urbe. Revista Brasileira de Gestão Urbana ISSN: 2175-3369 [email protected] Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Paraná Brasil

Poets, Desiree The securitization of citizenship in a ‘Segregated City’: a reflection on Rio’s Pacifying Police Units urbe. Revista Brasileira de Gestão Urbana, vol. 7, núm. 2, mayo-agosto, 2015, pp. 182-194 Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Paraná Paraná, Brasil

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How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Desiree Poets sobre asUnidadesdePolíciaPacificadoradoRioJaneiro A securitizaçãodacidadaniaemumacidade‘segregada’:reflexão City’: areflectiononRio’s PacifyingPoliceUnits The securitizationofcitizenshipina‘Segregated Brazilian Journal ofUrbanManagement),2015maio/ago.,7(2), urbe. RevistaBrasileirade GestãoUrbana(BrazilianJournal DP isMScEcon, PhDCandidate, e-mail: [email protected] Resumo Abstract Aberystwyth University, DepartmentofInternational Politics, Aberystwyth, United Kingdom construídas como politicamente inúteis. comoatosoberano“traçarmerecem‘outras’um de que e distinção” vidas vividas de entrede linhasser tipos UPPs. pelas moradoresarticulados seus urbano, principalmente das suas regiões mais pobres, junto com uma análise dos preconceitos sobre e foram qual no Janeiro introduzidas as UPPs. de Rio do e Brasil do socioespacial e político contexto o explora artigo o UPPs, das cidade. da formal’,segregação ‘cidade a superandoa e favelas as umentre integração da promoçãocomo a objetivos seus têm de 2008 desde Janeiro de Rio no implementadas – UPPs – Pacificadora Polícia de Unidades As Keywords: UPPs. Publicsecuritypolicy. Brazilian democracy. Urban segregation. the urban marginalized asits‘internal enemies’. and democratic openinghave simultaneously impliedanincreasinglystate authoritarianpenal targets that reformscountry,neoliberalpost-dictatorial which a in as emerges emphasized. is Holston, James by encounter with violence. The disjunctive nature of Brazil’s ‘inclusively inegalitarian’ democracy,daily their as exploredwith cope and articulate Brazilians which through discourse Manicheistic crime’,a of ‘talk the ‘Others’. It becomes clear that they are guilty of articulating and reinforcing what Teresa Caldeira has named work asasovereign actof ‘drawing linesof distinction’ between lives worth living andpolitically worthless about favelas and slum residents the UPPs imply. The UPPs are analyzed in dialogue with Giorgio Agamben’s militarization of Rio’s spaces, and especially of its urban poor regions, within an analysis of what assumptions which they were introduced. The implementation and operation of the UPPs is outlined in the context of the in background sociospatial and political the examines article this foundations, very UPPs’ the question to order in goal stated this behind reasoning city’.‘dividedthe problematize a to as Intending Rio of view the goals the promotion of the integration between the pacified favelas and the ‘formal’ city, aiming to overcome PacificationThe Janeirohavede 2008 PoliceRio implementedsince UPPs in – – stated Units their of one as Com o objetivo de problematizar o raciocínio por trás dessa meta, a fim de questionar os fundamentos A implantação e operação das UPPs é colocada no contexto da militarização do espaço

Torna-se claro que as UPPs articulam e reforçam o que Teresa Caldeira As UPPs são entendidas em diálogo com a obra de Giorgio AgambenGiorgio de obra a comdiálogo em entendidas são UPPs As 182-194

DOI: 10.1590/2175-3369.007.002.SE03 ISSN 2175-3369 Licenciado sob uma Licença Creative Commons The securitization of citizenship in a ‘Segregated City’ 183

chamou de “fala do crime”, um discurso maniqueísta através do qual a população brasileira expressa e lida com seu encontro diário com a violência. A natureza disjuntiva da democracia “inclusiva e desigual” do Brasil, como explica James Holston, é enfatizada. O Brasil aparece como um país pós-ditatorial onde as reformas neoliberais e a abertura democrática causaram a paralela criação de um Estado penal autoritário que tem como alvo o subproletariado urbano.

Palavras-chave: UPPs. Política de segurança pública. Democracia brasileira. Segregação urbana.

Despite these ambitious plans, the UPPs occur

Since the re-democratization period that commenced in the mid-1970s and intensified in the 1980s, the within an existing state of affairs that absorbs and Thesocial, city political is known and today spatial for its divisions rising number within of favelasRio de limits them. More specifically, they arosefavelas from Janeiro have become perceived as increasingly acute. a context of widespread) within a neoliberal preconceptions framework about that security crises in the past decades have helped the citizenship, criminality,laissez-faire marginality for an increasinglyand and its high crime and homicide rates. Repeated public (Perlman, 2010 sustains an environment of public insecurity commonly exchanges economic authoritarian “penal state”, a model exported by associatedconsolidation with of socialthis image. and economic For Rio’s citizens, inequality. the Thecity ). theAs United such, States it is the and aim readily of this imported paper toby showBrazilian the authorities (Wacquant, 2008 provided an impetus for a transformation of this 2014 FIFA World Cup and the 2016 Olympic Games goals, mainly through the contributions of Loïc inherent and external limitations to the UPPs’ stated Dona Marta ofpicture. a new Inpublic this policycontext, approach. the 2008 Developed pacification by Publicof the in Botafogo marked the beginning Wacquant, Nilo Batista, Vera Malaguti Batista, Teresa Caldeira and Giorgio Agamben. Their works help us understand the historical construction of this ‘divided Securityfavelas Secretary José Mariano Beltrame under the city’ and investigate whether the UPPs are apt to government1. ofThese Sérgio include Cabral, the the well-known Pacifying Police Cidade Units de tackle the problem of segregation in Rio de Janeiro Deusof Rio’s , or UPPs,Complexo at the do Alemãoend of 2014 and Rocinha add up. to 38 units once we problematize the discursive and material construction of this perceived ‘division’ of the urban our translation or City of God, under what circumstances did it become perceived According to the UPPs official website (UPP, 2014, astissue. a legitimate How was solution a military to the occupation problem of justified, segregation and ), the pacifications have the following official[…]to goals, resume amongst territories others: once dominated by ostentatiously armed criminal groups and theyand inequality are part of in rather Rio de than Janeiro? a challenge As we to answer the larger this establish the democratic state based on the rule we will see that the UPPs’ limits are present because of law. […] To contribute to breaking the logic of drugs within a logic of since the military rule of scheme of the criminalization and militarization of

“war” that exists in the state of Rio de Janeiro. and the private sector, traditionally limited by the 1964-1985 (Batista, 1997) – the effects of which are To allow the entry or expansion of public services action of the parallel power of criminal groups; still widely felt in Brazil. […] To contribute to a greater integration of wereMilitarization accompanied continued by growing in state post-dictatorship intervention in these territories and their inhabitants into the Brazil as democratic opening and economic reforms city as whole, disabling the traditional view of criminal matters within the aforementioned ‘neoliberal penal state’, backed by the mainstream media and 1 ‘divided city’Complexo that characterizes da Maré had Rio been de militarilyJaneiro. with significant public support. The penal state occupied in preparation for the 39th UPP, but the UPP had as of Byyet Januarynot been 2015, installed. works through the centuries-old criminalizationfavelas. Since of the poor – especially the black youth – concentrated urbe. Revista Brasileira dein Gestão Brazil Urbana (inBrazilian the Journal urban of Urban peripheries Management), 2015 and maio/ago., 7(2), 182-194 184 Poets, D.

the era of formal colonialism and slavery, they the spaces associated with them, and the resulting have been the main targets of criminal policies and relationships between ). Today, require a questioning of the different rights that apply to them, for favela the ‘two cities’. It would also andpolice homicide violence rates. (Malaguti More recently, Batista, this 2003 is linked to criminals are granted less democratic protection, whatthey areTeresa over-represented in has the named country’s the prisons“talk of instead of a military intervention residents into and one (potential) of those spaces, the favelas. Caldeira (2000) weakcrime”, and which savage dichotomizes criminals betweenor potential hard-working, criminals. Themorally latter upright, are considered good Brazilians unworthy and of humanevil, morally rights The UPPs: paradigmatic break?

The UPPs are installed in phases, from the or any form of legal protection within what James gathering of intelligence, the invasion of the favela, rightsHolston whilst has calledsubstantially Brazil’s distributing ‘inclusively rights inegalitarian through the establishment of permanent UPP police stations linescitizenship’ of privilege. that only formally recognizes universal in the favela’s territory to the co-operation with the These processes are also spatial. The rise of favelas Rio+Social. They supposedly operate within a model Social UPP program – since August 2014 re-labeled insecurity in a country increasingly affected by high of community policing. In some cases, such as the crime rates, re-democratization has led to processes and of the spatial perceived segregation public Complexo do Alemão and Complexo da epitomised by the global phenomenon of gated Maré, the armed forces were deployed in the stages of pacificationinvasion and ofterritorial occupation, staying in the favela for several months after occupation. In the former, but ofcommunities the homogeneous and ‘fortified spaces enclaves’, of such communities on the rise inis also in others such as Vila Cruzeiro, the occupation was mutuallyBrazil since constitutive the 1970s. of The the discursive construction televised as part of a large investment into assigning of favelas as the spaces of crime, lawlessness, war it legitimacy through widespread media attention and marginality. The UPPs then go a step further into received a blow after repeated outbreaks of violence to foster publicfavelas support. as well asRecently, reports this of human support rights has enforcing the dichotomization betweenstate of these exception two ), most in pacified inspaces favelas – the ‘organized’ and ‘disorganized’ space, for prominently in Rocinha and Complexo do Alemão. abuses by the pacifying police (O Dia, 2014b UPPs.instance The – state and ofinto exception declaring the The UPPs were portrayed in the media as a radical, of democratic, which law, justifies turning the their implementations inhabitants into of what the innovative break from previous public security policies has legitimizes named the the Homo suspension Sacer. that aimed to deal with immediate public security For him, the state of exception is a constitutive part of crises in favelas, after which the police would retreat. contemporaryGiorgio Agamben politics, (1995) rather than an anomaly of it. The UPPs, instead, take a supposedly communitarian has argued approach and focus on the favelas’ social development.

formedOn a bysimilar two intimately note, Milton linked Santos and (1979) complementary that underdeveloped cities in places such as Brazil are modelHowever, applied the toUPPs Medellín are not as paradigmatic a break as these accounts suppose. Not only inspired by the these spaces are not only discursively but also ; ), the UPPs in Colombia (Jácomo, materially‘parts’, the mutuallyformal and constitutive. informal economies,As such, the so notion that from2011 a Conectaspolicy of favelaHuman removal Rights, to 2012 favela upgrading come from an older shift, since the end of the 1970s, to favelas as the space that requires integration into . of Rio de Janeiro as a ‘divided city’ and the turning 2 or The urbanization decrease in programsfavela removals One was such not programabsolute. Morewas the ‘formal city’ disregards the particular relationship 2 asbetween a divided these city two would circuits, require which a re-thinking he names ‘upper’ of and recently, in the context of the series of sports mega events ruptureand ‘lower’. with A thebreak centuries-old with this vision repeated of Rio attempts de Janeiro to held in Rio and, in the case of the World Cup, throughout removalsBrazil – beginning combines withconcerns the Pan over American violence, Gamesenvironmental in 2007 – removals have re-entered public debate. The defense of differentiateurbe. Revista Brasileira betweende Gestão Urbana kinds (Brazilian of Journal citizens of Urban andManagement segregate), 2015 maio/ago., 7(2), 182-194 The securitization of citizenship in a ‘Segregated City’ 185

Favela-Bairro, implemented in 1993 in accordance with the Plano Diretor da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro ). block – were redirected towards the internationalfavela and its The community policing model is also not a complete ‘organized crime’ that also originates within state as foreseen in the 1988 Constitution (Brum, 2013 innovation, having been tried out in Copacabana in enemy,borders. so In that Brazil we morehave todayspecifically, a de facto the “dictatorship mostly black residents became the nation’s). Democratic internal drawn inspiration from other models of policing, institutions fail that segment of society, whose rights onethe 1990sof the most(Albernaz important et al., continuities2007). Besides of the having UPP over the poor” (Wacquant, 2008, p. 62 is its embeddedness within a larger process of growing state intervention in the matter of public are not protected in the judicial or executive systems. These processes). The are militarynot exclusive invasion to Brazil,and occupation as other has been on the rise since the military dictatorship ofmetropolises favelas experience their own patterns of inequality assecurity. economic Brazil’s reforms current towards form neoliberalismof state intervention meant (Mitchell, 2003 increasing inequalities within the country and the , with the acceptance of its ‘collateralquadrilhas effects’ that in practice implies a death penalty for the nation’s urban poor and the spaces associated with them. The noenemies way implying – the drug a traffickers,break from factions them. or – lattercriminalization are targeted and as militarization the loci of crime of the and marginalized, the origin is part of these historical exclusionary processes, in of the recurring public security crises3 as well as high discourse on crime that relies on propaganda, described crime rates often associated with the international by TeresaThe ‘penal state’ relies on the reproduction of a specific

; This role becameCaldeira evident (2000) inas the live“talk transmission of crime”. Within and network of drug and trafficking that affects ; ). this, the media exercises a central and legitimizing role., the Thecountry war-like since re-democratization invasion of favelas (Wacquant, 2008 Malaguti Batista, 2003, 2010, 2011 Batista, 1997 instance.public judgment The historical or “executivization” construction (ofBatista, the internal 2002 ), a historical is legitimized process our translation) of Bus 174’s hijacker in 2002, for through this gradual establishment of the ‘neoliberal initiated under the military dictatorship during the Cold can be traced back to the fears of slave uprisings penal state’ (Wacquant, 2008 enemy as the poor, black). Theand colonial(potential) relationship criminal has called the “military model of criminal policy.” has left a socio-economic order that continues to War linked to the consolidation of what Nilo Batista (Malaguti Batista, 2003 (1997) Misse, 1999, ). Drugs came to symbolize Communist subversion,). This andhas identify the ‘black element’ as a possible insurgent, therefore the ‘internal enemy’ to the “moral bases of as a threat to order and ‘peace’ ( 2010 Christian civilization” (Batista, 1997, p. 12 Malaguti Batista provides a genealogy of the ‘fear led to the creation of a ‘criminal policy with spilling of the (black) Other’, which is today a widespread of blood’, as he names it, as the potential economic culture of fear that legitimizes the historical control conservationprofits of war and with the need an externalto prepare enemy the city for– the the Sovietgames. of those Others and the spaces associated with them The case of the community Vila Autódromo for the sake of ‘purity’ within hygienist discourses that are constantly recycled. Brazil’s internal ‘Others’ Another removed community was the favela, located do Metrô in, locatBarra- are rooted in the country’s colonial history, which da Tijuca and adjacentMaracanã to the stadium. Olympic For Park, more is emblematic.information between humans and non-humans and furthered on the continuities and discontinuities in the practices and thenaturalized development a global of capitalist racial order relations that dichotomizesof production ed right next to the - ; ; Quijano, . justifications for removals in dictatorship and post-dictator , ; ). They were, 3 (Mignolo, 2011 Mignolo & Escobar, 2010 ship Brazil, see Brum (2013) 1993 Candelária Church massacre by the 2000 2007 Maldonado-Torres, 2010 Important here were, just to name a few examples, the at first, ‘savage’ indigenous peoples, former slaves which was televised live and in which a former street child of eight sleeping homeless children and the bus 174 case, nationaland international migrants fromimmigrants, poorer regions, but since especially the 1970s the and survivor of the Candelária they have become these groups’ descendants and took its passengers hostage and was killed on the way to the nordestinos police station. massacre hijacked bus 174, of the Northeast, as well as those linked urbe. Revista Brasileira deto Gestão ‘organized Urbana (Brazilian crime’. Journal of Urban Management), 2015 maio/ago., 7(2), 182-194 186 Poets, D.

The economic possibilities opened up by the UPPs favelas ; ; ). In the private‘more state’ sphere in and matters with thisof public perceived security lack ofand security crime play a central role here, for the pacification of (Caldeira, 2000 Batista, 1997 Wacquant, 2008 enables profit-making for a number of businesses.favela residents More upper classes have allocated growing investments specifically, the UPPs have the – whether intended or and state control in mind, the Brazilian middle and unintended – outcome of bringing effects include an increasing tolerance for human more firmly into the neoliberal market economy. They rightsto private abuses, security public andsupport gated for communities.vigilante groups, Other and guarantee profits for the private sector through the Theinstallation implementation of banks and of the the UPPs regularization also aims ofto services portray already practiced de facto on the urban, black poor such as cable TV and electricity in the communities. justifications for the legalization of the death penalty,

the image of Brazil as ‘safe for investment’ by foreign (Caldeira, 2000). As one example of this, in 2014, investors for the 2014 World Cup and 2016 Olympic). themainly emergence in the month of justiceiros of February, Brazil experienced ThisGames, short-sighted since the disorderly focus on poor the upcoming and the drug mega-events traffickers werea relatively self-proclaimed short-lived groups yet significant who took phenomenon: the matter of becomesare ‘under even control’ clearer (Malaguti when we Batista, consider 2011, that the p. 105UPPs , or ‘avengers’. These favelas of the most Zona Sul ‘justice’ in the streets into their own hands. were implemented first in the favelas, such as Vila In one case in the neighborhood of Flamengo in Rio Autódromoprivileged areas, and favelathe city’s do Metrô were – where targeted tourists for de Janeiro’s privileged South Zone, a group of around). are concentrated – whilst). It otherwould not be sustainable They14 youngsters accused him assaulted of repeated a 15-year robberies old boy, in Flamengo. stripped and it is not the goal of the Secretariat of Security to Ahim survey naked by and Datafolha tied him into athat lamppost same month (O Dia, showed2014a removal (Brum, 2013favelas, so that one is left with the a 79% disapproval for the justiceiros by the general impression that one of the unstated intentions was to occupysecure strategically all of Rio’s important spaces for the capitalist public. Nevertheless, richer, more educated and white forBrazilians instance, were approved significantly of the justiceiros more in ,favor as compared of their profit-making of the upcoming mega-events, and actions (Folha de São Paulo, 2014): 24% of whites, generally to enable profits for the city’s big businesses. boy of low socio-economic status, and the justiceiros Returning to the previous point, this symbolic has named and wereto 12% white of blacks. and middle-class.The accused criminal This phenomenon was a black material distancing between different types of citizens shows the race and class privilege under which is part of what James Holston (2008) Brazil’s ‘inclusively inegalitarian’ or ‘differenceth century‑specific’ is ) that onecitizenship. of universal James formal Holston membership (2008) explains in the nation that whilst‑state, advocateBrazilian democracythe eradication functions. of thieves It carries to eliminate authoritarian the theBrazil’s substantive history of distribution democracy sinceof rights, the 19 as he puts it, conceptions of public order (Caldeira, 2000 takes the form of a “gradation of rights, in which most ) in a country with long-standing ‘impurity’ or ‘immorality’ of the national character). (Romero, 1967 rights are available only to particular, p. 7). Social kinds differences of citizens antidemocratic traditions (Schwartzman, 2007 serveand exercised the purpose as the of legallyprivilege distributing of particular inequality. social Order, progress and undemocratic categories” (Holston, 2008 practices in undemocratic spaces

dialectic,These social of which dynamics favelas are are in aturn part, both which expressed forms the in backgroundand shaped by to the the city’s implementation spaces. There isof a the sociospatial UPPs in Parallel to an increased professionalization of the criminal networks since the 1970s and 80s, the through2008. Democracy, categories citizenship such as race, and spacegender are and intimately class. growth of cocaine consumption and trafficking, and linked, articulating matters of exclusion and inclusion the discursive construction of drugs as the nation’s of fear, the public is accepting and even supportive of Itinternal is not arguedenemy (hereMalaguti that Batista,security 2006 concerns), Brazil are also the Within this setting of public insecurity and a culture experienced a rise in segregationist urban planning. urbe. Revista Brasileira de Gestão Urbana (Brazilian Journal of Urban Management), 2015 maio/ago., 7(2), 182-194 The securitization of citizenship in a ‘Segregated City’ 187 only reason for the rise in this phenomenon, which can that clearly showed their political dimensions. However,Store ownersit was maybe and mallthe reactions administrators that they reacted caused securityinclude convenience concerns and or segregationist lack of alternatives urban (planningRoming, 2005). Nevertheless, the combination of an increase in against the rolezinhos. The rolezinhos relationship between these two mutually enforcing byadversely the police – some and malls mainstream were even media granted for injunctions instilling were criminalized in Brazil is not accidental and showsBarra a da specific Tijuca disorder, insecurity and chaos. Mall and store managers or Alphaville in São Paulo are illustrative of showed their fear of a crowd of young, low-income developments.4 Neighborhoods like in Rio having fun but who were perceived as potentially Afro-Brazilians who gathered with the intention of this, exhibiting highly technologically) change the waysurveilled that public gated dangerous. The fear of disorder, chaos, crime and spacecommunities functions and and malls. attempt These to mark “fortified a clear separationenclaves” violence that underlies the logic of the creation of spaces from(Caldeira, the rest2000, of p.the 258 city, reinforcing the accepted, of forced homogeneity, predictability, respectability

A number of authors have interpreted such enclaves and exclusivity such as malls became clear. As a asexclusionary a reaction to social instability norms and (Monahan, the unsettling 2010 of, p. social 81). socialphenomenon segregation of mixed and culture political of fear and that recreational underlies motivations, these young Brazilians made evident the ; ; the sociability of shopping malls, where they are not borders not only in Brazil). but also the United States welcome. Their simple act of association in malls was andThese Argentina transformations (Caldeira, have 1996 beenMonahan, felt by the 2010urban Malaguti poor,Malaguti who, Batista, in lack of2003 alternatives for leisure activities, ): also a claim to citizenship, as explained by turn to the consumerist spaces of shopping malls BatistaA (2006, certain p. discourse 254, our on translation crime has to be repeated are not welcome there, as the rise of rolezinhos to the management of the poor, those who are for their free-time activities. However, these classes). ad infinitum and ad nauseum to be fundamental Rolezinhos – or ‘casual, small walks’ – has showed (Al Jazeera, 2014 not to frequent the mall, the temple of citizenship and sometimes took placethousands at the ofend young of 2013 people and fromstart consumption. Who said that our boys dying or theof 2014. peripheries They were in several simply mallsgatherings throughout of hundreds cities killing for a Nike cap are not fighting for the rolezinhos, citizenship offered by this moment of capitalism? As already discussed in the notion of ‘inclusively such as São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. The media attention, and were understood by some as a inegalitarian’ citizenship, purchasing power – class organized through social media, received extensive request for social inclusion, greater public investment – and citizenship are intertwined and confused in a in leisure and cultural activities for the poorer youth society such as Brazil, where privilege still determines as well as mere opportunities for recreational outings . ofone’s gated access communities to rights andas direct citizenship, opposites and of the favelas poor 5 are repeatedly marginalized and militarized. The rise an inherently political process that articulates the for4 the real estate market was no longer concentrated in the currentin the search state of fordemocracy homogeneous, in the country, ‘secure’ making spaces clear is Zona As Sul the, where 1970s favela advanced, removals the demand were mostly for available concentrated lands until then. The Plano Lúcio Costa of real estate development who is being left out from its capitalist consumerist

Baixada do Jacarepaguá, where Barra is located, would come As opposed to the more recent character of and urbanization in the area of the then scarcely inhabited as a solution. As the area was urbanised, favela removals in- citizenship. cortiços and later favelas had ). been on the rise since the end of the 19th century as ‘fortified enclaves’, creased there as wellrolezinho (Brum, 2013 5 Rio Sul that group are strikingly similar to the ones afforded to the neighbourhood In fact, the first Botafogo . That was year, explicitly members political of the and home took- recent wave of rolezinhos, even though the latter were not place in 2000, in the mall in Rio’s upper-middleRio Sul class to - less movement decided to go for a ‘walkabout’ in closingalways organizedstores and with calling explicitly the police. political motivations. Stores protest against their exclusion. In the documentary that reg refused to serve the homeless, perplexed at their presence, istered this protest (“Hiato”) we can see how the urbe.reactions Revista Brasileira to de Gestão Urbana (Brazilian Journal of Urban Management), 2015 maio/ago., 7(2), 182-194 188 Poets, D.

). Their emergence was closely relationship between the increase in cortiços and linkedBrazil transitioned to social, political, from a slavery-based cultural, economic to a capitalist and insalubrityIn Rio, theas urban state space soon became diagnosed perceived a positive as the economy (Silva, 2006 “most dangerous environment for the population” and ). century.spatial transformations Among them, one that could occurred name asin theBrazil most in importantthe second thehalf fall of theof the19th Empire and first and half proclamation of the 20th asyellow a “medicalizable fever were quickly object” attributed (Foucault, to 2000a, cortiços p. 99and Rio’s periodical epidemics of cholera, smallpox and ); the consolidation of capitalism asof thewell Republic; as the development the substitution of the of slavesecondary with paidand their residents. The city’s modernization plans of labor (Silva, 2006 the included new, open avenues – more prone to Cortiçoscirculation and ventilation – which were to substitute tertiary sectors of the economy. Rio further) but underwent since the Cabeça-de-Porcothe city centre’s narrow and overcrowded streets. significant urbanization and demographicPerlman, growth doomed to– thedisappear, largest althoughand most very famous few canone still being be due to first international (Silva, 2006 in the city centre – were then to1930s attract especially desirable, national mostly European immigration and white( paid ; ; Xavier & Magalhães, 1976), the former subsidized by the state in order found in neighborhoods like Botafogo andbota-abaixo the city services, such as of transport and sanitation, the centre (Vaz, 1994 Santos, 2012 labor (Santos, 2002). With the installation of public 2003). This period became known as the ‘ ’ cortiços (knock it down) of the then mayor Pereira Passos. resulting accelerated urbanization led to a housing Unable to afford the alternativefavelas ‘hygienic emerged housing’, as a withcrisis. the Tenements growth of ( the demand), at first for locatedcheap housing. mostly in housingsuch as thesolution workers’ for the villages urban – poor.whose construction the city centre, became a profitable business and spread was subsidized by the state – favelas is The First Republic (1889-1930) was thus a period Having become officially recognized only around Europeanof modernization, urban planning of the positivist principles, principles inspired of ‘orderin the theto soldiers 1940s, who,the beginning returning of from the historythe War of of and progress’, and its symbol – Rio – should abide by relatively unknown. However,) , ittemporarily is often attributed settled ), hygiene on Morro da Providência 6 imageand surveillance, of Paris. With as wellthe establishment as the circulation of capitalism of people informal(1896-1897) workers (Levine, who had 1992 already begun settling there and thegoods rise in of the biopolitics city became (Foucault, a growing 2004 concern. ). The soldiers next to had former been slavers promised and better housing, but then remained there when this ), (Perlman, 2010 orFoucault a life‑positive explains sovereignty biopolitical that power gradually as the developed sovereign favela is also attributed to the removal of the cortiço between‘right to make the 17thlive and and let 19th die’ (Foucault, centuries. 2003, It functions p. 241 Cabeça-de-Porcopromise was never, whose kept. residents,The growth it isof believed,this first through the creation of governmentality dispositifs built their shanties on that morro. Today, according

). In and techniques that focus on the population’s body to the Brazilian Institute of Geographyfavelas and Statistic’s control.and their It respective is here that ‘utilities’ Foucault (Foucault, links the 2004 state to 2010 census (IBGE), over two million people in Rio, this context, medicine becomes). In apost-independence method of social andor 14.4% displacement, of the population, its residents live have in been forced. Within to applythe context their ofcreativity repeated to attempts come up at with their strategies elimination of racism (Foucault, 2003, p. 254 Brazil, this link took the form, for example,). Meanwhile, of an over-emphasis on the country’s racial ‘quality’ in where6 thousands of poor settlers had created an autono- nation-making efforts (Schwarcz, 1993 mous The community war took placeof religious in the character. Northeastern These stateincluded of , freed slaves, indigenous peoples and impoverished farmers and in Rio de Janeiro’s peripheries, the state attemptedMalaguti to control the slave population and the (also sanitary) - Canudos entered the ‘problems’ associated with black bodies ( workers. After three military attacks by the Republican forc Batista, 2003, p. 157). As such, Brazil engaged in es, the fourth military expedition into ). nation-wide and regionally specific attempts to ‘purify national history as a full-blown massacre of the settlement’s theurbe. Revista national Brasileira race’.de Gestão Urbana (Brazilian Journal of Urban Management), 2015 maio/ago.,population, 7(2), 182-194 including women and children (Levine, 1992 The securitization of citizenship in a ‘Segregated City’ 189

camelôs’ became successfully involved in the United Nations survival. We see such strategies in the informal stresses sector the Stabilisationdrug traffickers Mission (Poncioni, in Haiti 2005, p. 599). After Brazil of the economy, the ‘ and ‘piracy’ markets. authorities made the decision to apply to their own In this context, Milton Santos (1979) (MINUSTAH), Brazilian co‑dependent and intimate links between the ‘formal’ taking inspiration from the security policy model economyand ‘informal’ are always economies already of integrated.underdeveloped cities, ‘humanitarian crisis’ what had been; learned there, showing how the ‘upper’ and ‘lower’ circuits of the ). adopted in Medellín (Jácomo, 2011 Conectas Human What emerges is a picture of a city made up of ‘two Rights, 2012 sides of the same coin’, the formal and informal city, territorialThe UPPs’ occupation main concern rather however than social – not development surprisingly morethe ‘moral’ detail and below. ‘immoral’ These spaces,are historically the ‘exceptional’ constructed and due to the operation’s militarized nature – is with through‘normalized’ each neighborhoods other not only – discursivelythe latter explored but also in UPPs(Fleury, are 2012, an p.imposed 213) or the policy dismantling that represents of the ‘geographies favelas attempts to control the physical and social place of inequality’ (Malaguti Batista, 2011, p. 106). The materially. Nevertheless, we observe centuries-old segregationist notions of a desirable nation and as spaces ‘of lack’ – lacking sanitation, education, city.of the Since nation’s the military ‘Others’ dictatorship, within undemocratic this has been and an security, order etc. – as ‘war zones’ and as the loci of increasingly televised military endeavor as neoliberal crime. The discourse in the media – which showed reforms have relegated the urban poor more and more wide support and exaggerated optimism for the UPPs (Palermo, 2011) – was one constructed around the historical problem of inequality beyond material dichotomous confrontation between the ‘police warrior, to the socioeconomic fringes of society. Rio faces a defender of freedom’ and the ‘evil illegitimate criminal symbolic segregation has important implications for internaloppressors’. enemy This and discourse furthered continued the Manicheism the logic of that the publicwealth security and with policies complex for it links not only with inhibits crime. socialRio’s perceives drugs and drug traffickers as the nation’s mobility, but, as Peirce puts it, “distorts the effect of deterrence measures, leaving the poorest sectors ‘talk of crime’. more vulnerable to becoming both the victims and Hence, we can observe in the UPPs a discourse ). of crisis and exceptionalism. The justification of the throughpolice’s rightthe establishment to militarily occupy of a state those of exception spaces and in perpetrators of crime” (Peirce, 2008, p. 90 to incur the possibility of ‘collateral effects’ is framed The militarization of favelas in the state of exception especiallythem. In Agamben’s in regards toconcern the US withresponse sovereign to 9/11 power in its under the expansionstate of of the exception military is aapparatus paradigm

therefore‘War on Terror’, also deeply this preoccupied with the problems favelaWithin drug this factions context took of on attempts their current at solidifying form, the ofin thecontemporary democratic rulepolitics of law (Agamben, and its future 2005 prospects). He is sociospatial segregation and since the 1980s, when of war. Agamben understands sovereign power as the city has been increasingly securitized and militarized rightwithin to an decide international on the state context of exception of the normalization under a discourse of exceptionalism and an ‘urban war’ logic. Brazil’s authoritarian tradition has stimulated ), or,– to as call another it into repeatedlypolice institutions reported. to maintainThe military ‘order’ police, no mattera product what of scholarbeing – hasand put to decide it, “which who types is included of life are in worth or excluded living” thethat dictatorship, implies, normalizing is the main human institution rights abuses responsible that are from the polis (Tagme, 2009, p.). 412 ). The sovereign act thus differentiates between It is also deployed within the UPPs. Its behavior politically(Vaughan-Williams, valuable 2009,life (bios) p. 23 and bare life (zoe) for patrolling Rio’s streets (Caldeira, 2000, p. 146 ). The latter takes the form of the encouraged, as previously stated, to view themselves Homo Sacer and culture is highly militarized, with policemen of(Agamben indistinction 1995 between natural and political life and , who is banned from the polis in a zone as ‘soldier warriors’ facing an internal enemyurbe. Revista – the Brasileira de Gestão Urbana (Brazilian Journal of Urban Management), 2015 maio/ago., 7(2), 182-194 190 Poets, D.

a liminal space. This point is also voiced by Malaguti ), who defended somethingtherefore can relegated be killed to but the not past sacrificed. but, as The Agamben ‘camp’ state of exception is highly applicable is the quintessential expression of his theory, not as Batista (2011, p.favelas 116, our as… translation the political space in which we are still living.” Spaces that Agamben’s […]control in the open, in that perspective of such(1995, as p. the 166 camp) writes, are thereforeas the “hidden an intrinsic matrix part […] of to the pacified

Homo Sacer are theAgamben’s daily lives state of itsof exception.residents, whoThe ideaare now of the in modern politics, so that the exception becomes the ‘camp’, the area of complete penal control of rule. Torture and execution of the today normalized in global politics, which Wacquant all aspects under the police’s direct tutelage and Batista have also argued more specifically within [tutelados]. Taking the pacification of Alemão the Brazilian context. As theHomo space Sacer where is, natural to borrow life as a symbolic act of a city project, Rio’s media and politically qualified life intertwine in a mutual has cunningly invested in the ‘policization’ personhoodinclusion and produced exclusion, by the and captured in sovereign [policização] of life until the last detail, having the words of Jenny Edkins, the). In “subjectivity this particular or It becomesthe BOPE evidentas the great that helmsman. such differentiation between worthy and unworthy lives does not work barepower” life (notEdkins, simply 2007, as the p. absence 75 of political value towards integration or democracy. The UPPs leave the relationship of inclusive exclusion, she understands lines that divide the city unchanged in their content, away of political life. but the personification or living aspect of the taking ). They make the drug factions, the even reinforcing the city’s symbolic segregation such a personhood. The virtual defense of a death criminals and the spaces associated with them hyper- (Fleury, 2012 penaltyThe objectifiedfor and inhuman subject treatment of the ‘talk of criminals of crime’ and is visible, instead of tackling the sociability patterns and favela residents is rendered unproblematic, as was between spaces and their respective residents. Criminals and ‘Othering’ processes that take place the city’s act is thus not arbitrary or based on individual will; potential criminals continue to be seen as internal itseen, is historically through this embedded inclusive inexclusion. cultural Thepractices sovereign and enemies, the Homo Sacer, declared unprotected by ), or what Foucault has named the law. The case of the worker Amarildo who was tortured and murdered by UPP policemen for being discourses (Tagme, 2009 ) the “regime of truth” (Foucault, 2000b). In Brazil, this takes the form of the country’s ‘inclusively inegalitarian’ suspectedis easily blurred, of criminal making activities it the responsibility (BBC News, 2013of the serves here as an example to prove of how himself this asdistinction a worthy favelascitizenship, one expression of which is the ‘talk), ofand crime’ the Homo Sacer ). The within the ‘neoliberal penal state’. The treatmentfavelas of trabalhador honesto as war-like spaces (Azevedo, 2014 lines(potential) remain in place because sovereign power, as Agambencitizen, an teaches‘honest worker’us, always ( works through drawing takenpublic’s away tolerance and the for Homo ‘collateral Sacer can effects’ be killed. show Against theas such background a zone of indistinction,of the history where of the political emergence life is lines, so that even when it is possible to shift those lines, it seems impossible to get rid of them completely. of favelas residents as part of a continuity of the colonial social The military and social phases of the UPPs try to sequentially cover crime deterrence and prevention and the repeated criminalization), we can understand of its through military occupation and later poverty relief securityorder (Malaguti UPP model. Batista, 2003 the complex historical roots of the current public ; ; within a discourse of ‘development’,)7. Military action the latter and economic under the Social UPP (InSightCrime, 2014 Rio On Watch, 2011 outsiders,The sovereign as well act as is thusthose embedded who are in in the‑between radicalized as Rio7 Mais Social, 2015 social order that continues to define insiders and Understood as complementary to the military phases of - munities in their aim to increase public and private services unrecognized or secondary citizens. As Agamben inpacification, favelas, such the as Social health UPPs provisions promised and to trashwork collectionwith the com but explains, this specific subjectivityfavelas is also too tied are suchto a also leisure activities and cultural projects. The Social UPPs specific space. In his works, he explores the Nazi concentrationurbe. Revista Brasileira de camp,Gestão Urbana but (Brazilian Brazil’s Journal of Urban Management), 2015 maio/ago., 7(2), 182-194 The securitization of citizenship in a ‘Segregated City’ 191 relief would on their own nevertheless not foster the type of coming together that would genuinely and and material dimensions of public security. However, andthe postUPPs‑colonial do not development. question Brazil’s Instead, ‘inclusively the UPPs in toorganically crime and break violence down that the focus existing only divisions. on economic That inegalitarian’ citizenship, rooted in its colonial past is because, firstly, explanations of why people resort the criminal as the Homo Sacer under the neoliberal symbolic and discursive practices matter as well. many ways reinforce the ‘talk of crime’, maintaining Secondly,circumstances as previously do not suffice. discussed, As has there become is a clear,large state military and also private economic apparatus socialpenal state.form. TheseThe UPPs are necessarysecuritize elementscitizenship of andthe thereby confine it even further in its accepted interested in maintaining the marginalized poor as legitimization and justification of such a military the nation’s internal enemies. Thirdly, the UPPs do not theinvasion media and and occupation public opinion with hold likely an ‘collateralimportant look at the complex illegal crime networks that cross effects’. In post-dictatorship Brazil and for the UPPs, licit and illicit). activities, These networks, including furthermore, but not exclusively do not onlymade take up place of non-state in favelas actors or drug traffickers role in the criminalization of the urban poor as the (Peirce, 2008 UPPsstate’s do ‘internal little to breakenemies’. the Aslogic a militaryof war and occupation image of . Finally, the securitization of already accepted social form, removing it from “public of the spaces associated with those ‘enemies’,favelas the an issue leads to its firmer imprisonment within the Edkins & Pin-Fat, 1999, p. 11). state of exception and, at best, creates aRio negative as a ‘divided peace, ascity’. recurring The militarization news on human of rights debate and decision” ( opportunities for alternatives to be imagined, let alone abusesnormalizes and theviolent outbreaks in UPP favelas remind Securitization de-politicizes the issue, restricting the favelas blurs ). the lines between victims and perpetrators, for it The implementation of the UPPs also works to pursued. Securitizing and militarizing forceus (O favelaDia, 2014b residents into the neoliberal market by the status quo despite material changes. emerges out of an ‘Othering’ discourse that maintains

especiallyenabling private the case investments in its last stage, and the the formalization Social UPP/ Conclusion Rio+Socialof services in the pacified communities. This is

. As we recognize this final stage as an favelas into the formal city, to establish peace and isextension approached of the with military a heavy UPP, focus pacification on bringing has the If we recall the UPPs’ aims, they were to reintegrate marketeffect of and militarizing therewith socialconsumption development, into the whichfavela seen,the democratic these goals rule require of law, tackling to promote both the citizenship, discursive and to break Rio’s ‘divided city’ and ‘war logic’. As rather than substantial rights. They make Brazil seem ‘safe for foreignRio+Social investment’, however, in the capitalist has the lack of equal dialogue in the design and implementation of endeavors of the 2014 FIFA World Cup and 2016 have been widely criticized for several reasons, such as the potential to open up opportunities for bottom-up ). It was described by one projectsOlympic by Games. civil society, and with them the potential InSightCrime, its policies). Under (Rio these On attacks,Watch, 2011the Social UPP was re-launched scholar as a ‘decoration’Rio Mais of Socialthe military UPP ( to question the prevalent discourse. Nevertheless, the2014 coordination of Instituto Pereira Passos in an attempt to strategy employed by liberal popular and scholarly indistance August it 2014 from as the public policies (“More concerning Social Rio”)security. under As calling such problems ‘social’ is itself a discursivefavelas

discourse alike. Relegating the problems in of the end of 2014, it is implemented in 30 communities. to the ‘social’ realm takes them away from notions However, when we look at the official website (Rio+Social of the political and so de-problematize them. Website), the close links between the military UPP and or managerial project. They are inherently political However, the UPPs are not an un-political, technical Rio+Social become immediately obvious.favelas’ urban Its stated social goals and and disjunctive. They speak to issues that concern our economicare namely development to help consolidate and foster the thepacification integration process of “these and very understanding of the political, articulating the areas”promote into citizenship; the city. Its promote effects remain the to be seen. foundations of the modern nation-state: the notion

urbe. Revista Brasileira de Gestão Urbana (Brazilian Journal of Urban Management), 2015 maio/ago., 7(2), 182-194 192 Poets, D.

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