Pan-Africanism a Short Political Guide
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Kwame Nkrumah and the Pan- African Vision: Between Acceptance and Rebuttal
Austral: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations e-ISSN 2238-6912 | ISSN 2238-6262| v.5, n.9, Jan./Jun. 2016 | p.141-164 KWAME NKRUMAH AND THE PAN- AFRICAN VISION: BETWEEN ACCEPTANCE AND REBUTTAL Henry Kam Kah1 Introduction The Pan-African vision of a United of States of Africa was and is still being expressed (dis)similarly by Africans on the continent and those of Afri- can descent scattered all over the world. Its humble origins and spread is at- tributed to several people based on their experiences over time. Among some of the advocates were Henry Sylvester Williams, Marcus Garvey and George Padmore of the diaspora and Peter Abrahams, Jomo Kenyatta, Sekou Toure, Julius Nyerere and Kwame Nkrumah of South Africa, Kenya, Guinea, Tanza- nia and Ghana respectively. The different pan-African views on the African continent notwithstanding, Kwame Nkrumah is arguably in a class of his own and perhaps comparable only to Mwalimu Julius Nyerere. Pan-Africanism became the cornerstone of his struggle for the independence of Ghana, other African countries and the political unity of the continent. To transform this vision into reality, Nkrumah mobilised the Ghanaian masses through a pop- ular appeal. Apart from his eloquent speeches, he also engaged in persuasive writings. These writings have survived him and are as appealing today as they were in the past. Kwame Nkrumah ceased every opportunity to persuasively articulate for a Union Government for all of Africa. Due to his unswerving vision for a Union Government for Africa, the visionary Kwame Nkrumah created a microcosm of African Union through the Ghana-Guinea and then Ghana-Guinea-Mali Union. -
Debating Divine
DEBATING the DIVINE #43 Religion in 21st century American Democracy Edited by Sally Steenland THE FAITH AND PROGRESSIVE POLICY INITIATIVE A project of the Center for American Progress, the Faith and Progressive Policy Initiative works to identify and articulate the moral, ethical, and spiritual values underpinning policy issues, to shape a progressive stance in which these values are clear, and to increase public awareness and understanding of these values. Th e Initiative also works to safeguard the healthy separation of church and state that has allowed religion in our country to fl ourish. In all its eff orts, the Initiative works for a society and government that strengthen the common good and respect the basic dignity of all people. THE CENTER FOR THE AMERICAN PROGRESS Th e Center for the American Progress is a nonpartisan research and educational institute dedicated to promoting a strong, just and free America that ensures opportunity for all. We believe that Americans are bound together by a common commitment to these values and we aspire to ensure that our national policies refl ect these values. We work to fi ndprogressive and pragmatic solutions to signifi cant domestic and international problems and develop policy proposals that foster a government that is “of the people, by the people, and for the people.” Center for American Progress 1333 H Street NW, 10th Floor Washington, D.C. 20005 Tel: 202.682.1611 • Fax: 202.682.1867 www.americanprogress.org Copyright © 2008 Center for American Progress ISBN 978-0-615-21863-2 June 2008 DEBATING the DIVINE #43 Religion in 21st century American Democracy Edited by Sally Steenland Table of Contents INTRODUCTION Debating the Divine . -
Kwame Nkrumah, His Afro-American Network and the Pursuit of an African Personality
Illinois State University ISU ReD: Research and eData Theses and Dissertations 3-22-2019 Kwame Nkrumah, His Afro-American Network and the Pursuit of an African Personality Emmanuella Amoh Illinois State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.illinoisstate.edu/etd Part of the African American Studies Commons, and the African History Commons Recommended Citation Amoh, Emmanuella, "Kwame Nkrumah, His Afro-American Network and the Pursuit of an African Personality" (2019). Theses and Dissertations. 1067. https://ir.library.illinoisstate.edu/etd/1067 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ISU ReD: Research and eData. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ISU ReD: Research and eData. For more information, please contact [email protected]. KWAME NKRUMAH, HIS AFRO-AMERICAN NETWORK AND THE PURSUIT OF AN AFRICAN PERSONALITY EMMANUELLA AMOH 105 Pages This thesis explores the pursuit of a new African personality in post-colonial Ghana by President Nkrumah and his African American network. I argue that Nkrumah’s engagement with African Americans in the pursuit of an African Personality transformed diaspora relations with Africa. It also seeks to explore Black women in this transnational history. Women are not perceived to be as mobile as men in transnationalism thereby underscoring their inputs in the construction of certain historical events. But through examining the lived experiences of Shirley Graham Du Bois and to an extent Maya Angelou and Pauli Murray in Ghana, the African American woman’s role in the building of Nkrumah’s Ghana will be explored in this thesis. -
Freedom As Marronage
Freedom as Marronage Freedom as Marronage NEIL ROBERTS The University of Chicago Press Chicago and London Neil Roberts is associate professor of Africana studies and a faculty affiliate in political science at Williams College. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 60637 The University of Chicago Press, Ltd., London © 2015 by The University of Chicago All rights reserved. Published 2015. Printed in the United States of America 24 23 22 21 20 19 18 17 16 15 1 2 3 4 5 ISBN- 13: 978- 0- 226- 12746- 0 (cloth) ISBN- 13: 978- 0- 226- 20104- 7 (paper) ISBN- 13: 978- 0- 226- 20118- 4 (e- book) DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226201184.001.0001 Jacket illustration: LeRoy Clarke, A Prophetic Flaming Forest, oil on canvas, 2003. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data Roberts, Neil, 1976– author. Freedom as marronage / Neil Roberts. pages ; cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978- 0- 226- 12746- 0 (cloth : alk. paper) — ISBN 978- 0- 226- 20104- 7 (pbk : alk. paper) — ISBN 978- 0- 226- 20118- 4 (e- book) 1. Maroons. 2. Fugitive slaves—Caribbean Area. 3. Liberty. I. Title. F2191.B55R62 2015 323.1196'0729—dc23 2014020609 o This paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48– 1992 (Permanence of Paper). For Karima and Kofi Time would pass, old empires would fall and new ones take their place, the relations of countries and the relations of classes had to change, before I discovered that it is not quality of goods and utility which matter, but movement; not where you are or what you have, but where you have come from, where you are going and the rate at which you are getting there. -
Nigerian Nationalism: a Case Study in Southern Nigeria, 1885-1939
Portland State University PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 1972 Nigerian nationalism: a case study in southern Nigeria, 1885-1939 Bassey Edet Ekong Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the African Studies Commons, and the International Relations Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Ekong, Bassey Edet, "Nigerian nationalism: a case study in southern Nigeria, 1885-1939" (1972). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 956. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.956 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. AN ABSTRACT OF' THE 'I'HESIS OF Bassey Edet Skc1::lg for the Master of Arts in History prt:;~'entE!o. 'May l8~ 1972. Title: Nigerian Nationalism: A Case Study In Southern Nigeria 1885-1939. APPROVED BY MEMBERS OF THE THESIS COMMITIIEE: ranklln G. West Modern Nigeria is a creation of the Britiahl who be cause of economio interest, ignored the existing political, racial, historical, religious and language differences. Tbe task of developing a concept of nationalism from among suoh diverse elements who inhabit Nigeria and speak about 280 tribal languages was immense if not impossible. The tra.ditionalists did their best in opposing the Brltlsh who took away their privileges and traditional rl;hts, but tbeir policy did not countenance nationalism. The rise and growth of nationalism wa3 only po~ sible tbrough educs,ted Africans. -
DOORNFONTEIN and ITS AFRICAN WORKING CLASS, 1914 to 1935*• a STUDY of POPULAR CULTURE in JOHANNESBURG Edward Koch a Dissertati
DOORNFONTEIN AND ITS AFRICAN WORKING CLASS, 1914 TO 1935*• A STUDY OF POPULAR CULTURE IN JOHANNESBURG Edward Koch I A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of Arts University of the witwatersrand, Johannesburg for the Degree of Master of Arts. Johannesburg 1983. Fc Tina I declare that this dissertation is my own, unaided work. It is being submitted for the degree of Master of Arts in the University of the Wlj Witwaterirand Johanneaourg. It has not been submitted before for any H 1 9 n degree or examination- in any other University. till* dissertation is a study of the culture that was made by tha working people who lived in the slums of Johannesburg in the inter war years. This was a period in which a large proportion of the city's black working classes lived in slums that spread across the western, central and eastern districts of the central city area E B 8 mKBE M B ' -'; of Johannesburg. Only after the mid 1930‘s did the state effectively segregate the city and move most of the black working classes to the municipal locations that they live in today. The culture that was created in the slums of Johannesburg is significant for a number of reasons. This culture shows that the newly formed 1 urban african classes wore not merely the passive agents of capitalism. These people were able to respond, collectively, to the conditions that the development of capitalism thrust them into and to shape and influence the conditions and pro cesses that they were subjected to. The culture that embodied these popular res ponses was so pervasive that it's name, Marabi, is also the name given by many people to the era, between the two world wars, when it thrived. -
Black Internationalism and African and Caribbean
BLACK INTERNATIONALISM AND AFRICAN AND CARIBBEAN INTELLECTUALS IN LONDON, 1919-1950 By MARC MATERA A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School-New Brunswick Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in History Written under the direction of Professor Bonnie G. Smith And approved by _______________________ _______________________ _______________________ _______________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey May 2008 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Black Internationalism and African and Caribbean Intellectuals in London, 1919-1950 By MARC MATERA Dissertation Director: Bonnie G. Smith During the three decades between the end of World War I and 1950, African and West Indian scholars, professionals, university students, artists, and political activists in London forged new conceptions of community, reshaped public debates about the nature and goals of British colonialism, and prepared the way for a revolutionary and self-consciously modern African culture. Black intellectuals formed organizations that became homes away from home and centers of cultural mixture and intellectual debate, and launched publications that served as new means of voicing social commentary and political dissent. These black associations developed within an atmosphere characterized by a variety of internationalisms, including pan-ethnic movements, feminism, communism, and the socialist internationalism ascendant within the British Left after World War I. The intellectual and political context of London and the types of sociability that these groups fostered gave rise to a range of black internationalist activity and new regional imaginaries in the form of a West Indian Federation and a United West Africa that shaped the goals of anticolonialism before 1950. -
Kwame Nkrumah and the Proposed African Common Government
African Journal of Political Science and International Relations Vol. 5(4), pp. 218-228, April 2011 Available online at http://www.academicjournals.org/ajpsir ISSN 1996-0832 ©2011 Academic Journals Full Length Research Kwame Nkrumah and the proposed African common government Aremu Johnson Olaosebikan Department of History and International Studies, Faculty of Arts, University of Ado- Ekiti, P. M. B. 5363, ado- Ekiti, Nigeria. Email: [email protected]:+2348032477652. Accepted 17 January, 2011 Between 1957 and 1966, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana fought vigorously for the creation of a Union of African States with a Common African Government. His optimism for the unity and cohesion of Africa as a lever for continental development was unparalleled. However, his dream never became a reality due to stiff opposition from African leaders, most of whom feared the loss of their sovereignty, and the West, due to selfish interest. This notwithstanding, this paper posits that Nkrumah’s mooted idea of unity government is still the best option if Africa will be able to overcome her precarious socio- economic and political tragedies of intermittent wars and conflicts, poverty and exploitation of her natural resources by the West; even in the face of daunting challenges. The paper concludes that only a union government could enable Africa to compete favourably with other political and economic blocs in this age of globalization and continental integration process going on in various other continents of the world. Key words: Integration, cohesion, Pan-Africanism, unification, development INTRODUCTION A lasting positive legacy left by Kwame Nkrumah of with the Pan- African Congresses held between 1919 and Ghana for African development is his vision for a 1945 (Aremu, 2007: 13). -
What Is European Integration Really About? a Political Guide for Economists
NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES WHAT IS EUROPEAN INTEGRATION REALLY ABOUT? A POLITICAL GUIDE FOR ECONOMISTS Enrico Spolaore Working Paper 19122 http://www.nber.org/papers/w19122 NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH 1050 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 June 2013 I am grateful to Jeff Frieden, Yannis Ioannides, Deborah Menegotto, Stelios Michalopoulos, Romain Wacziarg, and the editors of the Journal of Economic Perspectives (David Autor, Chang-Tai Hseih, and Tim Taylor) for their detailed comments. I also benefited from helpful feedback and conversations with many people, including Lorenzo Bini-Smaghi, Giancarlo Corsetti, Henrik Enderlein, Kai Konrad, Athanasios Orphanides, Lucas Papademos, and Daniela Schwarzer, and participants in the political economy discussion group at Harvard and a conference at the Condorcet Center for Political Economy in Rennes. Of course I am the only one responsible for all opinions and errors in this paper. The views expressed herein are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Bureau of Economic Research. NBER working papers are circulated for discussion and comment purposes. They have not been peer- reviewed or been subject to the review by the NBER Board of Directors that accompanies official NBER publications. © 2013 by Enrico Spolaore. All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit, including © notice, is given to the source. What is European Integration Really About? A Political Guide for Economists Enrico Spolaore NBER Working Paper No. 19122 June 2013 JEL No. F15,F50,F55,H40,H77,N44 ABSTRACT Europe’s monetary union is part of a broader process of integration that started in the aftermath of World War II. -
Thesis Millard Ja.Pdf
A STUDY OF THE PERCEIVED CAUSES OF SCHISM IN SOME ETHIOPIAN-TYPE CHURCHES IN THE CAPE AND TRANSVAAL, 1884-1925 by JOAN ANNE MILLARD submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF THEOLOGY in the subject CHURCH HISTORY at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA PROMOTER: PROFESSOR GJ PILLAY JUNE 1995 ***************** I declare that A study of the perceived causes of some Ethiopian type churches in the Cape and Transvaal 1884-1925 is my own work and that all the sources that I have used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. Joan A Millard SUMMARY During the period 1884-1925 Ethiopian-type schisms from mission churches occurred for a number of reasons. Generalisations of these reasons have been made by numerous authors. By generalising the causes of schism the particular reasons why each independent church 1eader 1eft the mission church are ignored. The thesis shows how each schism was due to unique circumstances in the mission church as well as to factors, for example, the personal feelings of the independent church leader. In each case there was a point of no return when the founder of the independent church no longer felt he could accept the status quo. There were two government commissions that investigated the independent or "separatist" churches during these years - the South African Native Affairs Commission of 1903-1905 and the 1925 South African Native Affairs Commission which investigated the "Separatist Churches". The testimony of the white government officials and missionaries and the black church leaders has been compared with the findings in the reports. -
1. INTRODUCTION “ Unless Something New and Radical Is Done
1. INTRODUCTION “ Unless something new and radical is done, Africa will not achieve the International Development Goals (IDGs) and the 7% annual Growth Domestic Product (GDP) growth rate” 1 The New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) is not only the newest and most fashionable game on the African continent, but also the latest in the efforts by African political leaders to deal collectively with the countless national, regional and continental political, socioeconomic problems and development challenges facing the continent. As much as a growing number of African political leaders enter the arena to declare their commitment to the agenda of Africa’s economic upliftment in the new millennium, there is very little civil society understanding of and support for a continental project such as NEPAD. The absence of meaningful and organic participation by civil society is the most vexatious of all the concerns that could mar the otherwise commendable vision of African sustainable development that NEPAD invokes. It is this absence of participation by civil society in the lives of their communities that has led to the failure of most commendable projects undertaken by African leaders since the early days of independence. In the words of the NEPAD document, what is now known as NEPAD is a merger of the Millennium Partnership for Africa’s Recovery Programme (MAP) and the Omega Plan. This was finalised into a new document and framework called the New Africa Initiative, (NAI) on 3 July 2001 in Lusaka, Zambia. The NAI was then approved by OAU Summit Heads of State and Government on 11 July 2001 (Declaration 1 (XXXVII)). -
Domestic Politics and International Cooperation by Andrew Moravcsik Department of Government Harvard University
Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #52 Why the European Union Strengthens the State: Domestic Politics and International Cooperation by Andrew Moravcsik Department of Government Harvard University Center for European Studies, Harvard University 27 Kirkland Street, Cambridge MA 02138 Tel.: 617-495-4303, x205 / Fax: 617-495-8509 e-mail: [email protected] Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, New York, NY (1-4 September 1994) Most contemporary theories of international cooperation treat states as unitary actors and, therefore, focus primarily on the functional benefits of cooperation or the collective action problems states confront in realizing it.1 Less attention is paid to the impact of international negotiations and institutions on domestic politics, or to the consequences for international cooperation. This essay offers a theory of when and how international cooperation redistributes domestic power resources between state and society. Redistribution, it is argued, generally empowers national executives, permitting them to loosen domestic constraints imposed by legislatures, interest groups, and other societal actors. These shifts in domestic 'influence have important consequences for the nature of international cooperation. More specifically, I advance three arguments, each of which challenges existing understandings of international cooperation. First, international negotiations and institutions reallocate political resources by changing the domestic institutional.