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2017

Confronting the present: Migration in ’s journal for The People of

Ismael Garcia-Colon CUNY College of Staten Island

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This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] ISMAEL GARCIA-COL´ ON´ College of Staten Island, CUNY Confronting the present: Migration in Sidney Mintz’s journal for The People of Puerto Rico

ABSTRACT In the end, the blend of voices in our compositions will be un- Sidney Mintz’s field journal for The People of Puerto Rico, published in even. How could it be otherwise? We can at the very least take 1956, is a valuable source for historical anthropological work. Until care to identify each singer clearly, for in our fieldnotes is the now, however, it has remained a hidden treasure for the only record of the only performance they will ever give. of migration. By the late 1940s and 1950s, migration was central to the Robert Smith (1990, 369) lives of Puerto Rican workers and their families, and Mintz recorded important details of it. His journal shows how people I think that anthropology can be cumulative, that we can use the maneuvered within fields of power that were full of opportunities and work of our predecessors to raise new questions. constraints for people seeking to make a living by migrating. Thanks to (2001, 387) Mintz, can learn about working-class Puerto Ricans’ experiences, lives, and discussions about migration in the late 1940s. n the 1950s and 1960s, Puerto Rico and Puerto Ricans be- Mintz’s legacy in its many forms will continue offering anthropologists came part of Sidney Mintz’s quest to foster an anthropol- an opportunity to confront the present. [Sidney Mintz, migration, ogy grounded in history and political economy. Three of his farmworkers, field notes, political economy, , important interventions on Puerto Rico are his contribution Puerto Rico] to The People of Puerto Rico (Steward et al. 1956), Worker in Ithe Cane (Mintz 1974), and Three Ancient Colonies (Mintz 2010). His El diario de campo de Sidney Mintz para The People of Puerto Rico, publicado en 1956, es una fuente valiosa para el trabajo antropologico´ work on Puerto Rico during the 1950s shaped the way many anthro- historico.´ Sin embargo, ha permanecido como un tesoro escondido para pologists would account for the history of . la antropolog´ıa de la migracion´ hasta el presente. En los finales de los The collaborative research project that resulted in The People anos˜ cuarenta y durante los anos˜ cincuenta, la migracion´ fue central en of Puerto Rico, in which Mintz played a central role, highlighted the la vida de los trabajadores puertorriquenos˜ de la cana˜ de azucar´ y sus connections between local communities and regional and global familias, y Mintz anoto´ detalles importantes de la misma. Su diario processes. Directed by , the project focused on the muestra como´ la gente maniobro´ dentro de campos de poder que histories of communities producing different crops (sugar, tobacco, estaban llenos de oportunidades y obstaculos´ para los que buscaban and coffee), as well as the activities of the upper class (Duncan ganarse la vida migrando. Gracias a Mintz, los antropologos´ pueden 1978; Lauria-Perricelli 1989; Roseberry 1989, 146–53; Silverman aprender acerca de las experiencias, vidas y debates que tuvieron los 2011; Steward et al. 1956; Wolf 2001, 387–88; Yelvington and Bentley trabajadores puertorriquenos˜ entorno a la migracion´ de finales de los 2013). anos˜ cuarenta. El legado de Mintz en sus multiples´ formas continuara´ In The People of Puerto Rico, Mintz wrote the chapter on ofreciendo a los antropologos´ la oportunidad de confrontar el presente. Canamelar,˜ the sugarcane-producing municipality of Santa Isabel, [Sidney Mintz, migracion´ , trabajadores agr´ıcolas, notas de campo, based on his PhD dissertation, and coauthored parts 2 and 4 with econom´ıa pol´ıtica, antropolog´ıa historica´ , Puerto Rico] Eric Wolf and Elena Padilla (Lauria-Perricelli 1989, 206; Mintz 1951, 1956, 2001). Worker in the Cane, the result of further interviews with his key interlocutor, Taso, provided the first life history of a modern

AMERICAN ETHNOLOGIST, Vol. 44, No. 3, pp. 403–413, ISSN 0094-0496, online ISSN 1548-1425. C 2017 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights reserved. DOI: 10.1111/amet.12517 American Ethnologist  Volume 44 Number 3 August 2017

Figure 1. Puerto Rican workers planting sugarcane in December 1945. (Edward Rosskam / Courtesy of the Office of Information for Puerto Rico, Archives of the Puerto Rican Diaspora, Centro de Estudios Puertorriquenos,˜ Hunter College, City University of New York) agricultural worker. Both works challenged established def- Figure 2. A sugarcane worker near Santa Isabel, Puerto Rico, in July initions of community and of anthropological methods. My 1946. (Jack Delano / Courtesy of the Office of Information for Puerto Rico, own work on Puerto Rican migrant farm labor has been in- Archives of the Puerto Rican Diaspora, Centro de Estudios Puertorriquenos,˜ fluenced by Mintz’s insights on the formation of subjects Hunter College, City University of New York) and the intersection of history, , and political econ- omy in anthropology (Garc´ıa-Colon´ 2006a, 2006b, 2008, Mintz’s journal details these fields of power, which con- 2009). Mintz provided invaluable insights into a historical strained and offered opportunities to potential migrants, moment full of deep changes for the Puerto Rican working and provides elements of such a broad overview (Guldi class. and Armitage 2014; Mintz 1998, 128–33; Waldinger 2015, If agricultural workers play a central role in the de- 19–22). velopment of anthropology in Mintz’s work, his journal from the Puerto Rico project has until now been a Migration and the anthropology of Puerto Rico well-hidden treasure for the anthropology of migration. By the late 1940s and 1950s, migration was essential to the lives In 1948, Mintz arrived in Puerto Rico as a Columbia Uni- of sugarcane workers and their families, and Mintz gathered versity graduate student to work on the Puerto Rico project. valuable information about it in his journal. It would be his first experience in fieldwork. The Columbia My own encounter with Mintz’s journal is the result University team, with the support of the Re- of research conducted for a larger project on Puerto Rican search Center at the University of Puerto Rico and the Rock- farm labor migration (Garc´ıa-Colon´ 2008; Garc´ıa-Colon´ efeller Foundation, designed and carried out the project to- and Melendez´ 2013). My research focuses on the for- gether with local research assistants (Lauria-Perricelli 1989; mation of Puerto Rican migrant farm labor within the Valdes´ Pizzini 2001, 46). complex fields of power in which US made The Puerto Rico project emerged from scholars’ and it possible to harness Puerto Ricans’ labor (Narotzky and policy makers’ concerns about economic development and Smith 2006, 13; Roseberry 2002, 61; Wolf 2001, 384–85). modernization in the Global South during the postwar Recent studies of Puerto Rican migrant farm labor have years. As a US colony, Puerto Rico provided a social labo- analyzed it as part of transnationalism and gendered ratory for policies advancing US interests throughout the labor history (Duany 2011; Findlay 2014). Although I have world. The history of the project is part of the history of US drawn on these contributions, I believe that attending colonialism in Puerto Rico and its consolidation as a global to the social fields of power provides a more encom- power. It is also an example of the close historical relation- passing framework for studying Puerto Rican migrant ship of anthropology with colonialism (Asad 1973; Valdes´ farmworkers (Mintz 1998; Roseberry 1994, 361; Wolf 2001, Pizzini 2001, 46). The members of the project were attempt- 384–85). While transnationalism describes important social ing to break away from traditional anthropology (which relations across national borders, focusing on the social focused on small-scale as bounded entities with fields of power explains, rather than merely describes, the their own distinctive ) by studying a Western soci- causal forces at work in Puerto Rican farm labor migration. ety that was the product of colonialism and capitalism.

404 Migration in Mintz’s journal  American Ethnologist

Anthropologists often produced field journals in histor- ical contexts of fast and deep transformation (Sanjek 1990). In their journals, anthropologists reveal their subjectivity through their comments about their interactions with inter- locutors and their perceptions, views, and frequent misun- derstandings. Anthropologists sometimes struggle to grasp and define the processes unfolding around them. Reflect- ing on the Puerto Rico project, Mintz said this was the first time he learned to put information “in written form, as ac- curatelyandimpartiallyaspossible....Learningtoreport carefully and fully would become my profession” (Thomas 2014, 500). He also acknowledged that there were many processes that he and the other researchers could not un- derstand: “What was happening in Puerto Rico in grand dimensions we mostly couldn’t see, even though it was happening under our very noses” (Mintz 2001, 78). Mintz and the other members of the Puerto Rico project did not consider that the academic and govern- Figure 3. Puerto Rican workers harvesting sugarcane circa 1946. (Jack Delano / Courtesy of the Office of Information for Puerto Rico, Archives mental institutions funding their work were connected of the Puerto Rican Diaspora, Centro de Estudios Puertorriquenos,˜ Hunter to the emergence of modern colonialism in Puerto Rico College, City University of New York) (Grosfoguel 2003; Pierre-Charles 1979). The Puerto Rico project, with its publications and field notes, is an example of funding agencies’ influence on how anthropologists craft communities and plantations rather than on people strug- their (Lauria-Perricelli 1989; Llorens´ 2014; gling to make a living, they could not fit migration into their see also Tedlock 1991, 77). The project made its point of explanations. Even as they sought to document the lives of departure the study of how different communities cultur- Puerto Rico’s rural population in the midst of rapid social ally adapted to the ecological environment and integrated change, they missed the importance of migration. Thus, the themselves into the totality of Puerto Rico, and in doing Puerto Rico project could not overcome the limitations of so the project disregarded insular institutions’ connections anthropological practices of the time. to the (Baca 2016, 5; Lauria-Perricelli 1989; By the time Mintz arrived in Puerto Rico, farm labor Velazquez´ 1978, 52; Wolf 1978, 18–22; 2001, 38). The larger migration was an old phenomenon. As soon as the United goals of the project and Mintz’s junior status as a graduate States invaded Puerto Rico in 1898, labor contractors ar- student constrained what he actually wrote in his contribu- rived in Puerto Rico transporting workers to Hawaii, and tions to The People of Puerto Rico. over the next 50 years, they also transported Puerto Rican In keeping with anthropological practices of the time, agricultural workers to Cuba, St. Croix, the Dominican Re- migration was not an area of research in the Puerto Rico public, Arizona, and Louisiana (Mintz 1955; Rosario Natal project. It only became a priority for anthropologists in the 2001). US colonialism thus created a migratory field be- 1950s and early 1960s (Brettell 2015; Mintz 1955; Palmie,´ tween Puerto Rico and other US territories. Khan, and Baca 2009, 13). It was not until the 1970s and Puerto Rican farm labor migration to the US main- the 1980s that anthropologists began to take a critical look land took off as exclusionary immigration policies blocked at the findings of The People of Puerto Rico (Duncan 1978). migration from Asia and European countries (Ngai 2004). Eric Wolf, another member of the project, regretted its lack During the Second World War, the use of Mexican, West In- of attention to migration: dian, and Canadian braceros reduced the opportunities for Puerto Rican farm labor migration (Rasmussen 1951). US The project’s major shortfall, in terms of its own un- farmers successfully lobbied the federal government to es- dertaking, was its failure to take proper account of the tablish a guest-worker program that could provide steady, rapidly intensifying migration to the nearby U.S. main- deportable, low-wage, and seasonal labor. By the late 1940s, land. Too narrow a focus on agricultural ecology pre- however, the US government had begun a project of self- vented it from coming to grips with issues already be- rule in Puerto Rico, where the local Popular Democratic coming manifest on the local level but being prompted and played out upon a much larger stage. (Wolf 2001, Party (PPD) had embraced and championed New Deal poli- 387–88) cies. As part of the project of modernization, the PPD fostered population-control policies that included both In other words, the project’s researchers fell into the birth control and migration (Briggs 2002; G. Perez´ 2004, same trap that they were trying to avoid. By focusing on 42–43).

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escape valve by which the government of Puerto Rico pre- vented political unrest and the opportunity of a better life for rural landless families. In the 1950s, more than 460,000 people emigrated (Dietz 1986, 284). As Mintz noted, “Mi- gration happened mostly—though not, of course, entirely— after our fieldwork” (2001, 78). Mintz examined Puerto Rican migration after the end of the Puerto Rico project. In 1955 he published a com- parative essay on the status of Puerto Rican migrants in Hawaii, New York City, and St. Croix. He argued that in St. Croix, Puerto Ricans were successfully incorporated into re- tail sectors because of their positive reception on the is- land, in contrast to their experience in Hawaii and New York City. He concluded that the economic and social context into which migrants were moving, including the attitudes and responses they encountered, had a great impact on mi- grants’ accommodation to the new (Mintz 1955). He did not use his materials from 1948 for this study, since his concern was the immigration of Puerto Ricans to the United States rather than the sending society’s experience of emi- gration or return migration. Mintz touched very briefly on the topic of migration when he published Worker in the Cane (Mintz 1974). He mentioned that he learned about Taso’s conversion to Pen- tecostalism from Lalo, his nephew, whom Mintz had helped to find a job in . Mintz mentioned that Pabl´ın, Figure 4. A chartered flight takes Puerto Rican workers to the United Taso’s son, asked Lalo for money to migrate and that Taso’s States circa 1948. (Unknown / Courtesy of the Office of Information for niece Rosa had migrated in 1953 (Mintz 1974, 5, 32–33). Puerto Rico, Archives of the Puerto Rican Diaspora, Centro de Estudios Mintz also examined the changes occurring in Barrio Jauca Puertorriquenos,˜ Hunter College, City University of New York) as a consequence of migration during the summer of 1956. He wrote, In 1948, the same year that the fieldwork for the Puerto Rico project began, the government of Puerto Rico estab- There are many more houses in the barrio. I was un- lished the Bureau of Employment and Migration under the able to make a census, but I doubt that the local pop- ulation has grown much through natural increase. This Department of Labor, which controlled the Puerto Rico is because the emigration to the United States has as- Farm Labor Program (Garc´ıa-Colon´ 2008). This program sumed large proportions here. Barrio Jauca has its own was in charge of negotiating contracts with US farmers, re- post office substation now, and the small merchant cruiting workers, providing transportation, and supervising whose charge it is ceremoniously stamps the letters the living and working conditions in the fields. When Mintz before they are distributed. Most of the letters—and arrived in Jauca, a barrio in the municipality of Santa Isabel, they were arriving at the rate of about thirty a day—are the first official wave of migrants had left Puerto Rico. Mintz airmail, coming from the United States. Many contain even flew twice in one of the leased DC-3s with bucket money orders. Almost every day someone leaves for the seats that were carrying migrant farmworkers to the United first time “para el Norte,” nervous, his cardboard suit- States (Ghani 1998, 116). He was able to record in his jour- case in hand, his skin burned brown, his clothes fitting nal the experiences of these first migrants, their relation- badly. And a few months or a year later he is back for a visit, this time with a metal suitcase, a cream-colored ships to their wives and relatives back in Puerto Rico, what fedora on his head, swaggering a little, his face paler jauquenos˜ (the inhabitants of the barrio) thought of migra- but fuller, bursting with stories about the tremendous tion, its material effects on the neighborhood, and the aspi- cold, the Americans both good and bad, the richness rations of migrants, nonmigrants, and future migrants. and perversity of the country up there. (Mintz 1974, More than 145,000 Puerto Ricans would migrate to the 272) United States in the 1940s (Dietz 1986, 284). The develop- ment of industrial manufacture and land-distribution pro- Thus, Mintz addressed how migration transformed both grams did not provide enough jobs on the island; hence, Jauca and Taso’s life without entering into details of the mi- the Puerto Rico Farm Labor Program represented both an gration experience.

406 Migration in Mintz’s journal  American Ethnologist

Mintz added that, in addition to migrants, jauquenos˜ Because of the doubtful reliability of both local his- joining the US military were funneling into Jauca torical documents and the reminiscences of aged per- in the form of remittances and investments. He obser- sons, the who would project his data ved that children and dogs seemed fatter and in bet- backward in time when studying modern communi- ter health than eight years earlier. Lalo was still work- ties leaves himself open to serious criticism. The writer feels, however, that the disadvantages should not rule ing and saving in New Jersey, and he had built a house out this kind of attempt at historical reconstruction. It typical of US homes at the time. His children spoke flu- would seem that the bias against such reconstructions ent English, and Mintz wondered how they would get which still persists in anthropology often leads to an used to Puerto Rico. Other people in Jauca were think- underestimation of the role the past plays in shaping ing about migrating, while people were expecting some the present. (1953, 224) migrants to return (Mintz 1974, 273–77). As sociologist JoseHern´ andez´ Alvarez´ (1964) would show, emigration to Mintz’s materials demonstrate how field journals can pro- the United States a decade later had drastically changed vide future anthropologists with central details for the his- the neighborhood and its inhabitants (see also Ferguson tories of capitalism and broader descriptions of social pro- 1988). The processes that Mintz observed were the fore- cesses to elaborate a critique of economic inequalities and runner of the high rates of migration that JoseHern´ andez´ power (G. Smith 1999, 1–5; R. Smith 1990, 369). Alvarez´ (1964, 151) found among younger generations of Using field notes from other anthropologists to craft jauquenos˜ . one’s own involves many challenges, as Nancy In Puerto Rico’s academic circles, migration has not Lutkehaus (1990) and Robert J. Smith (1990) have noted. Yet been substantially studied. The exceptions are anthro- few anthropologists have had the privilege of gaining access pologists who have examined multiple aspects of migra- to the field notes and journals of another ethnographers. tion (Buitrago Ortiz 1973; Duany 2000; Griffith et al. 1995; I was fortunate that sociologist Jorge Giovannetti, who is Griffith and Valdes´ Pizzini 2002; Padilla 1958; G. Perez´ 2004; working on the subject of field notes in the Caribbean, R. Perez´ 2005; Planell Larrinaga 1996; Stinson Fernandez´ referred me to the journals of the Puerto Rico project 1996). Puerto Rican migration is still almost an exclusive (Giovannetti, Escobar Gonzalez,´ and Tapia Santamar´ıa concern of Puerto Rican scholars living in the United States. 2015, 9–10; see also Giovannetti 2015). This lack of interest in migration from the perspective of A copy of Mintz’s field journal for the Puerto Rico Puerto Rico itself perhaps reflects limited access to local project, which he wrote from 1948 to 1949, is in the records archival sources and the tendency of scholars to look in- of the Research Institute for the Study of Man Collection at ward. Identifying archival sources and using life history are New York University. In 2014, Mintz graciously granted me still vital ethnographic tools to unravel the intricacies of permission to use his journal for my research. I was amazed Puerto Rican migration. Mintz’s journal demonstrates its at how similar to mine were his observations of the work- importance as a source to understand migration in mid- ers who had migrated in the 1950s and early 1960s. Former 20th century Puerto Rico. and current farmworkers I interviewed from 2007 to 2013 expressed similar impressions about their first-time expe- Farm labor migration in Barrio Jauca riences in the United States, their feelings of hope and de- spair, and their encounters with the world outside farms. An integral part of contemporary ethnographic writing is Mintz’s journal provided my research on farm labor the use of archival and historical documents to understand with ethnographic details relevant to migration during the the intersection of power and culture. Like such documents, late 1940s in Puerto Rico and its effects on a rural neigh- anthropologists’ field notes and journals provide explicit borhood. The journal entries reported news received from and implicit details about silences, actions, understand- migrants and the experiences and thoughts of migrants and ings, and views of specific programs and institutions, as well their families in Jauca during the 1948 seasonal migration to as people’s struggles to survive (Sider 2014, xiii–xv; Sider and the United States. Seasonal migrants usually leave in March Smith 1997; G. Smith 1999, 11). or April and are back by October or November. Field journals are important sources for a historical an- In the journal entries, one can appreciate the influence thropology that seeks to explain the social with a political- that government policies were having on people’s deci- economy approach (Roseberry 1989; G. Smith 1999, 8–12). sions to migrate and on their perceptions of migration. One Despite anthropology’s important critiques since the 1980s learns about how hegemonic processes of migration were of the way ethnographies are crafted, field journals still con- transforming the way workers and their families thought stitute historical documents that, together with interviews, about their future (Roseberry 1994, 361; G. Smith 1999, provide insights into the past. Although not referring to field 7–8, 11–12). journals, Mintz addressed this last point in one of his early The journal entries also document the understandings writings: that people had about the insular debates over migration.

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Mintz wrote that one of his interlocutors thought that “lots of migration” was essential, but that it was “up to the Puerto Rican government to ensure that Puerto Ricans who emigrate will have a better life there than here, since con- tinued and augmented permanent migration will depend on that” (Mintz 1948–49, file 10, October 28, 1948, p. 5). In fact, the government of Puerto Rico carried out a public information campaign about the program that included radio infomercials and newspaper ads and articles. In ad- dition, newspapers in Puerto Rico published articles about the experiences and problems of migrant workers. Workers took the decision to migrate in a historical context in which migration was ever present in mainstream means of communication as well as in neighborhood conversations. Mintz documented that migrants talked about working and living conditions after returning from El Norte. Some workers complained about being mistreated and exploited by employers. Another complaint was that people earned more in the United States than on the island but also had to spend more. People in the neighborhood knew of newspa- per reports that workers sometimes lost the opportunity to earn money. For instance, heavy rain in New Jersey kept mi- grants away from the fields, with little opportunity to cover their travel expenses. In their conversations, people empha- sized the cold weather, which scared many of them (Mintz 1948–49, file 8, October 6, 1948, p. 3). Gossip about food and meals of farmworkers was widespread. Migrants reported to Figure 5. Puerto Rican migrant farmworkers disembarking in Buffalo, New their relatives that meals were scant, and men had to cook York, circa 1948. (Unknown / Courtesy of the Office of Information for their own food (Mintz 1948–49, file 8, October 7, 1948, p. 1). Puerto Rico, Archives of the Puerto Rican Diaspora, Centro de Estudios Another issue in Mintz’s journal was the impersonal Puertorriquenos,˜ Hunter College, City University of New York) relationships the migrant workers maintained with some farmers. Workers expected the kind of paternalistic treat- pay incentive in the States, as compared to the effort ment from farmers that formed part of their culturally of desperation which commands labor here. I mention informed expectations back home, but they were disap- that many American farmers work in the fields with pointed (Mintz 1948–49, file 14, December 31, 1948, p. 1). In their hands, and this is vouched for by some of the mi- my interviews, Puerto Rican workers also talked about their grants. One man says that is the sin of the Puerto Rican: negative impression when they first arrived on the farms as soon as he has a little money, he quits work, and that and their feelings of alienation in a strange land (Gordillo is why he is always broke. Meanwhile, Americans, even 2004). rich ones, continue to work. (Mintz 1948–1949, file 14, Correspondence from migrants and the personal ex- December 31, 1948, p. 1) periences of former migrants fed the conversations of jauquenos˜ . All these experiences, conversations, gossip, As Gina Perez´ (2004, 53–54) has documented in San news, and opinions about migration gave migrants and po- Sebastian,´ a municipality in the west of the island, mi- tential migrants a social framework to calculate their deci- grants were “fleeing the cane.” In the US Northeast, Puerto sions to migrate (Hernandez´ Alvarez´ 1964, 153). Rican migrants worked in tobacco, tomatoes, apples, Workers were escaping the arduous working conditions peaches, and vegetable fields. Like migrant jauquenos˜ ,my in the cultivation of sugarcane. In his journal, Mintz wrote, interlocutors did not work in corn or wheat for US agribusi- nesses but on small farms, and many left Puerto Rico after working in sugarcane. Everyone who has worked in the States says that work in the cane is harder than agricultural work in the Given the irregular and hard work in Puerto Rico, States. Of course, the migrants worked only on truck higher wages and the perception of easier working condi- farms, and are not familiar with the work in wheat, tions in US farms were attractive to men willing to venture corn, etc. which more correctly typifies American agri- away from the island (Mintz 1948–49, file 8, October 6, 1948, culture. What is raised as the cardinal point is the high p. 3). Underemployment and unemployment in

408 Migration in Mintz’s journal  American Ethnologist

characterized rural Puerto Rico during the mid-20th cen- conform to the gendered expectations of Puerto Rican soci- tury (Garc´ıa-Colon´ 2009; Mintz 1974). Contemporary and ety at that time. Cooking and washing clothes after 12 hours former migrants speak of the same working conditions that of work were not part of their lives back home. attract them to migrate, such as higher wages, fleeing work Mintz gives the impression in his journal that everyone in the sugarcane, and opportunities to work more than 40 in the neighborhood had something to say about life in the hours a week (Garc´ıa-Colon´ and Melendez´ 2013; Hernandez´ United States. A small store owner said people lived longer Alvarez´ 1964). in New York City than in Puerto Rico because of the bet- In Jauca, contract labor migration was an endeavor that ter food and entertainment. He knew very well that most almost exclusively concerned men (although everyone was of the jobs available in the United States were low pay- affected in one way or another), but not all men in the ing, but he also knew that migrants could hardly wait to community wanted to or could migrate. Some men indi- go back to those jobs. Indeed, low-wage jobs in agriculture cated their desire to migrate, while others played it down and manufacture fostered Puerto Rican migration. Some of entirely (Mintz 1948–49, file 7, September 19, 1948, p. 3). the migrant workers could earn up to $60 a week. The store Some workers did not migrate because of family respon- owner also thought that some return migrants, after having sibilities. Some parents, and particularly mothers, forced difficult experiences, pretended they liked working in US their adult children to stay because of their strong attach- farms out of meanness, because they knew people in the ment to them (Mintz 1948–49, file 8, October 6, 1948, p. 3). barrio would not rest thinking about migrating until they Other potential migrants expressed their reasons for not experienced it themselves. In his opinion, some migrants migrating as a matter of avoiding estrangement from their were covering their disappointment (Mintz 1948–49, file 10, family and neighborhood. A sugarcane worker indicated to October 28, 1948, p. 5). Mintz made sure to record not only Mintz that “everything here has its place, and one lives in a the experiences and thoughts of migrants but also of those situation where you are familiar with everybody and every- who, like him, were observing migration without participat- thing” (Mintz 1948–49, file 16, January 5, 1949, pp. 1–2). He ing in it. added, however, that he would migrate if he could find an The most important case in the field journal is that office job. Another man planned to go to California because of Yayo.1 Yayo worked in the sugar plantation as a palero, of the good weather and ample job opportunities (Mintz a worker who specializes in making ditches in the fields 1948–49, file 8, October 6, 1948, p. 3). (Mintz 1974). He lived with Paola, his common-law wife, Migrants and nonmigrants mentioned the difficulty of and their five children. He migrated with three other men learning English as an obstacle to settling and living in and spent three months working in a potato farm in Long the United States (Mintz 1948–49, file 7, Sept. 19, 1948, Island. Paola was very anxious for him to come back, and p. 3). Mintz wrote about this variety of opinions and rea- she missed him (Mintz 1948–49, file 8, October 8, 1948, p. 1; sons to migrate or not in a historical context in which agri- file 10, October 16, 1948, p. 2). She indicated that her hus- cultural and rural life constituted the dominant society, one band was unable to save money in his trip. Although work- that valued extended family and the bonds of coparenthood ers were receiving $6 for a 10-hour day, the farmer offered and solidarity among neighbors. It was also a society with little work, and he saved only for his trip back home. high rates of illiteracy and problems of accessing educa- Yayo got along with his foreman but had difficulty with tion in rural areas and particularly deficiencies in English- some americanos (whites) because he understood enough language instruction (Barreto 2001; Dietz 1986, 129–30; English to know when they insulted him. Yayo wrote that Ferguson 2011, 240; Hernandez´ Alvarez´ 1964, 155–56; he did not want to stay in the United States and would Mintz and Wolf 1950; Negron´ de Montilla 1975). Problems prefer to earn less money and be near his family (Mintz of malnutrition and starvation were also present in Puerto 1948–49, file 9, October 14, 1948, p. 1). He was disappointed Rico and particularly in rural areas for most of the first half that he was unable to save and that his experiences of of the 20th century (Dietz 1986; Garc´ıa-Colon´ 2009). americanos had been negative. Strong family bonds and re- Men who did not migrate could not understand why speto (respect) were salient characteristics of socializing in migrants would want to spend time working in US farms Puerto Rico, and workers found them lacking in the United while having to wash their own clothes and cook their own States (Hernandez´ Alvarez´ 1964, 155; Lauria-Perricelli 1964; meals. Some workers indicated that they were willing to put Quinones˜ and Gotsch 1976, 124). up with domestic tasks in order to earn higher wages. But Mintz paid attention to Yayo in many of the pages of his negative comments and complaints from migrant workers journal. Almost two weeks after Yayo arrived, Mintz wrote led Mintz to believe that migrants were unhappy with the that he had begun talking about returning to the States in American way of life (Mintz 1948–49, file 16, January 5, 1949, the summer of 1949. He now said that he liked the weather p. 2). They were especially unhappy with the working and on Long Island despite having complained earlier about living conditions in farm labor camps. The social arrange- the terrible cold (Mintz 1948–49, file 10, October 28, 1948, ments in the camps subjected workers to tasks that did not p. 3). He also said he was going back to the United States

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because he worked seven hours a day in Puerto Rico for only Paola also expressed her aspirations freely. She believed that $2.82. During dead time after planting and harvesting, Yayo one of the advantages of living in New York was to get away worked only three to four days a week and earned about from the dirt, the heat, and the mosquitoes. But she pre- $2.70 a day (Mintz 1948–49, file 10, October 16, 1948, p. 6; ferred living in the country in the United States because she file 14, December 29, 1948, p. 1). As a migrant farmworker, disliked cities (Mintz 1948–49, file 13, November 8, 1948, he could work longer hours and more days, after the sugar- p. 3). For her, Jauca seemed to represent a backwardness cane harvest ended and when unemployment soared. that she could get away from by migrating. Potential mi- Talking about his plans to migrate, Yayo said he felt bur- grants like Paola assessed their living conditions against the dened by having so many children and by his wife’s rela- constant flow of information that families and the neigh- tives’ interference in their marital problems (Mintz 1948–49, borhood received from El Norte. file 14, December 21, 1948, p. 1). Another of his reasons for Mintz’s journal describes jauquenos˜ as having the same going back was that he did not want his only son to become aspirations as other people deemed modern and carving a cane worker (Mintz 1948–49, file 10, October 28, 1948, their lives in multiple worlds. In “The Locations of Anthro- p. 3). He also said people eat better in the United States and pological Practice” (Mintz 1998), he describes an encounter live decently, even though “one who earns a lot spends a lot with Roberto, the grandson of Taso’s nephew Lalo. Roberto over there” (Mintz 1948–49, file 12, November 5, p. 3; file 16, was studying to become a doctor at Johns Hopkins Medical January 5, 1949, p. 2). Yayo’s struggle to improve his family’s School. His mother lived five miles from where Mintz grew livelihood did not end with his disappointment on the first up, and Roberto’s father was buried in Mintz’s hometown trip. Even as he continued yearning for higher wages and (Mintz 1998, 117–18). a better standard of living, Yayo’s experience demonstrates This encounter did not surprise Mintz because the how family problems and aspirations of for point of this story was precisely to show how anthropolo- children were also factors that shaped workers’ decisions to gists can continue using ethnography to capture the real- migrate. ities of people’s lives, of which migration is a central part. Mintz carefully followed migrants’ thoughts and lives, Mintz’s goal was to emphasize the continuing relevance of detailing the strategies that Yayo used to migrate. He wrote ethnography for the anthropological enterprise by criticiz- that after five weeks back in Puerto Rico, Yayo was unhappy ing the supposedly “new” discoveries of transnationalism because he no longer liked his job. He had been working a by postmodern anthropologists. Mintz argued for an ap- lot since he arrived. Yayo said that he was getting old, but proach to the history of global capitalism in which people he was only 19, complaining about body aches after a day are not merely victims of imperialism but agents shaping of hard work. His plan was to sell his cow, calf, horse, and their own realities (Mintz 1998, 128). In part, Roberto’s life cart, taking half the money with him and using the other was the ongoing product of the efforts and aspirations of his half for family expenses. He hoped to go to the United States grandparents, together with the history of Jauca and Puerto and look for housing for his family, but he planned to keep Rico and their global connections. his house in Puerto Rico in case they had to go back (Mintz Organized labor migration formed a fundamental part 1948–49, file 13, November 28, 1948, p. 1). of jauquenos˜ ’ lives. Americanization was also a dominant Selling their few belongings to invest in their migration force shaping all the town’s institutions and individuals for low-wage jobs was a common strategy of working-class (Roseberry 1989, 80–121). Seasonal labor migration deep- Puerto Rican migrants. Mintz’s descriptions show how mi- ened the dreams of social mobility among jauquenos˜ . grants planned carefully for the migration of their whole Migrants and their families could look beyond Jauca and families, maintaining their ties and housing in Puerto Rico Puerto Rico for other sources of opportunity. Migration ac- in case things went wrong. Younger workers like Yayo mi- celerated the integration of Jauca into the US mainland. grated more readily than older workers like Taso, who Jauquenos˜ were internalizing the global forces shaping their valued maintaining established family and friendship ties lives. One can appreciate this “internalization of the exter- over adventure and dreamed less of finding a new life nal” through the gendered aspirations of social mobility ex- (Hernandez´ Alvarez´ 1964, 150–54). pressed by Yayo and Paola (Roseberry 1989, 120–21). Women’s perceptions and understanding of “possible Gossip and firsthand experiences about food, higher worlds” are not absent in the field journal. Mintz talked to wages, weather, and treatment by employers are part of Paola, Yayo’s wife, while her husband was away and after what Roger Waldinger and Michael Lichter call “a dual he came back. Paola preferred to stay in Puerto Rico, but frame of reference” (2003, 9, 40–41). This is when experi- she was willing to migrate if her husband so desired (Mintz enced as well as first-time migrants assess wages and work- 1948–49, file 10, October 28, 1948, p. 3). roles dic- ing conditions in US farms in relation to those in Puerto tated that she would follow her husband’s decision. Rico’s agriculture, leading them to make decisions about, Although her deference to her husband was part of the plan for, and discuss migrating. These assessments are part expected rules of and domesticity at the time, of the mechanisms of social reproduction (G. Smith 1999,

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7–8, 11–12). Migrants’ and their relatives’ perceptions were lives were like then, nor need we ask people today to also a product of how people acted on, and talked about, try to remember how they lived. She set down in her the experience of living in a social order undergoing inten- journal what she saw and heard, thinking the material sive processes of migration (Roseberry 1994, 361). All these would be published only insofar as John Embree [her insights are rich and novel contributions to the study of husband] drew on it in writing his dissertation. (1990, 368–69) Puerto Rican farm labor, and I have incorporated them into my research. Similarly, Mintz pointed out that ethnographies with tra- Historical realism and field journals ditional fieldwork methods of interviewing and are still relevant for an always-changing world Anthropologists cannot ignore their predecessors, since because “imagination is not enough or, at least, produces contemporary ethnography involves drawing on the canon texts that do not profess to be true” (1998, 131). Thanks to of prior ethnographies and their photographs, field notes, Mintz’s attention to migration in his field journal, anthro- and journals (Clifford 1990, 54–55; G. Smith 1999, 1; Wolf pologists of migration can learn about people’s understand- 2001, 387). North American anthropologists of a neo- ing of the world, experiences, lives, and discussions about Marxist persuasion gave The People of Puerto Rico an im- their future in the Puerto Rico of the late 1940s. Mintz docu- portant place in the genealogy of political economy in mented in his journal what he heard and saw, giving a valu- anthropology (Duncan 1978; Roseberry 1978, 1989; Wolf able record of the migrants, their neighbors, and their fam- 2001). In contrast, Puerto Rican anthropologists saw it as ilies. The anthropology of migration and of Puerto Rico still outmoded and as a product of US imperialism. A new gen- needs to explore the multiple ways that people’s aspirations eration of scholars dismissed it entirely because of its the- and perceptions shape their lives. oretical limitations (Buitrago Ortiz 1973, 1982; Mintz 2001; The passing of Sidney Mintz will certainly deprive an- Valdes´ Pizzini 2001). But canonical ethnographies like The thropology of his wit, his constantly fresh insights, and his People of Puerto Rico and Worker in the Cane are impor- shrewd analysis. But his publications, field notes, and jour- tant because they provide a record of people and places that nals will continue having a lasting effect in anthropology. As have changed forever (Valdes´ Pizzini 2001, 44). Mintz himself put it, Mintz reflected precisely on the role of history and the ethnographic present when he stated that “each past, of While the subsequent interpretation may be found in- course, once was the present, and our present will one day complete or inaccurate in part, the writer hopes that be but another past” (2010, 21). Field notes and journals of- comment and criticism will take in more than specific fer anthropologists an opportunity to confront and under- errata in order to consider the broader implications of stand the present (G. Smith 1999, 2014). the value of such reconstructions for comprehensive As with Mintz, my interest in Puerto Rican farm labor culture history. (1953, 224) migration is “in trying to figure out what, and who, made things happen; to what extent they succeeded or failed in This is the task at hand that Mintz established in anthropol- doing so; what the consequences were for those who had ogy (2010, 21–24). to live (or die) with the outcomes” (Mintz 2010, 21; see also G. Smith 1999, 5). Like Mintz, Eric Wolf, Gerald Sider, and Note Gavin Smith, I believe that “the world is real,” that reali- ties shape what people do, and that what people do affects Acknowledgments. I would like to thank Sidney W. Mintz for granting me permission to use his field notes. Thanks also to Kevin the world. The anthropologist’s quest is to explain these re- Yelvington, Niko Besnier, and the anonymous reviewers for their alities as approximations of truth and as part of building comments. I want to acknowledge the support of Jorge Giovannetti, cumulative knowledge, using the work of our anthropologi- who provided important leads, and Kevin Yelvington, who orga- cal ancestors to pose new questions (Wolf 2001, 386–87; see nized this Forum and gave me the opportunity to participate. also Polier and Roseberry 1989; Sider 2014, xv). 1. I have changed the names of the subjects mentioned in Mintz’s journal to ensure their anonymity. My relationship to Mintz’s journal takes his path of his- torical anthropology. As Robert J. Smith notes about Ella Wiswell’s journal on rural Japan, References Asad, Talal. 1973. Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter.New However defective a record it may be and however col- York: Press. ored by the fieldworker’s personality and interests, her Baca, George. 2016. “Sidney W. Mintz: From the Mundial Upheaval journal nonetheless has this ultimate value: it is the Society to a Dialectical Anthropology.” Dialectical Anthropology only contemporary account of the lives of rural women 40 (1): 1–11. in Japan at that moment in history. Thanks to her field- Barreto, Am´ılcar A. 2001. The Politics of Language in Puerto Rico. work, we are not forced to try to imagine what their Gainesville: University Press of Florida.

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