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Aziz Nikolaos Kilisesi Kazıları 1989-2009

Yayına Hazırlayanlar Sema Doğan Ebru Fatma Fındık Aziz Nikolaos Kilisesi Kazıları 1989-2009 ISBN 978-9944-483-81-0

Aziz Nikolaos Kilisesi Kazıları 1989-2009

Yayına Hazırlayanlar Sema Doğan Ebru Fatma Fındık

Kapak Görseli Aziz Nikolaos Kilisesi, naostan bemaya bakış (Z.M. Yasa / KA-BA)

Ofset Hazırlık Kitabevi

Baskı Matsis Matbaa Hizmetleri Sanayi ve Ticaret Ltd. Şti. Tevfikbey Mahallesi Dr. Ali Demir Caddesi No: 51 34290 Sefaköy/ Tel: 0212 624 21 11 Sertifika No: 40421

1. Basım 2018

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Tel: (0212) 249 59 02 • (0212) 292 42 79 Faks: (0212) 251 39 62 e-posta: [email protected] www.homerbooks.com Aziz Nikolaos Kilisesi Kazıları

1989-2009

Yayına Hazırlayanlar Sema Doğan Ebru Fatma Fındık Yıldız Ötüken’e… İçindekiler

Sunuş 7

Jews and Christians in Ancient : A Fresh Appraisal Mark Wilson 11

Kaynaklar Eşliğinde Aziz Nikolaos Kilisesi’nin Tarihi Sema Doğan 35

Aziz Nikolaos Kilisesi Kazı Çalışmaları 1989-2009 S. Yıldız Ötüken 63

Aziz Nikolaos Kilisesi Projesi 2000-2015 Yılları Arasında Proje Kapsamında Gerçekleştirilen Danışmanlık, Projelendirme, Planlama ve Uygulama Çalışmaları Cengiz Kabaoğlu 139

Malzeme Sorunları ve Koruma Önerileri Bekir Eskici 185

Tuğla Örnekleri Arkeometrik Çalışmaları Ali Akın Akyol - Yusuf Kağan Kadıoğlu 209

Duvar Resimleri Nilay Çorağan 227

Opus Sectile Zemin Panoları ve Duvar Kaplamaları Çiğdem Alas 265

Mimari Plastik Buluntular: Liturjik Kuruluşlar ve Liturjik Mekânlar ile İlişkisi Sema Doğan 301

Die Inschriften Thomas Corsten 329 6 İçindekiler

Maden Buluntular 1989-1999 Meryem Acara Eser 353

Maden Buluntular 2000-2009 Vera Bulgurlu 381

Sırsız Seramik Buluntular Ayşe Ç. Türker ...... 457

Ortaçağ Sırlı Seramikleri 1989-2009 Ebru Fatma Fındık 489

Cam Buluntular B. Yelda Olcay Uçkan - Özgü Çömezoğlu Uzbek 513

Aziz Nikolaos Kilisesi İnsanları: 1989-2007 Kazı Sezonu İskelet Kalıntıları Ömür Dilek Erdal 553

Aziz Nikolaos Kilisesi’nde Arkosolium Tipi Bir Mezar Ebru Fatma Fındık 577

Yazarlar 611 Jews and Christians in Ancient Lycia: A Fresh Appraisal Mark Wilson

Introduction The emergence of monotheistic Judaism in Lycia in the midst of the polythe- ism of the , , and Roman occurred probably in the 3rd century B.C. The appearance of Judaism will be first discussed using available literary and archaeological evidence. Its spiritual cousin appeared in Lycia in the middle of the 1st century A.D. Again, texts and archaeological realia will be used to elucidate its founding in Lycia, and then its growth will be traced over the next two centuries until Licinius’ edict in 313. Important personalities such as Paul, Methodius, and Nicholas will be evaluated regarding their inter- actions with the nascent Jewish and Christian communities. The of Mediterranean Lycia and its important ports will play a key role in the discus- sion. As Akyürek writes, “These coastal cities have had the possibility to develop by utilizing the opportunities provided by their harbors in maintaining a close contact with the world of those days”.1 The article assumes several important sociological hypotheses advanced by Stark: 1) Diasporan Jewish communi- ties tended to be located in port cities (no. 5-2); 2) Paul tended to missionize port cities (no. 5-5), 3) Paul tended to missionize cities with substantial Jewish Diasporan communities (nos. 5-6), and 4) cities with a significant Diasporan community were Christianized sooner than other cities (nos. 5-8).2

Jews in Lycia Non-Jewish traditions sometimes attributed the origin of the Jews to Lycia. Homer recounts that when came to Lycia, he had a great bat- tle with the “glorious Solymoi”.3 This battle ended in defeat for Bellerophon, and his son Isandros was slain by this people. also placed this tribe in Lycia.4 The 3rd century B.C. Egyptian author Manetho associates the Solymites with the Jews.5 During the early , even the Jews

1 Akyürek 2018, 37. 2 Stark 2006, 123, 132-135. 3 Homer, 6.184-204. 4 Herodotus, Historia 1.173; cf. Stebnicka 2015, 25. 5 Manetho, Fragment 54. This section is preserved by the Jewish apologist Josephus in Contra Apion 1.248. For Josephus “doctoring” other references to “Solymites” as “Hierosolymites”, see Barclay’s 12 Mark Wilson themselves began to claim that they were the ancient Solymoi. This tradition is reflected later in Josephus who quotes the ancient writer Cherilos that the Jews had once lived in the Solymean Mountains.6 After the fall of in A.D. 70, Greek and Roman authors began to make this association as well. As Brenk writes, “So strong was their (the Jews) resurgence in the period, that the Solymoi connection has even been considered an invention of Flavian authors, having nothing to do with the Hellenistic age”.7 Tacitus mentions that the Solymoi gave rise to the Hebrews who later founded the city of Hierosolyma (“holy” Jerusalem), thus exploiting the linguistic similarity.8 In Sibylline Oracle 4, probably a Jewish composition dating around A.D. 80, the Roman destruc- tion of the temple in Jerusalem is viewed as an attack on the land of the Soly- moi. The interesting thing, as Whitmarsh notes, “is that the passage weaves in a second level of Iliadic reminiscence, intertextually assimilating the sack of Jerusalem with that of . This is a passage crammed full of Iliadic motifs”.9 For the Flavian authors the Solymoi, once worthy allies of Hector, now were the tragic losers in their struggle against the might of .10 Leaving such traditions aside, there is little early literary evidence for the first Jewish communities in Lycia. Josephus mentions that Antiochus III settled two thousand Jewish families from Mesopotamia and Babylonia in the rebel- lious provinces of and around 210 B.C. “to guard the interests of the Seleucid government”. Antiochus III commanded “that they be pro- vided with houses and land and be exempted from taxes on produce for ten years”.11 Paul’s family was probably settled in along with other Jews when Antiochus IV re-founded in 171 B.C.12 However, such a specific reference for the settlement of Jews in Lycia does not appear in the literary record. Nevertheless, during the Hellenistic period “the Jews spread through- out Minor as far as and on the Black Sea”.13 The letter of the Roman consul Lucius in 139 B.C. to VIII and III validates this statement. Among the various lands (χώρας) in the Mediterranean

note in Josephus 2005, 60 n. 327. For more on Mantheo and the Solymites, see Schäfer 1997, 18-20. 6 Josephus, Contra Apion 1.172-174; cf. Homer, 5.283. This tradition is confused in two ways. The Solyman Mountains are said to be set next to Lake Asphalitis, the Roman name for the in Palestine. And the scholia identify them with Lycian , which is actually in ; see Whitmarsh 2013, 233-234. 7 Brenk, 1999, 226. 8 Tacitus, Historiae 5.2.3. 9 The relevant sections of Oracle 4 are 115-118 and 125-127; see Whitmarsh 2013, 237. For more on the date and provenance of Book 4, see Collins 1983, 1:381-383. 10 Roman over is depicted among the Claudian reliefs of numerous conquered nations at the Sebasteion in ; see Smith et al. 2008, 26-27. It is also seen on ’s that shows a personified Judea sitting under a palm tree under the caption IUD(A)EA CAPTA; see Dow 2011, 265-267. 11 Josephus, Antiquities 12.148-153. For a discussion of the historicity of Antiochus’ letter to Zeuxis, see the comments of Marcus, his translator and editor in Josephus 1957, 764. 12 Wilson 2003a, 96-98. 13 Hegermann 1989, 146. Jews and Christians in Ancient Lycia: A Fresh Appraisal 13 with a Jewish presence, he names Lycia, and specifically the city of .14 At the time of the letter’s composition, Lycia was independent, having gained its freedom from in 169 B.C.15 The had previously controlled Lycia from 295 B.C. to 197 B.C. when Antiochus III conquered the region.16 A likely scenario is that the Ptole- mies allowed Jewish settlement in Lycia for the same reasons the Seleucids did in Lydia and Phrygia. Ptolemy VIII believed that the Jews “will be well disposed guardians of our possessions; because of their piety towards God; and because I know that my predecessors have born witness to them, that they are faithful, and with alacrity do what they are desired to do”.17 A large Jew- ish community already existed in by the 3rd century B.C. In fact, the Jewish population of may have been larger than Jerusalem’s, thus prompting the need to translate the Hebrew into Greek so the Greek- speaking Jews there could read it.18 was a Ptolemaic territory for much of this same period, and Josephus mentions the presence of Jewish communi- ties in Ptolemaic Cyprus.19 Jewish merchants and administrators undoubtedly traveled from Alexandria and to Lycia to conduct business at this time, especially in key port cities like , , and Phaselis, and some likely remained to settle there. Only a decade after Lucius’ letter the Romans established the province of Asia in 129 B.C. and slowly increased their hegemony in . Augus- tus granted his Jewish client king, Herod the Great, contracts for territorial revenues in the East, and Herod used his authority to remit tribute and tax payments to various places including Phaselis (Φασηλίταις).20 Herod’s largesse would certainly have fostered good will towards the Jews living in Lycia. In the first century A.D. Philo describes the spread of Jewish communities to “those more distant of , Cilicia, the greater part of Asia Minor as far as Bithynia, and the furthermost corners of Pontus”.21 Although Lycia is not specifically mentioned, the region is clearly included in this Alexandrian Jew’s descriptive landscape. Jews from , Pontus, Asia, Phrygia, and Pamphylia are among the Anatolian provinces and regions mentioned in the book of Acts from which Jews had made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem for the day

14 1 Maccabees 15:16, 22-23. 15 Mitchell 1996, 894. 16 For the issues related to the terminus post quem of the occupation, see Meadows 2007, 462-466. 17 Josephus, Antiquities 12.149. 18 For an overview of the Jewish Diaspora in Egypt, see Hegermann 1989, 131-151, 163-166; for Alexandria specifically see Venit 2010. 19 Josephus, Antiquities 13.284. For a Jewish presence on the island since the Early , see Davis - Wilson 2016, 2. For Jewish inscriptions on Cyprus, see Noy - Bloedhorn 2004: from the Persian period, 223-226; from the Hellenistic period, 222-223. 20 Josephus, Jewish War 1.128. I agree with Gabba 1999, 120, who interprets this Phaselis as that in Lycia. Josephus in Jewish War 1.418; 2.167 and Antiquities 16.145 mentions another Phasaelis (Φασαηλίδος) north of Jericho named after his brother Phasael. This was Herod’s own property, so there would be no reason to remit taxes/tribute on his own estate; see Rocca 2008, 213-214. 21 Philo, Legatio Ad Gaium 282. 14 Mark Wilson of .22 This list is not meant to be exhaustive but only suggestive of Jewish communities in the ancient world. Lycia would be understood to be among those places as well. Archaeological evidence for Jewish communities in Lycia exists in epi- graphical texts, realia, and a synagogue structure. An inscription from names Ptolemy, a citizen of the city, who built a heroon for himself and his son also named Ptolemy out of his own resources. He held an archonship, or presidency, of a well-organized Jewish community, and as an act of benefaction donated the tomb to all the Jews of the city for their exclusive burial use.23 As Cohen writes, “Although he does not call himself a Jew, his social horizons are defined by his Jewishness. The phrase ‘among us Jews’ reveals a strong public identification with the Jewish community”.24 The inscription is dated to the late 1st century A.D. and evidences Jews being in Tlos at a much earlier date for them to have gained such civic recognition.25 In nearby Oinoanda the longest ancient inscription ever discovered has been found. A reference to Jews was found on this famous inscrip- tion. Erected around A.D. 120, its size is estimated to be 80 m long and 4 m high and consisting of over 20,000 words, of which approximately 6000 have been found on around 300 fragments.26 In 1997 Smith made an interesting discovery relevant to our study. On block NF 126.III-IV the text calls Jews along with Egyptians “the most superstitious of all peoples” and “the vilest of all peoples”.27 No evidence exists for a Jewish community in Oinoanda, yet readers of the inscription seemingly are acquainted with their customs. In many cities, Tlos for example, Jews and non-Jews apparently lived together harmoniously. Nevertheless, Jews were stereotyped as antisocial and xenopho- bic28, active in proselytism29, and mutilators of their flesh through circumci- sion.30 Smith suggests that this negative language may be related to the recent Jewish revolts in the empire, first in Judea in 66-73, in , Egypt, and Cyprus in 115-118, and possibly that of Bar Kokhba in 132-135. He writes, “If

22 :9-10. 23 CIJ II no. 757 = TAM I.2 no. 612. For a German translation, see Ameling 2004, 477-480 no. 223; for its English translation, see Williams 1998, 119 no. V.39. 24 Cohen 1999, 2. 25 The name Ptolemy suggests the family’s settlement in Lycia in the Ptolemaic period, as argued above. First published by E. Hula in 1893, the inscription is unfortunately no longer extant. T. Kokut, director of excavations at Tlos, writes: “Ancak yazıtı sadece yayınlardan biliyoruz. Bugüne kadar yazıtın kendisine ulaşamadık (“But we know the inscription only from publications. Until today we have not been to find the inscription”; personal communication; 13/4/2013). 26 An introduction to the site as well as a translation of the inscription can be found on Oinoanda’s website: http://www.english.enoanda.cat/welcome.html. 27 Smith 1998, 132, 135, 140-141. The fragment is now numbered as 222. 28 , 24.1.1-4; 40.3.4. 29 Horace, Satirae 1.4.142-43. 30 Tacitus, Historiae 5.5. Additional negative references in ancient sources include: 1) separatism: Josephus, Contra Apion 2.121; Juvenal 14.100-104; 2) proselytism: Juvenal 14.96-105; Seneca, apud Augustine CD 6.11; Quintilian 3.7.21; 3; circumcision: Philo, de Vita Mosis 2.210; Josephus, Contra Apion 2.137; Tacitus, Historiae 5.5. Jews and Christians in Ancient Lycia: A Fresh Appraisal 15 the news of the second and/or the third of these revolts were fresh in Diogenes’ mind when he was writing the present passage, and reports of atrocities, includ- ing acts of cannibalism allegedly committed by the rebels, had been part of the news, this would help to explain his strong words about the Jews”.31 Whether such animosity towards Jews in Asia Minor would have developed because of the two revolts in Judea is questionable. However, the disturbances among the Diasporan Jews in nearby Cyprus and north must have caused residents of Lycia to wonder if similar troubles might develop with their own Jewish communities. Diogenes unfortunately taps into ethnic stereotypes to drive a wedge between communities that had long co-existed in Lycia. A 4th century synagogue discovered at likely provides evidence for a Jewish community that had also been established centuries earlier.32 Akyürek captures the significance of this find: “The synagogue was not only serving a small, settled population at the harbor of Andriake, but also serving a large number of Jews who came to the port for trading”.33 Unique to this syna- gogue is its orientation southeast toward Jerusalem. The two other excavated synagogues in Anatolia at and are both oriented east, following the of the city. All three Anatolian synagogues are in or near the main civic areas of the city, evidencing the influence of their respective Jewish com- munities.34 The discovery of two fragments of chancel screens in in 2012 sug- gest the presence of a synagogue in that Lycian city located between Phaselis/ , and Myra/Andriake. One fragment had partial menorahs on both its front and back along with another partial shofar. The other had a partial meno- rah and partial lulav. These became standard iconographical elements in Asia Minor. For as Fine observes: “From the fourth century onward, the menorah became ubiquitous in Jewish visual culture as a cipher for Judaism and Jewish culture”, and they “were placed there as markers of Jewish identity”.35 Similar panels were found in the Andriake synagogue. Unfortunately, further excava- tions around Limyra’s east city gate to localize such a structure have not yet occurred. A cursory examination of the reddish stone used for these screen fragments suggests a link with the two chancel screens in the courtyard of the Church of St. Nicholas at Myra. Asked about a possible relationship between these screens, the church’s excavator Sema Doğan writes:

31 Smith 1998, 142. 32 Jewish realia from Late Antiquity evidencing earlier communities is normal in Anatolia. The two other synagogues excavated in Anatolia - Sardis and Priene - similarly date to the Late Antique period. As we have seen, Jews were in Lydia almost half a millennium earlier, and a Jewish community was established in Priene by the Hellenistic or Roman imperial period. Why earlier archaeological evidence for these communities is missing seems to result from the serendipitous nature of preservation. Earthquakes probably destroyed earlier structures; buildings were reused for other purposes; and some synagogues might have been purposely destroyed. For further on the dating of the Priene synagogue, see Burkhardt - Wilson 2013, 174. 33 Akyürek 2018, 41. 34 Burkhardt - Wilson 2013, 178-179, 184-185. 35 Fine 2015, 39. 16 Mark Wilson

Similarities between two panels from different sites in Lycia are no surprise. We know that the masters employed in the workshops of the palace in Con- stantinople occasionally worked in travelling workshops, too. We learn from the Vita of St. Nicholas of Sion that in Anatolia and also Lycia, besides the travelling workshops, there were also local workshops. So it is possible to see some regional styles and materials within the . If you sur- vey Lycia and examine the local characteristics like these two panels, we see that the material of each is not local. They are reddish Breccia stone from Bilecik. The panel in the courtyard is from the 6th century – the first period of the Church – with its composition and stylistic features.36

Seyer and Lotz suggest a terminus ante quem for the original structure in the 5th century A.D.37 The similarity of stone and workmanship of the chancel screens in Limyra and Myra suggest their concurrency. The unique element, of course, is that the stone craftsmen adapted their designs according to the religious needs of their clients. It also suggests, in Lycia at least, that public harmony existed between the Jewish community and the dominant Christian community.

Christians in Lycia The canonical records two visits by the apostle Paul to Lycia. The first occurred in A.D. 57 while Paul was returning from his third journey. In Acts chapters 20-21 Luke records a periplus involving cabotage on a coasting vessel. With eight companions he began in and ended in Patara. Paul is hurrying to reach Jerusalem to celebrate the Feast of Pente- cost, so implicit in the narrative is a calendar that unfolds for fifty days from his celebration of Passover in until his arrival nearly fifty days later in Jerusalem. The periplus down the Aegean coast involved ten ports. Reaching the Mediterranean, the coasting vessel next crossed from Rhodes to Patara (εἰς τὴν Ῥόδον κἀκεῖθεν εἰς Πάταρα).38 There Paul and his companions are forced to change ships to continue their journey eastward to the Phoenician coast. This suggests that Patara was a key transit point for maritime trade: it was the east- ernmost point for the vessel based in Troas and the westernmost point for the vessel whose final destination was after stops for trading in Tyre and .39 When transiting at harbors like Patara, travelers did not know how long it would take to book passage on another vessel. Paul appar- ently was able to secure passage quickly because his concerns about reach- ing Jerusalem for Pentecost seem to have dissipated. Although unmentioned,

36 Sema Doğan (personal correspondence 27/6/2015). 37 Seyer - Lotz 2014, 151. In the same special issue Weiss 2014, 161 proposes a date either in the 4th or 5th century A.D. Pülz 2014, 166, however, suggests that the “synagogue phase” of the complex was in the 5th or 6th century. 38 :1. For more on this voyage see Wilson 2016b, esp. 237-239 for the calendar of the periplus. 39 For more about cabotage in Lycia, see Hohlfelder - Vann 2000. Jews and Christians in Ancient Lycia: A Fresh Appraisal 17 perhaps there were Jews from Patara and its region who were also traveling to Jerusalem for the feast. So Paul’s timely arrival allowed him to find space aboard such a vessel. However, the quick turnaround (a day or two) at the har- bor would have given Paul little time to begin a preaching mission in the city. So it is unlikely that a church was formed in Patara at this time. Paul’s second visit to Lycia occurred three years later. During his two-year house arrest in Caesarea Martima under the Roman governors Felix and Fes- tus because of circumstantial accusations made by the Jewish Sanhedrin, Paul used his right as a Roman citizen and appealed to Caesar to facilitate a change in legal venue.40 Along with other prisoners under the oversight of a Roman centurion named Julius, Paul departed for Italy aboard another coasting ves- sel whose home port is identified as . The captain and crew were bringing goods from the eastern Mediterranean to trade in ports along the Anatolian coast.41 Because of the strong winds, the ship was forced to sail on the leeward of Cyprus (ὑπεπλεύσαμεν).42 After sailing across open seas off the coast of Cilicia and Pamphylia, it arrived at Myra of Lycia (εἰς Μύρα τῆς Λυκίας).43 Myra’s port of Andriake is unnamed in the text, for as Çevik writes, “Andriake is not a city in itself, but rather a harbor district of Myra”.44 The longer Western text notes that the trip to this point took fifteen days.45 It was apparently known that at Myra Julius could find a vessel to transship with his prisoners to Italy. In fact, there was a grain ship in port that had come from Alexandria. Because it was late in the year, the ship’s owner and captain were likely trying to make a second roundtrip with a grain cargo to maximize their profits. The cargo might also have included purple dye plus carried 276 persons.46 This giant ship must have resembled the Isis seen in the harbor of Piraeus by in the early 2nd century, whose length is estimated at 55 meters and its capacity at approximately 1228 tons.47 That Andriake was able to accommodate such a large ship suggests a developed infrastructure for the port. The two large horria/granaria later constructed in Andriake and Patara by the emperor demonstrate the significance of these two harbors in

40 :1-26:32. 41 :2. 42 Acts 27:4. In this case the definition of ὑποπλέω by the Friberg Analytical Lexicon is clearly wrong: “in an effort to protect a ship from stormy winds sail under the lee or sheltered side (his italics) of an island, usually the southern side in the ”. Because of the prevailing northwest winds in this part of the Mediterranean, the leeward side was on Cyprus’ eastern and northern sides. Thus the NLT Bible translation captures well the situation: “so we sailed north of Cyprus between the island and the mainland”. 43 Acts 27:5. 44 Çevik 2017, 84. 45 Metzger 1975, 497. 46 For the murex industry at nearby and its connection to Andriake, see Hohlfelder - Vann 2000, 131-133. This is the ship mentioned in Acts 27:37 that experienced the hurricane-force winds south of and was later shipwrecked off the coast of Malta. Luke’s account in Acts 27:9-28:1 of the storm and shipwreck is one of the most vivid nautical accounts found in ancient sources. 47 Lucian, Navigium 5. For more on the Isis and other oversize freighters of antiquity, see Casson 1995, 184-189. 18 Mark Wilson the Mediterranean grain trade. Whether Paul had time to preach the gospel before his departure on the grain ship is unknown. The centurion Julius had allowed Paul to visit members of the Christian community in during their stopover there.48 While in Andriake Paul might have made contact with the Jewish community there and in Myra, so it is possible that a church was formed, although this is unstated. In a recent article Bennett has proposed an alternate hypothesis regarding the arrival of Christianity in Lycia. He argues for the possibility that Paul and Barnabas introduced the gospel to the during their first Ana- tolian journey. The canonical Acts recounts how Paul and Barnabas arrived in Pamphylia around A.D. 46, starting in Perge before they walked inland to Pisidian , Iconium, , and . In each of these Galatian cities a church was planted. They then reversed direction to Perge, where a church was probably also started, and then sailed from the port of Attalia back to Pieria, the port of Antioch on the Orontes.49 The canonical Acts never men- tions any travel to Lycia while the Paul and Barnabas were in southern Asia Minor at this time. Bennett, however, questions the veracity of this account and instead cites the Acts of Paul and Thecla chapters 40-41, which state that Paul traveled from Pisidian Antioch to Myra where he performed three miracles. Thecla became a disciple of Paul in Iconium and later followed him to Myra where she was bap- tized by him. Bennett further claims: “Thus it may well be that elements not germane to the main story were simply edited out of the Acts and the account of Paul’s travels in Anatolia and elsewhere suitably abridged for public con- sumption”. In a note he cites E. Haenchen, a German scholar known for his skeptical views on the historicity of Acts but concedes that Haenchen’s views “are admittedly not widely shared today”. In fact, Bennett is unable to muster any other scholars to support his view. Nevertheless, he concludes that a stop in Myra by Paul on his first journey “should perhaps not be so adamantly dismissed out of hand…”.50 Regarding the presentation of Paul’s travels in the apocryphal Acts, Barrier writes, “In the same way that writing history is not the pre-eminent concern, it is also possible that neither is geography”.51 Bauckham regards Thecla as a real woman who was a convert of Paul and a prominent Christian leader in Iconium. Beyond that, he writes that “it is impossible to tell whether anything else in the stories about her is more than legend”.52 Although the apocryphal Acts date to the end of the 2nd century, neverthe- less, Bennett deems the document more credible than the canonical Acts dated at least a century earlier.53 He makes two comments that warrant further scru-

48 Acts 27:3. In the apocryphal Acts of Paul 4-5 the travel order is reversed: after preaching in Myra Paul departs for Sidon. 49 :13-14:26. For more on this journey see Wilson 2009; Wilson 2016a; Wilson 2018, 18-20. 50 Bennett 2015, 261-262, esp. n. 19. 51 Barrier 2009, 137. 52 Bauckham 1993, 36. 53 The scholarly consensus is that canonical Acts dates from the end of the 1st century while apocryphal Jews and Christians in Ancient Lycia: A Fresh Appraisal 19 tiny. Firstly, he claims that classifying the Acts of Paul and Thecla as apocryphal “was done as much for political reasons as for any questions over its veracity”. Secondly, he states that “some would hold that it is a credibly accurate as well as a near contemporary record of Paul’s doing in Anatolia during his first mis- sionary journey”. He later comments: “we should not ignore the evidence that the Acts of Paul and Thecla were certainly held to be as genuine a source as the Acts in the early Church”.54 None of these assertions are footnoted, and he never identifies who the “some” are that hold the apocryphal Acts to be genuine. Elliott, the editor of the current critical edition of the apocryphal New Tes- tament, traces the reception history of the Acts of Paul to the end of the 2nd century A.D.55 Bennett notes Tertullian’s mention around A.D. 190 and cites Elliot for this judgment. However, Eliot states that Tertullian’s testimony about the Acts is “ambiguous”.56 Why? Because Tertullian’s point concerns a presby- ter of Asia who was removed from office because he confessed to fabricating the account of Thecla because of his love for Paul57! As Ehrman writes, “The presbyter was being faulted, then, for making up stories about Paul that were not historically accurate.”58 , writing around 219-230, is the first church father to refer explicitly to the apocryphal Acts.59 However, by doing this he neither endorses its historicity nor its canonicity. Bennett states that it was not until the 5th century that the work was declared apocryphal. However, this recognition came at least a century earlier. In the early 4th century failed to find the “so-called Acts” (τὰς λεγόμενας αὐτοῦ πράξεις) among the undisputed books of Paul, while in the late 4th century reckoned it “among the apocryphal writings”.60 Because the Manichaeans accepted and used the Acts of Paul, later church opinion (Gelasian Decree, Stichometry of Nicephorus, etc.) deemed them heretical. Summarizing, the Acts of Paul and Thecla falls more into the genre of ancient historical novel rather than ancient historiography. Its audience was most likely readers in Asia Minor situated in cities like Myra and Patara61 and seems to reflect more what second-century Christians thought about Paul rather than what he really did. Bennet concludes by appealing that the Acts “should not be so adamantly dismissed out of hand as most biblical scholar do”.62 But as we have seen, there is good reason for such a dismissal. While the

Acts dates to the second half of the 2nd century; see Bauckham 1993, 35. 54 Bennett 2015, 261. 55 Elliott 1993, 350-352. 56 Elliot 1993, 350. 57 Tertullian, de Baptismo 17.22-26. 58 See Ehrman 2012, 59-60. Barrier 2009, 21-22, inclines toward a translation of Tertullian’s verb construxit as “compiled”, not “composed”, and attributes authorship to a woman or community of women in Asia. Why would the presbyter have to resign if his only infelicity was to edit or compile an earlier document? 59 Origen de Principiis and his commentary on John 20:12. 60 Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastic, 3.3.5; Jerome, de Virus Illustribus 7. 61 Barrier 2009, 20. 62 Bennett 2015, 262. 20 Mark Wilson

Acts of Paul may preserve some true early traditions, a visit to Myra should be dismissed in this case because it contradicts Luke’s account in the canonical Acts. Bennett’s attempt to localize Paul in Lycia during his first journey with a subsequent founding of the first Christian congregation in Myra founders both textually and historically.

The Growth of Christianity in Lycia and Resultant Persecution Little is known about the growth of Christianity in Asia Minor in its early centuries. Işık claims that “Christianity spread to the world from Anatolia”.63 However, the presents the gospel of radiating first from Jerusalem and Judea around A.D. 30.64 It did not take root in Anatolia until over a decade later, most probably in Cilicia.65 With its coastal orientation and Jewish communities, Lycia would be a prime location for early Christian churches, according to Stark’s hypotheses mentioned in the introduction. Nev- ertheless, Tabbernee’s observation is accurate: when Christian communities were formed in Patara and Myra “is not known”.66 Harrison acutely observes that the “lack of information about Lycian Christianity in the first, second, and third centuries is probably accidental”.67 However, the probability is that the first churches in Lycia appeared sometime in the late 1st century A.D. It has been claimed that pagans in Lycia who converted to Christianity had to learn Greek to read the Bible and thus it was the church that killed Ana- tolia’s indigenous languages like Lycian.68 This is historically inaccurate since Greek began to be used in Lycia centuries before the arrival of Christianity. For example, the trilingual inscription in Lycian, Greek, and Aramaic dates to 337 B.C.69 Marek adds, “Lycian society did not cease to exist when the language disappeared from history after 300 BCE”.70 Mitchell gives a ter- minus post quem for written Lycian in the 2nd century B.C. and notes that few traces of indigenous languages like Lycian remained by Roman times.71 This is sustained by ’s comment that by the Roman period “most of the peoples have already lost both their dialects and their names”.72 Diaspora Jews such as those in Lycia used the Greek translation of the Jewish Scriptures (Christian Old Testament) called the Septuagint (commonly LXX). This is clearly seen in Paul’s speech at the synagogue in Pisidian Antioch in which he gave four

63 Işık 2011, 105. 64 :8. 65 Wilson 2003b, 3-10. 66 Tabbernee 2014, 300, 301. 67 Harrison 1963, 119. He goes on to say that Lycia’s coastal cities would be “receptive” to the new religion. 68 Işık 2011, 105. Karl Holl is quoted positively to that effect. 69 For a list of bilingual and trilingual Lycian texts, see Bryce 1986, 51-53. 70 Marek 2016, 102. 71 Mitchell 1993, 1.72 72 Strabo, Geography 12.4.6, Jones trans. Jews and Christians in Ancient Lycia: A Fresh Appraisal 21 quotations from the LXX.73 So the demise of the cannot be attributed to Christians and their need to read the New Testament, which was not even in its present canonical form until the 4th century A.D. Persecution soon become a reality for Christians in Lycia. The first martyrs, known from an 11th century hagiographic report, were Nicander, of Myra, and his deacon Hermaeus. According to tradition, both were appointed by Titus, Paul’s disciple. The governor Libanius ordered first their torture, then executions because of excessive proselytizing. This occurred sometime in the late 1st or early 2nd century74, and their feast day is celebrated on 4 Novem- ber. In the 3rd century such persecution became more widespread. However, its implementation depended on the discretion of provincial governors and their willingness to prosecute Christians individually and corporately for their faith. Monroy observes, “With a few exceptions, it appears that the pagan population did not collaborate in this persecution against the Christians, per- haps because their presence was beginning to be accepted as a normal fact in many environments”.75 The emperor instigated a persecution in 25076, and of Myra was martyred at this time, now celebrated on 21 December.77 Another persecution was conducted by between 257-260 in which two Patarans, Paregorius and Leo, were also martyred.78 Their feast day is 18 February. Andrew, the 8th century bishop of Crete, mentions three other martyrs of Myra - (15 April), Dioscorides (11 May), and Nico- cles.79 However, the date of their martyrdom is unknown but presumably in the late 3rd century. Despite the prayers of Lycian Christians that the persecutions inflicted by Decius and Valerian might be past, the situation would soon grow worse. On 23 February 303 and Galerius began a persecution of Chris- tians that began in , the eastern capital. After Diocletian’s death in 305, Galerius continued the persecution until his death in 311.80 His succes- sor Maximinus Daia continued the policies of his predecessors and encour- aged his pagan constituents to petition him to ban Christians from their cities. This allowed him to issue rescripts in answer to such petitions. As Monroy writes, “The cities themselves felt highly honoured by the imperial response

73 For a detailed discussion of this speech, see Morgan-Wynne 2014, esp. 75. Işık 2011, 105 also implies that Christians in Rome did not understand Greek and still needed to be taught the language until the 4th century so they could read the Bible. However, Paul wrote a letter to the Roman church in Greek around A.D. 56-58, in which he quoted extensively from the LXX, especially in chapter 15; see Morgan-Wynne 2014, 85. This proves that Greek was understood well in Rome in the 1st century A.D. 74 Passio of Nikandros and Hermaios, Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca (BHG) 2295. 75 Monroy 2015, 224. 76 For more on this persecution, see Rives 1999. 77 Delahaye 1902, 334.2. 78 Delahaye 1902, 472-473.3. 79 Andrew of Crete, Encomium on St. Nicholas of Myra, trans. Jaakko Olkinuora; http://www. stnicholascenter.org/pages/andrew-crete/; see also Delahaye for these: Crescens 603-606.1; for Dioskorides 676.3. 80 Berchman 2005, 41-42. 22 Mark Wilson and engraved memorials ad perpetuam rei memoriam”.81 Mitchell writes, “The persecution of Christians at the beginning of the fourth century…cannot be understood except by examining the public documents which made known the various imperial decisions which implemented persecution…of the Christian community at large.”82 In 312 A.D. Maximinus issued a rescript, of which the church historian Eusebius translated substantial sections into Greek of a Latin inscription erected in Tyre.83 For the sake of space, only some relevant sections are given. In sections 5-7 Maximinus addressed the cities directly:

5. Your city, then, deserves to be called a temple and domicile of the immor- tal deities, and many signs suggest that it flourishes because the immortal gods dwell there. 6. It was your city that totally ignored its private pursuits and earlier requests when it saw that the followers of that damnable folly were starting to spread once again, like a forgotten, smoldering pyre that rekindles into a blazing conflagration. Instantly you appealed to our piety, as to a mother city of all religious worship, for some healing and help, 7. a salv- ific idea clearly planted in you by the gods because of your faith and rever- ence to them. It was therefore he, the most high and mighty –defender of your illustrious city, the guardian of your ancestral gods, your women and children, your hearth and home from all destruction– who inspired you with this resolve for rescue, demonstrating how splendid and salutary it is to accord due reverence to the worship and sacred rites of the immortal gods.

In section 12 he then warned what would happen to the Christians if they refused to apostatize.

But if they still persist in their damnable folly, let them be driven out of your city and vicinity, just as you requested, so that, in accord with your laudable enthusiasm in this matter, your city may be purged of all pollution and impiety and follow its natural disposition to worship the immortal gods with due reverence.

For their cooperation Maximinus promised generous benefactions to each city in sections 13-14.

13. That you may know how much we appreciate your request and how inclined we are to benevolence quite apart from petitions and pleas, we permit Your Dedication to ask whatever reward you wish in return for this godly intention of yours. 14. Resolve now to do this and receive your reward without delay. Awarding it to your city will forever demonstrate your piety

81 Monroy 226. He mistakenly places Arykanda in Phrygia, not Lycia. 82 Mitchell 1993, 1:105. 83 Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica 9.7.3-7, 10-14. The English translation is by Maier 2007, 290-291. Jews and Christians in Ancient Lycia: A Fresh Appraisal 23

toward the immortal gods and a proof to your posterity that our benevo- lence duly rewarded your conduct.

Eusebius concluded his transcription, stating, “This was engraved on tablets in every province”.84 Remarkably two damaged versions of the rescript have been found in south central Anatolia. A Greek text corresponding to paragraphs 11-14 was found in Pisidian Colbasa85, while a Greek version was found in Lycian Arykanda.86 These stelae contained the petition against the Christians by Lycian and Pam- phylian cities with part of the emperor’s reply in Latin that correspond to the final part of Eusebius’ text. However, the emperor’s desire to restore the tra- ditional worship of the gods was destined to failure, and the attempt to ban Christians from Lycia was also unsuccessful. For, as Berchman reflects, “these latter pogroms had little public support. Christians, during forty years of tol- eration, had become less peculiar and very Roman”.87 Christianity in Lycia not only endured these challenges, but also survived to leave an important spiritual legacy. For in the late 3rd century two Christian leaders emerged in Lycia who came to epitomize its Christian movement – Methodius and Nicholas. Both men, to be discussed next, were caught up in the persecutions characterizing this period until Licinius issued the Edict of Nicomedia on 13 June 313.

Methodius of Olympus In the second half of the 3rd century an important Christian theologian emerged by the name of Methodius of Olympus88 (ca. 250-311). The 5th-cen- tury church historian of Constantinople identifies him as “bishop of a city in Lycia called Olympos”.89 He was a prolific writer, but the only complete extant work is his Symposium, or On Chastity (Συμπόσιον, ἢ Περὶ ἁγνείας; also known as Banquet of the Ten Virgins). It is modeled on ’s Symposium and extols the virtues of virginity culminating with a hymn to the church as the bridegroom of Christ.90 In Symposium 8-9 Methodius interprets key texts

84 Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica 9.7.15. 85 The was published by Mitchell in 1988; see also Horsley 2007, 240-242 no. 338. Mitchell argues that Colbasa was part of Pamphylia at the time so would have been party to its petition. 86 Reproduced in McMullen - Lane 1999, 238 no. 18.13. Translation and information on the inscription, including its accession number at the Istanbul Archaeology Museum, can also be found on the Judaism and Rome website: http://judaism-and-rome.cnrs.fr/maximinus-daia-and-christians-lycia- pamphylia (accessed 13/04/2018). 87 Berchman 2005, 42 88 In some Orthodox traditions he is referred to as Methodius of Patara. For an English overview of Olympus city see Uçkan et al. 2006; for an overview of recent archaeological activity at the site (Turkish with English summaries), see Uçkan 2017a. 89 Socrates, Historia Ecclesiastica 6.13. Kinzig 1993, 969 calls this tradition “unreliable,” while the entry on Methodius in Cross - Livingstone 2005, 1086 identifies him as “bishop of Lycia”. 90 For a complete list of Methodius’ writings, see Bracht 2017, 13-14, who cites the number of each (1810-1830) in the Clavis Patrum Graecorum I. Apart from Eusebius of Caesarea, he is the only 24 Mark Wilson in the book of Revelation symbolically as proofs for his argument. Metho- dius’ use of Revelation suggests that it was already an authoritative text and accepted as canonical in the churches of Lycia in the early 3rd century.91 This is significant since the council of Laodicea later failed to affirm its canonicity in A.D. 370. Lycia was no theological backwater, and its leaders like Methodius were engaged in critical theological debates occurring in ecclesiastical circles.92 Another interesting aspect of his writing is Methodius’ awareness of local geog- raphy. As Bracht notes, “From the occurrence of Lycian names in res. II,23,1-5 (Mt. Olympus) and res. I,1,1 (city of Patara) we may conclude that Methodius was familiar with the Lycian region”.93 Much disagreement surrounds the life and ministry of Methodius.94 Jerome states that he was the bishop of Olympus in Lycia95, although Pauli and Schmidt have recently asserted that he was probably just an educated layperson who was an “itinerant teacher”.96 Jerome also asserts that he became the bishop of Tyre at a later date, a mistaken claim according to Cross and Livingstone.97 Metho- dius was critical of the writings of Origen, the church father from Alexandria, though he considered him “a man of the Church”.98 This may account for the omission of Methodius from the church history of Eusebius of Caesarea.99 The only contemporary reference to Methodius is found in the sixth book of Apologia pro Origene by Eusebius’ predecessor Pamphilus, perhaps with some editing by Eusebius. It suggests that he was an Origen turncoat: “How can Methodius now dare to criticize Origen, when he has so often shown himself dependent on his teachings”100? Origen had fled from Alexandria to Caesarea in 231 and established a school there. In 250 Origen was tortured during the persecution of Decian and died four years in the Phoenician city of Tyre where he was also buried.101 Origen’s student Pierius had trained Pamphilus at Alex- andria, and Pamphilus later became the teacher of Eusebius. Tyre took the side of Alexandria in the Quartodeciman controversy and was generally aligned with Alexandria theologically. After Pamphilus’ martyrdom around 310, Tyre

author in the Eastern church from this period whose works have survived. 91 McGinn 2007, 264-268. 92 See Sakel 2007. 93 Bracht 2005, 420 n. 4. Uçkan 2017b, 291 suggests that Methodius went to . In de Resurrectione 1.1.1-3 Methodius states that he went to Patara with of Miletus, not that he went to Miletus; see Dechow 2017, 128. 94 For a useful summary of the sources related to Methodius, see the chart by Uçkan - Kayapınar 2015, 537. 95 Jerome, de Virus Illustribus 83. 96 Pauli - Schmidt 2000, 421-422. 97 Cross - Livingstone 2005, 1086. 98 Methodius, de Resurrectione 1.19.1. 99 Eusebius did refer to Methodius’ de Libero Arbitrio in his Praeparatio Evangelica 7.22 (cf. Historia Ecclesiastica 5.27) but identifies its author as Maximus. This was likely the original name of Methodius’s work, and Eusebius seemingly confused the title with the author; see Patterson 1997, 16, 38. 100 Jerome, Contra Rufinus 1.11. 101 Jerome, de Virus Illustribus 54; see McGuckin 2004, 23. Jews and Christians in Ancient Lycia: A Fresh Appraisal 25 became the home of Eusebius for a time. So it is doubtful that Methodius would have been theologically acceptable to serve as the bishop of Tyre, despite Jerome’s claim.102 Plus there is no other documentation for a Methodius being a bishop of Tyre in this period. Jerome’s confusion has also been explained linguistically. In his original source Jerome perhaps read that Methodius was bishop of Olympus and Φοινικοῦντος. Thinking that this referred to Phoenicia, he then inferred Tyre to be Methodius’ see since it was the capital of the province in his day. Bracht concludes, “Thus the seemingly aberrant tradition of Tyre in Jerome actually gives evidence of a very old tradition of Methodius being bishop of the Lycian city of Phoinika, therefore strengthening the weight of the evidence for Olympus”.103 While this appears a creative solution, it also creates another problem: no literary tradition identifies Methodius as bishop of Phoinika/ Phoinix. However, there is a geographical explanation that is more compel- ling. Strabo in his description of Olympus states that it is “a large city and a mountain of the same name, the latter of which is also called Phoinikous” (ὄρος ὁμώνυμον, ὃ καὶ Φοινικοῦς καλεῖται).104 Jerome’s confusion arose not from the name of the proximate city but from the name of the nearby eponymous mountain. The Barrington Atlas depicts this mountain, today’s Tahtalı Dağı, as “Olympus/Phoinikous” with “Solyma?” below it.105 However, this does not fit Strabo’s sequence: the mountain Olympus/Phoinikous is above the city while Solyma is above Phaselis.106 Between them is a stretch of shoreline/beach (αἰγιαλός) called Korykos, which can only be modern Çıralı near Olympos. This fits Adak’s identification and similarly makes sense of his identification of Musa Dağı (997 masl) with /Phoinikous.107 Methodius’ later locations of ministry are likewise debated. Leontius of Byz- antium (6th cent.), John of Damascus (8th cent.), and Photius (9th cent.) state that he was bishop of Patara.108 It is noteworthy that a late 7th century pseude- pigraphic apocalypse was attributed to Methodius, and in it his bishopric was identified as Patara. Nikephorus of Constantinople in his Antirrhetica was the first to claim that Methodius was also the bishop of Myra. However, this tradi- tion is first documented late in the 9th century. The evidence for Side being the episcopal see of Methodius is rather weak because it deviates from other tradi- tions by placing him in Pamphylia rather than Lycia.109 After evaluating these tra-

102 Patterson 1997, 15 comments: “Jerome is not always trustworthy in handling his sources”. 103 Bracht 2001, 5 attributed this linguistic explanation to Zahn. The additional suggestion of Philippi is not discussed here because of its aberrant nature. 104 Strabo, Geography 14.3.8; cf. 14.5.7. 105 Talbert 2000, 65 D4. 106 Strabo, Geography 14.3.9. 107 Adak 2004, 27-39. 108 Leontius of , De Sectis 3.1, John of Damascus, Discourses on Divine Images 3.138, and Photius, Epistolae 24.21. However, the Greek text of the Great Synaxaristes dismisses sources that claim he held that position and that his association with Patara occurred because the dialogue Aglaophon e peri tes anastaseos (On the Resurrection) took place in Patara. 109 See Bracht 2001, 7-8. 26 Mark Wilson ditions related to the sees of Methodius, Bracht surmises that they are strains of a single tradition. Since Olympus was a minor city in Lycia that fell into oblivion after the 3rd century, later authors sought to place Methodius in the more major sees of the metropolises of the province — Patara in the 4th century and Myra in the 5th century onward. However, the locus of these historical roots is Olympus, so Bracht infers that “the oldest tradition most probably gives the correct infor- mation concerning the episcopal see of Methodius”.110 Whether Methodius was a martyr is also debated. Jerome places his death “at the end of the recent persecution or, as others affirm, in the reign of Decius and Valerian”.111 Persecution under Decius (r. 249-251) and Valerian (r. 253- 260) is too early for Methodius to have interacted with the writings of Origen, which probably became more generally available in the latter half of the third century.112 Although Methodius’ writings provide no clue regarding a time of possible martyrdom, the end of Diocletian’s reign “in the persecution of the year after 304 is commonly accepted”.113 However, a later consensus date of around 311/312 has emerged, with his veneration occurring on 20 June in the Orthodox Church114 while in the Roman it is Septem- ber 18.115 Eustathius’ reference to “Methodius of blessed memory” written in the 320s or 330s may imply a martyr’s death, while in 392 Jerome explicitly called him a “martyr”.116 Photius in the 9th century again calls him a martyr (μάρτυς).117 But where was his place of martyrdom? Jerome locates it in in .118 However, this apparently stems from his confusion with Maximus, whom Eusebius wrongly attributed the work of Methodius (see earlier). Maxi- mus was the author of an extant dialogue on matter and the origin of evil and martyred in Greece under Decius or Valerian. Barnes thinks it extremely plausible that Methodius could have changed bishoprics and thus proposes (with diffidence) that “Methodius was bishop of Olympus and then of Patara, and that he was executed at Patara on 20 June 312—perhaps after a trial by the emperor Maximinus who may well have visited Patara during the summer of that year”.119 Bracht well summarizes the significance of Methodius: “His

110 Bracht 2001, 9. 111 Jerome, de Virus Illustribus 83. 112 For the distribution of ancient works like Origen’s, see Patterson 1997, 20-21 n. 8. 113 Patterson 1997, 20. 114 For this day, see Synaxarium Eccl. Cpl., cols. 757-758. 115 Frend 1967, 515 places his martyrdom on 25 November 311. 116 Eustathius, de Engastrimutho 22; Jerome, Contra Rufinum 1.11. 117 Photius, Epistlolae 24.21. 118 Uçkan, “Olympos,” 291 and Uçkan 2017, 6 localize this as Chalcis in Syria. However, there were two cities in Syria named Chalcis. To avoid confusing the one in Chalcidice with Chalcis sub Libano, ad Belum was added to the former’s name; cf. , Naturalis Historia 5.81. As Cohen 2006, 143 notes, “The toponym recalls Chalkis in . There were, however, a number of cities with that name, for example, in Euboea and Aetolia.” The remoteness of Chalcis ad Belum from Lycia and Phoenicia (if a bishopric at Tyre is still held) makes a Syrian martyrdom improbable. Chalcis sub Libano is closer to Tyre, yet still inland from the more proximate Berytus. 119 Barnes 1979, 54. Jews and Christians in Ancient Lycia: A Fresh Appraisal 27 writings are an important source for the and piety of Asia Minor Christianity during the 40 years of peace before the last great persecution of Christians — a time when asceticism increasingly gained importance as a sub- stitute for martyrdom and the ecclesiastical organizational structures matured and were strengthened”.120 Methodius was indeed an important transitional figure between Late Antique and early Christian Lycia.

Nicholas of Myra Methodius’ better-known contemporary was Nicholas, bishop of Myra, who was born in Patara around A.D. 260. He became bishop of Myra during Dio- cletian’s reign (r. 284-304). When Galerius issued an edict in the eastern empire in the summer of 303 that all and clergy be imprisoned, Nicholas may have been included.121 Diocletian’s vicennalia was celebrated in November that year, and Christian leaders were offered release if they would sacrifice to the emperor.122 Nicholas’s presumed resistance to this demand would have invited further imprisonment and probably torture.123 His release probably occurred around 312-313 when edicts of religious toleration began to be issued by the emperors.124 His death in Myra occurred around 343 on 6 December, which remains his feast day in the Christian church. Unlike Methodius, he survived these final Christian persecutions and became a confessor.125 In the early church this group comprised those “who suffered for confessing his or her faith, but only to an extent that did not involve martyrdom”.126 The skull of Nicholas may provide some confirmation of his persecution. The story of the theft of Nicholas’ remains in 1087 by merchants from is well known. Today they are buried in a crypt at the Basilica di San Nicola in Bari, Italy. These bones were temporarily removed when the crypt was repaired during the 1950s. At the Vatican’s request, anatomy professor Luigi Martino from the University of Bari took thousands of minutely-detailed measurements and X-ray photographs (roentgenography) of the skull and other bones.127 Then in 2004 the facial anthropologist Caroline Wilkinson, then at the University of Manchester, was engaged to construct a model of the saint’s head from the ear- lier measurements. Using this data, Wilkinson used state-of-the-art computer

120 Bracht 2017, 1. 121 Lactantius, de Mortibus Persecutorum 12. 122 Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica 8.6.10. 123 A parallel is the life of Marcus Julius Eugenius. His epitaph records that he was a Christian soldier who served with distinction at Pisidian Antioch (IMont 69). When he refused to offer sacrifices, the governor Valerius Diogenes repeatedly tortured him. Eugenius survived as a confessor and later served for twenty-five years (ca. 315-ca. 340) as the bishop of Laodicea Combusta. However, two Lycaonian bishops, Severus and Gennadius, were both martyred around A.D. 312. See Tabbernee 2014, 294-295. 124 Wilson 2006, 7-8. 125 His life did not end as a martyr; contra Işık 2011, 105. 126 Cross - Livingstone 2005, 398. 127 English 2012, 179-187, 3-5. 28 Mark Wilson software to develop a model of St. Nicholas.128 Wilkinson updated her original 2004 work a decade later in 2014. This new image incorporates the latest 3D interactive and facial reconstruction technology. The result shows a middle- aged man with a long beard, rounded head, and square jaw. It also revealed that the subject had a severely broken nose that healed asymmetrically. The three-dimensional image was then sent to Image Foundry Studios where a digital artist added detail and color to the model. His appearance now assumed that of a Greek Mediterranean man who had olive-toned skin, brown eyes, and grey hair and beard trimmed in the fashion of the 4th century. He was about 60 years old, 1.68 meters tall, and had a heavy jaw and a broken nose.129 While the break might have occurred naturally, it might also have been inflicted by a heavy blunt object. Whether this occurred because of persecution can only be speculated; yet it is an interesting detail found on the skull. Unlike Methodius, Nicholas left no literary heritage. Regarding this, Kazh- dan - Ševčenko wrote, “Surprisingly, a saint who was not martyred for his faith, left no theological writings”.130 However, this lack of literary output need not be surprising. Other well-known bishops of the period such as Gregory Thaumaturgus and Gregory the Illuminator left no writings. Like Nicholas, accounts of their lives were only written later.131 Regarding their legacy, Metho- dius is remembered as the theologian of Lycia while Nicholas is known as its pastor par excellence.

Conclusion Jewish communities, which developed in Lycia starting in the 3rd century B.C., continued to prosper into Late Antiquity. Paul was the first known apos- tle of Jesus to set foot in Lycia sometime around A.D. 55, and subsequently a Christian community developed in the Lycian centers of Patara and Myra. Despite waves of persecution in the 3rd and early 4th centuries, Christianity survived to become the new official state religion. Unfortunately, Judaism lost its former privileged status under the empire and now found itself as the occa- sional target of imperial persecution in much the same way that Christians had formerly been targeted. Lycia produced two of the most important Christian figures of the pre-Constantinian period –Methodius and Nicholas. Their lega- cies of scholarship and beneficence continue to be celebrated throughout the world today.132

128 Mahoney - Wilkinson 2012, 232-233. 129 The 2004 and 2014 restored images plus links related to Wilkinson’s work can be found on the website: http://www.stnicholascenter.org/pages/real-face/ (accessed 25/05/2018). 130 Kazhdan - Ševčenko 1991, 2:376. 131 Another possible parallel to consider is that only three of Jesus’ twelve disciples wrote gospels or letters that are traditionally ascribed to them. 132 A fuller discussion of Nicholas’ life and ministry will be the subject of a future article. Jews and Christians in Ancient Lycia: A Fresh Appraisal 29

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