Desiree Poets sobre asUnidadesdePolíciaPacificadoradoRioJaneiro A securitizaçãodacidadaniaemumacidade‘segregada’:reflexão City’: areflectiononRio’s PacifyingPoliceUnits The securitizationofcitizenshipina‘Segregated urbe. RevistaBrasileirade GestãoUrbana( DP isMScEcon, PhDCandidate, e-mail: [email protected] Resumo Abstract Aberystwyth University, DepartmentofInternational Politics, Aberystwyth, United Kingdom chamou de “fala do crime”, um discurso maniqueísta através do qual a população brasileira expressa e lida e expressa brasileira população a qual do através maniqueísta crime”,discurso do um “fala de chamou construídas como politicamente inúteis. comoatosoberano“traçarmerecem‘outras’um de que e distinção” vidas vividas de entrede linhasser tipos UPPs. pelas moradoresarticulados seus urbano, principalmente das suas regiões mais pobres, junto com uma análise dos preconceitos sobre e foram qual no Janeiro de introduzidasRio as UPPs. do e Brasil do socioespacial e político contexto o explora artigo o UPPs, das cidade. da formal’,segregação ‘cidade a superandoa um e favelas as como entre integração da promoçãotêm a objetivos seus 2008 de desde Janeiro de Rio no implementadas – UPPs – Pacificadora Polícia de Unidades As Keywords: the urban marginalized asits‘internal enemies’. and democratic openinghave simultaneously impliedanincreasinglystate authoritarianpenal targets that reformscountry,neoliberalpost-dictatorial which a in as emerges emphasized. is Holston, James by encounter with violence. The disjunctive nature of Brazil’s ‘inclusivelydaily inegalitarian’their democracy,with as cope explored and articulate Brazilians which through discourse Manicheistic crime’,a of ‘talk the ‘Others’. It becomes clear that they are guilty of articulating and reinforcing what Teresa Caldeira has named work asasovereign actof ‘drawing linesof distinction’ between lives worth living andpolitically worthless about favelas and slum residents the UPPs imply. The UPPs are analyzed in dialogue with Giorgio Agamben’s militarization of Rio’s spaces, and especially of its urban poor regions, within an analysis of what assumptions which they were introduced. The implementation and operation of the UPPs is outlined in the context in of the background sociospatial and political the examines article this foundations, very UPPs’ the question to order in goal stated this behind reasoning city’.‘dividedthe problematize a to as Intending Rio of view the goals the promotion of the integration between the pacified favelas and the ‘formal’ city, aiming to overcome PacificationThe Janeirohavede 2008 PoliceRio implementedsince UPPs in – – stated Units their of one as Com o objetivo de problematizar o raciocínio por trás dessa meta, a fim de questionar os fundamentos UPPs. Publicsecurity policy. Brazilian democracy. Urban segregation. Brazilian Journal ofUrbanManagement Brazilian Journal A implantação e operação das UPPs é colocada no contexto da militarização do espaço

), 2015maio/ago.,7(2), Torna-se claro que as UPPs articulam e reforçam o que Teresa Caldeira As UPPs são entendidas em diálogo com a obra de Giorgio AgambenGiorgio de obra a comdiálogo em entendidas são UPPs As 182-194

DOI: 10.1590/2175-3369.007.002.SE03 ISSN 2175-3369 Licenciado sob uma Licença Creative Commons The securitization of citizenship in a ‘Segregated City’ 183

com seu encontro diário com a violência. A natureza disjuntiva da democracia “inclusiva e desigual” do Brasil, como explica James Holston, é enfatizada. O Brasil aparece como um país pós-ditatorial onde as reformas neoliberais e a abertura democrática causaram a paralela criação de um Estado penal autoritário que tem como alvo o subproletariado urbano. Palavras-chave: UPPs. Política de segurança pública. Democracia brasileira. Segregação urbana.

Since the re-democratization period that commenced criminality,limits them. Moremarginality specifically, and theyfavelas arose from a context in the mid-1970s and intensified in the 1980s, the of widespread preconceptions about citizenship, Thesocial, city political is known and today spatial for its divisions rising number within of Riofavelas de laissez-faire for an increasingly authoritarian (Perlman, “penal 2010) state”, Janeiro have become perceived as increasingly acute. within a neoliberal framework that exchanges economic security crises in the past decades have helped the and its high crime and homicide rates. Repeated public a modelAs such, exported it is the by aim the ofUnited this paperStates toand show readily the sustains an environment of public insecurity commonly imported by Brazilian authorities (Wacquant, 2008). associatedconsolidation with of socialthis image. and economic For Rio’s citizens, inequality. the Thecity goals, mainly through the contributions of Loïc inherent and external limitations to the UPPs’ stated provided an impetus for a transformation of this 2014 FIFA World Cup and the 2016 Olympic Games Wacquant, Nilo Batista, Vera Malaguti Batista, Teresa Dona Marta Caldeira and Giorgio Agamben. Their works help us ofpicture. a new Inpublic this policycontext, approach. the 2008 Developed pacification by Publicof the understand the historical construction of this ‘divided in Botafogo marked the beginning city’ and investigate whether the UPPs are apt to tackle the problem of segregation in Rio de Janeiro Securityfavelas Secretary José Mariano Beltrame under the once we problematize the discursive and material government1. ofThese Sérgio include Cabral, the the well-known Pacifying Police Cidade Units de underconstruction what circumstances of this perceived did ‘division’ it become of perceivedthe urban Deusof Rio’s , or UPPs,Complexo at the do Alemãoend of 2014 and Rocinha add up. astissue. a legitimate How was solution a military to the occupation problem of justified, segregation and to 38 units or City of God, According to the UPPs official website (UPP, 2014, theyand inequality are part of in rather Rio de than Janeiro? a challenge As we to answer the larger this our translation), the pacifications have the following we will see that the UPPs’ limits are present because official[…] goals, to resumeamongst territories others: once dominated by ostentatiously armed criminal groups and drugs within a logic of since the military rule of scheme of the criminalization and militarization of establish the democratic state based on the rule of law. […] To contribute to breaking the logic of 1964-1985 (Batista, 1997) – the effects of which are

asstill democratic widely felt opening in Brazil. and economic reforms were Militarization continued in post-dictatorship Brazil and“war” the that private exists sector, in the traditionally state of Rio limited de Janeiro. by the accompanied by growing state intervention in criminal actionTo allow of the the entry parallel or expansion power of criminalof public servicesgroups; […] To contribute to a greater integration of these territories and their inhabitants into the matters within the aforementioned ‘neoliberal penal city as whole, disabling the traditional view of state’, backed by the mainstream media and with significant public support. The penal state works through the centuries-old criminalization of the poor Despite these ambitious plans, the UPPs occur in the urban peripheries and favelas. Since the era of ‘divided city’ that characterizes Rio de Janeiro. formal– especially colonialism the black and youthslavery, – theyconcentrated have been inthe Brazil main within1 an existingComplexo state of daaffairs Maré thathad beenabsorbs militarily and targets of criminal policies and police violence (Malaguti occupied in preparation for the 39th UPP, but the UPP had as of Byyet Januarynot been 2015, installed. Batista, 2003). Today, they are over-represented in the country’s prisons and homicide rates. More recently, urbe. Revista Brasileira dethis Gestão Urbanais linked (Brazilian toJournal what of Urban Teresa Management Caldeira), 2015 maio/ago., (2000) 7(2), 182-194 has 184 Poets, D.

instead of a military intervention into one of those spaces, the favelas. evil,named morally the “talk weak of crime”, and savage which criminalsdichotomizes or potential between hard-working, morally upright, good Brazilians and criminals. The latter are considered unworthy of human The UPPs: paradigmatic break?

The UPPs are installed in phases, from the rights or any form of legal protection within what James gathering of intelligence, the invasion of the favela, rightsHolston whilst has substantiallycalled Brazil’s distributing ‘inclusively rights inegalitarian through the establishment of permanent UPP police stations linescitizenship’ of privilege. that only formally recognizes universal in the favela’s territory to the co-operation with the These processes are also spatial. The rise of favelas Rio+Social. They supposedly operate within a model Social UPP program – since August 2014 re-labeled insecurity in a country increasingly affected by high of community policing. In some cases, such as the crime rates, re-democratization has led to processes and of the spatial perceived segregation public Complexo do Alemão and Complexo da epitomised by the global phenomenon of gated Maré, the armed forces were deployed in the stages of invasionpacification and ofterritorial occupation, staying in the favela for several months after occupation. In the former, but also in others such as , the occupation was ofcommunities the homogeneous and ‘fortified spaces enclaves’, of such communities on the rise inis Vila Cruzeiro televised as part of a large investment into assigning mutuallyBrazil since constitutive the 1970s. of The the discursive construction it legitimacy through widespread media attention of favelas as the spaces of crime, lawlessness, war and marginality. The UPPs then go a step further into received a blow after repeated outbreaks of violence to foster publicfavelas support. as well asRecently, reports this of human support rights has enforcing the dichotomization between these two state of exception in pacified spaces – the ‘organized’ and ‘disorganized’ space, for prominently in Rocinha and Complexo do Alemão. in favelas abuses by the pacifying police (O Dia, 2014b), most instance – and into declaring the The UPPs were portrayed in the media as a radical, UPPs. The state of exception innovative break from previous public security policies , which justifies the implementations of the of democratic law, turning their inhabitants into what that aimed to deal with immediate public security legitimizes the suspension Homo Sacer. crises in favelas, after which the police would retreat. For him, the state of exception is a constitutive part of The UPPs, instead, take a supposedly communitarian Giorgio Agamben (1995) has named the contemporary politics, rather than an anomaly of it. approach and focus on the favelas’ social development.

On a similar note, Milton Santos (1979) has argued formed by two intimately linked and complementary appliedHowever, to Medellín the UPPs are not as paradigmatic a break as that underdeveloped cities in places such as Brazil are these accounts suppose. Not only inspired by the model these spaces are not only discursively but also in Colombia (Jácomo, 2011; Conectasfavela materially‘parts’, the mutuallyformal and constitutive. informal economies,As such, the so notion that Humanremoval Rights,to favela 2012), the UPPs come from an older. shift, since the end of the 1970s, from a policy of 2 to favelas as the space that requires integration into The decrease in upgradingfavela removals or urbanization was not absolute. programs More of Rio de Janeiro as a ‘divided city’ and the turning 2

recently, in the context of the series of sports mega events the ‘formal city’ disregards the particular relationship held in Rio and, in the case of the World Cup, throughout between these two circuits, which he names ‘upper’ as a divided city would require a re-thinking of and removalsBrazil – beginning combines withconcerns the Pan over American violence, Gamesenvironmental in 2007 ruptureand ‘lower’. with A thebreak centuries-old with this vision repeated of Rio attempts de Janeiro to conservation– removals have and re-enteredthe need to publicprepare debate. the city The for the defense games. of The case of the community Vila Autódromo the spaces associated with them, and the resulting Another removed community was the favela, located do Metrô in, locatBarra- relationshipsdifferentiate between between kinds of citizens and segregate da Tijuca and adjacentMaracanã to the stadium. Olympic For Park, more is emblematic.information require a questioning of the different rights that the ‘two cities’. It would also on the continuities and discontinuities in the practices and apply to them, for favela ed right next to the - criminals are granted less democratic protection, residents and (potential) justifications for removals in dictatorship and post-dictator urbe. Revista Brasileira de Gestão Urbana (Brazilian Journal of Urban Management), 2015 maio/ago.,ship 7(2), Brazil, 182-194 see Brum (2013). The securitization of citizenship in a ‘Segregated City’ 185

Favela-Bairro, implemented in 1993 in accordance with the Plano Diretor da Cidade doOne Rio such de Janeiroprogram was These processes are not exclusive to Brazil, as other ofmetropolises favelas experience their own patterns of inequality not a complete asinnovation, foreseen in having the 1988 been Constitution tried out (Mitchell, 2003). The military invasion and occupation (Brum, 2013). The community policing model is also , with the acceptance of its ‘collateralquadrilhas effects’ that in practice implies a death penalty for the nation’s ofin policing,Copacabana one inof the most1990s important (Albernaz continuities et al., 2007). of noenemies way implying – the drug a traffickers,break from factions them. or – theBesides UPP havingis its embeddedness drawn inspiration within from a larger other processmodels is part of these historical exclusionary processes, in of growing state intervention in the matter of public discourse on crime that relies on propaganda, described The ‘penal state’ relies on the reproduction of a specific has been on the rise since the military dictatorship assecurity. economic Brazil’s reforms current towards form neoliberalismof state intervention meant Thisby Teresa role became Caldeira evident (2000) inas the live“talk transmission of crime”. Within and increasing inequalities within the country and the this, the media exercises a central and legitimizing role. urban poor and the spaces associated with them. The instance.public judgment The historical or “executivization” construction (Batista,of the internal 2002, lattercriminalization are targeted and as militarization the loci of crime of the and marginalized, the origin our translation) of Bus 174’s hijacker in 2002, for of the recurring public security crises3 as well as high can be traced back to the fears of slave uprisings crime rates often associated with the international enemy as the poor, black and (potential) criminal has left a socio-economic order that continues to (Malaguti Batista, 2003). The colonial relationship network of drug and trafficking that affects the Thecountry war-like since re-democratization invasion of favelas (Wacquant, 2008; identify the ‘black element’ as a possible insurgent, Malaguti Batista, 2003, 2010, 2011; Batista, 1997). as a threat to order and ‘peace’ (Misse, 1999, 2010). is legitimized Malaguti Batista provides a genealogy of the ‘fear initiatedthrough underthis gradual the military establishment dictatorship of duringthe ‘neoliberal the Cold of the (black) Other’, which is today a widespread penal state’ (Wacquant, 2008), a historical process culture of fear that legitimizes the historical control of those Others and the spaces associated with them War linked to the consolidation of what Nilo Batista for the sake of ‘purity’ within hygienist discourses (1997) has called the “military model of criminal policy.” that are constantly recycled. Brazil’s internal ‘Others’ Drugs came to symbolize Communist subversion, and betweenare rooted humans in the country’sand non-humans colonial andhistory, furthered which therefore the ‘internal enemy’ to the “moral bases of thenaturalized development a global of capitalist racial order relations that dichotomizesof production Christian civilization” (Batista, 1997, p. 12). This has led to the creation of a ‘criminal policy with spilling of blood’, as he names it, as the potential economic (Mignolo, 2011; Mignolo & Escobar, 2010; Quijano, profits of war with an external enemy – the Soviet 2000, 2007; Maldonado-Torres, 2010). They were, block – were redirected towards the internationalfavela and its at first, ‘savage’ indigenous peoples, former slaves ‘organized crime’ that also originates within state nationaland international migrants fromimmigrants, poorer regions, but since especially the 1970s the borders. In Brazil more specifically, the enemy, so that we have today a de facto “dictatorship nordestinosthey have become these groups’ descendants and mostly black residents became the nation’s internal institutions fail that segment of society, whose rights The economic of the possibilities Northeast, asopened well as up those by the linked UPPs over the poor” (Wacquant, 2008, p. 62). Democratic to ‘organized crime’. favelas are3 not protected in the judicial or executive systems. play a central role here, for the pacification of 1993 Candelária Church massacre by the enables profit-making for a number of businesses. More Important here were, just to name a few examples, the favela residents specifically, the UPPs have the – whether intended or which was televised live and in which a former street child unintended – outcome of bringing andof eight survivor sleeping of the homeless Candelária children and the bus 174 case, more firmly into the neoliberal market economy. They took its passengers hostage and was killed on the way to the police station. massacre hijacked bus 174, guarantee profits for the private sector through the installation of banks and the regularization of services urbe. Revista Brasileira desuch Gestão Urbana as cable (Brazilian TV Journal and of Urban electricity Management), in 2015 the maio/ago., communities. 7(2), 182-194 186 Poets, D.

The implementation of the UPPs also aims to portray already practiced de facto on the urban, black poor

the image of Brazil as ‘safe for investment’ by foreign (Caldeira, 2000). As one example of this, in 2014, investors for the 2014 World Cup and 2016 Olympic mainly in the month of February, Brazil experienced the emergence of justiceiros Games, since the disorderly poor and the drug traffickers This short-sighted focus on the upcoming mega-events werea relatively self-proclaimed short-lived groups yet significant who took phenomenon: the matter of becomesare ‘under even control’ clearer (Malaguti when we Batista, consider 2011, that the p. 105).UPPs , or ‘avengers’. These favelas of the most Zona Sul ‘justice’ in the streets into their own hands. were implemented first in the favelas, such as Vila In one case in the neighborhood of Flamengo in Rio privileged areas, the city’s – where tourists Autódromo and favela do Metrô were targeted for de Janeiro’s privileged South Zone, a group of around are concentrated – whilst other They14 youngsters accused him assaulted of repeated a 15-year robberies old boy, in Flamengo. stripped and it is not the goal of the Secretariat of Security to Ahim survey naked by and Datafolha tied him into athat lamppost same mo