que tant mieulx puissions la dessus nous adviser et resouldre d"une response, qu"ayez a veoir les articles de nostre reformation et au plus pres d'icelle faire et coucher par escrit un pourject facon et maniere qui vous semblera estre necessaire et convenable sur le faict de la dicte excommunication, icelle nous envoyant par escrit pour la dessus donner nostre advis. vous advertir de nostre bon vouloir et piaisir."" CO 17.186- 87 (No. 2878). "''"Et pour conclusion touchant Tinquisition et examcn particulier par vous pretendu debvoir estre exerce tant envers les ignorans et idiotz en la religion chrestienne que des suspects en doctrine aultre que la receue entre vous et aultres ministres de noz eglises. Nous nentendons cela estre expedient ny necessaire et ne saurions cela permettre." CO 17.187 (No. 2878). 283 instructions of the youth, with the help of God. ignorance will be abolished in a short period of time, and the posterity of those presently living will be well instructed."'"" Herein lies a key difference in perspective between the ministers and the magistrates. The Bernese viewed their Reformation as a long-term project. They were well aware that not everyone in their lands had been suitably instructed in the Reformed faith, but they hoped that by teaching the children, eventually the errors of the parents living at the lime would be wiped out. From their persective. they would not know if the Reformation had succeeded or failed for another generation or two. For the ministers, on the other hand. Christ's body was not a work-in-progress. True, they did not e.xpect change overnight, but twenty-two years was not e.xactly ovemight. and every time the body of Christ was polluted by unworthy communicants, the failure of the Reformation was revealed. Moreover, they tried to show the magistrates that Bern's efforts towards long-term change were not working either. Fathers were instmcting their children in "papism," catechetical instruction was sadly insufficient, and regular contact with nearby Catholic territories negated the effects of trying to instruct the youth in the Gospel.'"' In the project of discipline composed by the Lausanne ministers, they first asked that a synod be held to deal with the problems plaguing the churches in Bern's lands.''" '"""Veu que par les catechismes et instructions des enfans lignorance sera a layde de Dieu par succession de bref temps abatue et la posterite des presentement vivans bien instruicte." CO 17.187 (No. 2878). '-'See above, ch. 4, 229-31. '"""Le second poinct est que nous ne trouvoas point qu'il y ait aultre principal remede et moyen par lequel ou puisse edifier ou restablir I'Eglise. que le synode legitimement assemble, conduict et authorise par le.s Princes qui sont les gardiens et 284 Tliis was not a new demand; they had made the same request several times, especially since the break with Geneva following the Bolsec controversy.'"^ The reasons they cite for holding a synod reveal some of the problems and disputes plaguing the church: Satan has entered the flocks here and has worked so hard that there is already great discord among the ministers regarding the foundations of the Christian religion, namely touching original sin. free will, predestination, Christ's descent into hell, and perhaps other points. Despite all mandates and prohibitions, one side does not cease blaming the other, and great scandal results in banding the people and also the magistrates and officers together in sects and factions. Without a doubt, they were thinking primarily of the controversy over predestination, and the recent expulsion of the ministers of Thonon. Theological matters such as this were to be treated by a synod of ministers, not dictated by the civil magistrate. Following this prefatory request to Bern, the project itself begins with a protecteurs de I'Eglise.... Ces choses considerees Tresredoubtez Seigneurs, pour obeyr a vostre commandement nous avons mis nostre petit advis par escript. lequel nous soubmettons au iugement de toute I'assemblee d'un vray et legitime Synode. que nous vous supplions au nom de Dieu vouloir ottroyer, comme Princes Chrestiens. a voz Eglises en leur tresgrande necessite." ACV Bd 1/1. III. 115. '•^See. e.g., their request to the Bernese ministers in April: "Disciplina constituenda ratio ea maxime probatur que iam inde ab aetate Apostolorum semper fuit in Ecclesia usurpata cuique adeo nostri principes iureiurando obligarunt nempe ut communis ac libera Synodus convocetur. Nam praeterquam quod iniquum est formam politia Ecclesiasticae non consultis ipsis Ecclesiis obtrudi, pessimi profecto et nimirum periculosi exempli esse iudicamus omnem Ecciesiam auctoritatem ad paucos homines, quicunque tandem illi sint, transferre." Papiers Herminjard, 234r°. Ministers of Lausanne to the Ministers of Bern, [Lausanne], [April 21, I558J. '""'"Satan est entre aux troupeaux de de^a. el a tellement be.songne qu'il y a desia par trop grands discords entre les ministres touchant les fondemens de la religion Chrestienne, c'est a savoir touchant le peche Originel. le franc arbitre. la predestination, et la descente de Christ aux enfers. et autres poincts peut estre qui se trouveront de sorte que nonobstant tous mandemens et defenses, les ungs ne cessent de blasmer les aultres. et detracter en grand scandale en bandant le peuple et semblablement les Magistrals cl Officiers en sectes et partialitez." ACV Bd 1/1. 113. 285 discussion of "The Difference between the Civil Magistrate and Ecclesiastical Order [police]." The ministers affirm, first of all, that there is a difference, explaining. As for the civil magistrate. St. Paul says in Romans 12 that he holds the sword given to him by God to be a terror to those who do evil and to punish them as a servant of God. and he is for the benefit of those who do good. As for the ecclesiastical government, it is established in Matthew 16 and 18 to bind and loose on earth what will be bound and loosed in heaven.'' It is precisely this power of binding and loosing that constitutes the biblical establishment of e.xcommunication. The ministers begin their first chapter on e.xcommunication itself, "We believe that this correction is very necessary in the church because it was ordained by Jesus Christ in Matthew 18 and practiced continually since then, not only by the Apostles and from the time when the princes were infidels ... but also much more under the Christian princes by the entire ancient church without any contradiction."'"^ They made this point to counter a common argument against e.xcommunication. advanced - most importantly in this case - by the Bern theologian, Wolfgang Musculus.'"^ Musculus argued that although it may have been practiced in the ancient church, that was only '"'"Car quant au Magistrat Civil. S. Pol diet. Rom. 12. qu il tient le glaive qui luy est donne de Dieu pour estre en terreur a ceu.x qui font mal. lesquels aussi il punit, comme serviteur de Dieu: et pour le bien de ceux qui font bien. Quant au gouvemement Ecclesiastique. il est dresse Matth. 16. et 18. pour Her et deslier en terre ce qui sera lie et deslieauCiel." ACV Bd 1/1. 117. Nous estimons ceste correction estre grandement necessaire a feglise. pource qu'elle a este ordonnee de Jesus Christ Matth. 18. et depuis practicquee continuellement non seulement par les Apostres. et du temps que les Princes estoyent inlldelles. comme nous voyons I. Cor. 5. / 2. Cor. 10. / 2. Thess. 3. / 1. Tim. 1. et 6. / 2. Jeh. Mais aussy beaucoup plus depuis soubs les Princes Chrestiens. par toute I'ancienne Eglise sans aulcune contradiction d'icelle." ACV Bd 1/1, 134. '•^On Musculus. see Reinhard Bodenmaiin. Wolf^itni> Musculus (1497-1563): Desfin d un cnitudidacte lorrain au siec/e dcs Reformes. Travaux d'l lunianisme et Renaissance. 343 (Geneva: Droz. 2000). 286 because the Christians at the time were living under pagan rulers and needed to govern themselves. It was no longer necessary under Christian rulers. " The Lausanne ministers insist, however, that it is, in fact, necessary: "For in fact, since it is prohibited to give holy things to dogs and swine (Matthew 7), how can this be done, if there is no discipline for knowing and separating them from the children of God?""'"'' Again, the worry is about pollution; without excommunication the "holy things'" of the eucharist, are soiled by unworthy "dogs and swine."' The "power of the keys,'" the binding and loosing discussed in Matthew 18, had been used by popes throughout the Middle Ages to justify papal primacy. The ministers of Lausanne obviously do not interpret the passage in the same way. Interestingly, .. verum quoniam D. Hallerum per eos scripsisti, iterum urges ut de disciplina ecclesiastica, quam nonnulli fratres hodie instanter urgent, quid sentiam aperiam, visum est tribus quatuor verbis ea de re ad te scribere. Necessariam esse ecclesiis castigationis et emendationis disciplinam. puto nemo cordatus infitias ibit. De modo illius non convenit mihi cum illis, qui hanc necessario putant esse ad formam pristinae restituendam ecclesiae, in qua magistratus alienus erat a professione nominis Christi. Ibi necessarium erat ut iudicia castigatoria in coetibus fidelium exercerentur, de quibus in Apologetico Tertulliani Cap. 39 videre licet. lam vero ... arbitror emendationem vitiorum et castigationes delinquentium, verbo videlicet doctrinae non acquiescentium, partim per consistoria, ut vocant. in quibus et senatores et ministri sedeant, ad hoc muneris a magistratu delecti, partim a magistratu ipso in gravioribus tlagitiis et incorrigibilibus sceleribus ...." CO 14.539 (No. 1743). Musculus to Bullinger, Bern, May 29, 1553. Musculus's attitude towards excommunication became even more negative in 1558/59: "In summa: excommunicationis usus sic est comparatus. ut non videam quodmodo possit rite, tolerabiliter et utiliter revocari."' Quoted in Bodenmann, Wolfgang Musculus, 342, n. 113. It certainly seems possible that his harsher attitude resulted from the 1558 disputes with the Lausanne ministers. '"^"Car de faict puis qu'il est defendu de bailler les choses sainctes aux chiens et aux pourceaux [Matth. 7], comme[nt] pourra estre practique cela, s'il n"y a une discipline pour les cognoistre et separer d'entre les enfans de Dieu?" ACV Bd 1/1, 134. 287 however, they do not even give this power strictly to the ministers but to the elders of the church: excommunication "does not pertain to the civil magistrate, nor to the ministers of the Word, nor to the people as a whole, but to the assembly of the elders legitimately ordained by the Church."'''" The sentence of e.xcommunication. therefore, was to be determined by the consistory. This radical reinterpretation of Matthew 18 gave the power of the keys to a mixed assembly of laymen and clergy, perhaps to ensure the Bernese magistrates that they were not simply trying to seize power for themselves. The ministers sent their project to Bern on June 22. 1558. The very next day - hence, before the Bernese would have even received the ministers' project - Bern reiterated its prohibition on preaching about predestination.'^' Viret and his colleagues responded rashly with a letter that probably killed any possibility of a favorable response from Bern regarding their discipline project: We are sent to preach the Word of God. not the mandates of men. ... And therefore, most sovereign lords, since we have to answer to God concerning our ministry, we declare to you for our part and in good time, before we can be charged with rebellion, that you must not hope for us to approve of nor publish .. telle correction n'apartient ny au Magistrat Civil, ny aux ministres de la parolle, ny au peuple a part soy. ains a Tassemblee des anciens legitimement ordonnez parTEglise." ACV Bd l/l. 138. '^'•'Combien que nous sommes confiez et tenuz certains que eussiez ensuivy et entierement observe noz admonicions. remonstrances et advertissements que vous avons faict par nostre rescription du 26e jour de janvier I'an 1555, si sommes veritablement advertis que a cela n'avez satisfaict. chose a nous tresdeplaisante et desaggreable en ayant tresgrand regret. A ceste cause somme occasionez et contraincts. derechieffz escripre a tous noz Bailliffs et vous tresacertes par cestes admonester et advertir, soubz peyne en noz precedentes lettres expressement contenue. que ledict nostre mandement et ordonnance observez et ensuyvez. sans contradiction quelconque. Car tel est nostre voulloir." SKB Alll 161. fol. 142r'', Bern city council to all the French-speaking clusses. [Bem|. June 23. 1558. 288 your mandates regarding predestination.... We are also all ready to endure whatever pleases God to send us. rather than consent to anything which takes away or diminishes in any way our Christian liberty.'^" If that were not enough, the ministers tacked on a new list of complaints. Bern did not listen to their recommendations for the election of ministers,and what few sentences the consistories were allowed to give were not respected.'^"* They concluded. The ministers and professors [of Lausanne| do not knovv how to act with respect to several ordinances of our lords, seeing that they themselves ignore them every day .... In what esteem can we think our sovereign lords hold us when our testimonies, even when given at their e.xpress command, are nevertheless worth . . nous sommes envoyes pour prescher la parolle de Dieu, et non point les mandemens des hommes.... Et pourtant, tresredoubtez Seigneurs, aians a respondre a Dieu. de ce qui conceme notre ministere. nous vous declairons de notre part de bonne heure. et devant que pouvoir etre repris de rebellion, qu'il ne faut point que vous esperez que nous puissions approuver ni publier vosdits mandements touchant la predestination. . .. aussi sommes nous tous prets d'endurer tout ce qu'il plaira Dieu nous envoyer. plutot que de consentir a chose quelconque en laquelle nous puissions conaitre que la liberie chretienne nous soit otee, ou aucunement diminuee . .. ." ACV Bd 1/1. 155,156, 157, The Ministers and Professors of Lausanne to the Bern city council. Lausanne. July 18, 1558. .. comme touchant Tordre des elections selon les classes, duquel ilz dispensent tous les jours comme bon leur semble. Par e.xample il y a environ deu.x ans qu'il nous fut mande au fort de Thyver de faire election d'un diacre d'Aigle. a raison de quoy il fallut que les freres demeurans aux montagnes fissent un grand chemin a grand coustes. et travaulx jusques a Lausanne ou sont les escoliers de nosdits Seigneurs, auquel lieu I'election estant faicte en crainte de Dieu. et avec bonne inquisition, et selon la commandement expres de nosditz Seigneurs, les freres retoumez a la maison trouvent que nosditz Souverains Seigneurs y avoyent pourveu de qui il leur avoyt pleu." ACV Bd l/l. 162. '^"'item. comme ainsi soit que si peu d'ordre qu'il y a aux consistoires nous soit laisse pour tenir les scandaleux en bride, quelle opinion pouvons nous estimer qu'on a du consistoire de Lausanne, et de quoy peult servyr tout ce qu'ilz sauroyt ordonner contre les vices, veu que nosditz souverains Seigneurs le mesprisent tellement qu'ilz ne font difficulte non seulement d'en rompre les sentences de pleine authorite sans que le scandale soit aucunement repare. mays aussi rompe le cours de susdit consistoire. et de leurs propres ordonnances sans mesme d'enquerir de ce qu'on y a diet, ou faict, et se raportent au seul raport des parties." ACV Bd 1/1. 161-62. 289 less than one of their least officers?'^" The Bernese subsequently issued a terse summons to all of the ministers and professors of Lausanne.'^'" We do not know exactly what happened at their August conference in Bern, but we can guess a number of things from a letter sent by the Lausanne ministers to Bern a few days later. Regarding predestination, they asked (much more humbly this time) for a clearer explanation of Bern's intention. Differences in language created part of the problem: "You should not find it strange, most sovereign lords, if we, who do not understand your language, have run into difficulty, seeing as your bailiffs, who have translated and published [the edicts j in our language, have given us just occasion for our fears by the diversity of translations and clear contradictions."'^^ It is amazing that more problems like this did not occur. Bern's ordinary method for promulgating edicts in its '^'"Lesdits ministres et professeurs ne savent comme se regler sur plusieurs ordonnances de nosdits Seigneurs en les voyant tous les jours meprisees par eux-memes . ... Item en quelle estime pouvons nous penser que nous soyons envers nosdits souverains Seigneurs, quand nos temoignages encores qu'ils soient bailies par leur commandement expres. sont toutefois de moindre poid que celui du moindre officier qu'ils aientr ACV Bd 1/1. 162, 163. '^''"Avoir entendu le contenu des articles a nous de vostre part envoyez. nous avons advise de nous resouldre la dessus de nostre response, bon voulloir et playsir pour lequel entendre vous assignons jour a comparoir par devant nous a I'heure de conseil. sus le quinziesme jour du present moys. Sur ce vous sachies conduyre." SKB AllI 161. fol. 151r°. Bern city council to the Ministers and Professors of Lausanne, [Beml. August 1. 1558. '^^"Et ne vous faut trouver etrange. Tresredoutez Seigneurs, si nous, qui n'entendons pas voire langue. y avons trouve de la difficulte, vu que messieurs vos baillis qui les ont fait translater et publieren notre langue. nous bailie juste occasion de craindre ce que nous craignions. par la diversite des translations et contrariete manifeste." Papiers Herminjard. C-R 1557-1560. 298r''. Ministers and Professors of Lausanne to the Bern city council. Lausanne, [end of August 15581- 290 French-speaking territories was to deliver the original text in German to its bailiffs, who would then translate it into French for the people there. With regard to the ministers" project on ecclesiastical discipline, it seems that the Bernese saw it as an attempt to establish a "new Reformation" in their lands. The ministers protested that they had no intention of doing so; they were simply fulfilling Bern's own request and their duties as ministers in suggesting how to restore order in the region.'^" The Lausanne ministers finally received a piece of good news with respect to predestination. The Bernese clarified their ordinance, saying that the ministers could talk about predestination "when the scriptural text supports it."'" On the subject of ecclesiastical discipline, however. Bern and the Lausanne ministers seemed to be at an impasse. The fall of 1558 passed without trouble until November, when the ministers once again sent a new request to Bern for discipline. This time the response from Bern was clear: "We beg you to continue faithfully in the vocation to which God by his grace .. quant a ce que vos excellences prennent comme pour une nouvelle reformation drcsse par nous. I'avis que nous vous avons envoye. suivant votre commandement. touchant la discipline de I'eglise pour remedier aux desordres ... nous repondons a cela, que nous n'entendons d'avoir rien proposer contraire a votre reformation .... ce que nous en avons fait jusques ici. desia des si temps, ne procede d'autre cause sinon que nous craignons que nous ne nous trouverions grandement charges devant Dieu. comme Souverain juge, de ne nous etre acquitter des notre office." Papiers Herminjard. C-R 1557-1560. ZQSr". .. est que nostre intention n"a este ny est que lesdicts mini.stres et professeurs ne puissent rien prescher et parler de telle matiere, quant le texte de Tescripture le portera, ains voulons bien cela leur permettre. moyennant qu'ilz le fasscnt sobrement et de sorte que sela serve a ediffication et non pas a scandalle et perturbation." SKB Alll 161. fol. 155r°. Bern city council to all the French-speaking classes. Bern. August 15. 1558. 291 called you, without bothering or troubling us further about this matter."'^" Once again, Viret threatened to suspend the Christmas eucharist. Bern told the other ministers to grant him a leave of absence and elect a replacement, but they refused. Finally, on December 19, the Bemese permitted them to call the "ignorant" before the consistory "to be duly admonished and indoctrinated there. This does not mean, however, that they may be refused the Supper."'^' .Although the right of e.xcommunication still was not granted. Viret was satisfied. But there was a problem: Christmas was approaching fast - too fast. On December 23. therefore, Viret went before the Lausanne city council to ask that the eucharist be delayed eight days, so that the consistory would have time to examine everyone it needed to. The councilors, "agreed, at the request of the ministers, to delay the administration of the holy Supper eight days, which will be on January 1, so that the ignorant may be better instructed beforehand and so that any disputes might be better appeased before it is received."'"*" Such was Viret's "refusal" to administer the Christmas """[Nousl vous prions que ... vous veuillez ... continuer fidelement en la vocation a laquelle Dieu par sa grace vous a appeles sans plus de ce fait la nous molester ni importuner." SKB. A III 161. fol 171r°. Bern city council to the cla.s.se of Lausanne, Bern. November 19, 1558. ' ""Et afin que les ignorants soient instruits et endoctrines avant que prendre la Cene, nous ne contredisons pas que tels ignorants soient cites et remis au consistoire. pour la estre deuement admonestes et endoctrines comme il appartiendra. n'entendant pas toutesfois que la Cene doive leur estre refusee.'' Papiers Herminjard, C-R 1557-1560. fol. 354v°. Bern city council to the Clcisse of Lausanne. Bern. December 19. 1558. '^""Item par devant lesdits S'' riere conseil [the council of sixty] a comparu messy Pierre Viret. messy Jaques Vallier ministres. et Arnaulz leurs diacre. lequel a faict ledit messy Viret plusieurs sainnes et chrestiennes remonstrances a eulxdits S"^^ tochant laz sainne instruction dcs ignorans avant que recever la saincte cenc de notre S"^ Jesus Christ. 292 eucharist. It is a bit anticlimatic. This was not a showdown: Viret refusing to administer the sacrament in the face of Bernese tyranny. It was simply a delay - a delay for which he had permission but not from the proper authorities. Bern had not authorized it. The Bernese authorities were outraged and forbade the Lausannois from administering the sacrament as arranged on January 1. On December 30. the Bern city council decided to depose Viret and his colleagues, Jacques Vallier and Amaud Banc, from the ministry, to ask the classe of Lausanne to elect replacements for them, and to incarcerate the members of the classe if they refused to do so.' " The classe of Lausanne indeed refused to elect new ministers. demandant entre aultres choses vhuygt jour a retarder a Te-xhibition de laz saincte cene pour myeulx instruire les ignorans et reconcillier les differens au jour premier de janvier et pour plusieurs aultres causes et raisons et incidens. Et ce pour ce coup seulement. Lesquieulx conseilz et riere conseilz ont conclud a laz requeste desdits ministres de retarder de vhuygt jour laz exhibition de laz saincte cene, qui sera au jour premier de janvier suyvant pour mieul.x estre au paravant instruyt les ignorans et pour mieulx appaiser au paravant les differens avanl que laz recoivre. Et pour ce coup et ceste toys sans deroguer aulx ordonnnances de nous souverains de Berne." AVL Chavannes DIO, fol. 370v°(December 23. 1558). '•'^"Nous estant venu a notice que I'administration et celebration de la Cene de nostra Seigneur par vous les ministres soit este retardee a ceste Fete de Noel prochainement passee. Vous avertissons qu'avons este fort deplaisans et marris de ce que ne sommes obeis en nous mandements et commandements sur ce emanes vcu et attendu que ceux n'estre point contrevenants a la parole de Dieu, ains conformes a icelle, dont eussions bien pense et nous confier que de vostre part a iceux fust este obei comme de raison. et puisque ainsi est que nostre bon vouloir n'a este effectue en cest endroit et la Cene du Seigneur celebree au jour pour ce establi. ains auroit este delayee de quelque temps et la celebration d'icelle suspendue a tel jours qu'il vous a pleu et aux diets ministres." Papiers Herminjard. 357r°. Bern city council to the Ministers and Council of Lausanne, [Bern], December 27. 1558. '"'"'"Post dimissum hunc nuncium 30. Decembris res omnis ad diacosios relata est. Illi tantum non furibendi decreverunt legatos illuc mitti debere ex ministris. senatoribus et diacosiis qui 1) Viretum et Collegas. ut prius quoque decrctum eras, deponant ab officiis. 293 and they were imprisoned. The Bernese evidently believed that the members of the classe would eventually come to their senses and submit to the council's demands. They did not. Johannes Haller related to Bullinger in disbelief how they conspired to remain obstinate, preferring e.xile to submitting to Bern."' With this unexpected show of solidarity and with Viret showing signs of a willingness to negotiate, he was called back to Bern in March in a last-ditch effort to resolve the situation."^ At Haller's request. Bullinger wrote to Viret, pinning most of the blame on him and urging him to come to an agreement: 2) cum senatu Lausannensi graviter expostulent quod ausi sint diem constitutum coenae et passim in omnibus ecclesiis nostris observatum. sine autoritate huius senatus, qui eum constituerit mutare. 3) qui convocent classem et una cum ilia alios eligant; 4) ut renuentes eligere carceribus includant, et eorum causam hue referant." CO 17.411 (No. 2998). Johannes Haller to Bullinger. Bern, January 5, 1559. ""^'"Nunc ergo quid crastino amplius amplius actum, et quae catastrophe sequuta. et quis sit harum rerum praesens status, aperiam. 25. Februarii superfuerunt aliqui adhuc examinandi. sed omnium obstinatissimi. Nam quum ab illis qui 24 die e.xaminati sunt intelfexissent. quae cum ipsis acta essent omnia, de novo quasi conspirarunt iterum ad non consentiendum. sed ad exsilium potius eligendum. et fecerunt quoque ut aliqui ex illis qui priore die consenserant, conscientiis angerentur ita ut aegre continuerimus eos quin ad senatum redirent et adhuc cum reliquis exsilium poscerent. Factum itaque ut novem vel decern ex praecipuis exsulare mallent quam concessionibus Principium (ut vocant senatum nostrum) consentire. Quod professores attinet, qui superfuerunt omnes. Rittibus nempe. Tagaultius. Beraldus et Randonus .. . dimissionem amicam petiere .... Dicunt illi, se non posse communem causam fratrum deserere et bona conscientia in ecclesia esse, disciplina ilia ecclesiastica carente ...." CO 17.460-61 (No. 3022). Haller to Bullinger. Bern, February 28. 1559. "'"'Interea Viretus senatui scripsit. et blande admodum. ita ut videatur non procul abesse a consensu. Itaque antequam nos illuc proficiscamur vocabitur ipse hue ut et senatus et nos cum illo agamus. si forte adhuc retineri possit: el spes adhuc superest. si illi consensus persuaderi possit. ut illius autoritate reliqui omnes quoque reduci possint. Sed quid futurum sit nescio. D. Nicolaus a Diesbach. consulis nunc vices gerens. ex animo te precatur ut per hunc nuncium qui has tibi adfert Vireto ipse quoque scribere velis. et ilium ad concordiam el consensum una nobiscum hortari." CO 17.461 (No. 3022). 294 But now since I understand that you have deserted your church. I beg you, my most honorable lord and brother, and through our Lord Jesus Christ, that you do not refuse to return to it. For if in governing the church of Christ it must be considered above all that peace and tranquility remain and stumbling blocks avoided, I do not see how you could not return to the abandoned church. It is better to have some church and discipline than none at all.... Almost all our churches throughout Switzerland are, by the grace of God, united in Christ. Therefore, it is up to you to avoid supplying our enemies with a reason for rejoicing .. . Bullinger's words were wasted, for Viret refused to go to Bern, thinking he would be thrown in jail if he failed to reach an accord with the city council. The affair was over, and Viret was banished from Bern's lands for life. In Lausanne, Haller reported. "Everything is totally confused .... The school is almost completely deserted .... And the schism is so great that in many places, deacons do not want to serve with pastors nor pastors with deacons within the same church."'""* Bern's loss turned into Geneva's gain. At least four professors from the Academy - and probably quite a few students'"" - as well as fourteen pastors from the classes of '^^"Nunc vero quum intelligam. abs te illam [ecclesiam) esse desertam, oro pietatem tuam, colendissime mi domine et frater. et per Dominum lesum, ut ad eandem redire non dedigneris. Si enim in ecclesia Christi gubemanda ante omnia spectandum est ut ipsa permaneat pax et tranquillitas, vitenturque offendicula, non video quomodo non debeas redire ad desertam ecclesiam. Satius est sane aliquam habere ecclesiam et disciplinam, quam prorsus nullam .... Supersunt nostrae per Helvetiam propemodum ecclesiae, per Dei gratiam, concordes in Christo. Tuum ergo fuerit hostibus nostris nullam suppeditare e.xsultandi occasionem ... CO 17.470 (No. 3025), Bullinger to Viret, Zurich, March 3, 1559. '^""Confusissima sunt omnia illic .... Schola fere prorsus est desolata .... Et tantum est in multis locis schisma, ut nec diaconi cum pastoribus, aut pastores cum diaconis in eadem ecclesia ministrare velint." CO 17.486 (No. 3034). Haller to Bullinger, Bem. March 30, 1559. '^'Haller reported to Bern that almost all the French-spcaking students had left; "Praesertim scholastici et studiosi se mutuo mordent et laccrcnt mirabiliter. Galli omncs 295 Lausanne and Thonon followed Viret to Geneva. Viret was installed as pastor, and the Genevan Academy was able to open with considerable strength in June 1559. Geneva was now also in a better position to send missionaries to France. According to Kingdon's study, 1559 was the year during which the largest number of missionaries set out from Geneva.'^" Of the eighty-eight "Genevan" missionaries he documents, at least twenty- four (27% of the total and 41% of those whose previous occupation is known) had come from Bernese lands in 1558-1559.'"^' Clearly, the aftermath of Lausanne's crisis with Bern was instrumental in Geneva's subsequent efforts to spread the Reformed faith through France. The "Consolidation of the Genevan Reformation" may have taken place in 1555, but the consolidation of the Reformation in French-speaking Europe centered in Geneva had to wait until 1559. fere discesserunt." CO 17.488. Haller's report to Bern. [Bem]. [March] 1559. '""Kingdon. Geneva ami the Commit of ihe Religious IVars. 145. '^'Kingdon. Geneva and the Coming of the Religious l^Vars. 142-43. 296 Conclusion The course of the Reformation in Bern's French-speaking lands from 1536-1558 was plagued by two chief difficulties. First, as I tried to show in chapter 4, the imposition of Protestantism on the area was not welcomed by the majority of the people there. Their unwillingness to follow Bern's Reformation ordinances, together with largely ineffective means of enforcement by Bern's otTicials, left the ministers to fight an uphill battle of indoctrinating the people in the new religion. Second, the ministers themselves, both in Bern itself and in its French-speaking lands, were divided over several theological issues, ecclesiastical discipline being just one of them. Efforts towards confessional unity failed every step of the way. Two main theological camps developed: one around Calvin in Geneva and the other around the Zwinglian ministers in Bern, and each side was as obstinate as the other. The highly charged Bolsec controversy led to a complete breakdown in relations between Bern and Geneva and left Calvin's followers in Lausanne in an e.xtremely delicate position. In retrospect, it is quite surprising that Viret was not expelled from Bem's lands long before 1558. Viret's 1541-1542 stay in Geneva was crucial in the development of his theological dependence on and friendship with John Calvin. He returned to Lausanne with designs to implement a form of discipline similar to the one he had helped Calvin to forge in Geneva. Much of the next sixteen years of his ministry was marked by repeatedly unsuccesful attempts to pursue those designs. His inflammatory treatise of 1548. De la verlii et iisa^^e clu mitiistere cle la Parollc de Dicii. was an unapologetically Calvinist work that practically amounted to a complete rejection of the main tenets of 297 Bern's Zwingliari theology. The same year. Bern banished three ot'its own ministers for their views on the eucharist. Why did they not do the same to Viret? During the Bolsec controversy. Viret (and Beza as well) openly supported Calvin. In 1555. when Bern legislated against predestination and the Calvinist eucharist and ordered Calvin's books to be burned. Viret and his colleagues protested vigorously, yet Bern made no move to rid its lands of Calvin's closest disciples. Why not? For the answer, I think we must return once again to the problem of the shortage of ministers. Bern's chief means of overcoming the problem was to train new ministers at the Lausanne Academy. The success of the program, therefore, depended on stability in Lausanne. The compromises offered by the Bernese during the 1558 crisis reveal how much they wanted to keep things running smoothly in Lausanne. In some ways, the Lausanne ministers and professors were more successful than they probably realized. They were able to get the Bernese to establish consistories in all of the French-speaking towns, partially to lift the prohibition on preaching predestination, and to allow individual examination and instruction before the consistory of those deemed ignorant or hostile to the Reformation. For Bern, these were significant concessions. For Viret. they fell short of what was necessary for proper ecclesiastical discipline. For that, the right of excommunication was absolutely essential. Much of the disagreement between the Lausanne ministers and Bernese magistrates stemmed from competing understandings of Christian society, most often expressed through the metaphor of the body. The body was. of course, a common metaphor for all social units throughout antiquity and the Middle Ages, from the family to the church to the state. Each unit was conceived of as a body. 298 which required the proper ordering - the "head" (husband, pope/Christ, king/prince/magistrate) having appropriate control over the "members" (wife/children. Christian faithful, citizens) - and functioning of all its parts to operate effectively. "Disease" (disobedience, heresy, sedition) was to be avoided at all costs, often (the metaphor continues) by "cutting off" the infected part. This is precisely what excommunication aimed to do. The body the ministers had in mind was the church, the very body of Christ, as they asserted. As such, it required greater purity than the body politic, whose head consisted of mere mortal men. The Bernese magistrates were just as concerned about disease within the body of the state, but the worst possible malady from their perspective was not immoral behavior or lack of faith but divisiveness. They came down hard on continued Catholic practice in their lands because it caused division among their subjects, not because it stained the body of Christ or polluted the sacrament of the eucharist. The magistrates' answer was banishment of those who continued to cause division, like obstinate Catholic (or. as it turned out, Protestant) clergymen, not excommunication of the average lay person who simply did not know the creeds or continued to pray to the saints. Excommunication, for them, would only serve to cause further division among their subjects. In The Body Broken. Christopher Elwood has demonstrated the remarkable revolutionary potential of the Calvinist doctrine of the eucharist in Catholic lands. Calvin's removal of the localized divine presence in the elements and his stress on the individual sanctification effected in the eucharist. Elwood argues, completely overturned 299 the symbolic center of late medieval French notions of sacred kingship and community.'"'" While he argues persuasively for the French case, he overemphasizes, 1 believe, the consequences of Calvin's rejection of transubstantiation. Calvin's eucharistic theology, as we see in Bern's case, also constituted a political threat to Zwinglian governments, for from one perspective the communal aspect of the Supper is even stronger in Zwingli's theology. When the eucharistic elements are completely divested of the divine presence, the unifying symbolic power of the sacrament becomes all the more important. This symbolic power of the eucharist to unify the entire temporal community certainly did not die out along with transubstantiation in Reformed lands. As Elwood correctly points out. however. Calvin "did not view the body of Christ created by the eucharist as coextensive with society at large.Herein lies the problem: the Bernese just like the French. The breadth of the communal power of the sacrament, covering temporal society as a whole in both Catholic and Zwinglian lands, was constricted by Calvin to cover only the faithful. Calvin's understanding of the eucharist, therefore, constituted a threat to any secular government, for its intent was to delineate a purer society within society-at-large.''"* This is by no means to say that Calvinism was a '^"Elwood. The Body Broken, esp. chapters 1 and 6. '"Elwood. The Body Broken. 148. See also Heiko A. Oberman. "Europa ciJJUcta." 104: "... Calvin insisted that the sacral community was not to be confused with the civic commune; in his own words, the corpus Christi is very different from the corpus politicunv. the one "merely' unites the senate with the plebs in the city walls, the other is the secret, spiritual body of Christ." ""'This .society of the "faithful" should not be confused w ith the "elect." The elect. Calvin believed, could not be discerned within temporal society. The faithful, on the other hand, were those in God's church on earth who had not done anything to show 300 separatist movement, like many groups of the Radical Reformation. Calvinism certainly accepted the role of the secular magistrate; the secular magistrate, however, often did not want to yield any power to an ecclesiastical jurisdiction at least semi-independent of its own. The Calvinist doctrine of the eucharist. therefore, together with its concomitant ecclesiastical discipline could partially help to explain why its followers constituted, in large part, a "Reformation of the Refugees." A sympathetic secular magistrate was certainly desirable but not altogether necessary. All that was required in a Calvinist community was the church's ability to regulate itself and keep the body of Christ free from pollution. The struggle between Bern and the Lausanne ministers and professors bears exemplary witness to the Reformation of the Refugees and through it we can view the broad contours of the Reformation as a whole in French-speaking Europe. The entire Lausanne contingent was composed of religious refugees from France, with the exception of Viret himself. Even Viret. however, had been forced to llee his studies at the University of Paris for his religious beliefs. Francis I's increased persecution of Protestants in the 1530's. together w ith the breakup of Marguerite de Navarre's evangelical network in the I540's shifted the center of the movement from France to Switzerland, to Geneva - as has long been recognized - and - what has not been sufficiently realized - to Lausanne. The efforts of the Protestant ministers, including Calvin, in the I540's and into the early 1550's were primarily directed not towards clearly that they did not belong to Christ. 301 planting the Reformed faith in France but towards firmly establishing the church in Switzerland. The utter failure of Geneva and Bern to come to any kind of agreement on confessional unity, culminating with the expulsion and subsequent migration of Viret and his colleagues, finally planted the French movement's center solidly in Geneva. Made refugees once again, the Lausanne ministers and professors had found a new calling; the evangelization of France. 302 APPENDICES Appendix A: The 1558 Order of Discipline The following is a transcription of the order of discipline proposed by the Lausanne ministers in June 1558. 1 plan to edit and annotate the text in a future publication. Archives Cantonales Vaudaoises. Bd 1/1: Order of discipline by pastors of Lausanne. June 1558 [Page 1111 Magnifiques & Tresredoutez Seigneurs, pour satisfaire a ce qu'il vous a pleu nous commander de faire un recuueil de la forme & maniere de la discipline Ecclesiastique, telle que nous la demanderions. nous desirons devant qu'entrer en matiere que voz excellences soyent adverties de deulx poincts. Le premier est que nous ne pretendons avoir autre fondement de nostre dire que la pure parolle de Dieu, laquelle nous tenons pour seule regie non seulement de la doctrine Chrestienne, mais auBi de la substance & forme de la discipline ou police Ecclesiastique. Le second poinct est que nous ne trouvons point qu'il y ait aultre principal remede & moyen par lequel ou puiBe edifier ou restablir I'Eglise, que le synode legitimement aCemble, conduict & authorise par les Princes qui sent les gardiens & protecteurs de I'Eglise. Ce qui nous seroit ayse de prouver par plusieurs raisons bien fondees en la parolle de Dieu, mais nous nous contenterons d'alleguer celles qui appartiennent a la matiere presente. Premierement, c'est le moyen & remede que les Apostres nous ont laiBe par leur exemple, qui depuis a este suivy par toute I'Eglise ancienne, de sorte [112] que par les anciens decrets & ordonnances Ecclesiastiques les Synodes Provinciaux sont establis pour estre tenu deulx fois I'an. comme une chose du tout neceBaire. Su>'vant cela Tresredoutez Seigneurs, il est expreBement dit & arreste aux actes Synodaux de Pan 1532. Chapitre demier, lesquelz vous avez approuvez & receus, que tous les ans il y aura Synode general le premier iour de May, & davantage deux chapitres selon qu'il doibt estre advise par vous, de sorte qu'en cecy nous ne demandons rien de nouveau. ains seulement I'execution de ce qui a este il y a desia 23. ans arreste par vous & par I'Eglise d'un commun consentement. Secondement quand ainsy sero)! que lout I'ordre que nous requerons seroit estably. nous ne pouvons en esperer que plus grande confusion, si on ne commence par une entiere & vraye reformation des ministres. & autres qui debvront principalement tenir la main a telles choses. Ce que ne se peult ny ne doibt faire que par un synode general. Car autrement il fauldra neceBairement ou que plusieurs choses demeurent en arriere 303 lesquelles rameneront tost apres un desordre pire que le premier; ou bien que plusieurs soyent condamnez sans ouyr. qui seroit chose contre Dieu & raison. [113] Tiercement, il faut que voz excellences entendent a nostre grand regret, que par faute d'y pourveoir comme il appartenoit & comme nous favons requis de bonne heure & le plus instamment que poBible nous a este; Satan est entre aux troupeaux de deca, & a tellement besongne qu'il y a desia par trop grands discords entre les ministres touchant les fondemens de la religion Chrestienne, c'est a savoir touchant le peche Originel, le franc arbitre, la predestination. &. la descente de Christ aux enters, & autres poincts peut estre qui se trouveront de sorte que nonobstant tous mandemens & defenses, les ungs ne ceBent de blasmer les aultres. & detracter en grand scandale en bandant le peuple & semblablement les Magistrals & Officiers en sectes & partialitez. Parquoy quand il n'y auroit que le mal lequel n'a desia que trop couve il est plus que neceBaire qu'un Synode soit aBemble comme il apartient affin d'y remedier. Si on allegue la deBus les desordres qu'on a veu souvent advenir es Synodes, nous prions qu'on considere les raisons suyvantes au contraire. Premierement, ce n'est raison que pour I'abus on oste un ordre estably en TEglise par le Sainct Esprit, & tant neceBsaire que rien plus. Secondement, si on a veu du mal & des inconveniens en d'aucuns Synodes, qu'on regarde auBi d'aultre part [114] le bon ordre qu'on a veu aux autres. & le grand bien qui en est venu, comme du Synode tenu en vostre ville de Berne 1532, & de celuy d'Yverdun, «& des deux Synodes tenus a Lausanne. Tiercement puis que le mal ne vient pas de la nature de la chose, mais de quelque faute qui y est commise, & nommeement, de ce qu'on a point mis en execution ce qui avoit este conclud aux Synodes. nous requerons qu'en lieu de les abolir on regarde les moyens de pourveoir a la faulte, & qu'on reduise la chose a son droict usage. Si on nous demande le moyen. nous respondons le mesme que souvent nous avons declaire tant a plusieurs de noz Souverains Seigneurs en particulier. qu'a noz chers freres les ministres de Berne en general. C'est que pour eviter confusion. & conduire le tout en edification, il fauldroit faire en premier lieu un avant Synode, c'est a dire quelque aBemblee des ministres qu'on pourroit iuger estre des mieux entendus &. experimentes tant aux sainctes lettres qu'au gouvemement de I'Eglise, & de meilleure vie. &. plus irreprehensible, tant des claBes d'Allemagne, que de celles de deca, avec les ministres de vostre Eglise de Berne, «& les aultres qu'il vous plairoyt y faire aBister de vostre part, pour adviser par ensemble des matieres qui [crossed out: pourroit empecher la poursuite] seroient a traicter au Synode comme les plus neceBaires & par quel moyen & quel ordre on pourroit pourveoir a tout ce qui pourroit empescher la poursuitte [ 115] & utilite d'un 304 Synode general, qui puis apres seroit dreBe au temps & lieu plus commode. Quand il vous plairoit venir a ce poind, alors se pourroit trop mieulx & plus convenablement traicter la matiere dent il vous plaist nous demander nostre adviz. Car atTin que tous puiBent avoir meilleure resolution. & que les consciences ne soyent preBees. veu que les dons de Dieu sont divers, il n'est raisonable que nostre advis ny d'aultres quelconques particulierement mis en avant sans la conference de tous ceux qui ont charge de iuger de telz affaires de TEglise. obligent toute I'Eglise. en ce qui est commun a icelle. Ces choses considerees Tresredoubtez Seigneurs, pour obeyr a vostre commandement nous avons mis nostre petit advis par escript, lequel nous soubmettons au iugement de toute I'assemblee d'un vray & legitime Synode, que nous vous supplions au nom de Dieu vouloir ottroyer, comme Princes Chrestiens, a voz Eglises en leur tresgrande neceBite. Par le tout vostre treshumble et tresobeissant subiect Jehan Reymond Merlin lure du colloque de Lausanne au nom de toute la classe. [116] Advis des ministres de la claBe de Lausanne sur le faict du gouvemement Ecclesiastique. De la difference qui est entre le Magistral Civil, & la police Ecclesiastique. Chap. 1. Affin qu'on entende si la police Ecclesiastique telle que nous demandons est neceBaire a PEglise: atln auBi qu'on sache que nous ne cerchons rien moins que de ramener en usage quelque preeminence Tyrannique ou dereglee: fmalement afm qu'on cognoiBe le fondement de nostre dire, il est requis, ce nous semble, en premier lieu de savoir s'il y a difference entre la iurisdiction Civile & la police Ecclesiastique: & puis en quels poincts gist ccste difference. Qu'il y ait difference, il appert par I'ordre que Dieu a estably en son Eglise d'Israel, le mespris duquel fut asprement venge en Saul, 1. Sam. 13. en L'sa, 2. Sam. 6. en Uzias 2. Chron. 26. Ceste difference a este expreBement confermee en plusieurs paBages du nouveau testament comme il se verra cy apres. & nommeement Matth. 20. / Mar. 10. Luc. 22. la ou il est dit. que les ministres ne sont pas comme les Rois & Princes qui dominent. [ 117| Jeh. 18. la ou lesus Christ tesmoigne que son regne n'est pas de ce monde. Et 2. Cor. 10. la ou S. Pol declaire quelle difference il y a entre les armes des Princes, & des Ministres. Oultre ces tesmoignages nous avons les exemples des Princes fideles qui ont tousiours reserve a TEglise la charge particuliere qui luy apartenoit: & des fideles serviteurs de I'Eglise qui ont tousiours loyalement rendu aux Princes ce qui est aux Princes, comme S. Pol I'expose Rom. 13. admonestant tous autres de faire le semblable. selon ce qui est dit de lesus Christ, rendez a Cesar ce qui est a Cesar. 305 Pour entendre en quoy gist ceste difference, il faut savoir ce qu'il y a de commun & de propre entre ces deux iurisdictions. Le commun gist en ce que toutes deux doibvent principalement servir a la gloire d'un seul vray Dieu. Le propre gist aux divers moyens &. chemins de Tune de I'autre. Car quant au Magistral Civil, S. Pol diet. Rom. 12. qu'il tient le glaive qui luy est donne de Dieu pour estre en terreur a ceu.x qui font mal, lesquels aussi il punit, comme serviteur de Dieu: «& pour le bien de ceux qui font bien. Quant au gouvemement Ecclesiastique. il est dreCe Matth. 16. & 18. pour lier & deslier en terre ce qui sera lie & deslie au Ciel. Par cela il apert que le Magistral regarde droictement la tranquillite publique, punissant corporellement [118] ou pecuniairemenl tous les perturbateurs d'icelle, soil qu'il soil question d'une chose purement civile, ou d'une chose mixle Ecclesiastique, suivant ce que dit S. Pol 1. Tim. 2. que le Magistral est eslably afTm que nous menions une vie & coye & paisible en loute piete & honneslete. Toutesfois il y a deux divers regards en cecy. Car quant aux affaires Civils il apartienl au Magistral d'ordonner loix 8l [crossed out: com]mandemens de son authorite pourveu qu'elles soyent selon Dieu, & punir les infracteurs d'icelles. Mais quant a la religion, il est seulement gardien & protecteur, tant de la doctrine ordonnee de Dieu. & administree par ceux qui ont ceste charge particuliere. que des loix qui sonl purement Ecclesiastiques pour mainlenir ordre & police en la maison de Dieu. Car nous ne trouvons qu'il apartienne au Magistral d'en dresser aucunes entant qu'il est Magistral: ny pareillement aux minislres seuls: ains a TaCemblee legitime de I'Eglise ou a ceux qui la representenl. les ordonnances desquels doibvent estre authorisees & mainlenues par le Magistral, comme dit a este. Car le debvoir du Magistral n'esl pas de faire comme leroboam «& Achab qui volurent dresser une Eglise a leur fantasie, qui a cause la ruine d'eux & de leurs maisons. ains de redresser selon la parolle de Dieu. Tordre & discipline Ecclesiastique a I'exemple de David. losias, & Ezechias. [119] D'aultre pari, quant au gouvemement Ecclesiastique nous disons qu'il est spiriluel & conceme droictement la conscience, ce qui est signifie par la puiBance de lier & deslier. de fermer & d'ouvrir, c'est a dire, d'anoncer la remiCion & retention des pechez. & par consequent ouvrir & fermer le Royaulme des cieulx, non point selon la fantasie des hommes mais selon la parolle de Dieu. & la discipline establie par icelle mesmes sans y pouvoir adiouster ny diminuer. Ces choses bien considerees il apert deux choses bien neceUaires pour bien gouvemer le temporel & le spiriluel. La premiere, qu'il ne faut nullement confondre ce qui est distingue par I'ordonnance de Dieu. & par diversite de nature. L'aullre est, que ces deux gouvemements ont un mutuel regard. Car il fault que sans e.\ception loute ame soil subiecle au Magistral en ce qui est de la charge d'iceluy. & nommeemenl il faut que ceux qui ont charge en I'Eglise sacheni que les Magistrals comme prolecleurs de I'Eglise ont le regard sur eux s'ilz sonl pareBeux a faire leur office, ou s'ilz abusenl de leur charge: 306 d'autrepart auBi il ny a Prince, ny Roy si grand qu'il se puiBe exempter du gouvemement Ecclesiastique, en ce qui lay a este ordonne de Dieu. Des parties & membres du gouvemement Ecclesiastique. Chap. 2. Tout ce gouvemement ne peut estre commis a la generalite de TEglise. c'est a dire, a tout le corps [120| des fideles, selon qu'ilz sont distribuez en paroiBes ou communautez. Car tous ne sont pas propres a avoir charge, & ne seroit poBible que tous s'assemblassent quand il seroit requis. D'aultre part auBi il n'est ne bon ny raisonable ny ordonne de Dieu que la generalite de TEglise n'ayt nulle authorite par deBus les membres d'icelle. Parquoy il est besoing qu'en TEglise ainsi qu'aux affaires civils, il y ait outre la generalite certains deputez qui soyent authorisez de toute TEglise, en la charge qui leur sera commise. Or trouvons nous par I'Escripture saincte qu'il y a trois choses generales a gouvemer en TEglise, cest [sic] a savoir la doctrine, les biens Ecclesiastiques, & la conduicte des atTaires survenans ioumellement. Quant a la doctrine, soubs laquelle aussi nous comprenons les prieres publiques. Tadministration des Sacremens, & du Manage, c'est une charge a part comme il apert par la declaration expreBe des Apostres Act. 6. laquelle doibt estre commise a ceux qui pour ceste cause sont appelez ministres de la parolle, lesquelz toutesfois ont souvent eu des aydes en Tadministrations des Sacrements. Quant a Tadministration des biens Ecclesiastiques il est certain auBi par I'exemple des Apostres Act. 6. & par la coustume de toute TEglise ancienne, que ceste charge doibt estre separee du maniement des biens [121] temporelz de la republique pour eviter tout abus, & pour mieux dispenser le tout: & qu'elle doibt estre commise non point aux ministres de la parolle. mais a gens idoines remplis du S. Esprit & de bonne vie & doctrine, choisis comme nous dirons cy apres par le consentement de I'Eglise. Et sont particulierement appellez telz personnages Diacres en Tescripture. de sorte qu'au iourduy on abuse notoirement du nom & de Toffice de ceux qu'on appelle Diacres. Quant au gouvemement des affaires survenans pour la conduite de Tordre & police de l Eglise, telle charge appartient a ceux qui sont pour ceste cause appellez gouvemeurs. & particulierement auBi sont nommez Anciens. TaBemblee desquelz nous appellons auiourduy du nom de Consistoire. Du debvoir de ceux qui ont charge en TEglise. & premierement des Ministres de la parolle. Chap. 3. 307 Le propre debvoir des ministres est de veiller sur leurs troupeaux. c'est a dire, annoncer purement la parolle de Dieu. faire les prieres. administrer ies Sacrements, taire les manages, visiter les malades, bref edifier la maison de Dieu par enseignemens, reprehensions, corrections, instructions, tant de parolle que de vie, comme I'escripture le tesmoigne par tout [2.Tim. 3 in margin]. Mais icy deBus, Tresredoubtez Seigneurs, pource qu'il ne vous a pleu par voz demieres lettres nous ottroyer I'instruction particuliere par les maisons ou autrement. nous vous supplions de bien poiser [122] les raisons suivantes, pour iuger s"il est poBible que le ministre face le debvoir de son office, & que voz peuples profittent en la parolle de Dieu. & soyent retirez de beaucop [sic] de scandales si la dicte instruction particuliere n'a lieu. Premierement telle instruction particuliere est nommeement requise du ministre par Tordonnance de Dieu, Ezech. 3. laquelle nous voyons avoir este songneusement pratiquee par Jesus Christ comme toute TEvangile le monstre. &. nommeement exprimee par S. Pol. Act. 20. Secondement. cela est expressement couche &. enioinct aux ministres. aux actes du Synode tenu en vostre ville de Berne 1532. Chapitre 43. & par vous approuve &. conferme, lequel nous vous suplions de bien veoir & considerer. afm que voyez que nous ne demandons rien de nouveau, & que pieca TEglise avec vous n'ayt approuve. Item comme ainsy soit que les peres de famille doivent estre comme prophetes & ministres en leur maison, ainsy qu'il est dit d" Abraham. Gen. 18. & de lob. lob. i. comment cela sera il practique si les peres ne sont premierement instruicts? Or d'esperer qu'ilz soyent instruicts aux presches ordinaires il n"y a ordre. Car nous avons veu I'experience toute claire au contraire, depuis 23 ans & plus. De les enseigner auBi avec les petits enfans au Catechisme public, voz excellences peuvent penser comme cela seroit pris. Et de faict. [123] d'ou vient cela que plusieurs ieunes gens qui n'ont iamais veu MeBe ny Papisterie. y sont mieulx instruicts toutesfois qu'en TEvangile. sinon de ce que les peres leur enseignent ce qu'ilz savent? Parquoy si on veult chaBer I'ignorance commc il est requis. nous ne doubtons qu'il ne faille commencer par les peres & les meres comme diet a este. & n'y voyons aultre remede. Item sur ce que nous remettez a la posterite de ceux qui vivent auiourduy, nous vous supplions de considerer ce que sensuit. Premierement, quelle raison y a il de ne secourir ce pendant aux peres. desquels proprement nous avons a rendre compte avec vous. & non pas de ceux qui mourront apres nous? Sinon enlant que le mauvais ordre que nous aurions mis de nostre temps, seroit 308 cause de la perdition de la posterite. Secondement, combien y a il d'enfans tant aux villages qu'aux villes qui ne vont, ny ne sont envoyez aux Catechismes? combien y a il de lieux ausquelz on n'en fit iamais? & quelle afiistance y a il aux lieux ou on les faict? Et quand tout sera bien considere, si les choses demeurent comme elles sont, quelle esperance pouvons nous avoir des ieunes. sinon que la plus part sans un bon ordre estably selon la parolle de Dieu. deviendront Epicuriens & Atheistes. comme nous n'en voyons que trop d'experience, & dont souventesfois nous vous avons advertis. [124] Tiercement combien y en a il qui s'en vont demourer pour un temps en Papisterie. dont ilz reviennent infectez? d'autres y en a qui y envoyent leurs enfans, d'aultres mesmes qui les y marient. En quatriesme lieu, quand il n"y auroit que I'experience que nous avons faicte es deux demieres Cenes, cest [sic] bien une raison plus que suffisante pour practiquer la dicte instruction particuliere comme du tout neceBaire. Car d"un coste nous y avons trouve une horrible & extreme ignorance, mesmes en daulcuns desquelz on ne se fut iamais doubte. & qui estoyent appellez pour autres choses: d'autre part auBi. combien qu'es deux demieres Cenes on n'ayt appelle & ouy que bien peu de gens, & ce tant seulement a Lausanne, nous pouvons vous aBeurer devant Dieu que cela a plus servy par toute nostre claBe a amener quelques uns a nostre Seigneur. & a rendre le peuple plus songueux d'ouyr la parolle, que tous voz autres mandemens qui ont este publiez de long temps. Davantage Tresredoubtez Seigneurs, sur ce que par voz demieres lettres vous nous permettez seulement de pouvoir appeller aux consistoires ceux qui se trouveront tant ignorans qu'ilz ne sachent Toraison dominicale & la confeBion de la foy, nous vous prions de considerer en premier lieu a quelle hayne seront par ce moyen exposez les ministres, en appellant ainsy quelques uns. & laiBans les aultres, qui peut estre seront autant ou plus ignorans combien que les ministres ne les cognoiBent. [125] Davantage auBy comment sera il poBible de savoir qui sont ces ignorans ou non. afin de les appeller. s'il n"y a quelque ordre estably pour les cognoisire? Finalement quand il est question d'estre instruit combien y en aura il qui seront destoumez & auront honte de parler. & d'estre enseignez devant tout un consistoire, qui pourroyent beaucoup mieux & plus familierement estre instruicls en particulier. selon la commodite & occasion qu'on pourroyt prendre? ioinct qu'on ne peult pas estre instruict a la premiere ny seconde toys qu'on sera appelle. & par ce moyen le consistoire seroit comme une escolle, ou il fauldroit que plusieurs se trouvassent par quelque espace de temps pour y estre enseignez. dont s'ensuyvroit grand desordre & confusion. 309 Ces choses considerees nous vous supplions de faire le debvoir de vrays Princes Chrestiens. qui est de faire maintenir & practiquer I'ordre d'enseignement selon la forme que le filz de Dieu & ses Apostres ont eux mesmes ordonne & practique. & selon qu'il a este arreste & enoinct aux diets actes Synodaux par vous approuvez & receus. Car aultrement ne vouldrions nous demander la dicte instruction particuliere. Ce pendant nous ne disons pas que cela se doibve faire sans quelque bon ordre & discretion, ains affin d'obvier aux abus qui s'y pourroyent commettre. nous requerons qu'il soil advise par le consentement de I'Eglise, quelle forme & maniere on y pourra & debvra tenir, pour la gloire de Dieu, [126] & edification de voz paovres peuples. que nous voyons perir devant noz yeulx, par faulte d'instruire chascun familierement selon sa capacite & infirmite, comme Dieu Ta ordonne & commande aux ministres de sa parolle. Du debvoir des Diacres, ou dispensateurs des biens Ecclesiastiques. Chap. 4. La charge des Diacres gist en la recepte, maniement & tldele dispensation des biens Ecclesiastiques, tant a Tendroit de ceux qui ont gages de I'Eglise. qu'envers les paovres indigens. comme il leur est ordonne par TaBemblee des Anciens. a laquelle auBi ils doibvent rendre bon compte. Comme on le peult recueuillir de ce qui est escript. Act. 11. & 21. en quoy on ne sauroit mettre aCez bon ordre. en adioignant ceux que bon semblera tant du Magistral que de la generalite de I'Eglise. Davantage il s'entend alJez que la visitation & consolation des paovres leur est parliculierement commise. Leur debvoir est auBy de s'exercer en ce qu'ilz pourront soulager les ministres en I'administration des Sacremens, & quelque foys en la doctrine s'il est requis, comme on le veoyt en I'exemple de Sainct Estienne. De la charge du Consistoire en general. Chap. 5. Nous dirons cy apres de quelles gens doibt estre [127] composee I'aCemblee des Anciens. afin qu'on ne pense point que les Ministres en cest endroict se veulent eslever par deBus leur degre. Mais devant que venir la, il fault entendre pour quelle fin telle aBemblee est ordonnee. Or done la fin & le but d'icelle est. de faire. s'il est poBible, que tous les membres du corps de TEglise. tant ceux qui ont charge publique. que les aultres particuliers, facent leur debvoir. pourvoyant aux differens &. scandales qui surviennent touchant la religion, soit touchant la doctrine, ou touchant les nieurs. selon la parolle de Dieu & la police establie en I'Eglise dont ilz sont les gouvemeurs. II n'y a done pas un fidele qui ne doibve recognoissance a une telle aBemblee en tant qu'il est membre de I'Eglise. Nommeement les ministres nonobstant qu'ilz soyent du corps de ceste compaignie doibvent monstrer exemple d'obeifiance a tous aultres. quand le cas y escherra. Et quant aux Magistrats. ilz y sont tenus en double esgard, sans rien toutesfois 310 diminuer de leur preeminence & degre. Le premier entant que tout officier ne laiBe d'estre en son particulier, membre de i'Egiise. & comme personne privee en ce qui conceme la doctrine de la religion, & ses meurs particulierement. Le second esgard est, en ce que les Magistrats quelques grands qu'ilz soyent. ne faisans le debvoir de leur office selon Dieu, sont subiects aux admonitions, voyre mesmes aux censures Ecclesiastiques, legitimement & sainctement conduictes, & faictes [128] au nom du Roy des Roys, comme nous le voyons en I'exemple de Saul & de Samuel: de David & de Nathan: d'Ezechias & d'Esaie: & depuis les Apostres de Theodose & d'Ambroise. Finalement dautant que le Magistrat est le protecteur & gardien de I'Egiise, il ne doibt pas seulement escouter une telle aQemblee parlante au nom de Dieu. mais auBi est oblige a la protection & defense d'icelle contre tous matins & perturbateurs. ou contempteurs, tant s'en fault qu'il doibve rien entreprendre sur Tauthorite d'icelle. Des loix Consistoiriales dont on a use iusques icy. Chap. 6. A Dieu ne plaise. Tresredoubtez Seigneurs, que nous blasmions ne mesprisions les edicts & mandemens publiez par vos excellences a lencontre des scandales & desordres survenans en I'Egiise. Ce neantmoins puis qu'il vous plaist entendre nostre advis sur cest affaire, nous vous dirons en toute liberie Chrestienne. ce que nous avons peu apprendre de la parole de Dieu sur ceste matiere. Cest [sic] a savoir, que combien que telz edicts & mandemens soyent bons & saincts. ce neantmoins rexecution d'iceux n'appartient au Consistoire. ny aux iuges Ecclesiastiques. soyent ministres ou aultres, ains a voz excellences & a voz officiers establys pour la civilite, dont nous desirons bien fort de nostre part d'estre deschargez, tant s'en fault que nous voulions nous faire [129) Magistrats. comme quelques uns nous chargent. Or les raisons de nostre dire sont telles, lesquelles nous soubmettons au iugement de I'Egiise. Premierement nous tenons pour resolu ce que nous avons diet de la difference du Magistrat & du gouvemement Ecclesiastique. De la 11 s'ensuyt que les Loix civiles n'apartiennent a L'Eglise. Or que les Loix Consistoiriales, au moins pour la plus part telles qu'elles ont este iusques icy. soyent entierement civiles. il apert par ce que les peines en sont pecuniaires ou corporelles. lesquelles ne sont aucunement Ecclesiastiques pour les raisons qui s'ensuyvent. Le premier but on tendent les punitions Ecclesiastiques. voire les plus rigoreuses. c'est d'amener le pecheuracognoiBance de son peche & amandement de vie. comme nous monstrerons cy apres. Or encores qu'un homme ayt paye le ban. ou qu'il ayt este en prison, ou mesmes qu'il ayt este puny proprement en quelque partie de son corps, il est certain, que pourcela il sera plus homme de bien, & pourtant ne sera recepvable en I'Egiise. non plus qu'au paravant; ioinct que mesme en plusieurs lieux, les delinquens ne sont appellez au Consistoire pour estre admonestez. ains seulement s'adreBent a MeBieurs voz Baillys qui les rennoyent quittes a leur mai.son 311 apres avoir satisfaict a la peine corporelle ou pecuniaire, sans que le Consistoire y ayt que veoir. 11 y a semblable raison en ce qui conceme Tautre but des corrections Ecclesiastiques, qui est de separer les infectez d'avec les sains, afin de n'abuser des [130] Sacrements contre le commandement de Dieu qui defend de baiiler aux chiens les choses sainctes, & de paour auBi que les brebis saines ne soyent infectees par les rogneuses. Car pour avoir este puny en la bourse, ou au corps rhomme ne laiBe d'estre infect s'il n'y a recognoiOance qu'on puiBe apercevoir, & pourtant ne doibt estre non plus receu a I'Eglise qu'au paravant. Ains le plus souvent nous experimentons que ceux ausquelz cela est advenu, sont beaucoup pires & moins recevables a I'Eglise qu'au paravant, estans irritez contre les Magistrats & Ministres, ou bien ce mocquant d'iceux tout ouvertement. Et par ainsy la parolle de lesus Christ est frustree par laquelle il veult que ceux qui mesprisent radmonition de TEglise soyent tenus pour Payens & Publicquains, c'est a dire, soyent forclos de TEglise. comme nous dirons cy apres. Ainsy au contraire il n'y a point d'inconvenient que I'Eglise ne recoyve a mercy, celuy que le Magistral ne laissera pas pour cela de punir iustement iusques a la mort. ainsy qu'on veoit qu'il advient ioumellement a ceux qu'on execute pour leurs mesfaicts, combien qu'ilz se repentent, & que Dieu mesmes leur pardonne. Secondement, tous vices qui separent rhomme d'avec Dieu, s'ilz sont conioincts avec scandale meritent admonition de I'Eglise. & quelque fois correction bien rigoureuse, esquelz toutesfois, comme si quelquun est avaritieux. ou oysif avec scandale, [1311 ou prodigue, le Magistral n'aura que veoir, si celuy qui est entache de ces vices, de vicieux ne devient criminel. Ces choses considerees. nous desirons non seulement que les edicts & mandemens consistoriaux demeurent en leur vigueur, ains aussy que I'execution d'iceux nous soil entierement ostee. & commise aux Seigneurs Baillys & autres officiers, avec charge de beaucop [sicj mieux & beaucoup plus sogneusement les executer que par cy devant n'a este faict. Mais auCi nous supplions d'aultre part au nom de Dieu, qu'une vraye discipline Ecclesiastique soit establye au Consistoire. selon la parolle de Dieu. a laquelle nous desirons que Ton n'adiouste ny diminue quant a la substance d'icelle. Et ce par le commun consentement de I'eglise, authorisee par voz excellences, comme par ceux qui estes les protecteurs de I'authorite Ecclesiasticque es pays que le Seigneur vous a commis. Du premier degre des corrections Ecclesiasticques, c'est a savoir des admonitions. Chap. 7. LaiBant a part les causes matrimoniales, qui sans nulle double appartiennent aux Consistoires, pour en iuger selon la parolle de Dieu. & non aultrement. Les remedes dont I'Eglise doibt user pour remedier aux scandales. autant que nous avons peu apprendre par la parolle de Dieu se peuvent raporter a deux especes c'est a savoir. a TAdmonition & a 312 r Excommunication, desquelles lesus Christ faict mention. Matth. 18. [132| Chascun sail que c'est que nous appellons Admonition, cest a savoir une reprehension & remonstrance qui soit moderee selon que le cas le requiert. pour la taire profiler au pecheur ainsy que S. Pol ordonne I. Tim. 5. que I'ancien soit admoneste. comme pere: les ieunes. comme treres: les anciennes. comme meres: les ieunes femmes comme seurs, avec toute purete. Nul ne double auliy que ce ne soit par la qu'il fault commencer comme par le plus doux remede. Mais la deBus il y a plusieurs questions a vuider. a savoir a qui il appartient de faire I'admonition. s'il fault tousiours commencer par admonition. & combien de fois il fault admonester devant que venir au demier degre de correction. Pour la decision de ces doubtes, il fault distinguer entre les faultes sccrettes & celles qui sont toutes notoires & publiquement scandaleuses. Quant aux secrettes. le Texte est tout clair comme il y fault proceder Matth. 18. soit que la faulte soit commise contre un particulier. ou contre I'Eglise. Car en premier lieu celuy qui seul cognoit la faulte. doibt admonester son frere a part. S"il mesprise ceste admonition, il fault venir a la seconde en la presence de deux tesmoings, pourveu toutesfois que celuy qui est repris. ne nie le faict. Car aultrement celuy qui seul cognoit la faulte, ou qui ne la sauroit aBez prouver, que sauroit il faire aultre chose apres la premiere admonition, sinon attendre que Dieu revele [133] la faulte plus amplement? Que s'il advient que la deuxiesme admonition ne profite adonc fault il venir a I'Eglise. c'est a dire, a rai3emblee des anciens. qui procedera a la troysiesme admonition & a 1'Excommunication en defaut de repentance. Mais quant aux faultes notoires & publiques, il fault auBi user de reprehension publique. comme diet Sainct Pol, 1. Tim. 4. toutesfois moderee a edification. Davantage es faultes publicques d'infimiile humaine soubz laquelle nous comprenons auBi rignorance de ceux qui se rendent dociles. nous ne doubtons que double admonition de I'Eglise ne doibve preceder. Car si S. Pol, Tit. 3. bailie ceste regie envers celuy qui erre en la doctrine, a plus forte raison il la fault practiquer es faultes de moindre consequence. Quant aux faultes execrables. ou commises d'une certaine malice, il fault distinguer entre vice & crime. Car le crime peult estre tel qu'il fault du premier coup venir au plus violent remede. comme Sainct Pol parlant de I'inceste 1. Cor. 5. ne faict point mention de I'admonester. ains seulement de le livrer a Satan. Mais en telz crimes le magistral faisant son office, pourroit grandement soulager I'Eglise. 313 II fault semblablement avoir regard a la rebellion. & a ceux qui font mestier de mal faire. Car telles circonstances aggravent le peche iusques au bout, encores que de soy il semblast des plus petits. & pourtant fauldra dautant plus rigoreusement traicter telz moqueurs de Dieu. & de TEglise. [134] Du dernier degre de correction Ecclesiasticque. qu'on appelle excommunication. Et premierement si elle est neceBaire. Chap. 8. Nous estimons ceste correction estre grandement neceBaire a I'eglise, pource qu'elie a este ordonnee de lesus Christ Matth. 18. & depuis practicquee continuellement non seulement par les Apostres. & du temps que les Princes estoyent infidelles, comme nous voyons 1. Cor. 5. / 2. Cor. 10. / 2. TheB. 3. / I. Tim. 1. & 6. / 2. leh. Mais auBy beaucoup plus depuis soubs les Princes Chrestiens. par toute Tancienne Eglise sans aulcune contradiction d'icelle. Car de faict puis qu'il est defendu de bailler les choses sainctes aux chiens & aux pourceaux, comme pourra estre practique cela, s'il ny a une discipline pour les cognoistre & separer d'entre les enfans de Dieu? Vray est qu'on en a grandement abuse en toutes sortes, mais auBy a on abuse autant ou plus de la predication, & des Sacremens. lesquelles choses il n'a pas fallu oster pour cela, ains ramener au droict usage. Or est TE-xcommunication fondee sur mesme autorite que la predication & les Sacrements, cest a savoir sur rauthorite du filz de Dieu, & de I'Evangile. lequel il fault recevoir non point en partie, mais entier. Bref, Texperience mesmes nous monstre plus clairement que nous ne vouldrions quMI n'est poBible de maintenir I'Eglise pure sans cest ordre estably du Seigneur, [135] contre les heretiques, ou vicieux. perturbateurs, comme Testat politicque ne se peult garder longuement si le Magistrat ne faict raisonable punition des delinquens. Que c'est qu'excommunication, pourquoy elle a este instituee, & de quelle force elle est. Chap. 9. Nous appellons excommunication, une sentence de punition legitimement faicte & prononcee par ceux qui ont ceste charge de I'Eglise. cest a savoir par I'aBemblee des Anciens legitimement dreBe comme il sera diet cy apres, & puis signifiee legitimement a TEglise. & acceptee par icelle: par laquelle sentence quelque personnage est au nom & en la puiBance de lesus Christ declaire forclos de TEglise. & par consequent de lesus Christ, & des biens & thresors d'iceluy, en signe de quoy il est auBi forclos de I'usage des Sacrements qui sont marques & seaux de la communion de lesus Christ & de ses membres. tant & si longuement qu'ii demourera obstine en la faulte pour iaquelle iustement il est separe de TEglise. Ceste definition est tiree de ce qui est diet Matth. 18. & I .Cor. 5. Car estre tenu pour Payen & publicain ou estre livre a Satan emporte tout cela. 314 Ceste correction a este ordonnee de Dieu pour quatre causes. La premiere affm dDhumilier le pecheur par honte pour le ramener a repentance & amandement, 1. Cor. 5. / & I.Tim. l./2.TheB. 3. La seconde, affin que les Sacrements ne soyent polus, [136] entant qu'en nous est, suyvant ce qui est defendu de ne bailler les choses sainctes aux pourceaux. Matth. 7. La tierce, affin que les aultres ne soyent infectez 1. Cor. 5. La quatriesme afm que les aultres craignent. 1. Tim. 5. Parquoy, encores que Texcommunication ne serve pas tousiours pour la premiere de ces fins, eile ne laiDe pas de servir grandement pour les trois aultres. La force d'une telle sentence est beaucoup plus grande qu'on ne cuide. Cor quant a Dieu il est certain qu'elle est ratifiee au Ciel, quand elle est legitimement faicte. comme lesus Christ la declaire Matth. 18. dautant que c'est Dieu qui la donne. & les hommes n'en font que la declaration exteme de sorte que celuy qui est excommunie legitimement en une seule eglise. Test semblablement en toutes. puis qu'il n'y a qu'une eglise universelle. Et quant aux hommes, oultre Thorreur & la honte que doibt avoir un tel personnage de se veoir forclos comme indigne de la participation des saincts Sacrements pour estre faict membre de Satan, il fault que tous les fideles du monde qui le savent le fuyent en toutes sortes, hors mis pour I'admonester selon qu'il y aura espoir & occasion de le gagner par bons moyens, 2. TheB. 3. Si cela semble trop rude a quelquun, il fault qu'il pense qu'il n'est pas plus sage ny plus charitable que lesus Christ & ses Apostres, qui I'ont ainsy ordonne. Car ce que lesus Christ veult qu'un tel homme soit tenu pour Payen ou publicain, emporte toute separation [137] d'acointance & familiarite, dautant que les luifs faisoient difficulte de boire ne manger avec les Gentilz Matth. 9. / Act. 11. voire mesmes d'entrerchez eux. leh. 18. Semblablement Sainct Pol veult quon dechaCe telles gens du milieu des fideles, & qu'on ne mange avec eux 1. Cor. 5. &. qu'on se separe de telles gens, I. Tim. 6. sans y avoir aucune accointance 2. TheB. 3. & qu'on les fuye. Tit. 3. Sainct Jehan aufly defend de les recepvoir en sa maison. ny de les saluer. 2. leh. Ces choses toutesfois se doivent entendre avec deux conditions. La premiere que tout ainsy que d'un coste il se fault garder d'entretenir le pecheur en sa faulte par trop grande doulceur, auBy fault il qu'on regarde que trop grande tristeBe ne I'engloutiBe, 2. Cor. 2. La seconde que par cela ne soit empeche ce qui conceme neceBairement la vie &. societe des hommes, comme vendre &. acheter & rendre le debvoir neceBaire du filz au pere, de la femme au mary, & au contraire avec telles circumstances qui seront au long consyderees «& e.xaminees au Synode. Voila la parolle de Dieu, a laquelle il n'apartient a nulle creature: & de nostre part nous ne pouvons ny debvons iamais consentir qu'on adiouste ou diminue. De la maniere de proceder a I'excommunication. 315 Chap 10. Premierement pour user legitimement de ceste correction, il fault noter que c'est le dernier remede auquel on ne doibt venir qu'avec grande & [138] meure consyderation, pour conduire le tout en edification, tant de TEglise que du pecheur. Secondement que telle correction n'apartient ny au Magistral Civil, ny aux ministres de la parolle, ny au peuple a part soy, ains a I'assemblee des anciens legitimement ordonnez par TEglise. Tiercement, ne fut ce sinon alTm que chascun sache ceux qu'on doibt fuir, & pour mieuix distinguer ceux qui ne doibvent participer aux Sacrements, il est neceBaire que la sentence soit signifiee a la generalite de TEglise, en telle sorte toutesfoys que le tout soil faict en edification. Quartement. afin qu'une telle sentence ne soit donnee qu'avec grande & meure deliberation, il semble estre requis qu'aux consistoires establis aux villages & autres lieux moins notables, il ne soit permis de proceder a excommunication es causes bien graves & de difficulte, sans en avoir premierement faict le raport au consistoire de la ville & siege principal du Baillifvage, ou il y aura plus grande aBemblee. & plus grand advis, il fault que la procedure soit legitimement faicte avec crainte de Dieu. selon sa parolle & que le delinquent soit legitimement accuse & convaincu, principalement en I'affaire des Ministres & Officiers Ecclesiastiques, comme diet S. Pol, 1. Tim. 5. Item tant s'en fault que nous voulions exempter les Ministres d'une telle correction, quand ilz la meriteronl qu'au contraire nous requerons trois poinds particulierement en leur endroict. [139] Le premier, que sur tout, dautant que les faultes des ministres sont plus dangereuses & scandaleuses que celles de tous aultres fideles, on y ait dautant plus d'esgard. pour y regarder de plus pres. toutefois avec toute consideration que tort ne leur soit faict. dautant que voluntiers grands &. petits hayent ceux qui les reprenent. Le second, que les anciennes ordormances Ecclesiastiques sur I'honestete & vie des Ministres. soyent diligemment reveues, & bien considerees par I'Eglise, pour en retenir & practiquer ce qui aura fondement sur la parolle de Dieu. &. servira a edification. Le tiers point est. que nous protestons devant Dieu & devant les hommes que nous n'entendons aulcunement couvrir Tordure & desordre qui est par trop evident en plusieurs ministres des Eglises de par deca. ains nous suplions au nom de Dieu que le plus tost que poBible sera, on regarde par bonnes enquestes & selon Tordre que Dieu a estably en son Eglise. s'il y a point en I'Eglise des ignorans, semeurs de faulse doctrine, envieux. ambitieux, calumniateurs. & imposeurs de faulx crimes, yvrongnes ordinaires. paillards diColuts. infames, qui soyent entrez en I'Eglise contre I'ordre estably de Dieu. & 316 contre les mandements des Princes, affin de purger la maison de Dieu de telles ordures. Quant aux causes pour lesquelles on peult & doibt proceder a excommunication, on en pourra iuger tant par ce que S. Pol recite, 1. Cor. 5. & 2. TheB. 3. que par ceux qu'il a excommunie luymesmes, 1. Cor. 5. «& 1. Tim. 1. [ 140] & ce qui en est escript en la demiere conclusion des disputations de Berne, & au formulaire de I'administration de la Cene, apres avoir considere ce que cy deOus a este diet des admonitions. De la reconciliation des excommuniez. Chap. 11. II apert par ce que diet lesus Christ Matth. 18. que ceux la mesmes ont la puiCance de deslier & d'ouvrir, qui ont la charge de lier & de termer. C'est done a la mesme afiemblee des anciens qu'il apartient de recepvoir celuy qu'elle avoit tbrclos, en signifiant a la mesme Eglise la ioyeuse nouvelle de la conversion d'iceluy. quand il en aura faict bonne declaration luymesmes & de vive voix. comme au paravant en grande tristeBe on avoit annonce son retranchement, comme enseigne I'Apostre 2. Cor. 2. reservant tousiours a icelle TaBemblee la discretion qu'il y fault tenir pour n'user de rigeur trop longue, & aufii pour ne se laiBer tromper des hypocrites. Mais quoy qu'il y ait tant s'en fault qu'apres estre venu a amendement, I'excommunication ny publique recognoiBance. aporte quelqe note d'infamie, qu'au contraire tels personages, quand ilz confermeront leur conversion par bonne vie, doibvent estre tenus chers & honorez entre tous. comme miroirs de la bonte & patience de nostre Dieu. [141] De la qualite & election des Ministres. Diacres. & Anciens Chap. 12. S'il y a aucun poinct auquel il faille soigneusement regarder, il est certain que c'est le poinct des elections, pour plusieurs raisons que chascun peult aBez cognoistre de soymesmes. Or de nostre part, nous ne desirons autre chose sinon que le tout soit dreBe selon la parolle de Dieu, qui est toute claire en cest endroict. a laquelle si on ne veult se renger, nous ne pouvons veoir sinon une ruine manifeste de TEglise. de laquelle ceux la auront a respondre qui en seront coulpables. Voyla done ce que nous en trouvons en la parolle de Dieu. Quant a la qualite des Ministres de la parolle. & des Diacres ou dispensateurs des biens Ecclesiastiques, nous nous tenons a ce qui en est notoirement escript par S. Pol. 1. Tim. 4. & Tit. 1. au plus pres de laquelle forme il fault se regler. ou respondre devant Dieu du contraire. Nous entendons le semblable des anciens. en leur esgard. esquelz cntre autres choses il est requis que leurs affaires particuliers ne les destoment de leur debvoir. 317 [142] Mais il fault noter deux choses speciales, quant a ceste compaignie des Anciens. La premiere, qu'il fault qu'elle soit afiembiee de tous les plus propres qui se trouveront en la communaute des fideles, & nommement de tous les ordres & degrez s'il est poBible, afin que chascun y obeyBe plus voluntiers, sans nulle espece de Tyrannic, ioinct qu'une telle afiembiee ainsy choisie representera mieux le corps de toute TEglise. La seconde, qu'entre tous les aultres estats, il est requis que les Ministres de la parolle de Dieu y aJiistent comme membres principaux d'icelle, ce qu'on pourra ayseement veoir que nous disons a la verite, & non par ambition quelconque. en considerant ce qui en est. Car puis que ce gouvemement est spirituel, & dependant de la parolle de Dieu. par laquelle il fault admonester, corriger, consoler, convaincre & redarguer les contredisans, nul ne peult mieux faire cela que ceux ausquelz ceste charge est particulierement commise, suyvant ce qui est escript par le prophete Malach. 2. Les levres de Sacrificateur gardent la science, & ilz requerront la Loy du Seigneur de la bouche d'iceluy. Car cest TAnge du Seigneur des armees. Si le Seigneur a faict cest honneur aux Ministres de la Loy de Moyse & de I'Eglise d'lsrael, il n'en a pas moins faict a ceux de son Evangile. lesquelz il a appellez sa bouche. Matth. 10. [143] D'aultre part puis que I'excommunication porte que ceux qui sont e.xcommuniez sont forclos de la communion des Sacrements, a qui apartient il mieux de savoir qui est instement excommunie ou non. & a qui il convient d'administrer les Sacrements ou non, qu'a ceulx ausquelz I'administration en est commise? De faict. toutes les histoires Ecclesiastiques tesmoignent que les Ministres ont tousiours preside es aBemblees des Anciens. toutesfois pourveu que la parolle de Dieu preside ce nous est aBez. Quant au droict d'Election, il est ayse a veoir par ce qui est escript Act. 2. & 6, & par I'ancienne coustume de TEglise que ce droict apartient a tout le corps de I'Eglise. selon qu'elle est distincte en paroiBes & troupeaux. Mais dautant que tout se doibt faire par bon ordre en la maison du Seigneur, ainsy que S. Pol a escript I. Cor. 14. il fault qu'il y avl certain ordre & forme d'election. Or quant a nous, a dire en conscience, veu la rudeBe des peuples & la confusion qui pourroit advenir si toute la communaulte estoit incontinent appellee a faire les elections, veu auBy la Tyrannic que les faux Evesques on amenee en TEglise, nous ne saurions quant aux Ministres trouver aultre meilleure maniere d'Election ny plus conforme a la parolle de Dieu, que celle qui a este dreBee aux Eglises de par deca. c'est a savoir qu'il y ayt [144] en premier lieu une escole ordonnee la ou il y ayt certains personages autant que poBible sera, qui soyent diligemment enseignez & sur la vie desquelz on ayl ordinairement grand regart, comme vous avez estably cest ordre en vostre ville de Lausanne. Secondement que suyvant vostre ordonnance & mandement sur ce faict. autant que faire se pourra pour I'cdification de I'Eglise (& sans empescher la liberte de prendre tousiours les plus propres par le iugement d'icelle) quand il fauldra pourveoir a quelque place vacante. les Ministres de la claBe dedans laquelle sera 318 la dicte place, en crainte de Dieu apres bon examen & certain tesmoignage de la doctrine & des meurs au plus pres de ce que disent les Apostres, Act. 2. & S. Pol. 1. Tim. 3. choisifient du nombre susdict. celuy qui se trouvera le plus propre. En troisiesme lieu, que cest advis soit signifie a voz excellences pour iceluy authoriser & ratifier, sinon qu'il y eut vice en I'election, auquel cas vostre debvoir sera de chastier ceux qui auront commis une telle taulte selon Texigence du cas. & de commander qu'il soit procede a nouvelle election. Finalement que I'election par vous authorisee. soit signifiee au peuple, qui ayt a recepvoir celuy qui leur sera presente avec prieres & action de graces selon qu'il sera requis. Sauf toutefoys & reservee a chascun la liberie d'alleguer en toute crainte de Dieu [ I45| par bon ordre. les raisons qui pourroyent empescher telle election faicte s'il y en avoit aulcunes: affin que tant qu'il sera poBible les ministres soyent irreprehensibles en la maison de Dieu. Quant aux Diacres & Anciens il nous semble auBi estre requis quand on en aura affaire que I'Assemblee des Anciens apres pareil examen que deBus. de la doctrine &. des meurs, selon ce qui est escript Act. 6. & 1. Tim. 3. choisiBent d'entre la communaute avec prieres & invocation du nom de Dieu sans faveur ne practique. ceulx qui sembleront les plus propres a telle charge: laquelle election estant authorisee par les superieurs telz qu'il apartiendra, soit puis apres signifiee & acceptee par la communaute. ainsy que cy deBus a este diet des Ministres. Du changement ou deposition des Ministres. Diacres, &. Anciens Chap. 13. S'il est besoing d'avoir esgard aux elections des Ministres. il fault auBy regarder de pres aux changements. & plus encor [sicj a la deposition d'iceulx, en laquelle il y a tresgrand dangier d'estre ou trop tardif, ou trop hatif. Le semblable est a considerer aux Anciens. & aux [146) Diacres. en leur qualite. Car qui ne prend garde aux gouvemeurs. il fault neceBairement que le gouvemement s'en alle en ruine, soil Civil ou Ecclesiastique. Or le moyen qu'on doibt tenir aux changemens ou depositions ne sera fascheux a trouver ny a practiquer. si premierement le Magistral Civil faict son office a bien maintenir la police Ecclesiastique sans rien anticiper sur icelle, comme nous avons diet au chapitre premier de ce present traicte. Puis apres, si PaBemblee des Anciens. a laquelle nous avons diet que les ministres estoyent subiects plus que nuls autres. fait son debvoir d'enquerir sur le gouvemement d'iceux ministres. Diacres. ou Anciens. tant en la doctrine, qu'en leurs meurs. & en ce qui conceme leur charge. & generalement a ouyr les causes qu'on pourroit alleguer sur le changement ou deposition d'iceulx. pour en juger en diligence & en bonne conscience. Mais tout ainsi que les elections doibvent estre presentees a vous noz Tresredoutez Seigneurs pour les authoriser. & puis a la generalite des Eglises dont il est question, pour les accepter s'il n'y a raison au contraire: auBi doibt estre guarde I'ordre 319 semblable au changemens & depositions quand elles escherront. [147) Et les mesmes arguments sur lesquelz nous avons fonde Tordre des elections, nous semblent auBi confermer I'ordre des changemens & depositions. Car aultrement en confondant les iurisdictions, il fault que la porte soit ouverte a toute confusion. & qu'il soit faict de grands tors aux Eglises d'une part ou d'autre. Des Synodes ou al3emblees generales & ordinaires des Eglises Chap. 14. Oultre les raisons que nous avons alleguees au commencement de ce traicte pour monstrer que le Synode est maintenant plus que neceBaire, nous estimons estre toutalement requis que les Synodes se convocquent par I'authorite des Princes. & se tierment ordinairement en I'Eglise pour les raisons qui s'ensuyvent. Premierement. pource qu'il est mal aise. voire quasi impoBible, d'empescher que troubles ne viennent en la doctrine, comme les Apostres mesmes ont experimente, & toute I'Eglise ancienne, & n'y a moyen plus certain ordonne de Dieu pour les aBopir que des Synodes. au moins dont nous ayons cognoiBance. Secondement, qui tiendra mieux en bride ung chascun des Ministres. Diacres. ou Anciens. que le Synode, quand chascun sera tenu d'y rendre [148) compte, si le cas eschet qu'il faille les y appeller pour leurs demerites. Tiercement il advient tous les iours & adviendra. quelque bon ordre qu'on puiBe mettre a TEglise, que plusieurs affaires & inconveniens sur\'iendront esquelz il sera besoing de pourveoir par meure deliberation de Synode. qui est ia raison pour laquelle aux actes Synodaux chapitre dernier, approuvez & receus par vous noz Tresredoubtez Seigneurs. & lesquelz selon Dieu & raison ne se peuvent ny doibvent changer ny abolir que du consentement de toute I'Eglise, il est diet expreBement qu'il fault tenir Synode general des Eglises tant des villes que des champs le premier iour de May. & deux fois chapitre. selon que vous noz Tresredoubtez Seigneurs debvrez adviser. Quant a I'ordre & facon des Synodes, pour les convocquer & conduire en edification, la chose seroit longue a deduire. & requiert conference des Eglises. Lan mil cinq cens cinquante et huict et le vingt et deuxieme de Juing a Vevey [cesdictz? smudged] articles icy ont estes faicts et approuves par les ministres et professeurs des trois colloques de la classe de Lausanne, a savoir d'Aygle, de Vevey, et de Lausanne. Jehan Reymond Merlin. Jure du colloque de Lausanne au nom de toute la classe. [Page 154]: Formula e.\o(m)municalionis per classam Lausanne composita et Senatui ii July M D L VIll proposita 320 Appendix B: Unpublislied Correspondence on Ecclesiastical Discipline The following are unpublished letters regarding the 1558 crisis between the Lausanne ministers and Bern that ultimately led to Pierre Viret s banishment. For letters found in the Papiers Herminjard collection at the Musee d'Histoire de la Reformation in Geneva, I have indicated, when possible, the location of the original, autograph copies. Letter 1. SKB AllI 161, fol. 132r'', Bern city council to the Ministers and Professors of Lausanne. [Bern]. April 6. 1558. Avoir entendu le contenu des leitres a nous de vostre part escriptes, a la faveur de quattres ministres de nostre bailliages de Thonon (qui pour estre contrevenu a nostre reformation et mandements sur ce esmanez depuis na gueres sont este par nous demis de leurs ministaires. ensemble leur requeste. a nous presentement de leur par exhibee, vous mandons pour responce, pouraultant que la chose est encore fresche, et que ne trouvons meilleur moyen ny remede que cestuy cy, pour obviez aulx troubles et scandalles, que par faulte d'observation, de nostredicte reformation et mandements sur ce de nostre part esmanez, comme diet est. joumellement surviennent en noz esglises par dela, que ad ces causes, ne scavons ny pouvons revocquer nostre ordonnance, et sentence contre lesdicts ministres baillee. Avis laissons icelle en sa force et vigeur, vous advertissant que pour entretenir nozdictes esglises et pasteurs d'icelles en paix. union et tranquillite nous sommes resoluz de preceder de mesme sorte et maniere qu'avons procede a I'endroit de ceulx cy contre tous aultres qui se trouveront attaintz d'advoir presche diet et faict contre le contenu et devis de nostredicte reformation et mandements susmentionnez. Dequoy vous avons bien volu admonester. pour selon vous scavoir a vostre endroict conduyrer. Datum 6'' Aprilis 1558. 321 Letter 2. Papiers Herminjard (Archives Tronchin, MHR), 234r°, Ministers of Lausanne to the Ministers of Bern, [Lausanne], [April 21, 1558]. Disciplina constituenda ratio ea maxime probatur que iam inde ab aetate Apostolorum semper iiiit in Ecclesia usurpata cuique adeo nostri principes (nos?) iureiurando obligarunt nempe ut communis ac libera Synodus convocetur. Nam praeterquam quod iniquum est formam politia Ecclesiasticae non consultis ipsis Ecclesiis obtrudi, pessimi profecto et nimirum periculosi exempli esse iudicamus omnem Ecclesiam auctoritatem ad paucos homines, quicunque tandem illi sint, transferre. Habent tamen Synodi sua incommoda, et ea quidem non parva, praesertim in ista ministrorum ato^ta; sed quae tandem consilia his malis invenientur vel iis certiora quae Apostolorum ipsorum auctoritate et exemplo confirmantur, vel quibus non plurimas maximasque difficultates Satan objiciat? Nec fortassis etiam desunt rationes quibus, antequam Synodus ipsa convocetur, multis incommodis et periculis prospici possit, de quibus quid nobis in mentem venerit, ex iisdem nostris fratribus cognoscetis. 322 Letter 3. Papiers Herminjard, 245° (Archives Tronchin), Ministers and Professors of Lausanne to the Ministers of Bern, Lausanne, May 22, 1558. Etsi non dubitamus fratres et symmystre nobis in Christo charissimi et observandissimi [p..?l nobiscum vehementer cupiatis totam Christi disciplinam in Ecciesias nostras introduci ut pote qui morbos prope infinitas e lectione libelli cognoveritis qui hie Ecciisiam Dei plane deformant, tandem urgente prima necessitate continere nos non possimus quin magis ac magis vos premamus ac urgeamus ut remedia legitima quae iam inde ab Apostolorum aetate sint usurpata et ipsi comprobetis et comprobanda omnibus demonstretis. Nam quae inveniri possit alia ratio remediorum quae eorum animi qui sanctionem tot vulnerum serio quaerunt acquiescant? An auctoritate, an sententia, an denique potestate eorum qui praesunt? Unius profecto eius auctoritate acquiescunt qui suo sibi Ecclesiam sanguine acquisivit. Cur creatum iri existimemus pericuia et offendicula si uniun sapientissimi tllii Dei auctoritatem in stabilienda disciplina sequamur et rationem Apostolorum qui unam Synodum ad extinguenda Ecclesiarum incendia tanquam presentissimum remedium adhibendam putaverunt profecto non temere, non sine consilio non denique sine spiritu sapientiae quo erant iargiter donati? Errant autem et injuste faciunt qui propter abusum rem ipsam toilere conantur non enim vitia personarum iuste in rem ipsam conferri possent ut vos pro vestra sapientia facile potestis indicare. Quare vos etiam atque etiam oramus, facite ut post tot annos. tot Uteris missis, tot supplicibus libellis oblatis, tot denique profectionibus susceptis, quae fidelitatis et diligentiae testimonio erunt apud ilium principem pastorum adversus eos qui vel impedierint vel non adiuverint efflagitatam Christi disciplinam, rem tam necessarian! per verum ostium non per Pseudothyrum in Ecclesiam tandem introvocantes adiuvetis et ipsi pro vestra virili parte introducatis. Valete et Christo vivite. Lausannae 22 May 1558. Ministrorum et professorum Lausannensium nomine vester e.x animo Joannes Ribittus 323 Letter 4. Papiers Herminjard, 260r°-v° (Archives Tronchin), [Classe of Lausanne) to [the Ministers of Bern], Vevey, June [22], 1558. Gratia vobis et pax a Deo Patre, et Domino nostro Jesu Christo multiplicetur. Si disciplinam regni spiritualis restitutam cupitis, sicut vos cupere multis argumentis testamini, dubium non est quin hoc tempore summa sit vobis oblata occasio. Etenim non ignoratis quemadmodum Senatus vobis causam nostram referentibus. a nobis petierit, et diserte iusserit, ut literis mandaremus quae nobis ratio in exercenda Excommunicatione sequenda videretur. In quo videtis. fratres charissimi necessitatem nobis impositam fuisse dicendae sententiae. Itaque respondimus illustrissimo Senatui, quanquam optaremus totam banc rem in Synodo libere tractari, et eum omnibus Symmystis communicari, tamen quia nominatim iuberemur quae nostra foret sententia, literis mandare, in hac quoque parte voiuisse Senatus voluntati parere. Paruimus igitur, et quantum licuit totam Ecclesiasticam disciplinam ex sacris literis desumptam ad Senatum mittimus. Duae enim sunt causae cur de tota disciplina. non tantum de excommunicationis forma, agendum putaverimus. Prior est haec pars, quae a nobis petitur, non recte a nobis, aut certe non satis commode tradi potuit, nisi ad suos fontes reduceretur, et ad disciplinae genus unde derivaretur. Altera, quia praeter hanc disciplinae partem quam plurima in Ecclesiis desideraventur, non putavimus hoc tempore dissimulandum quod iam toties flagitavimus, et de eo conquesti sumus. ne si posthac cogeremur ob has ipsas causas ad Senatum reverti (quod omnino eventurum videbamus) Senatus quaerertur nullum a nobis unquam fmem inveniri, et rebus novandis nos sine necessitate quotidie studere. Quare. observandissimi fratres. quum res nunc maxima agatur, non modo assentiente. verumetiam iubente Senatu. omnino necessario putavimus impiorandum esse auxilium vestrum ad communem causam fortissime agendam. Victoria maxime secundum Deum pendet a vestro subsidio. Quamobrem, quam possumus maxime a vobis contendimus, ut proponatis vobis ad imitandum sanctissimum et doctissimum ilium virum Joannem Oecolampadium. cuius hac de re accurata ad Senatum Basiliensem extat Oratio: vobis agendum [260v''] erit apud Senatum Bemensem - quo accuratiorem multis partibus potestis afferre orationem: nec enim vos latent necessariae causae quae hanc veram et Christianam disciplinam postulant, quae in libello nostro satis copiose sunt enumerata, et fortasse vobis non deerunt aliae aeque necessariae, si vestrarum Ecclesiarum mores propius inspiciatis, si Anabaptistarum censures in memoriam revocetis, et quod caput est, si cum animis vestris cogitabitis reddendam esse rationem Christo capite et Monarchae huius regni Evangelici, cuius administros constituit, ut in hoc cuncta ad ipsius decreta et reguias et constituantur et gubementur. Vobis igitur danda opera est, ne hanc occasionem praetermittatis. nec deserti officii crimine accusari possitis apud ilium summum nostrum coelestis Regis tribunal. In quo gloriosum vobis futurum est. libere dicere licebit. per vos non stetisse quominus Christi regnam in Ecclesiis, eius disciplina tota admitteretur. Apostolica praxis .. . exercendac 324 disciplinae revocaretur, noluisse vos audire speciosas humane sapientiae rationes in reiiciendis vel non admittendis Christi supremi Regis decretis. libere vos dixisse si earn disciplinam sub ethnicis Magitratibus veteres Ecclesiis quae Magistratus habent Christianos, retineri debere retentamque fuisse quo tempore boni et Apostolici Episcopi Ecciesias gubemavant, Magistratum Christianum non posse Christum spoliare iure quod habet in Ecciesias. nisi cum summa Dei contumelia et execranda sacrilegio. Sin in hac causa serviliter et timide vos gesseritis (quod avertat Deus) an Christus vos est agriturus pro fidelibus Ministris, aut quam tandem fidelitatis rationem, reddere, aut quos patronos adhibere poteritis qui vestram causam probabilem efllciant? Quamobrem vos iterum atque iterum oramus quaesimusque ut nobiscum causam de Christi disciplina in Ecclesiam Christi introducenda, fortissime et constantissime agendum suscipiatis. Valete. Christus vos suo spiritu quotidie magis ac magis augeat in sui nominis laudem et coelestis regni propagationem. Viviaci, Junii 1558. 325 Letter 5. SKB Ain 161, fol. 142r°. Bern city council to all Welsche Classe, [Bern], June 23. 1558. Combien que nous sommes confiez et tenuz certains que eussiez ensuivy et entierement observe noz admonicions, remonstrances et advertissements que vous avons faict par nostre rescription du 26e jour de Janvier Tan 1555. si sommes veritablement advertis que a cela n'avez satisfaict, chose a nous tresdeplaisante et desaggreable en ayant tresgrand regret. A ceste cause somme occasionez et contraincts, derechieffz escripre a tous noz BaillilTs et vous tresacertes par cestes admonester et advertir. soubz peyne en noz precedentes lettres expressement contenue, que ledict nostre mandement et ordonnance observez et ensuyvez, sans contradiction quelconque. Car tel est nostre voulloir. Donne ce xxiii*"' de Juing 1558. 326 Letter 6. ACV Bd 1/1. 99-100 [Papiers Herminjard, C-R 1557-1560, 272r-272v): The cUisse of Lausanne to the Bern city council. Lausanne, 6 July 1558. Magnififiques et tresredoubtez Seigneurs suyvant le commandement a nous faict par vostre resciption du 23 de Juin dernier passe, nous allons confere ensemble ie plustost quMI nous a este possible et dresse non seulement un proiect de Tusage de {'excommunication mays aussi en general un traicte de toute la discipline el police ecclesiasticque selon ce que nous avons peu apprendre de la parol de Dieu, pource que si ouiant toutes choses on n'establyt quelque bon ordre en leglise non point par la sagesse humain mays par la parole de Dieu. nous ne voyons point comme il seroyt possible de praticquer Texcommunication ainsi qu'il apartient. Davantage affm de mieulx vous exsposer si besoing est nostre dire & advis et aussi pour soliciter la response de voz excellences, nous vous envoyons deux de noz freres, a savoir Jehan Ribittus & Araauld Banc porteurs des presentes et dudict traicte a ceste intention. Au reste, Tresredoubtez Seigneurs, nous vous suplions entre oultres poincts de vouloir considerer ceulx qui s'ensuyvent en ceste matiere. Premierement que ce n'est pas seulement en la Doctrine mays aussi en la discipline et police Ecclesiasticque, qu"il fault que tout soyt regie selon la parole de Dieu, a laquelle doibt faire place toute sagesse et prudence humaine. Et qui fera aultrement il est certain qu'en lieu de mettre ordre en leglise il y mettra confusion, Dont s'ensuyvront fascheries sus fascheries comme Texperience le monstre, et le monstrera de plus en plus, si la parole de Dieu ne domine sur tout en leglise. Secondement il vous plaira considerer que ce que nous en faisons par lordonnance et commandement de voz excellences n'est a aultre intention que pour dire simplement nostre advis. lequel nous desirons et requerons au nom de Jesuchrist seul chef de leglise de Dieu. estre considere devant [100] qu'en bailler resolution, par une conference telle qu'il apartient, cest a dire par un Synode general, libre 8c. Chrestien, suyvant la parole de Dieu, la coustume de leglise, et les actes Synodaux que voz excellence ont receus & approuver 1532. Tiercement il vous plaira penser s'il vous peult survenir affaire de plus grande consequence ni qui requiere plus prompt remede que celuy qui conceme le salut de voz ames & de vos paovres subiects, desquelles il vous fauldra rendre compte avec nous. Or de nostre part nous faisons ce qui est en nous, qui est de vous suplier quil vous plaise nous tenir main en tout ce qui conceme nostre charge, selon la parole de Dieu et non aultrement. Parquoy Tresredoubtez Seigneurs d'autant que Jesuschrist vous prie par nous que ce qui conceme sa gloire et vostre propre salut et de voz paovres peuples soyt prefere a tous les affaires de ce monde. d'autant aussy que nous ne savons plus comme nous conduire en une telle confusion, il vous plaira donner ordre au plustost qu'il vous sera possible, qu'il soyt ainsi pourveu a ces afllares comme celuy le requiert qui sur lout vous a rccommende sa gloire. 327 Magnificques et tresredoubtez Seigneurs apres vous avoir presente noz treshumbles services, nous prions nostre Seigneur Jesuschrist que de plus en plus il fortifie voz excellences par son sainct esprit pur ladvancement de son regne et vostre singulier contentement. De Lausanne, par I'advis el deliberation des troys coHoques de la classe dudict lieu ce 6e de Juillet 1558. Par le tout vostre treshumble et tresobeissant serviteur et subiect Jehan Revmond Merlin iure du collogue de Lausanne au nom de toute la classe.' 'Herminjard comments; "NB. Les mots soulignes a la fin de cette lettre ainsi que I'adresse sont seals de la main de Jeh. Reymond Merlin, de reste de Th. de Beze selon toutes les probabilites." Papiers Herminjard, 272v°. 328 Letter 7. ACV Bd 1/1, 155-164 (Papiers Herminjard. 281r°tT.). Ministers and Professors of Lausanne to the Bern city council. Lausanne. July 18, 1558. Grace et paix par nostre Seigneur. Magnifiques et tresredoubtes Seigneurs, vous savez ce que nostre classe vous a souventefois respondu depuys troys ans, et nouvellement encores depuys quinze jours en ca sur les mandemens a nous envoyez de vostre part touchant la divine providence et predestination, desquelz mandement nous vous avons tousjours demande declaration, pour ce qu'ainsi qu'ilz sont couches, il nous semble que par ce moyen la liberte de parler de la verite de Dieu seroit ostee, tant aux ministres. qu'aux aultres fideles. et qu'il y auroit plus de danger pour les gens de bien que pour tous aultres. Or de nostre part, combien que n'ayons rien de quoy nous glorifier en nousmesmes. et que sachons qu'il y a beaucoup d'ignorance et d'imperfecton en nous, si est ce que nous entendons que Dieu qui nous a appelles en ce sainct ministere nous a departy I'intelligence de sa verite, et la prudence de la dispenser. Car sans cela nous ne voudrions nous ingerer de faire I'office de pasteurs, et ne de trouvera veritable nul raport, qu'on vous ayt faict de nous, comme aians parle de la divine providence et predestination aultrement qu'il ne falloit. Bien vous avons nous advertis des horribles blasphemateurs en ceste matiere qui sont parmy vostre pays, dont toutesfois nous ne voyons point qu'on ayt chastie un seul jusques icy. Nous savons aussi. Dieu mercy, que nous sommes envoyes pour prescher la parolle de Dieu, et non point les mandemens des hommes. lesquelz toutesfois nous ne desdaignons point, quand ilz sont selon Dieu. ains nous y obeissons volontiers. et enseignons les aultres d'y obeir. Mais encores qu'ilz soient tels. si est ce que c'est bien raison que I'office de les publier soit bailie a voz otTiciers, et non aux ministres de la parolle de Dieu. et que la chaire de verite soit laissee a Dieu tout seul, combien qu'en cest endroit jusques icy avons este plus faciles que !e debvoir de nostre ministere ne porte. II y a un poinct davantage, c'est que tant s'en fault que la vraye maniere d'esteindre les heresies soit de defendre [156] de parler de ce qui est en different, qu'au contraire cela est pour les nourrir et entretenir, comme nous le voions par effect. Car par ce moien il seroit aise a Sathan de faire petit a petit, en suscitant des faulx prophetes. qu'il n'y auroit aucun poinct de la religion duquel on peust parler en liberte. Joinct que les heretiques et blasphemateurs ne [lairront?) pour tous mandemens a semer leurs blasphemes et heresies, comme vous povez veoir qu'il se prattique, mays le remede seroit selon Dieu et sa parolle de pourveoir des le commencement, que s'yl y a aucune obscurite en quelque poinct. qui soit mys cn doubte. elle soit esclaircie par le jugement de I'eglise selon la parolle de Dieu. et puis en second lieu que ceste verite bien cogneue. estant alors authorisee par les mandemens des princes et proposee a chascun. ceux qui vouldront appredre soit enseignes comme il appartient. ceux qui seront opiniastres et troubleurs soient punis et chasties. tant par censures ecclesiastiques de peine civile ou corporelle si le cas y eschet. Voila que I'escriture nous enseigne. et ce que les princes chrestiens ont 329 tousjours faict pour abolir les heresies. Mays en y procedant par telz mandemens que vous avez envoyes jusques icy. nous n'avons jamais pense que cela peult apporter aultre chose que ce que nous en voions, et dont nous vous avons souvent advertys. Car les mandemens des hommes peuvent bien mettre les consciences en trouble, mays non en repos. Finablement nous avons plusieurs griefz, desquelz nous avons faict un petit recueil en general que nous vous supplions de veoir et considerer. Et pourtant tresredoubtez Seigneurs aians a respondre a Dieu, de ce que concerne nostre ministere. nous vous declairons de nostre part de bonne heure, et devant que pouvoir estre repris de rebellion, qu'il ne fault point que vous esperies que nous puissions approuver ny publier vos dictz mandement touchant la predestination, ny faire aultrement que n'avons faict jusques icy. Parquoy si vous nous tenez pour suffisans a faire nostre ministere. il vous plaira faire I'office [157] de princes chrestiens nous laissans accomplir nostre charge en laquelle si avons fally, ou si nous faillons, nous sommes prestz d'en respondre partout ou il appartiendra. Si au contraire il vous semble ou que nous avons faulse doctrine, ou que nous sachons bien mesurer et dispenser la parolle de Dieu, nous vous supplions ne nous tenir plus en suspens, mays nous faire entendre tout clairement si vostre vouloir est que facions place a d'aultres qui vous soient plus aggreables. Protestans devant Dieu, qui cognoit noz ceurs, et devant voz Seigneuries. que comme nous prendrions grand plaisir de serivr a Dieu soubz vostre protection, n'estans menez de legerete, ny scrupulosite ny aultre affection que bon aussy sommes nous tous prests d'endurer tout ce qu'il plaira Dieu nous envoier, plustost que de consentir a chose quelconque en laquelle nous puissions cognoistre que la liberte Chrestienne nous soit ostee, ou aucunement diminuee. veu que pour icelle seule nous nous sommes retyres soubz vostre sauvegarde. Et pource que cecy touche non seulement les ministres de ceste ville de Lausanne, mays aussi a nous tous qui sommes icy soubsignes. nous avons d'un commun consentement en la crainte de Dieu consulte et arresle la presente response, sur laquelle nous desirons d'entendre clairement vostre bon vouloir. Magnifiques et tresredoubtez Seigneurs apres vous avoir presente noz treshumbres services nous prions nostre Seigneur Dieu qu'il maintienne voz excellences en sa saincte grace. De Lausanne ce xviii''"de Juillet 1558. Par voz treshumble el tresobeissant serviteur cn nostre Seigneur Pierre Viret ministre de Lausanne Jaques Valier aussi ministre audit Lausanne Amaud Banc diacre dudit Lausanne Francois Buet diacre commun dudit Lausanne George Laurens ministre Prily Jehan Ribittus professeur en Theologie Jehan Reymond Merlin professeur cn hebreu Theodore de Besze professeur en grec Jehan Tagault professeur aux arts 330 Francois Berald maistre de I'eschole de Lausanne Jean Randon bacchelier de ladicte eschole Claude Rossillie ministre de Cryssy [161 ] Les articles principaulx sur lesquels les ministres et professeurs de Lausanne se sentent des longtemps font greves. et pour raison desquels ii leur semble qu'il aye juste occasion de penser que leurs redoubtez et souverains Seigneurs se detlent d'eux et ne les ont pour aggreables. Et premierement il plaira a noz tresredoubtez Seigneurs de considerer qu'il compte ils I'ont faict depuis le dernier Synode de tous les articles, supplications, requestes, prieres, que les dussusdictz leur ont portees a grand Fraiz et presentees, non point pour leurs affaires, mays pour les affaires de I'eglise. Qui faict penser qu'on ne tient leur raport comme de ceulx qui parlent au nom, et en Tauthoirite de Dieu et s'il plaist a noz souverains Seigneurs d'en savoir quelque exemple il leur plaira au moins regarder combien de foys nous les avons importuner, touchant la dissipation des biens des pouvres, et quelle inquisition seuiement ils en ont faite, tant s'en fault qu'on y ayt pourveu. au moins que nous aions apperceu. Item, comme ainsi soit que tout droict divin et humain defende et condamner personne sans I'appeller et ouyr, il fault bien qu'il y ayt de grands prejudices contre nous, quand on nous tient pour convaincus sans que nous sachons qui sont ny nos assusateurs ny noz tesmoins. Comme pour exemple, il nous a este faict depuys quinze jours, qu'il a pleu a nosditz souverains Seigneurs nous mander qu'ilz estoient veritablement informez que nous avons oultrepasse lesditz mandemens, sans que nous sachons que c'est, et que plus est les ayans advertys et supplies d'estre appelles et ouys, pour toute response nous avons en qu'ilz entendent que leurs mandemens demeurent en leurs entier soubz les peines y continues. Item, comme ainsi soit que si peu d'ordre qu'il y a aux consistoires nous soit laisse pour tenir les scandaleux en bride, quelle opinion pouvons nous estimer qu'on a du consistoire de Lausanne, et de quoy peult servyr tout ce qu'ilz sauroyt ordonner contre les vices, veu que nosditz souverains Seigneurs le mesprisent tellement qu'ilz ne font difficulte non seuiement d'en rompre les sentences de pleine authorite sans que le scandale soit aucunement repare. mays aussi rompe le cours de susdit consistoire. et de leurs propres ordonnances [162] sans mesme d'enquerir de ce qu'on y a diet, ou faict, et se raportent au seul raport des parties. Pour exemple du premier nous pouvons alleguer de fresche memoire I'affaire d'un nomme Francois Gindron vivant des biens de I'eglise. lequel estant convainceu d'un vilain adultere couvert du perjure de la putain. dont s'en est ensuivy un desguisement de sexe, qui a dure jusques a la mort d'icelle. La sentence du consistoire ayant este veue. et confermee par nosditz Seigneurs, a este tost apres cassee. non seuiement sans aucune punition dudit personnage adultere vivant des biens de I'eglise, mays aussi avec son grand prouffit. comme s'il avoyl eu pour son rccepveur monsieur le ballifz de Lausanne, chose que nous ne pouvons trouver que bien estrange. 331 veu que telz biens n'appartiennent aux adulteres, ains aux pouvres tldelles. Pour exemple du second nous pouvons alleguer Jean Davion qui depuys un moys aiant dogmatise en Teglise de deca. et pour ceste cause estant appelle au consistoire. ou il a este traicte en la plus grande douceur qu'il a este possible, estant alle par dela a este crcu en tout ce qu'il a voulu controuver, et defenses faictes au consistoire de passer plus oultre. dont pour le moins, il nous semble. que selon Dieu et raison. il falloyt veoir les actes et procedures devant qu'asseoir jugement. pour empescher Tauthorites d'iceluy. Et de faict s'il plaist a nosditz Seigneurs d'y proceder en ceste sorte, qu'est il besoing qu'il y ayt des consistoires, ou qui vouldra sy trouver pour estre en moquerie de tous. et oultrage de grands et petis? Item lesditz ministres et professeurs ne savent comme se reigler sur plusieurs ordonnances de nosditz Seigneurs en les voyant tous les jours mesprises par eulxmesmes: comme touchant Tordre des elections selon les classes, duquel ilz dispensent tous les jours comme bon leur semble. Par example il y a environ deux ans qu'il nous fut mande au fort de Thyver de faire election d'un diacre d'Aigle, a raison de quoy il fallut que les freres demeurans aux montagnes fissent un grand chemin a grand coustes, et travaulx jusques a Lausarme ou sont les escoliers de nosdits Seigneurs, auquel lieu I'election estant faicte en crainte de Dieu, et avec bonne inquisition, et selon la commandement expres de nosditz Seigneurs, les freres retoumez a la maison trouvent que nosditz Souverains Seigneurs y avoyent pourveu de qui il leur avoyt pleu. Et depuis un moys en ca, on a tenu mesme desordre au ministre de Befz, lesquelles elections nous ne voions estre conformes ny a la parolle de Dieu, ny aux ordonnances de nosditz Seigneurs, et disons aussi le semblable [163] des charges, recharges, et depositions que voions ordinairement au grand deshonneur de Dieu, et de noz princes, jusques aux papistes mesmes. Item, comme ainsi soit que par Tordonnance de nosditz Souverains Sgrs nous baillons tesmoignage a leurs escoliers aiant faict nostre debvoir et ce neantmoins receu ceste injure que nostre tesmoignage ayt este appelle faulx en pleine justice, et sur cela requis noz souverains Sgrs d'y pourveoir comme bon leur sembleroit. d'autant que celuy qui nous avoit injuriez estoit ministre. et sur cela nous aiantz faict tout ce que nosditz Souverains Seigneurs nous ont commande. et au contraire iceluy ree aiant mesprise tous les mandemens de nosditz Seigneurs, toute Tissue que nous en avons cus a este que silence nous a este imposee. qui nous faict estimer que nos Souverains Sgrs ne nous tiennent pour gens de bien et loyaulx serviteurs. Le faict n'est pas si viel qu'on en s'en puisse souvenir. Celuy qui nous avoit injure s'appelle Benoit de la Costa, depuys depose de son ministere de Montagny et puis remys a Chanuent. Celuy auquel nous avions bailie veritable tesmoignage se nommoit de Francia. maistre d'escole de Granson, la mauvaise vie et bannissement duquel peak asses monstrer si le tesmoignage que nous luy avions bailie estoit veritable ou non. el depuys ledit Benoit mesmes a faict bonne experience en sa personne si celuy qui maintenoit contre nous estoit homme de bien ou non. Mays si n'en avons nous en aultre chose que la honte, les despends qu'avons portez, avec menace d'estre chassez si nous le poursuyvions plus avant. Item, en quelle estime pouvons nous penserque nous soions envers nosditz 332 Souverains Seigneurs, quand noz tesmoignages encores qu'ilz soient baiilez par leur commandement expres. sont toutesfois de moindre poix que celuy du moindre officier qu'ilz aient. Nous baillerons pour exemple ce qui s'est faict en personne d'un nomme Claude Mostarde depuys deux moys ou environ, iequel s estant presente pour estre ministre. il pleut a nosditz Seigneurs nous commander de luy bailler tesmoignage, ce que nous avons faict, et deciaire en verite a noz Seigneurs, que iedit Mostarde aiant falsi fie son nom estoit grandement reprehensible, et en doctrine et en meurs. Ce neantmoins au mesme voiage qu'il porta nostre tesmoignage. tout ce que s'ensuivyt fut qu'on declaira ministre. nonobstant nostre tesmoignage. Item, comme ainsy soit que nous ayons tant de travaulx apres leurs escoliers pensionnaires. et que nosditz Souverains Seigneurs aient tant de foys mande et commande qu'on prene de leursditz escoliers pour establir aux places vacantes, et que de nostre part nous ayons faict tout debvoir a nous possible d'advertir noz Seigneurs et princes des fraudes qui se font contre leursditz mandemens, toutesfoys ils sont les premiers [ 164] qui oultrepassent leursdites ordonnances, et cependant ne laissons d'avoir le blasme de laisser leursditz escholiers despourvueus. Si nosditz Sgrs en veulent des exemples nous leurs en monstrerons au moins une douzaine depuys deux ou troys ans, et sans aller plus loing des quattre nagueres mys a Thonon au lieu des quattre deposez. il n'y en a qu'un qui fut escolier. voire qui avoit bien paovre tesmoignage. 333 Letter 8. Papiers Herminjard, 287r®-v° (Bibliothek Bern A 30), Classe of Lausanne to the Ministers of Bern, Lausanne, July 29, [1558] Gratiam et pacem a Domino nostro Jesu Christo. Praesens totius orbis status valde nos reddit solicitas fratres et patres observandissimi, ne postquam calicem via Dei caeterae gentes exhauserint, faces tandem nobis propinentur. Et certe ita futurum est, nisi strenue et operis conjunctis tantae isti est tarn aperte verbi et sacramentorum prophanationi occurramus. Id autem fieri nec posse nec debere putamus alia ratione quam ea ipsa disciplina quam Dominus praeceptor noster praescnpsit, et perpetuo consensu ad haec usque tempora Ecclesia omnis usupavit, ut qui Ecclesiam non audit pro ethnico et publicano habeatur, ne ad mensam Domini canes et porci promiscue accedant. Quam autem hoc difHcile sit, atque adeo (si homines tantum respiciamus) dSuvatov re ipsa experti sumus. Sed novimus quam sit vicissim necessarium ut bene agentes non defatigemur. De vestro quoque zelo et pietate minime dubitamus. Itaque quum una convenissemus dispecturi quam rationem sequeremur, hue omnes uno consensu devenimus, ut Classis nostrae nomine primo quoque tempore istuc mitterentur collegae nostri duo vobis bene noti Viretus et Beza, qui nostrum desiderium vestrae pietati explicarent, ut nisi melius aliquod consilium Dominus nostri misertus vobis suggesserit, una praescripto integram et inviolatam, quoad ejus fieri potest, conservari, hoc opus ^grediamur onmium maxime necessarium, ut nobis quidem videtur. Quorsum enim doctrinam nisi disciplina accedat, qua custodiatur, et ea quidem disciplina quam ipse Dei filius instituit, non autem quam homines sibi fabricarint? Prudenter tamen et circumspecte fatemur omnia facienda, et vestrum hie [hinc?] quoque consilium magnopere requirimus, ne quid potius turbetur, quam componatur [187v°]. Quae vero nobis Dominus hoc tempore in mentem injecerit ea vobis fideliter a firatribus nostris exponentur, ad quae si vestrum quoque consilium accesserit, speramus certe, modo in Deum respiciamus nos a magnificentissimis nostris principibus multo plura impetraturos quam sperare etiam audeamus. Sin minus, at certe ut conscientiam nostram liberemus, videtur omninc nobis faciendum, ut quam commodissime fieri poterit, et quae mala nobis impendeant propter disciplinae contemptum, et quomodo illis occurri possit, fideliter et constanter illis declaremus, ne nos ira Dei una cum ejus criminis consciis involvat. Caeterum de Emanuele optimo et doctissimo nostro fratre quid a nobis sit in praesenti tempore constitutum, et quantopere cupimus ut illi prospiciatur, ex his quoque nostris fiatribus intelligetis. Nos sane ita eum onrnes amplectimur, ut onmibus modis juvare parati simus, ne tarn strenuus operarius diutius ocietur. Bene valete fratres et patres in Domino observandissimi. Dominus Jesus misereatur nostri, et vos quotidie magis ac magis invicta sua virtute confirmet ad gloriam ipsius constanter et fortiter tuendam ac amplificandam. Lausannae e conventu totius Classis nostrae. Datum Laus. 4 Cal. Augusti. 334 Vester ex animo Joannes Reymondus Merlinus juratus totius Classis nomine et mandato c Letter 9. SKB AIII 161, fol. 151r°. Bern city council to the Ministers and Professors of Lausanne, [Bern], August 1, 1558. Avoir entendu le contenu des articles a nous de vostre part envoyez. nous avons advise de nous resouldre la dessus de nostre response, bon voulloir et playsir pour lequel entendre vous assignons jour a comparoir par devant nous a I'heure de conseil. sus le quinziesme jour du present moys. Sur ce votis sachies conduyre. Datum prima Augusti 1558. Pierre Viret Jaques Vallier Amauld Banc diacre Francois Buet diacre commun George Laurent ministre de Prillier Jehan Ribit professeur theologia Jehan Raymont Merlin, profes. hebre Theodorus Beza, profes. Graecus Jehan Thagauldt. profes. Artium Franciscus Beraldus. Ludmagister Jehan Randon, Bachellier Claude Rosilbe, ministre de Crissier 336 Letter 10. ACV Bd I/I. 97 (Papiers Herminjard, 29lr°). Classe of Lausanne to the Bern city council. Vevey, August 3, 1558. Tres Redoubtez et magnifiques Seigneurs, ayans ceste occasion que noz freres sent appellez par devant voz excellences, nous vous pryons tres affecteusement une toys pour toutes nous donner vostre response sur Tarticle de discipline sans laquelle nous voyons une generale ruine des eglises de par deca, suyvant que nous en avons escript et requys bien au long, et noz tVeres vous en pourront remonstrer davantaige s'il vous plaist. Quant a vostre mandement dernier touchant la divine predestination, combien que plusieurs de nous Tayent public, pretendans qu'il ne fust en rien contraire au serment et debvoir qu'ilz ont de prescher et confesser franchement tout ce qui est contenu es saincte escriptures ny Iyer les eglises en outre ce que la parolle de Dieu oblige tous vrays et fideles Chrestiens. Toutesfoys nous entendons estre du tout unis avec les presens porteurs noz freres et en doctrine et en espritz, ainsi que, Dieu mercy, nous avons tousjours este jusques icy. vous recommandans leur cause comme celle du Seigneur et la nostre propre. reputans aussi tout ce qui leur sera faict comme faict a nous mesmes. Et vous supplyons au nom de Dieu n'avoir autre opinion d'eux ny de nous que de voz bons et fideles serviteurs a jamais pourveu que noz consciences puyssent demeurer franches au Seigneur. Auquel nous pr>ons vous gouvemer tousjours par son esprit de sagesse et de justice a la gloire de son nom et acroissement de son Eglise. De nostre congregation generale tenue en vostre ville de Wevey ce troysiesme d'Aoust 1558. Le tout vostre tres humble et obeyssant serviteur Jean de Tomay. doyen de la Classe pour et au nom de la Classe de Lausanne. 337 Letter 11. Papiers Herminjard, 299v°-300r° (Archives Tronchin), Ministers and Professors of Lausanne before the Bern city council, [Bern), [August 14-18?. 1558J. Tresredoubtez Seigneurs, ayans ouy la response qu'il vous pleut hier nous faire que estoit que nous regardissions encore a la consequence de la matiere pour laquelle nous sommes icy. nous avons derechef invoque nostre Seigneur a ce qu'il luy pleust ne permettre que nous facions choses qui soit contrevenante a nostre devoir et a Tedification de Teglise, et avons advise de vous faire humble requeste qu'au nom de Dieu vous ayes esgard a noz consciences, et afin que cognoissies que nous ne voulons proceder par aucune obstination. ains que nous desirons de faire tout ce qui nous sera possible en bonne conscience plustost que de bailier scandale en Teglise. il vous plaise de souffrir qu'il nous soit permis de conferer amiablement de toute ceste matiere avec messieurs voz ministres en leur adjoingnant tels personnages qu'il vous plaira. par laquelle conference amyable. nous esperons que Dieu nous fera la grace de vous faire telle response que vous trouverez raisonnables. et que pendant ladicte conference qui se fera au premier jour que voz excellences ordonneront. il vous plaise que I'execution de la sentence donnee contre nous soit en surceance. Que s'il ne plait a voz excellences nous ottroyer ladicte conference amyable, combien que nous ne nous sentions en rien coulpables d'avoir fait contre nostre serment, et que nous soyons marris que vous avez prins (comme il nous semble) noz escrits autrement que nostre intention ne portoit. puis qu'il plait a voz Seigneuries nous declairer la bonne volonte que vous avez de tenir tellement la main a vostre reformation, et a chastier les vices, que nous aurons cause de nous contenter. nous sommes contens d'essayer encores si nous verrons tel amendement en voz eglises que nous y puissions demeurer en saine conscience. Que s'il advient (ce que nous desirons sur toutes choses) qu'il y ait bon amendement, vous cognoistrez par experience que nous desirons tres affectueusement de servir a Dieu pour voz Seigneuries. Et promettons aydant Dieu, de faire si bien nostre devoir qu'il ne tiendra a nous que toutes choses ne voysent bien. Mais si autrement advenoit (que Dieu ne veuillc) voz Seigneuries ne prendront pas a desplaisir s'il y en a quelques uns qui se sentans grevez en leur consciences, s'adressent a voz excellences par les meilleurs moyens [300r°] qu'il leur sera possible, pour estre deschargez de leur charge: Ce que nous faisons ayant esgard au bruict ct scandale, et a la ruine et dissipation de voz eglises et college, laquelle nous serions grandement marris de voir, ct esperons que nous obtiendrons de voz Seigneuries toutes choses raisonnables pour redification de I'eglise. Item, puis qu'il vous a pleu nous donner bonne et suffisante declaration de voz mandemens faictz sur la matiere de predestination, nous vous requerons humblement au nom de Dieu que pour obvier grans scandales survenus par voz pays, par faute d'avoir bien declaire vostre intention aus peuples. il vous plaise en escrire amplement. tant a messieurs voz baillifz qu'aus classes de vostre pas conquis en sorte. que chacun estant 338 clairement adverty de vostre volonte, regarde a faire son devoir. 339 Letter 12. SKB AIII 161. fol. I55r°. Bern city council to all Welsche Classe, [Bern]. August 15, 1558. Scavoir faysons par ces presentes. qu'estant requis de la part de noz chiers et feaulx ministres et professeurs de la parolle de Dieu de la ville de Lausanne, de leur fayre et donner quelque declaration suz noz mandements par cy devant emanez. touchant la matiere de la predestination el providence divine, pource qu'ilz n'auroyent jusques a present peu bonnement entendre leur contenu et nostre intention, ains auroyent pense par iceulx leur estes entierement detfendu d'en rien preschier. et d'en voulloir escripre aulx classes de nostre pays conquis affin que chescun, estant clairement adverty de nostre volonte, regarde a fayre son debvoir. Nous avons apres avoir heu la dessus mheure deliberation, donne et donnons nostre declaration et resolution que s'ensuyt, laquelle voullons estre par les ministres et professeurs de la parolle de Dieu de nostredict pays gardee et observee sans oultrepasser les limites d'icelle. a scavoir est que nostre intention n'a este ny est que lesdicts ministres et professeurs ne puissent rien prescher et parler de telle matiere, quant le texte de Tescripture le portera. ains voulons bien cela leur permettre, moyennant qu'ilz le fassent sobrement et de sorte que sela serve a ediftlcation et non pas a scandalle et perturbation. Action 15a Augusti 1558. 340 Letter 13. Papiers Herminjard, 297r°-299r° (Archives Tronchin), Ministers and Professors of Lausanne to the Bern city council. [Lausanne], [end of August 1558). Tresredoubtez et magnifiques Seigneurs, ayans entendu la response qu'ii a pleu a voz excellences nous faire. il nous a semble estre necessaire vous advertiren premier lieu, que la matiere sur laquelle il vous a pleu nous faire vostre response, n'est point particuliere a nous tant seulement qui sommes icy presens. mais qu'elle est commune a toute la Classe, au nom de laquelle il vous en a este escrit. et que nous n'avons rien de particulier de nostre part en tout ce qui vous a este escrit. sinon les demieres lettres lesquelles nous avons escrites douze de nous, ensemble les articles adjoincts a icelles. pour certaines causes particulieres a nous, lesquelles nous vous ferons volontiers entendre, s'il vous plaist en estre plus a plein informez. Parquoy nous ne vous pouvons dormer response pour le present touchant la cause commune, sinon en nostre prive, craignans de prejudicier a noz autre freres qui sont absens, qui vous pourront respondre de leur part ce que Dieu leur donnera. Or quant a ce qu'il vous a pleu nous respondre. nous sommes esmerveillez pour le premier, de ce que vous prenez comme plaintifs faitz contre vous les advertissemens et requestes que nous vous faisons non pas comme hommes prives, ains au nom de Dieu. comme ministres de sa saincte parolle pour raison de nostre office, et sur tout de ce que vous nous chargez, comme n'ayans pas en tel regard que nous devions au serement et soubscription que nous avons fait a voz excellences, en ce que nous nous serions assemblez sans vostre sceu et aurions dresse une nouvelle reformation pretendans icelle devoir estre nuement acceptee par voz excellences, ou au defaut de cela. que nous desererions et aymerions mieux avoir nostre conge. Sur quoy nous vous supplions d'entendre quatre poincts. Le premier est que nous ne pensons faire aucunement contre nostre serment ny irmover aucune chose en vostre reformation toutes et quantefois que nous vous advertissans par la parolle de Dieu. des choses que nous jugeons estre necessaires a I'eglise. et sans lesquelles il nous semble que nous ne nous pouvons fidelement acquiter de nostre ministere Si nous faisons autrement. veu que nous avons jure de procurer [297v°j honneur et profit autant que nous le pourrons faire selon Dieu. Le second est que nous ne nous sommes point assemblez autrement que nous avons de coustume de tout temps, et qu'il nous a este octroye par voz excellences mesmes, comme nous en avons les lettres. et comme i! nous doit estre octroye selon la parole de Dieu pour raison de nostre office. Le troysiesme est que par lettres a nous expressement envoyees environ la penthecouste demiere. nous avons en commandement de voz excellences, de rediger par escript. et vous envoyer le plustost que nous pourrions la forme de discipline, que nous desirions. et notamment touchant le poind de ['excommunication afinque puissiez adviser sur cela. En quoy faisant tant seu faut que nous ayons fait contre nostre dit serment et soubscription. qu'au contraire nous n'avons fait que vostre expres 341 commandement. Le quatriesme est qu'au lieu de vous prescrire neument. nous avons tousjours proteste, que nous ne voulions estre receus en chose que nous missions en avant, sinon entant que nous prouverions nostre dire par la parole de Dieu, et que nous nous soubmettions a nous deporter de tous ce qu'on nous pourroit monstrer n estre bien conforme a icelle, ce que n'a encore este fuit par personne, et que voudrions bien vous supplier qu'il vous pleust nous faire remonstrer par voz ministres. ou autres tels qu'il vous plaira. Et quant au conge lequel estimez estre par nous desire, nous n'entendons en avoir fait mention a autre intention, sinon que cas advenant que nous ne puissions obtenir tel ordre en I'eglise. qu'en bonne conscience nous nous y puissions acquiter de nostre ministere. nous desirions vous advertir de bonne heure, et devant que de pouvoir estre reprins de rebellion de ce que noz consciences pouvoient porter, afin que vous puissiez pourvoir plus paisiblement aus eglises, desquelles Dieu nous a commis la charge souz voz excellences, et qu'il n"y eust aucun trouble de nostre part. Quant aus mandement, touchant la divine providence et predestination, il y a trois ans passez. que par plusieurs fois nous vous avons fait humble requeste que vostre plaisir fust nous bailler plus clere intelligence de vostre intention en iceus. a cause d'aucuns poinctz esquels nous craignions mesprendre, et estre surprins. par faicte de les avoir bien entendus. Laquelle declaration nous n'avons peu obtenir jusques a ceste vostre response. [298r°] Et ne vous faict estrange, Tresredoubtez Seigneurs, si nous, qui n'entendons pas vostre langue. y avons trouve de la difficulte, veu que messrs voz ballifs qui les ont fait translater et publier en nostre langue. nous ont bailie juste occasion de craindre ce que nous craignions, par la diversite des translations, et contrariete manifeste de qu'il vous a pleu nous donner, comme voz excellences mesmes en pourront juger. s'il vous plait, voir certaines copies que nous avons de ceux qui ont este publics en aucuns baillivages. Parquoy nous vous avons bien voulu donner a entendre, que nous ne nous pouvons soumettre a I'observation de tels mandemens. sans contrevenir a la liberte que Dieu a donnee a nostre ministere, si nous n'avons declaration par voz excellences comme vous n'entendez de nous empescher que nous ne parlissions en toute liberte chrestienne de toutes matieres contenues es sainctes escritures autant que nous pourrions suyvant la parole de Dieu en loute edification. Et pourtant puise que maintenant il vous a pleu nous donner la dicte declaration, nous supplions treshumblement voz e.xcellences que pour obvier a tous scandales. il vous plaise la notiffier a messieurs voz baillifs et a toutes les classes. Au surplus quant a ce que voz excellences prennent comme pour une nouvelle reformation dresse par nous. Tadvis que nous vous avons envoyc suyvant vostre commandement touchant la discipline de I'eglise pour remedier aus desordres desquels vous avez eu un livre avant Pasques par nous presente a voz excellences, nous respondons a cela. que nous n'entendons d'avoir rien proposer contraire a vostre reformation, ne d'avoir fait autre chose, sinon cela a quoy vousmesmes vous estes tousjours volontiers soubmis. a savoir que vous estes prests d'ouir tousjours tous ceux qui vous pourroient remonstrer par la parole de Dieu. laquelle seule doit presider en I'eglise. 342 et commander a tous voys princes Seigneurs et peupies. D'avanlage nous vous supplions considerer quelle difference il y a entre donner nostre advis par vostre commandement expres, et faire une nouvelle reformation, ce que nous ne saurions ny ne voudrions entreprendre. En apres nous desirons que vous entendiez que ce que nous en avons fait Jusques icy, desia des si long temps, ne procede d'autre cause sinon que nous craignons que nous ne nous trouvions grandement chargez devant Dieu. comme Souverain juge, de ne nous estre acquitez de nostre office, comme il nous est commande de Dieu, et cecy principalement pour deux raisons. La premiere pource que nous voyons la plus grand part des peupies qui nous sont commis comme brebis du Seigneur, [298v°] perir joumellement et en grand nombre par faute d'instruction familiere et particuliere, qui est autant ou plus necessaire que la predication publique, et qui ne nous est pas moing enjoincte de Dieu. Pour laquelle chose tant s'en faut que nous ayons peu obtenir quelque ayde par voz Seigneuries, qu'il nous a este defendu de le faire mesmes aus consistoires, si ce n'est en extreme ignorance, ou ouverte contradiction de la religion. L'autre est, que pour ceste mesme raison principalement nous ne pouvons adminstrer ny baptesme ny cene. sans les polluer manifestement tous les jours contre I'expres commandement de Dieu. et pource aussi que nous n'avons la discipline de Texcommunication comme elle a este ordonnee par Jesus Christ, pour separer en la communion des sacremens les brebis de comme nous Tavons remonstre assez amplement par les escripts que nous avons presentes a voz excellences depuis dix huit ans en 9a par plusieurs fois. avec grandes protestations, comme il appert par noz escripts, tant s'en faut que nous ayons maintenant rien invente de nouveau. Parquoy puis que vous nous declairez ouvertement que vous n'avez delibere aucunement nous ottroyer rien de tout ce que nous vous avons requis et supplie, veu aussi que nous avons desia experimentez si longtemps. que jamais ordre n"a peu estre mis meilleur par voz mandemens et ordonnances en tous les desordres desquels nous vous avons adverty en sorte que les choses sont tousjours allces de mal en pis. nous ne saurions plus que vous dire autre chose, sinon que nous en remettons la cause a Dieu qui est vostre juge et le nostre. devant lequel nous esperons que les advertissemens et requestes que nous vous avons fails par tant d'annees, nous serviront aucunement de descharge et de tesmoignage de nostre foy, fidelite et loyaute. Pour conclusion nous vous supplions alTectueusement. Tresredoubtez Seigneurs, au nom de Dieu, ou qu'il vous plaise nous faire entendre comment ce que nous vous avons requis n'est point selon la parole de Dieu. ou bien que vous ne prenez pour obstination ny pour rebellion si nous ne pouvons faire violence a noz consciences, acceptans une charge en laquelle nous ne puissions satisfaire a icclles. comme nostre office le requiert. et que si vous aimes mieux nous laisser aller la ou il plaira a Dieu nous conduire que nous ottroyer les choses sans lesquels [299r°| nous ne voyons point que nous puissions estre entiers ministres du Seigneur, que vous n'usiez envers nous de telle rigueur qui vienne jusques a bannissement. Car il ne 343 nous semble que nous I'ayons merite envers voz excellences, veu que nous n'avons fait, ny ne voudrions faire ne sedition ne muiination en voz eglises. ny chose indigne de serviteur de Dieu, mais vous avons seulement descouvert ce qui pressoit noz consciences, apres avoir temporize si longtemps. et vous avoir servy tldelement selon la grace que Dieu nous a donnee un fort long espace de temps, les uns plus les autres moins. Surquoy vous protestons que nous ne pouvons venir jusques a ce poinct, sans le plus grand regret de nostre cueur que nous pourrions avoir, et qu'il n"y a princes sur la terre soubz lesquels nous servissions plus volontiers a Dieu, que soubz voz excellences, quand nous y pourrions exercer nostre ministere entierement au repos et contentement de noz consciences. Et s'il en vient du scandale nous laissons a Dieu le jugement, a qui c'est que la cause en devra estre imputee. Ce pendant quoy qu'il plaise a Dieu nous envoyer. nous le prendrons comme de sa main, nous remettans du tout a sa divine providence par laquelle nous sommes asseurez qu'il aura le soing de son eglise et de nous Jusques a un poil de teste, et ne laisserons de prier Dieu excellences, et de demeurer voz petits et humbles serviteurs en tout ce que nous vous pourrons faire service aggreable selon Dieu, ayans boruie souvenance de I'assistance que vous avez faicte a tant de povres fidcles qui ont refuge a vous. lequel nous esperons aussi que voz excellences ne nous refuseront quand il aura pleu a Dieu vous faire cognoistre quel est nostre cueur et intention, et de quel esprit nous avons este menez. 344 Letter 14. SKB AIII 161. tbl. 171r°. Bern city council to the Classe of Lausanne. [Bern], November 19, 1558. Ayant ce jourd'huy bien au long ouy et entendu le contenu de voz lettres a nous escriptes du second de ce moys ensemble les poincts et articles y enclos par le discours desquelz desyrez revision estre faicte de voz precedents escripts et traictes a nous touchant la discipline ecclesiastique et aultres choses de vostre part envoyez craignant iceul.x n'avoir este par nous bien entendus .... Vous mandons pour responce que ja n'est besoing d'en fayre aultre remision, car nous avons lesdictz escripts assez entendus et consydere le contenu d'iceulx et sur ce avec Tayde de nostre grand Conseil faict responce condigne aulx douze ministres et professeurs de nostre ville de Lausanne qui pour ce faict avoyent este par devant nous tenir. Sur ce vous priants que de mesmes vous vuelliez d icelle responce vous contenter et continuer fidellement en la vocation a laquelle Dieu par sa grace vous a appellez sans plus de ce faict la nous molester ny importuner. vous acquictant de voz offices aux mieulx que fayre le pourres selon nostre reformation et la grace que Dieu vous en fera. Et de nostre coste nous ferons le mesme et tiendrons maing tant qu'il sera possible que nostre reformation soil observee et les transgresseurs d'icelle selon leurs merites punis et chastiez. En ce ferez vostre debvoir et a nous singulier et grand plaisir. Datum xix"* Novembris 1558. 345 Letter 15. Papiers Herminjard, 346r°-v° (SK.B Welsch Miss). Bern city council to the Ciasse of [.ausanne, [Bern]. December 4. 1558. Nous estimons qu'ayez encore en fraiche memoire la response que de nostre part vous auroit este faicte le 15 d'Aoust demierement passe sur la proposite et complaintes a nous de vostre part faites de plusieurs choses concemant le fait de la religion et discipline Ecclesiastique, que desires estre par nous reformees au contenu de certains articles par vous sur ce couches et dresses. Or pensant que nostre dicte response, lors par les ministres et professeurs qui avoient este cites par devant nous, acceptee, sortirait son effet et que les diets ministres et professeurs ensuivant icelle feroient leur devoir comme du passe: au moyen de quoi aurions de nostre coste promis tenir main a ce que les ordonnances de nostre Reformation fussent etroitement gardees le tout au plus ample contenu de (nostre) dicte response. II nous est venu a notice que depuis peu de jours en 9a nostre Ministre Maistre Pierre Viret, nonobstant ce que dessus, se seroit declare par ses lettres a nostre conseil prive ecrites du 6 de Novembre demierement passe, ne pouvoir administrer la Cene de nostre Seigneur en nostre Eglise de Lausanne, pour plusieurs raisons en susdictes lettres contenues, auquel pour lors par nostre diet Conseil prive seroit este faicte telle response qu'il scait: et secutivement aussi a vous sur vos lettres que du 2 dudict mois a nostre diet Conseil etroit avez escripte, a laquelle nostre premiere et subcessive reponse de nostre Petit Conseil eussions bien pense ledict Maistre Pierre Viret se fust contente. ce qu'il n'auroit faict, ains a nostre diet Petit Conseil de rechef escrit du 27 Novembre demierement passe, que ne pouvant obtenir ce que par ses precedentes lettres du 6 du diet mois il auroit requis lui estre concede et ottroye. [346v''| qu'il ne scauroit ni pourroit aucunement administrer la Cene de nostre Seigneur audict Lausanne, semblablement Maistre Jaques Valier par une supplication et .Maistre Amaud Banc, le diacre. de bouche: Ce que bien au long avoir oui" et entendu nous en avons este fort marris et deplaisants. veu et attendu que par le moyen de nostre dicte Reformation qu'avons faicte et dressee a I'aide de Dieu et dudict Maistre Pierre Viret et la vostre. nous avons nos Eglises jusques ici reglaisees. gardees et entretenues, le mieux qu'il a este prossible, ce que de mesme nous esperons faire pour I'avenir, entant que Dieu nous en fera la grace, tenant la main a ce que nostre dicte Reformation soit gardee et observee sans icelle nous devoyer. ains derechef a icelle nous tenir. A laquelle se voulant nos predicts Ministres tenir. et ensuivant icelle. faire et exereer leur office et eontinuer la charge que Dieu leur a donnee. comme du passe, nous en serons tres contents et bien joyeux et desirons qu'a ce faire ils soyent par vous admonestes et incites. Sinon et qu'ils veuillent demcurer et s'en tenir a leurdicte opinion, et aimassent mieux avoir conge par eux desire, nous n'y saurions faire autre chose que de remettre I'affaire a Notre Seigneur et d'elire autres (toutesfois a nostre grand regret) en leurs places et leur permettre le conge par eux demande: Ce que audict eas vous commandons de faire en brief et iceux qui par vous seront elus nous presenter, pour estre 346 de nous confirmes afm que TEglise ne demeure depourveue. En protestant expressement devant Dieu et les hommes si a present ou a I'advenir advenait quelque dissipation ou aneantissement de nos Eglises, que nous n'en sommes cause, ains que ce sera a Icur couipe queiles ne sont entretenues et gardees en bon etat. De quoi nous avons bien voulu avertir. pour selon ce vous savoir concluire. Donne le 4 decembre 1558. L'advoyer Petit et Grand Conseil de Berne 347 Letter 16. Papiers Herminjard. 350r°-351v° (ACV), Classe of Lausanne to the Bern city council. Lausanne, December 15. 1558. Tresredoubter et Tres magnifiques Seigneurs. Combien que mercredy dernier nous eussions este assembles a Vevey pour les affaires ordinaires de la Classe. toutesfoys ayant re9eu vos demieres lettres apres Tassemblee. et desirants de tout nostre pouvoir satisfaire a vostre commandement. nous nous sommes de rechef assembles en grand haste, ce mercredy 13 de ce moys a Lausanne, et ce. oultre le grand travail des freres qui sont aux montaignes. non sans quelque dommaige de leur Eglises. La done apres Tinvocation du nom de nostre Seigneur, tous d'un accord avons delibere chascun selon sa conscience, touchant I'atTaire du quel il a pleu a nos Seigneuries nous mander vostre vouloir par vos demieres lettres dattes du 4 de ce moys: lesquelles en somme. si nous en avons bien receuilli la substance, contiennent ces deux poincts. Le premier est d'advertir, par nostre commandement nos freres Maistre Pierre Viret. Jacques Vallier ministres, et Amauld Banc diacre. de demeurer en leur vocation ainsi qu'ils ont faict jusques a present. Le second est que nous avons a elire aultres en leur place, advenant qu'ils ne voulissent[?] se demettre de leur opinion. Sur ce. Tresmagnifiques Seigneurs, nous avons selon nostre debvoir a vous advertir que tous d'un commun consentement grace a Dieu Pere de paix et union, apres bien au long avoir entendu et poire tous les points de cet affaire, n'avons peu [350v°J selon Dieu faire aucun advertissement a nosdicts freres. et moins en elire d'aultres en leur places, pour les raisons qui sensuivent, lesquelles nous vous toucherons le plus briefvement et clairement qu'il nous sera possible. Premierement. Tresredoubtes Seigneurs, nosdicts freres ne nous ont jamays aporte que la pure parolle de Dieu a laquelle nous ne pourions resister. laquelle aussy, comme nous avons des longtemps entendu les contraint en leur conscience a vous faire particulieremtn les requestes pour lesquelles il a pleu a nos Seigneuries nous mander nostre vouloir. Que si nous aultres pour le present ne faisons le semblable il y a des raisons et considerations particulieres en cela aux uns plus aux aultres moins. Si est ce toutefoys que tousjours d'un mesme accord depuis vingt ans nous vous avons faict la mesme requeste qu'eux touchant la discipline ecclesiastique: ce que mesme contiennent et conferment nos demieres lettres envoyees a vos Excellences le 7 de ce moys, demonstrants par icelles comme aussi par les presentes I'acord et union en doctrine et en esprit qui a este tousjours entre nous graces a Dieu: joinct aussi que nosdicts freres nous ont tousjours communique leur advis. sur ce en demandant nostre conseil, tel que nous le pouvons avoir selon la parolle de Dieu. Qui est la cause. Tresredoubtes Seigneurs, que nous ne pou\ ons faire violence a la conscience de nostdicts freres (laquelle. lant que nous en pouvons congnoistre. nous scavons estre reglee selon la parolle de Dieu) les admonestants a faire aultrement que ce 348 qu'ils font a present, sans mentir a Dieu premierement, a nos consciences et a vos Excellences, veu que nous et eulx ne demandons chose qui soyt contre les disputes et vos actes s>'nodaux et qui ne soyt expressement comprise aux sainctes escritures. Et pour [35lr°] vous refreschir la memoyre des principaux poincts que nous demandons tous d"un acord selon la parolle de Dieu. il ne deplaira point a vos Excellences si nous en faisons icy a part quelque brief receuil: suppliants tous treshumblement au nom de Dieu, vos Excellences, qu'il leur plaise nous ottroyer par maniere de provision ce qui est contenu en ces Articles couches a part: ne pouvant mieulx faire pour le temps trop prochain de la Cene de Noel, et pour eviter le scandale et desolation des eglises (ce que nous ne desirerions jamays veoir) esperants que nos Tresnobles Seigneuries congnoissants bien qu'un Synode est tresnecessaire pour dormer ordre a vos eglises, seront cy apres, Dieu aydant, d'entiere resolution en cela. Voyant la necessite qui nous contraint a vous faire cette. considere aussi que quelque chose que nous vous ayons escript et communique nos ministres. jamays personne ne nous a monstre du contraire par Tescriture saincte, laquelle estant proposee. n'est licite de prendre conseil si la chose se doibt faire ou non; mais sans regarder aultres conclusions humaines, suyvre ce qui nous est commande par icelle. tant s'en fault qu'on en puisse adjouster: Nous submettants tousjours toutesfoys nous et nosdicts freres a icelle et au jugement de TEglise. sans rien entreprendre de nostre sens contre le Magistrat Chrestien. Demeurants done, Tresredoubtes Seigneurs, en cetie verite (si nous ne voulons parler contre nos consciences et nous dementir nous mesmes) nous avons supplions treshumblement qu'il ne deplaise a nos Excellences si nous n'avons peu elire aultres en la place de nosdicts freres. comme nous avons desia louche. Et tant s'en fault que nous en puissions elire d'aultres. que nous serions en la peine en laquelle ilz [351 v°] sont a present, n'estoyt I'esperance que nous avons. qu'apres avoir entendu bien au long et plus a plein I'equite de nostre cause et demande. vous seres tresjoyeulx que I'ordre que nous demandons soyt en vos eglises. Non pas. que nous entendions qu'on suive nostre Traicte de mot a mot (car nous nous pouvons asseurer que jamays nostre intention ne fut telle); mays seulement avons faict ledict Traicte par vostre commandement. esperants que la substance d'iceluy seroyt suivie. et que ce qu'on n'aprouveroyt pas nous seroyt remonstre par I'cscriture, qui a este tousjours et est nostre regie sus laquelle nous dressons toutes nos requestes. Quant a ce. Tresredoubtes Seigneurs, que nos Seigneuries se plaingnent de ce que nosdicts freres ne persisteroient pas en la sentence que nos Seigneuries nous mandent avoir este acceptee d'eux. avec le reste des douzes. qui seroyt de faire leur charge comme au paravant; nous vous supplions treshumblement. que nos Tresnobles Seigneuries n'ayent a deplaisir si nous couchons icy Particle de leur requeste. touchant ce poinct, ainsi que fidellement nous I'avons retire de leur copie comme sensuyt: Que s'il ne plait a voz excellences nous ottroyer ladicte conference amyable, combien que nous ne nous sentions en rien coulpables d'avoir fait contre nostre serment, et que nous soyons marris que vous avez prins (comme il nous semble) noz escrits autrement que nostre intention ne portoit. puis qu'il plait a voz Seigneuries nous declairer la bonne 349 volonte que vous avez de tenir tellement la main a vostre reformation, et a chastier les vices, que nous aurons cause de nous contenter. nous sommes contens d'essayer encores si nous verrons tel amendement en voz eglises que nous y puissions demeurer en saine conscience. Que s'il advient (ce que nous desirons sur toutes choses) qu'il y ait bon amendement. vous cognoistrez par experience que nous desirons tres atYectueusement de servir a Dieu pour voz Seigneuries. Et promettons aydant Dieu, de faire si bien nostre devoir qu'il ne tiendra a nous que toutes choses ne voysent bien. Mais si autrement advenoit (que Dieu ne veuilie) voz Seigneuries ne prendront pas a desplaisir s'il y en a quelques uns qui se sentans grevez en leur consciences, s'adressent a voz excellences par les meilleurs moyens qu'il leur sera possible, pour estre deschargez de leur charge: Ce que nous faisons ayant esgard au bruict et scandale, et a la ruine et dissipation de voz eglises et college, laquelle nous serions grandement marris de voir, et esperons que nous obtiendrons de voz Seigneuries toutes choses raisonnables pour redification de Teglise." Tant s'en fault done, Tresredoubtes Seigneurs, qu'ils desirassent leur conge, qu'au contraire, nous vous pouvons asseurer qu'ils ont proteste et protestent qu'ils n'ont rien plus cher que de servir a Dieu sous vos Seigneuries ayant mis tel ordre a vos eglises que la parolle de Dieu demande, pourveu qu'il se puisse faire en saine conscience et selon la parolle de Dieu. esperans que vos Seigneuries ayant mis tel ordre a vos eglises que la parolle de Dieu demande. vous congnoistres Dieu aydant que nostre coeur respond a nostre escript. Et suivant ce, nous avons arreste en nostre congregation de nous envoyer deux de nos freres, M. Jehan de Tomey vostre ministre de la parolle de Dieu en Aigle, et M. Augustin Mallorat vostre ministre de Vevey non seulement pour presenter les presentes a vos Tresnobles Excellences, mais aussi pour respondre sus nostre lettre. s'il y avoyt quelque chose qui ne fust asses clairement escript. et pour entendre sus ce vostre bon vouloir. A tant. Tresredoubtes Seigneurs, apres nous estre treshumblement recommandes a vos Tresnobles Excellences nous prierons nostre Seigneur pour la prosperite et augmentation de vous et vos Tresnobles Seigneuries. De Lausanne ce jeudy 15 de decembre 1558. 350 Letter 17. Papiers Herminjard, 354r° (SKB Welsch Miss), Bern city council to the Classe of Lausanne. December 19, 1558. Nous avons re9U vos lettres respectives qe d'un coste et d'autre nous avez escrites du 15 de ce mois, responsives aux nostres precedentes, a vous de la part de nostre Petit et Grand Conseil du 4 dudict mois envoyees et ayant par le contenu d'icelle entre autres choses trouve que nostre cher bienaime Ministre Maistre Pierre Viret par les siennes se serait declare vouloir tousjours avec vous continuer a prescher selon la grace que par Dieu vous sera faite. en attendant nostre plus ample declaration de nostre vouloir sur vosdictes lettres et pareilles de Maistre Jaques Valier et Amaud Banc, ses coadjuteurs, qu'ils se referissent sur la resolution de vous les autres Ministres de la Classe etc. Nous mandons la dessus derechef pour response qu'ayant bien considere le contenu de nosdictes lettres et entre autres choses vu un article par lequel vous vous seriez declares, que moyennant I'offre a vous de nostre part faite, de vouloir tenir tellement la main a nostre reformation et chastier les vices qu'auries cause de contentement, vous estiez contents d'essayer encore si vous verriez quelque bon amendement et desiriez tresaffectueusement de servir Dieu sous nostre domination etc. Nous avons este de cela bien joyeux, vu qu'en cela vous vous conformiez a nostre vouloir et intention, et n'avons jamais desire, ni desirons autre chose, sinon que cela de vostre part, jou.\te ceste resolution et declaration, soit fait et accompli, c'est de poursuivre vostre charge comme du passe, au [354v°J mieux qu'il sera possible, comme de nostre part tant nous que nostre dit Grand Conseil avons toujours este et sommes encores prestz de jouxte nostre dicte declaration, tenir main a ce que les vices soient etroitement chasties: et a cest effect avons a Taide de nostre Grand Conseil comme bien vous savez dresse mandements a tous nos baillifs et officiers de nostre Pays, pour s'en acquitter de telle sorte quMl appartiendra, comme nous esperons qu'ils feront et mettront si bonne diligence que le tout via bien. Pourquoi en suivant le contenu de nos precedentes lettres derechef nous prions et patemellement admonestons de vouloir continuer vos charges et offices, comme fut et diet, et administrer la Cene de nostre Seigneur au mode accoutume, comme nous esperons que pour le desir qu'avez de Tavancement du royaume de Dieu el de sa gloire. sans difficulte le ferez. Et afin que les ignorants soient instruits et endoctrines avant que prendre la Cene. nous ne contredisons pas que tels ignorants soient cites et remis au consistoire. pour la estre deuement admonestes et endoctrines comme il appartiendra. n'entendant pas toutesfois que la Cene doive leur estre refusee. Et quant au chastiment des desordres et scandales qui se font ordinairement 9a et la, nous renvoyerons a la declaration que sur ce par nous le 27 jour du mois de Mai demierement passe, en a este faite a laquelle pourra avoir relation, pour selon icelle vous conduire. Ce faisant esperons. qu"a I'aide de Dieu. le tout via si bien. qu'il en sera plus que 351 par ci devant honore et glorifie et nos eglises sous vostre ministere maintenues en bon estat et paix et tranquillite. Prians sur ce. le Createur vous tenir en sa sainte garde. Donne le 19 Decembre 1558. 352 Letter 18. Papiers Herminjard, 357r°, Bern city council to the Ministers and Council of Lausanne. [Bern]. December 27. 1558. Nou.s estant venu a notice que Tadministration et celebration de la Cene de nostre Seigneur par vous les ministres soit este retardee a ceste Fete de Noel prochainement passee. Vous avertissons qu'avons este Fort deplaisans et marris de ce que ne sommes obeYs en nous mandements et commandements sur ce emanes veu et attendu que ceux n'estre point contrevenants a la parole de Dieu. ains conformes a iceile. dent eussions bien pense et nous confier que de vostre part a iceux fust este obei comme de raison, et puisque ainsi est que nostre bon vouloir n"a este effectue en cest endroit et la Cene du Seigneur celebree au jour pour ce establi. ains auroit este delayee de quelque temps et la celebration d'iceile suspendue a tel jours qu'il vous a pleu et aux diets ministres. Avons ordonne et ordonnons en ce devoir estre supersede jusques a nostre plus ample deliberation et declaration de nostre bon vouloir et plaisir: et cependant nous mandons et commandons, puis qu'avons entendu a raison de ceste maniere entre vous avoir este suscites certains bruicts et troubles, que vues ces presentes vous avez a vous en deporter tant de faict que de paroles et vivre paisiblement ensemble en bonne amitie et charite fratemelle. sans user d'aucune partialite et inimitie. ains vous montrer les uns avec les autres, comme a bons et vrais chrestiens et sujets appartient. entant que desirez eviter nostre male grace et privation de vos franchises et libertes. Sur ce vous sachez conduire. Donne le 27 Decembre 1558. L'advoyeret Conseil de Beme. 353 WORKS CITED Archival and Manuscript Sources ACV Archives Cantonales Vaudoises Bd 1 Kirchen und Akademie Geschatten. Bu Documents relatifs a la conquete de Vaud par les bemois. AVL Archives de la Ville de Lausanne Chavannes D 12 Manual de Lausanne. Corps de Ville B Mandats souverains de Berne. Corps de Ville EE Mandats souverains de Berne. SKB Staatsarchiv des Kantons Bern AIII 158 Welsch Missivenbuch der Statt Bern A (February 6. 1527-March 14, 1537). AIII 159 Welsch Missivenbuch der Statt Bern B (April 2. 1537-July 28, 1543). AIII 160 Welsch Missivenbuch der Statt Bern C (August 2. 1543-December 8. 1553). AIII 161 Welsch Missivenbuch der Statt Bern D (December 9. 1553-November 29. 1568). MHR Musee d'Histoire de la Reformation. Geneva Papiers Ilerminjard, C-R Unpublished continuation of A.-L. Herminjard. Cnnespondance des Reformateurs. grouped chronologically: 1546-1549. 1550-1552. 1553- 1556. 1557-1560. 1561-1601. 354 Primary Sources Beza. Thodore. Correspotulance de Theodore de Beze. Hippolyte Aubert, et al., eds. Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance. 13 vols, to date. Geneva: Droz. 1960- Bodius. Herman. La premiere parlie and La seconde partie de Lunion de phisieurs passaiges de lescriture saincte. Livre tresutile a tons amateurs de paix: Extraict des authenticques docteiirs de leglise chrestienne. par venerable docteur Herman Bodium: nouvellement reveii et corrige. 2 vols. [Geneva: Pierre de Vingle], 1533. Bucer, Martin. De Regno Christi. Franijois Wendel. ed. Martini Buceri Opera Latina. 15. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France; Gutersloh: C. Bertelsmann, 1955. Calvin, John. Calvin-Stiidienausgahe. E. Busch, et al., eds. 4 vols, to date. Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1994-. . Des scandales. Olivier Fatio. ed. Geneva: Droz, 1984. . Institutes of the Christian Religion (1536 Edition). Ford Lewis Battles, ed. and trans. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. 1975. . loannis Calvini Opera quae supersunt omnia. AdJidem editionum principum et authenticarum ex parte etiam codicum manu scriptorum. addilis prolegomenis literariis. annotationihus criticis. annalihus Calvinianis indicibusque novis et copiosissmis. J. Baum, et al.. eds. 59 vols. Braunschweig: C. A. Schwetschke and sons. 1863-1900. . Joannis Calvini Opera Selecta. 5 vols. P. Barth and W. Niesel. eds. Munich: C. Kaiser, 1926-1959. Campiche. F.-Raoul. "La fin du culte catholique a Lutry." MDR 24 (1916): 280-88. 315-18,321-36. Centlivres. Robert. "Fragments du Journal des Commissaires Bemois (Janvier-mars 1537)." Revue ffistorique Vaudoise, 33 (1925): 257-69: 289-97: 345-50: 375- 80; vol. 34(1926): 19-27; 55-59; 88-92. Chavannes, Ernest, cd. "E.xtraits des Manuau.x du Conseil de Lausanne." MDR 35 (1881): 122-241 [covering the years 1383-151 11: 36 (1882): 1-350 [1512- 1536|; series 2. 1 (1887): 1-229 [1536-1564|. 355 CorresponJance inedite des cinq etiidicmts martyrs hritles a Lyon en 1553. relrouvee dans la hihliotheque de Vadian. a Sl-Gall. el suivie d un canliqiie uttribue a Pierre Bergier. Geneva: Emile Beroud. 1854. Crespin. Jean. Histoire des martyrs persecutez et mis a mart pour la verife de I 'Evangile. 3 vols. D. Benoit. ed. Toulouse: Societe des livres religieux. 1884-1887. . Des cinq escoliers sorlis de Lausanne hnislez a Lyon. Geneva: Jules Pick. 1878. [Farel. Guillaume? and Pierre Viret?]. De la tressaincte cenc de nosire Seigneur Jesus: Et de la Messe quon chante communement. [Basel]: [Thomas Wolff]. 1532]. In Francis Higman, "Les debuts de la polemique contre la messe: De la tressaincte cene de nostre seigneur et de la messe qu on chante communement." In Le Livre et la Reforme. Rodolphe Peter and Bernard Roussel, eds. Bordeaux: Societe des Bibliophiles de Guyenne. 1987, 35-92. Farge, James K., ed. Registre des proces-verhaia de la Faculte de Theologie de I Universite de Paris de janvier 1524 a novemhre 1533. Textes et documents sur rhistoire des universites. Paris; Aux amateurs de livres, 1990. Herminjard, A.-L.. Correspondance des Reformateurs dans les pays de langue Jranc^aise. 9 vols. Geneva: H. Georg. 1866-1897. Kaiser, Jacob. .Amtliche Sammlung der ciltern Eidgenos.si.schen .Ahschiede. Zurich: J. Schabelitz, 1876. La confession et raison de la foy de maistre Noel Beda Docteur en theologie et Sindique de la sacree univer.site a Paris: envoyee au tre.schrestien Roy de France. Francoyspremier de ce nom. [Neuchatel): [Pierre de VinglcJ. 1533. Lambert, Thomas A. and Isabella M. Watt. eds. Registres ilu consistoire de Geneve au temps de Calvin. 2 vols, to date. Travaux dT Iunianisme et Renaissance. Geneva: Droz, 1996-. Locher. Gottfried W.. ed. Der Benier Synodus von 1532. Edition und . ihhandlungen -um Juhildumsjahr 1982. 2 vols. Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1988. Mansi. Gian Domenico. et al.. eds. Sacronim conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio. 54 vols. Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt. 1960 [1759-1927], 356 [Marcourt, Antoine] [and Pierre Viret?]. Declciraiion de la Me.sse. le friiicl dicelle. la cause et le moyen pourqiioy el comment on la Joiht maintenir. [Neuchatel]; [Pierre de Vingle], [1534|. [Marcourt, Antoine). Petit traicte tres utile et salutaire de la saincte eucharisiie de nostre Seigneur Jesuschrisi. [Geneva: Jean Michel]. 1542. Meylan. Henri, ed. Le Synode de Berne de 1532. Lausanne: Imprimerie Centrale. 1936. Piaget, Arthur, ed. Les Actes de la Dispute de Lausanne 1536, puhlies integralement d 'apres le manuscrit de Berne. Memoires de TUniversite de Neuchatel. 6. Neuchatel: Secretariat de l Universite. 1928. . "Documents inedits sur Guillaume Farel et sur la Reformation dans le Comte de Neuchatel." Musee Neuchdtelois. 1897. Pierrefleur. [Guillaume de]. Memoires de Pierrejleur. Edition critique avec une introduction et des notes. Louis Junod. ed. Lausanne: Editions la Concorde. 1933. Plessis d'Argentre. Charles du. Collectio judiciorum de novis errorihus. qui ah initio duodecimi saeculi post incarnationem verbi. usque ad annum 1735. in ecclesia proscripti sunt et notati. 3 vols. Brussels: Culture et Civilisation. 1963. [Paris; Andre Cailleau. 1728-1736]. Registres du Conseil de Geneve puhlies par la Societe d 'histoire & d 'archeologie de Geneve. 13 vols. Geneva: Societe d'histoire & d'archeologie de Geneve. 1900-1940. Riick. Peter. "Un recit de la captivite du Chapitre de Lausanne en fevrier 1537." Revue Historique Vcmdoise 78 (1970): 43-67. Strickler. Johannes, ed. Actensammlung zur schweizerischen Reformationsgeschichte in den Jahren 1521-1532 im Anschluss an die gleichzeitigen eidgenossischen Ahschiede. 5 vols. Zurich: Theologische Buchhandlung. 1989 [Zurich: Meyer (feZeller. 1878-18841. Verdeil. Auguste. Histoire du Canton de Vaud. Online document at http://\vw\v.roots\veb.com/-chevaud/verdeil/bk4ch2.htm [Lausanne: Martignier and C"". 1849-1852|. Viret, Pierre. De la communication que ceus qui cognoi.s.sent la verite de I Evangile. ont aus ceremonies des papistes. el principalement a lews Bapiesmes. 357 Markiges. Messes. Fimerailles. el Obseques pour les trespassez. Part 2 of Traitez divers pour I instruction des Jideles qtn resident et conversent es lieus et pais esquels il ne leur est permis de vivre en la purete et liberte de I 'Evangile. Geneva: Jean Rivery, 1559. . De la vertu et usage du ministere de la Parolle de Dieu et des sacremens dependans d icelle. et des dijferents qui sont en la chrestiente d cause d'iceiLX. [Geneva): [Jean GirardJ, 1548. . Disputations chrestiennes en maniere de deviz, divisee par dialogues. 3 vols. Geneva: Jean Girard, 1544. . Exposition familiere sur les dix Commandemens de la Loy. faite en forme de Dialogues. Geneva: Jean Gerard, 1554. . Metamorphose chrestienne. faite par dialogues. Geneva: Jaques Bres. 1561. Vulliemin. Louis. Le Chroniqueur. Recueil historique et journal de I Helvetie romande. renfermant le recit de la Reformation de ce pays et celui de sa reunion a la Suisse dans les annees 1535 et 1536. Lausanne: Marc Duclou.x, 1836. Zwingli, Huldrych. Huldreich ZwingUs sdmtliche Werke. Einzig vollstdndige Ausgahe der IVerke Zwinglis. 14 vols. Corpus Reformatorum. Berlin: C.A. Schuetachke. 1905-1956. 358 Secondary Literature Alexander. John H. "La Retbrme au canton de Vaud." On the internet at Backus, Irena. The Disputations of Baden. 1526 and Berne. 1528. Neutralizing the Early Church. Studies in Reformed Theology and History, vol. 1, no. I. Princeton: Princeton Theological Seminary. 1993. Bahler. Eduard. "Der Kampf zwischen Staatskirchentum und Theokratie in der welschbemischen Kirche im sechzehnten Jahrhundert." Zeitschrift fUr Schweizerische Geschichte 5 (1925): 1-61. 129-91. Baker. J. Wayne. Heinrich Bullinger and the Covenant. The Other Reformed Tradition. Athens, OH: Ohio University Press. 1980. Bamaud. Jean. Pierre Viret: Sa vie et son Ouvre (1511-1571). Saint-Amans: G. Carayol. 1911. Benedict. Philip. Rouen during the Wars of Religion. Cambridge Studies in Larly Modem History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1981. Benzing. Josef. Lutherhihliographie: Verzeichnis der Gedruckten Martin Luthers his zu dessen Tod. Baden-Baden: Librarie Heitz GMBH. 1966. Berthoud. Gabrielle. et al. Aspects de la propagande religieuse. Travau.x d'Humanisme et Renaissance. 28. Geneva; Droz. 1957. Berthoud. Gabrielle. Antoine Marcourt. Reformateur et Pamphletaire du "Livre des Marchans " aitx Placards de 153-1. Travau.x d'Humanisme et Renaissance, 129. Geneva: Droz, 1973. Bodenmann. Reinhard. Wolfgang Musculus (1497-1563). Destin d un autodidacte lorrain au siecle des Reformes. Travaux d'Humanisme el Renaissance. 343. Geneva: Droz, 2000. Bouwsma. William J. John Calvin. .4 Sixteenth Century Portrait. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1988. Brady, Thomas A.. Jr. Protestant Politics. Jacob Sturm (1489-1553) and the German Reformation. Studies in German Histories. Atlantic Highlands. NJ: Humanities Press. 1995. 359 . Ruling Class. Regime, and Reformaiion at Strasbourg, 1520- 1555. Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought. 22. Leiden: Brill. 1978. . Turning Swiss. Cities and Empire. 1450-1550. Cambridge Studies in Early Modem History. Cambridge; Cambridge University Press. 1985. Brundage, James. Law. Sex. and Christian Society in Medieval Europe. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1987. Campiche, F.-Raoul. "La tin du culte catholique a Lutry." MDR 24 (1916): 280-88. 315-18.321-36. Chaix. Paul. Recherches sur I imprimerie a Geneve de 1550 a 156-f. Etude hibliographique. economique et litteraire. Geneva: Slatkine Reprints, 1978 [Geneva: Droz. 1954]. Christin. Olivier. Une revolution symbolique. L iconoclasme huguenot et la reconstruction catholique. Paris: Les Editions de Minuit, 1991. Crouzet. Denis. La Genese de la Rejonne JranQaise 1520-1562. Regards sur rhistoire: Histoire modeme. Paris: Sedes, 1996. . Les Guerriers de Dieu. La violence au temps des troubles de religion vers 1525-vers 1610. 2 vols. Seyssel: Champ Vallon. 1990. Davis. Natalie Zemon. Society and Culture in Early .Modern France. Stanford: Stanford University Press. 1975. Decrue. Francis. Anne de Montmorency, grand maitre et connetable de France, d la Cour. aiLX .-Irmees. et au Conseil du Roi Fran<;ois ler. Geneva: Megariotis Reprints. 1978 [Paris: E. Plon. Nourrit. et C"*". 1885|. Deluz, Rene and Henri Meylan, eds. La Di.spute de Lausanne (Octobre 1536). Textes choisis et adaptes par Rene Deluz. avec une introduction historique par Henri Meylan. et deux planches hors-texte. Cahiers de la Faculte de Theologie de I'Universite de Lausanne. 8. Lausanne: La Concorde. 1936. Denis, Philippe and Jean Rott. .lean Morely (ca. 1524 - ca. 1594) et I 'utopie d une democratic dans I 'Egli.se. Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance. 278. Geneva; Droz. 1993. 360 Diefendorf. Barbara. Beneath the Cross. Catholics and Huguenots in Sixteenth- Century Paris. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1991. Droz. E. "Pierre de Vingle. rimprimeur de Farel." In Gabrielie Berthoud. et al.. Aspects tie lapropagancie religieuse. Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance. 28. Geneva: Droz, 1957. Du Cange, Charles du Fresne. Seigneur. Glossarium mediae et infimae Latinitatis. 10 vols. Paris: Librarie des sciences et des arts, 1938 [1883-1887]. Dupraz, E. "Introduction de la Reforme par le "Plus" dans le bailiage d'Orbe- Echallens." Zeitschrift fiir schweizeriche Kirchengeschichte 9. (1915). Eire. Carlos M. N. iVar against the Idols. The Reformation of Worship from Erasmus to Calvin. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1986. Elwood. Christopher. The Body Broken. The Calvinist Doctrine of the Eucharist and the Symboliiation of Power in Sixteenth-Century France. Oxford Studies in Historical Theology. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999. Foster. Stuart. "Pierre Viret and France, 1559-1565." Ph.D. thesis. St. Andrews University. March 2000. Freymond. Jacques. "Les relations diplomatiques de Berne avec Fran9ois T"' et Charles-Quint apres la conquete du Pays de Vaud." Schweizcr Beitrdge rur allgemeinen Geschichte 3 (1945): 210-28. Ganoczy. Alexandre. Le jeune Calvin. Geneve et evolution de so vocation reformatrice. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1966. Garrisson. Janine. Protestants du Midi, 1559-1598. Bibliotheque historique privat. Toulouse: Editions Privat. 1980. Geisendorf. Paul-F. Theodore de Beze. Geneva: Labor et Fides. 1949. Gilliard, Charles. La conquete du Pays de Vaud par les Bernois. Histoire Ilelvetique. Lausanne: L'Aire. 1985 [Lausanne: La Concorde. 1935). Gilmont. Jean-Francois and Rudolphe Peter. Bihliotheca Calviniana. Les oeuvres de Jean Calvin publiees au XPTe siecle. 3 vols. Travaux d'Humanisnie et Renaissance. 255. 281. 339. Geneva: Droz. 1991-2000. Gilmont. Jean-Francois. Jean Calvin et le livre imprime. Etudes de philologic et d'histoire (Cahiers d'llumanisme et Renai.ssance). 50. Geneva: Droz. 1997. 361 . Jean Crcspin. Un editeur refonne au XVf siecle. Travaux d'Humanisme el Renaissance. 186. Geneva; Droz. 1981. . ed. The Reformation and the Book. Karin Maag, trans. St. Andrews Studies in Reformation History. Brookfield. VT: Ashgate, 1998 [Paris: Cerf, 1990]. Gordon. Bruce. "Switzerland." In The Early Reformation in Europe, Andrew Pettegree. ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1992. Greimas. Algirdas Juiien and Teresa Mary Keane. Dictionnaire dii moyen fran<;ais. La Renaissance. Tresors du t'ran^ais. Paris: Larousse. 1992. Guggisberg. Kurt. Bernische Kirchengeshichte. Bern: Paul Haupt, 1958. Guillaume Farel 1489-1565. Biographic nouvelle ecrite d 'apres les documents originaiLX par iin groupe d 'historiens. professeurs et pasteurs de Suisse, de France et d 'Italic. Neuchatel and Paris: Editions Delauchau.x &. Niestle S.A.. 1930. Hari. Robert. "Les Placards de 1534."' In Gabrielle Berthoud. et al.. Aspects de la propagande religieuse. Travau.x d'Humanisme et Renaissance. 28. Geneva: Droz. 1957. 79-142. Harrington, Joel F. Reordering Marriage and Society in Reformation Germany. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1995. Hauser. Henri. Etudes stir la Refonne fran<;aise. Bibliotheque d'histoire religieuse. Paris: Alphonse Picard. 1909. Heller. Henry. The Conquest of Poverty. The Calvinist Revolt in Si.xteenth Century France. Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought. 35. Leiden: Brill. 1986. Higman, Francis. Censorship and the Sorbonne. A Bibliographical Study of Books in French Censured by the Faculty of Theology of the University of Paris. 1520-1551. Travaux d"Humanism et Renaissance. 172. Geneva: Droz. 1979. . "Les debuts de la polemique contre la messe: De la tressaincte cene de nostre seigneur el de la messe qu on chante communement." In Le I.ivre el la Reforme, Rodolphe Peter and Bernard Rousscl. eds. Bordeaux: Societe des Bibliophiles dc Guyenne. 1987. 362 . La Diffusion de la Reforme en France: 1520-1565. Publications de la Faculte de theologie de TUniversite de Geneve. 17. Geneva: Labor et Fides. 1992. . "French-speaking Regions. 1520-62." \x\ The Reformation and the Book, Jean-Francois Gilmont. ed.. Karin Maag. trans. St. Andrews Studies in Reformation History. Aldershot: Ashgate. 1998 (Paris: Cerf. 1990). . Lire et decouvrir. La circulation des idees au temps de la Reforme. Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance. 326. Geneva: Droz. 1998. . Piety and the People. Religious Printing in French 1511-1551. St. Andrews Studies in Reformation History. Brookfield, VT: Ashgate, 1996. Holtrop. Philip C. The BoLsec Controversy on Predestination, from 1551 to 1555. The Statements of Jerome Boise c. and the Responses of John Calvin, Theodore Beza. and Other Reformed Theologians. 2 vols. Lampeter: Edwin Mellen Press. 1993. Hundeshagen. Karl Bernard. Die Conjlikte des Zwinglianismus. des Luthertums und des Calvinismus in der Berni.schen Landeskirche 1532-1558. Bern: C. A. Jenni, 1842. Jedin, Hubert. A History of the Council of Trent [Geschichte des Konzils von Trient\. 2 vols. [5 vols.]. Ernest Graf trans. London: Nelson. 1957-1961 [Freiburg: Herder. 1951-1975]. Junod. Eric. "De la conquete du Pays de Vaud a la Dispute de Lausanne." In La Dispute de Lausanne (1536): La theologie reformee apres ZwingU et avant Calvin. Textes du Colloque international sur la Dispute de Lausanne (29 septembre-T'^ octohre 1986). idem. ed. Bibliotheque historique Vaudoise. 90. Lausanne: Presses Centrales Lausanne. 1988. 13-22. Kelley. Donald R. "Fides Historiae: Charles Dumoulin and the Gallican view of History." Traditio. 22 (1966): 347-402. . FranCfOis Hot man: .1 Revolutionary s Ordeal. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 1973. Kingdon, Robert, .idultery and Divorce in Calvin s Geneva. I larvard Historical Studies. 118. Cambridge. MA: Harvard University Press. 1995. . Geneva and the Coming of the Wars of Religion in France. 1555- 1563. Travaux d'llumanismc et Renaissance. 22. Geneva: Droz. 1956. 363 . Geneva and the Consolidation of the French Protestant Movement 1564-1572. A Contribution to the History of Congregationalism, and Calvinist Resistance Theory. Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance, 92. Geneva: Droz, 1967. Knecht. R. J. Renaissance Warrior and Patron. The Reign of Francis /. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1994. Lane. Anthony N. S. John Calvin. Student of the Church Fathers. Edinburgh: T & T CIark.'l999. Le Coultre, Jean-Jules. Maturin Cordier et les origines de la pedagogic protestante dans les pays de la langue fran<;aise (1530-1564). Memoires de TUniversite de Neuchatel. 5. Neuchatel: Secretariat de TUniversite. 1926. Le Gal. Patrick. La Droit Canonique dans la pensee dialectique de Jean Calvin. Fribourg: Editions universitaires Fribourg Suisse. 1984. Locher. Gottfried W. "Die Bemer Disputation 1528." In 450Jahre Berner Reformation. Beitrcige ~ur Geschichte der Berner Reformation und zu Niklaus Manuel. Bern; Historischen Verein des Kantons Bern. 1980, 138-155. .. ed. Der Berner Synodus von 1532: Edition und Ahhandlungen zum Jubilaumsjahr 1982. 2 vols. Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag. 1988. Lyon. Christine. "Le sort du clerge vaudois au lendemain de la Retbrme." Memoire de licence en histoire modeme. University of Lausanne. 1998. •McGrath. Alistair. .-I Life of John Calvin. A Study in the Shaping of Western Culture. Oxford: Basil Blackvvell. 1990. Mentzer. Raymond, ed. Sin and the Calvinists. Morals Control and the Consistory in the Reformed Tradition. Sixteenth Century Essays and Studies. 32. Kirksville. MO: Sixteenth Century Journal Publishers. 1994. Meylan. Henri. "L'affaire des quatre pasteurs du Chablais. champions et victimes de la predestination (1558)." Revue Historique I audoi.se 80 (1972): 15-31. . "Pierre Viret et les Lausannois. vignt annees de luttes pour une discipline ecclesiastique. " Memoires de la Societe pour I 'Histoire du Droit et des Institutions des anciens pavs hourguignons. comtois el romands 35 (1978): 15-23. 364 , and Maurice Guex. "Viret et M.M. de Lausanne." Revue Historiqiie VciiiJoise 69 (1961); 113-73. Monter, William. Calvin's Geneva. New Dimensions in History, Historical Cities. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1967. . Judging the French Reformation. Heresy Trials hy Sixteenth- Century Parlements. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999. Muller. Richard A. The Unaccommodated Calvin: Studies in the Foundation of a Theological Tradition. Oxford Studies in Historical Theology. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. Naef. Henri. Les origines de la Reforme a Geneve. 2 vols. Geneva: A. Jullien, 1936, 1968. Naphy. William. Calvin and the Consolidation of the Genevan Reformation: 1541- 1557. Manchester: Manchester University Press. 1994. Niquille, Jeanne. "Quand Fribourg voulait un port sur le Leman (1536)." In Melanges d 'histoire et de litterature ojferts a Monsieur Charles Gilliard d I occasion de son soixante-cinquieme anniversaire. Lausanne: F. Rouge & C^ 1944, 331-43. Oberman. Heiko A. "Calvin and Farel. The Dynamics of Legitimation." Journal of Early Modern History 2 (1998): 32-60. . "Europa afflicta: The Reformation of the Refugees." Archiv fiir Reformationsgeschichte 83 (1992): 91-111. Puech, Emile. Un profes.seur du 16 siecle. Mathurin Cordier. sa vie et son oeuvre. Geneva: Slatkine Reprints. 1970 [Montaubon: Marius Bonneville. 1896|. Reid. Jonathan. "King's Sister - Queen of Dissent: Marguerite of Navarre (1492- 1549) and Her Evangelical Network." Ph.D. dissertation. University of Arizona. 2001. Reuter. Karl. Das Grundverstcindnis der Theologie Calvins unter Einheziehiing ihrer geschichtlichen Ahhangigkeiten. Beitriige zur Geschichte und Lehre der Reformierten Kirche. 15. Neukirchen: Neukirchener Verlag des Erziehungsvereins. 1963. 365 Robbins, Kevin. City on the Ocean Sea. La Rochelle. 1530-1650. Urban Society, Religion, and Politics on the French Atlantic Frontier. Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought. 64. Leiden: Brill. 1997. Roberts, Penny, /f City in Conflict. Troyes during the French War.s of Religion. Manchester: Manchester University Press. 1996. Rorem. Paul E. "The Cnnsemus Tigurinus 1549: Did Calvin Compromise?" In Calvimts Sacrae Scripturae Professor. Calvin as Confessor of Holy Scripture, Wilhelm H. Neuser. ed. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1994, 72-90. Roussel, Bernard. ""Faire la cene" dans les Eglises Retbrmees du royaume de France au seizieme siecle ca. 1555-1575." Archives de sciences sociales des religions 39 (1994): 99-119. Ruchat, Abraham. Histoire de la Reformation de la Sui.s.se. oh I 'on voit tout ce qui s est passe de plus remarquable. depuis I 'an 1516. jusqu en I 'an 1556.. dans les eglises des XIII. cantons, et des elats confederez. qui composent avec eux le corps helvetique. 6 vols. Geneva: Marc-Michel Bousquet & Co., 1728. . Histoire de la Reformation de la Suisse. Edition avec appendices et une notice sur la vie et les ouvrages de Ruchat, L. Vulliemin, ed. 7 vols. Nyon: M. Giral-Prelaz, Paris: Risler. Paris: Cherbuliez. Lausanne: Marc Duclou.x, 1835-1838. Satley. Thomas Max. "Canon Law and Swiss Reform: Legal Theory and Practice in the Marital Courts of Zurich, Bern, Basel, and St. Gall." In Canon Law in Protestant Lands. Comparative Studies in Continental and Anglo-American Legal History. 11. Berlin: Duncker& Humblot. 1992. Sanders. Paul. "Heinrich Bullinger et le "Zwinglianisme tardif aux lendemains du "Consensus Tigurinus.'" In Reformiertes Erhe. Festschrift fiir Gottfried Locher zur seinem 80. Gehurtstag. Heiko A. Oberman. et al.. eds. Zwingliana. 19/1. Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 1992.307-23. Schilling. Heinz. "Confessional Europe." \x\ Handbook of European History, 1400- 1600. Lute Middle Age.i:. Renaissance, and Reformation. 2 vols. Thomas A. Brady, et al.. eds. Leiden: Brill. 1994-1995. 641 -81. Schnetzler. Charles. "Pierre Viret et le conflit ecclesiastique avec Berne au milieu du XVl""*"' siecle." Revue historique Vaitdoise 15 (1907): 366-80. 366 Stammler. Jacques. Le tresor de la calhedrale de Lausanne. Jules Galley, trans. Memoires et documents publics par la socieie d'histoire de la Suisse romande. 2"'' ser.. 5. Lausanne: Georges Bridel & C"^. 1902. Strauss, Gerald. Luther s House of Learning. Indoctrination of the Young in the German Reformation. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978. Sunshine. Glenn S. "From French Protestantism to the French Reformed Churches: The Development of Huguenot Ecclesiastical Institutions. 1559-1598." Ph.D. dissertation. University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1992. Thireau. Jean-Louis. Charles Du Moulin (1500-1566). Etude sur les sources, la methode. les idees politiques et economiques d'un juriste de la Renaissance. Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance, 176. Geneva: Droz. 1980. Thomas. Keith. Religion and the Decline of Magic. Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century England. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1971. Torrance, T. F. The Hermeneutics of John Calvin. Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press. 1988. Vuilleumier, Henri. Histoire de I 'Eglise Reformee du Pays de Vaudsous le regime bernois. 4 vols., vol. I: L '/tge de la Reforme. Lausanne: Editions la Concorde. 1927. Wandel, Lee Palmer. Voracious Idols and Violent Hands. Iconoclasm in Reformation Zurich, Strasbourg, and Basel. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1995. Wanegffelen. Thierry. Mi Rome ni Geneve. Des fideles entre deiLX chaires en France au XVIe siecle. Bibliotheque litteraire dc la Renaissance, ser. 3. 36. Paris: Editions Champion. 1997. Wellisch. Hans H. Conrad Gessner. A Bio-Bibliography. Zug: IDC. 1984. Wendel. Francois. Calvin. Origins and Development of His religious Thought. Philip Mairet. trans. Grand Rapids: Baker Books. 1963 [Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1950]. 367 Abbreviations Calvin-Studiemnisgtibe Calvin. John. Calvin-Stiidienausgahe. E. Busch. et ai.. eds. 4 vols, to date. Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag. 1994-. CO Calvin, John. loannis Calvini Opera quae super sunt omnia. Ad /idem ediliomm principum el authenticarum ex parte etiam codicum manu scriptorum. additis prolegomenis literariis, annotationibus criticis, annalihus Calvinianis indicihusque novis et copiosissmis. J. Baum. et al.. eds. 59 vols. Braunschweig: C. A. Schwetschke and sons, 1863-1900. Correspondance de Beze Beza, Theodore. Correspondance de Theodore de Beze. Hippolyte Aubert. et al.. eds. Travau.x d'Humanisme et Renaissance. 12 vols, to date. Geneva: Droz. 1960-. Chroniqueur Vulliemin. Louis. Le Chroniqueur. Recue'd historique et journal de I 'Helvetic romande. renfermant le recit de la Reformation de ce pays et celui de .sa reunion a la Suisse dans ies annees 1535 et 1536. Lausanne: Marc Ducloux. 1836. Guilluume Farel Cuiilaume Farel 14H9-1565. Biographie nouvelle ecrite d 'apres les documents originaux par un groupe d 'hi.storiens. professeurs et pasteurs de Stiis.se. de France et d'lialie. Neuchatel & Paris: Editions Deiachaux & Niestle, 1930. Herminjard Herminjard, A.-L. Correspondance des Reformateurs dans les pays de langue fran<;aise. 9 vols. Geneva: H. Georg. 1866- 1897. .\IDR Memoires el documents puhlies par la societe d'hisloire de la Sui.s.se romande. 368 OS Calvin. John. Joannis Calvini Opera Selecta. P. Barth and W. Niesel. eds. 5 vols. Munich: C. Kaisen 1926-1959. Pierretleur Pierrefleur, [Guillaume?] de. Memoires de Pierrejleiir. Edition Critique avec une introduction et des notes. Louis Junod, ed. Lausanne: Editions la Concorde. 1933. RC Registres du Conseil de Geneve publics par la Societe d histoire c& d 'archeologie de Geneve. 13 vols. Geneva: Societe d'histoire & d'archeologie de Geneve. 1900-1940. Ruchat Ruchat. Abraham. Histoire de la Reformation de la Suisse, Oii I 'on voit tout ce qui s 'est passe de plus remarquahle. depuis I'An 1516. jusqu 'en I 'An 1556.. dans les Eglises des X//I. Cantons. & des Etats Confederez. qui compo.sent avec eux le L. Corps Helvetique. 6 vols. Geneva: Marc-Michel Bousquet & Co.. 1728. Vuilleumier Vuilleumier, Henri. Histoire de I 'Eglise Reformee du Pays de Vaud .sous le regime bernois. 4 vols., vol. 1: L 'Age de la Reforme. Lausanne: Editions la Concorde, 1927. Z Zvvingli. Huldrych. Huldreich Zwinglis sdmtliche Werke. Einzig vollstcindige Ausgabe der Werke Zwinglis. 14 vols. Corpus Reformatorum. Berlin: C.A. Schuetachke. 1905-1956.