Leslie White (1900-1975)
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Facing Politics and Power in Anthropology
PART ONE: POWER AND POLITICS FROM STATELESS SOCIETIES TO GLOBAL CAPITALISM FACINGFACING POLITICSPOLITICS ANDAND POWERPOWER ININ ANTHROPOLOGYANTHROPOLOGY Early Anthropological Perspectives on Power Power and social stratification Power and “complex societies” Politics is the process by which power is distributed and decisions are made Weber: power—coercion & authority Early Anthropological Perspectives on Power AUTHORITY: 1. Legal-Rational Authority 2. Traditional Authority 3. Charismatic Authority Typologies of Power and Political Systems Evolutionary typologies Kinship to State --Maine (1861): Status vs. Contract --Morgan (1877): Descent group vs. Property --Engels (1884): Kinship vs. Territory --Durkheim (1893): Mechanical vs. Organic Solidarity --Mauss (1925): Gift exchange vs. Commodity exchange Typologies of Power and Political Systems Service (1962) Sahlins (1963) Childe (1936) Fried (1967) Johnson and Earle (1987) Earle (1978) Hunter- Band (family level) Head man Egalitarian society gatherers Farmers Tribe (local group) Big man Ranked society Civilization Chiefdom Simple Stratified Society Complex Stratified society State State State State Typologies of Power and Political Systems Structural-Functionalist correspondences: Meyer Fortes & E. E. Evans-Pritchard (1940:5-6) sub-Saharan Africa, two forms of polity: “primitive states”—kingship & office “stateless societies”—descent Typologies of Power and Political Systems --evolution of social complexity as a political process --control over labour of non-kin --Elman Service (1962): Band, -
People Without Government
People Without Government Brian Morris 2007 Contents 1. Two Images of Humans ..................................... 3 2. What is Politics? ......................................... 3 3. Societies without Government ................................. 7 4. Three Contexts of Politics .................................... 7 5. Matriliny and Mother Goddess Religion ............................ 12 2 1. Two Images of Humans Western social science and eco-philosophy are perennially torn between two contradictory images of the human species. One, associated with Thomas Hobbes (1651), sees human social life as a“war against all,” and human nature as essentially possessive, individualistic, egotistic and aggressive, it is a basic tenet of the “possessive individualism” of liberal political theory (MacPherson 1962).The other, associated with Rousseau, depicts human nature in terms of the “noble savage” — of the hu- man species as good, rational, and angelic, requiring only a good and rational society in order to develop their essential nature (Lukes 1967: 144–45). Both these ideas are still current and have their contemporary exemplars. In the writing of many ecofeminists and Afrocentric scholars, a past Golden Age is portrayed — in which peaceful social relations, gender equality, and a harmony with nature were the rule — before the rise respectively of bronze age culture and colonialism (Eisler 1987, Diop 1989). Both these images share a similar theoretical paradigm which sees human relations as solely “determined by some natural state of human beings” (Robarchek 1989: 31). The contributors of the volume Societies at Peace (Howell and Willis 1989) all eschew, along with Robarchek, this biological determinism, and emphasise an approach that dispenses with “universalistic definitions,” suggesting that human behaviour is never culturally neutral, but always embedded in a shared set of meanings. -
Social Anthropology and Two Contrasting Uses of Tribalism in Africa Author(S): Peter P
Society for Comparative Studies in Society and History Social Anthropology and Two Contrasting Uses of Tribalism in Africa Author(s): Peter P. Ekeh Reviewed work(s): Source: Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 32, No. 4 (Oct., 1990), pp. 660-700 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/178957 . Accessed: 23/01/2012 10:57 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Cambridge University Press and Society for Comparative Studies in Society and History are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Comparative Studies in Society and History. http://www.jstor.org Social Anthropology and Two ContrastingUses of Tribalismin Africa PETER P. EKEH State University of New Yorkat Buffalo A remarkablefeature of African studies has been the sharpdiscontinuities in the characterizationof transitionsin African history and society from one era to another. Thus, for an important example, colonialism has rarely been related to the previous era of the slave trade in the analysis of any dominant socioeconomic themes in Africa. Such discontinuity is significant in one importantstrand of modem African studies: The transitionfrom the lore and scholarshipof colonial social anthropologyto postcolonial forms of African studies has been stalled into a brittle break because its central focus on the "tribe" has been under attack. -
Multilinear Euo Lution: Eaolution and Process'
'1. Multilinear Euolution: Eaolution and Process' THEMEANING Of EVOLUIION Cultural evolution, although long an unfashionable concept, has commanded renewed interest in the last two decades. This interest does not indicate any seriousreconsideration of the particular historical reconstructions of the nineteenth-century evolutionists, for thesc were quite thoroughly discredited on empirical grounds. It arises from the potential methodological importance of cultural evolution for con- temporary research, from the implications of its scientific objectives, its taxonomic procedures, and its conceptualization of historical change and cultural causality. An appraisal of cultural evolution, therefore, must be concerned with definitions and meanings. But I do not wish to engage in semantics. I shall attempt to show that if certain distinc- tions in the concept of evolution are made, it is evident that certain methodological propositions find fairly wide acceptance today. In order to clear the ground, it is necessaryfirst to consider the meaning of cultural evolution in relation to biological evolution, for there is a wide tendency to consider the former as an extension of, I This chapter is adapted lrom "Evolution and Process," in Anthropology Today: An Encyclopedic Inaentory, ed. A. L. Kroeber (University of Chicago Press, 1953), pp. 313-26, by courtesy of The University of Chicago Press. l1 12 THEoR'- oF cuLTURE cIIANGE and thercfore analogousto, the latter. There is, of course,a relation- ship betrveen biological and cultural evolution in that a minimal dcvclopment of the Hominidae was a prccondition of culture. But cultural cvolution is an extension of biological evolution only in a chronological sense (Huxley, 1952). The nature of the cvolutionary schemesand of the devclopmental processesdiffers profoundly in. -
Concept of Tribal Society1 Edited by Georg Pfeffer2 and Deepak Kumar Behera3
Contemporary Society: Tribal Studies. Volume Five, Concept of Tribal Society1 Edited by Georg Pfeffer2 and Deepak Kumar Behera3 Reviewed by Peter W. Van Arsdale 4 For those of us who cut our teeth on tribal studies, fortunately, was rectified as I worked toward this book, edited by Georg Pfeffer and Deepak Kumar completion of my Ph.D. at the University of Colorado, Behera, can serve both as a welcome theoretical although Southeast Asian societies received more refresher and an innovative pragmatic compilation. It attention than did South Asian societies. contains a well-written introductory chapter which lays out the history of tribal studies from interactive – and For this review I have selected two chapters from at times contradictory – Euroamerican and Indian the first (South Asian) section of the book and two professional perspectives. The introduction reminds from the second (non-South Asian) section to us of the classic work of anthropologists such as E.E. emphasize. They stand out not only as being well- Evans-Pritchard, Marshall Sahlins, and Edmund Leach. researched and well-written but as exemplars of the It also reminds us that “tribe” is by no means a unitary diversity of material Pfeffer and Behera have included. or unifying term. Each in its own way strongly reinforces the notion that cultural – perhaps even culturological – analyses have What is a tribe? This is the central conceptual merit as researchers attempt to understand tribal question asked by the book. More than any other society in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. Each recent book of its type, Concept of Tribal Society also reinforces the notion that to understand successfully addresses the diversity of tribal societies contemporary tribes you must understand their found in the world. -
The Papers, Diaries, Notes, and Tapes of Anthropological Research
Journal of East Asian Libraries Volume 1991 Number 92 Article 5 2-1-1991 Life in the Field: The Papers, Diaries, Notes, and Tapes of Anthropological Research Conducted by Morton Fried in China (1947-48) and Taiwan (1960s) Available in the Columbia University Libraries Frances LaFleur Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/jeal BYU ScholarsArchive Citation LaFleur, Frances (1991) "Life in the Field: The Papers, Diaries, Notes, and Tapes of Anthropological Research Conducted by Morton Fried in China (1947-48) and Taiwan (1960s) Available in the Columbia University Libraries," Journal of East Asian Libraries: Vol. 1991 : No. 92 , Article 5. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/jeal/vol1991/iss92/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of East Asian Libraries by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. LIFE IN THE FIELD: THE PAPERS, DIARIES, NOTES, AND TAPES OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH CONDUCTED BY MORTON FRIED IN CHINA (1947-48) AND TAIWAN (1960S) AVAILABLE IN THE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES* Frances LaFleur Columbia University Columbia University's C. V. Starr East Asian Library was founded in 1901 and presently holds over 500,000 volumes in the Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Manchu, and Mongol languages as well as western-language books and periodicals relating to the study of East Asia. Vernacular and western materials cataloged since 1981 are housed in open stacks in the library's headquarters in Kent Hall; some of the older Chinese and Japanese materials are housed in stacks in the Library Annex, open to Columbia affiliates and to outside scholars and researchers with an introduction to Starr Library. -
Julian H. Steward: a Contributor to Fact and Theory in Cultural Anthropology” in Process and Pattern in Culture: Es- Says in Honor of Julian H
NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES JULIAN HAYNES S TE W ARD 1902—1972 A Biographical Memoir by RO BE R T A. MANNERS Any opinions expressed in this memoir are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Academy of Sciences. Biographical Memoir COPYRIGHT 1996 NATIONAL ACADEMIES PRESS WASHINGTON D.C. Courtesy of the University of Illinois JULIAN HAYNES STEWARD January 31, 1902–February 6, 1972 BY ROBERT A. MANNERS ULIAN HAYNES STEWARD, ANTHROPOLOGIST, was born in Wash- Jington, D.C., the son of Thomas G., chief of the Board of Examiners of the U.S. Patent Office, and Grace Garriott, whose brother, Edward Garriott, was chief forecaster of the U.S. Weather Bureau. In an autobiographical sketch prepared for the National Academy of Sciences, Steward remarked that nothing in his family background or in his early education accounted for his later interest in anthropology. On the other hand, his school and neighborhood in the suburbs of Washington involved him in close association with the children of writ- ers, senators, representatives, doctors, and “generally per- sons of some distinction” who apparently did contribute to a developing interest in intellectual matters. When he was sixteen, Steward was admitted to the newly established Deep Springs Preparatory School (now Deep Springs College), a school located near Death Valley and devoted to the development of practical skills and to the promotion “of the highest well-being.” At this time, he said This memoir was originally prepared for inclusion in the multivolume American Na- tional Biography to be published by Oxford University Press. -
Is Archaeology Anthropology?
Is Archaeology Anthropology? Deborah L. Nichols, Dartmouth College Rosemary A. Joyce, University of California, Berkeley Susan D. Gillespie, University of Florida Archeology is anthropology...save that the people archeology studies happen to be dead. —Braidwood (1959:79) n a famous phrase, Philip Phillips (1955:246-247) of archaeology, some of them quite successful (notably Istated that "New World archaeology is anthropology at Boston University and Calgary University; Ferrie 2001; or it is nothing." A few years later, Robert Braidwood Wiseman 1980, 1983), recent events have brought this made a similar characterization for the Old World (see issue greater attention and garnered more broad-based epigraph). That these well-established archaeologists support for separation. They have also provoked equally were motivated to make such pronouncements indicates passionate arguments from the other side. a sense of uncertainty even then of the relationship be- Most visible among the recent proposals for an au- tween archaeology and anthropology. This uncertainty tonomous archaeology was the forum "Archaeology Is has not abated, and nearly 50 years later the relationship Archaeology" organized by T. Douglas Price at the 2001 has become more strained. Archaeology in the United Society for American Archaeology meeting (reported in States, as in many other countries, is viable outside of Wiseman 2001,2002). It motivated a Point-Counterpoint anthropology. Academically it is housed in nonanthro- exchange among James Wiseman (2002), Robert Kelly pology departments, institutes, and interdisciplinary pro- (2002), and Susan Lees (2002) in the SAA Archaeologi- grams at a number of universities. Most professional cal Record, with Kelly (SAA President) and Lees (co- archaeologists are employed outside the academy where editor of American Anthropologist) arguing against their identity as anthropologists (if it exists) is often separation from anthropology. -
The Transformation of Cultural Anthropology : the Decline of Ecology and Structure and the Rise of Political Economy and the Cultural Construction of Social Reality*
The Transformation of Cultural Anthropology : The Decline of Ecology and Structure and the Rise of Political Economy and the Cultural Construction of Social Reality* William P. MITCHELL" Deux principales approches dominent la recherche anthropologique actuelle aux Etats-Unis : l'économie politique et la construction cultu relle de l'« autre », motifs qui ont largement remplacé les analyses éco logiques et strucluralo-symboliques proposées il y a encore dix ans. Cet article rend compte de ces développements dans l'ethnographie des Andes de ces vingt-cinq dernières années. Dans les Andes, pendant les années 1970 et 1980, de nombreux cher cheurs ont étudié l'écosystème vertical, stimulés par l'hypothèse de l'ar chipel vertical de John Murra et l'écologie culturelle de Julián Steward et Marvin Harris. L'hypothèse de Murra et le fort zeitgeist écologique des années 1970 ont orienté la recherche andine pendant plus de deux This is a slightly revised version of a talk presented to the Five Field Update panel of the Society for Anthropology in Community Colleges at the 91st Annual Meeting of the American Anthropological Association, San Francisco, CA, November, 1992. I am grateful to the Monmouth University Grants and Sabbaticals Committee for supporting various aspects of my research. Barbara Jaye read several drafts of the paper and has provided me many helpful suggestions. I am grateful to Monica Barnes, Jane Freed, Sean Mitchell, Barbara Price and Glenn Stone for their comments on the paper. I also thank Constance Sutton and Sean Mitchell for demonstrating to me the utility of incorporating identity and construction into issues of class and power. -
Julian Steward
Julian Steward Background Julian Steward was born in Washington, D.C., the second child of the chief of the Board of Examiners of the US. Patent Office. As a freshman at the University of California in 1921, he took an introductory course in anthropology taught by Alfred Kmeber, Robert Lowie, and Edward Winslow Gifford. The next year he transferred to Cor- nell, where he got his B.A. The president of Cornell, Livingston Farrand, himselfan anthropologist, advised him to return to California. He did so, and at Berkeley Steward and his fellow students (including William Dun- can Strong, Lloyd Warner, and Ralph Beals) gained a concern for the role of physical environment in culture from Carl Sauer of the geography department. Steward spent his summers in archaeological and ethnographic studies along the Columbia River and in the Owens Valley. During this period he discovered the Eastern Mono practice of systematically irrigat- ing wild seed plants and tubers, even though they did no planting or culti- vation. During 1929 hifcompiled a description and trait analysis of petm- glyphs in California, Njvada, Utah, Arizona, and Lower California. His analysis uncovered indications of chronology and function, but the tedi- ous work discouraged further interest in the culture trait approach. The same year he finished his doctorate with a dissertation entitled The Ceremonial Buffoon of the American Indian (published in 1931). 320 Julian Steward Steward spent the years of the Great Depression at the universities of Michigan, Utah, and California. He worked primarily on Great Basin archaeology, especiallycave sites on the ancient terraces of the Great Salt Lake Region. -
Frameworks of Analysis
PART I Frameworks of Analysis INTRODUCTION Tony Bennett then examine the forms of cultural analysis that have been associated It is clear from our discussion in the general with the development of psychological and introduction that it is impossible to tie the sociological thought. Peter Burke’s discussion term ‘culture’ to a single concept or to a of cultural history provides a bridge into simple history of usage. It is better understood the next group of chapters focused mainly as referencing a network of loosely related on text-based disciplines. James English’s concepts that has been shaped by the relations account of the role that the analysis of form between the different histories and fields of has played in the development of literary usage with which the term has came to be studies is followed here by Tia DeNora’s entangled. A significant factor here has been consideration of music as both text and the different meanings deriving from the ways performance. Mieke Bal then examines the in which the concept has been used and relations between art history and the more interpreted in the social science disciplines recent development of visual culture studies. one the one hand and in the humanities The next two chapters – Tom Gunning’s on the other. These different disciplinary discussion of film studies and Toby Miller’s articulations of the concept are the focus account of broadcasting – are concerned with of the contributions composing this first the forms of cultural analysis that have been part of the book, which also assesses how developed in relation to the two main media the ‘cultural turn’ has affected developments systems of the twentieth century. -
05 Neo-Evolutionism
Paper No. : 10 Theories and methods in social and cultural Anthropology Module : 05 Neo-Evolutionism Development Team Principal Investigator Prof. Anup Kumar Kapoor Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi Paper Coordinator Prof. Anup Kumar Kapoor Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi Vineet Kumar Verma Content Writer Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi Prof. Subir Biswas, Department of Anthropology, West Content Reviewer Bengal State University, Barasat, West Bengal 1 Theories and methods in social and cultural Anthropology Anthropology Neo-Evolutionism Description of Module Subject Name Anthropology Paper Name 10 Theories and methods in social and cultural Anthropology Module Name/Title Neo-Evolutionism Module Id 05 2 Theories and methods in social and cultural Anthropology Anthropology Neo-Evolutionism Table of Contents Introduction 1. Early anthropological theory 2. History of nineteenth-century classical evolutionists 3. Neo-evolutionist 4. Neo-evolutionists Scholars V. Gordon Childe (England) Julian Steward (U.S.A) Leslie White (U.S.A) Summary Learning Objective To introduce history of anthropological thought by tracing its historical development To classify the course of historical development, academic, and Anthropological importance in terms of its development An attempt to look Methodological approaches to the origin of culture 3 Theories and methods in social and cultural Anthropology Anthropology Neo-Evolutionism Introduction A theoretical orientation is usually a general attitude about how cultural phenomena are to be explained. A number of thinkers during this period began to discuss evolution and how it might occur. The prevailing theoretical orientation in anthropology during the 19th century was based on a belief that culture generally evolves in a uniform and progressive manner; that is, most societies were believed to pass through the same series of stages, to arrive ultimately at a common end.