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Aziz Nikolaos Kilisesi Kazıları 1989-2009 Yayına Hazırlayanlar Sema Doğan Ebru Fatma Fındık Aziz Nikolaos Kilisesi Kazıları 1989-2009 ISBN 978-9944-483-81-0 Aziz Nikolaos Kilisesi Kazıları 1989-2009 Yayına Hazırlayanlar Sema Doğan Ebru Fatma Fındık Kapak Görseli Aziz Nikolaos Kilisesi, naostan bemaya bakış (Z.M. Yasa / KA-BA) Ofset Hazırlık Homer Kitabevi Baskı Matsis Matbaa Hizmetleri Sanayi ve Ticaret Ltd. Şti. Tevfikbey Mahallesi Dr. Ali Demir Caddesi No: 51 34290 Sefaköy/İstanbul Tel: 0212 624 21 11 Sertifika No: 40421 1. Basım 2018 © Homer Kitabevi ve Yayıncılık Ltd. Şti. Tüm metin ve fotoğrafların yayım hakkı saklıdır. Tanıtım için yapılacak kısa alıntılar dışında yayımcının yazılı izni olmaksızın hiçbir yolla çoğaltılamaz. Homer Kitabevi ve Yayıncılık Ltd. Şti. Tomtom Mah. Yeni Çarşı Caddesi No: 52-1 34433 Beyoğlu/İstanbul Sertifika No: 16972 Tel: (0212) 249 59 02 • (0212) 292 42 79 Faks: (0212) 251 39 62 e-posta: [email protected] www.homerbooks.com Aziz Nikolaos Kilisesi Kazıları 1989-2009 Yayına Hazırlayanlar Sema Doğan Ebru Fatma Fındık Yıldız Ötüken’e… İçindekiler Sunuş 7 Jews and Christians in Ancient Lycia: A Fresh Appraisal Mark Wilson 11 Kaynaklar Eşliğinde Aziz Nikolaos Kilisesi’nin Tarihi Sema Doğan 35 Aziz Nikolaos Kilisesi Kazı Çalışmaları 1989-2009 S Yıldız Ötüken 63 Aziz Nikolaos Kilisesi Projesi 2000-2015 Yılları Arasında Proje Kapsamında Gerçekleştirilen Danışmanlık, Projelendirme, Planlama ve Uygulama Çalışmaları Cengiz Kabaoğlu 139 Malzeme Sorunları ve Koruma Önerileri Bekir Eskici 185 Tuğla Örnekleri Arkeometrik Çalışmaları Ali Akın Akyol - Yusuf Kağan Kadıoğlu 209 Duvar Resimleri Nilay Çorağan 227 Opus Sectile Zemin Panoları ve Duvar Kaplamaları Çiğdem Alas 265 Mimari Plastik Buluntular: Liturjik Kuruluşlar ve Liturjik Mekânlar ile İlişkisi Sema Doğan 301 Die Inschriften Thomas Corsten 329 6 İçindekiler Maden Buluntular 1989-1999 Meryem Acara Eser 353 Maden Buluntular 2000-2009 Vera Bulgurlu 381 Sırsız Seramik Buluntular Ayşe Ç Türker 457 Ortaçağ Sırlı Seramikleri 1989-2009 Ebru Fatma Fındık 489 Cam Buluntular B Yelda Olcay Uçkan - Özgü Çömezoğlu Uzbek 513 Aziz Nikolaos Kilisesi İnsanları: 1989-2007 Kazı Sezonu İskelet Kalıntıları Ömür Dilek Erdal 553 Aziz Nikolaos Kilisesi’nde Arkosolium Tipi Bir Mezar Ebru Fatma Fındık 577 Yazarlar 611 Jews and Christians in Ancient Lycia: A Fresh Appraisal Mark Wilson Introduction The emergence of monotheistic Judaism in Lycia in the midst of the polythe- ism of the Lycians, Greeks, and Roman occurred probably in the 3rd century B.C. The appearance of Judaism will be first discussed using available literary and archaeological evidence. Its spiritual cousin Christianity appeared in Lycia in the middle of the 1st century A.D. Again, texts and archaeological realia will be used to elucidate its founding in Lycia, and then its growth will be traced over the next two centuries until Licinius’ edict in 313. Important personalities such as Paul, Methodius, and Nicholas will be evaluated regarding their inter- actions with the nascent Jewish and Christian communities. The geography of Mediterranean Lycia and its important ports will play a key role in the discus- sion. As Akyürek writes, “These coastal cities have had the possibility to develop by utilizing the opportunities provided by their harbors in maintaining a close contact with the world of those days”.1 The article assumes several important sociological hypotheses advanced by Stark: 1) Diasporan Jewish communi- ties tended to be located in port cities (no. 5-2); 2) Paul tended to missionize port cities (no. 5-5), 3) Paul tended to missionize cities with substantial Jewish Diasporan communities (nos. 5-6), and 4) cities with a significant Diasporan community were Christianized sooner than other cities (nos. 5-8).2 Jews in Lycia Non-Jewish traditions sometimes attributed the origin of the Jews to Lycia. Homer recounts that when Bellerophon came to Lycia, he had a great bat- tle with the “glorious Solymoi”.3 This battle ended in defeat for Bellerophon, and his son Isandros was slain by this people. Herodotus also placed this tribe in Lycia.4 The 3rd century B.C. Egyptian author Manetho associates the Solymites with the Jews.5 During the early Hellenistic period, even the Jews 1 Akyürek 2018, 37. 2 Stark 2006, 123, 132-135. 3 Homer, Iliad 6.184-204. 4 Herodotus, Historia 1.173; cf. Stebnicka 2015, 25. 5 Manetho, Fragment 54. This section is preserved by the Jewish apologist Josephus in Contra Apion 1.248. For Josephus “doctoring” other references to “Solymites” as “Hierosolymites”, see Barclay’s 12 Mark Wilson themselves began to claim that they were the ancient Solymoi. This tradition is reflected later in Josephus who quotes the ancient writer Cherilos that the Jews had once lived in the Solymean Mountains.6 After the fall of Jerusalem in A.D. 70, Greek and Roman authors began to make this association as well. As Brenk writes, “So strong was their (the Jews) resurgence in the period, that the Solymoi connection has even been considered an invention of Flavian authors, having nothing to do with the Hellenistic age”.7 Tacitus mentions that the Solymoi gave rise to the Hebrews who later founded the city of Hierosolyma (“holy” Jerusalem), thus exploiting the linguistic similarity.8 In Sibylline Oracle 4, probably a Jewish composition dating around A.D. 80, the Roman destruc- tion of the temple in Jerusalem is viewed as an attack on the land of the Soly- moi. The interesting thing, as Whitmarsh notes, “is that the passage weaves in a second level of Iliadic reminiscence, intertextually assimilating the sack of Jerusalem with that of Troy. This is a passage crammed full of Iliadic motifs”.9 For the Flavian authors the Solymoi, once worthy allies of Hector, now were the tragic losers in their struggle against the might of Rome.10 Leaving such traditions aside, there is little early literary evidence for the first Jewish communities in Lycia. Josephus mentions that Antiochus III settled two thousand Jewish families from Mesopotamia and Babylonia in the rebel- lious provinces of Lydia and Phrygia around 210 B.C. “to guard the interests of the Seleucid government”. Antiochus III commanded “that they be pro- vided with houses and land and be exempted from taxes on produce for ten years”.11 Paul’s family was probably settled in Cilicia along with other Jews when Antiochus IV re-founded Tarsus in 171 B.C.12 However, such a specific reference for the settlement of Jews in Lycia does not appear in the literary record. Nevertheless, during the Hellenistic period “the Jews spread through- out Asia Minor as far as Bithynia and Pontus on the Black Sea”.13 The letter of the Roman consul Lucius in 139 B.C. to Ptolemy VIII and Attalus III validates this statement. Among the various lands (χώρας) in the Mediterranean region note in Josephus 2005, 60 n. 327. For more on Mantheo and the Solymites, see Schäfer 1997, 18-20. 6 Josephus, Contra Apion 1.172-174; cf. Homer, Odyssey 5.283. This tradition is confused in two ways. The Solyman Mountains are said to be set next to Lake Asphalitis, the Roman name for the Dead Sea in Palestine. And the scholia identify them with Lycian Termessos, which is actually in Pisidia; see Whitmarsh 2013, 233-234. 7 Brenk, 1999, 226. 8 Tacitus, Historiae 5.2.3. 9 The relevant sections of Oracle 4 are 115-118 and 125-127; see Whitmarsh 2013, 237. For more on the date and provenance of Book 4, see Collins 1983, 1:381-383. 10 Roman hegemony over Judea is depicted among the Claudian reliefs of numerous conquered nations at the Sebasteion in Aphrodisias; see Smith et al. 2008, 26-27. It is also seen on Vespasian’s coin that shows a personified Judea sitting under a palm tree under the Latin caption IUD(A)EA CAPTA; see Dow 2011, 265-267. 11 Josephus, Antiquities 12.148-153. For a discussion of the historicity of Antiochus’ letter to Zeuxis, see the comments of Marcus, his translator and editor in Josephus 1957, 764. 12 Wilson 2003a, 96-98. 13 Hegermann 1989, 146. Jews and Christians in Ancient Lycia: A Fresh Appraisal 13 with a Jewish presence, he names Lycia, and specifically the city of Phaselis.14 At the time of the letter’s composition, Lycia was independent, having gained its freedom from Rhodes in 169 B.C.15 The Ptolemies had previously controlled Lycia from 295 B.C. to 197 B.C. when Antiochus III conquered the region.16 A likely scenario is that the Ptole- mies allowed Jewish settlement in Lycia for the same reasons the Seleucids did in Lydia and Phrygia. Ptolemy VIII believed that the Jews “will be well disposed guardians of our possessions; because of their piety towards God; and because I know that my predecessors have born witness to them, that they are faithful, and with alacrity do what they are desired to do”.17 A large Jew- ish community already existed in Egypt by the 3rd century B.C. In fact, the Jewish population of Alexandria may have been larger than Jerusalem’s, thus prompting the need to translate the Hebrew Bible into Greek so the Greek- speaking Jews there could read it.18 Cyprus was a Ptolemaic territory for much of this same period, and Josephus mentions the presence of Jewish communi- ties in Ptolemaic Cyprus.19 Jewish merchants and administrators undoubtedly traveled from Alexandria and Paphos to Lycia to conduct business at this time, especially in key port cities like Patara, Myra, and Phaselis, and some likely remained to settle there. Only a decade after Lucius’ letter the Romans established the province of Asia in 129 B.C. and slowly increased their hegemony in Anatolia. Augus- tus granted his Jewish client king, Herod the Great, contracts for territorial revenues in the East, and Herod used his authority to remit tribute and tax payments to various places including Phaselis (Φασηλίταις).20 Herod’s largesse would certainly have fostered good will towards the Jews living in Lycia.
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    ANTIOCH: CROSSROADS OF FAITH studies date it between the third and sixth centuries. insisted on unity with the bishop by faith in and obedi- Still, the intricacy of the design housing the chalice ence to his authority. He also upheld the Virgin birth n the first century, cities such as Jerusalem, suggests how the faith of the Christian community and called the Eucharist “the flesh of Christ” and the Antioch, and Ephesus held faith-filled com- grabbed hold among artisans such as this skillful silver- “medicine of immortality.” Issues he raised would be ar- munities bound together in one rapidly smith. gued for centuries by theologians in Antioch and those I growing Church. Unknown to them, they Jewish and Greek converts to Antioch's Christian who followed, leading to the discord he warned were only the first steps on the road which community looked to the Mother Church in Jerusalem. against. would take Christianity around the world. Antioch was Church leaders such as Barnabas followed Peter to a vital crossroad in the journey. Directions chosen strengthen the unity of their faith. As Saint Luke, a city ANTIOCH IN THE CHRISTIAN EMPIRE there have guided the spread of faith down to our day. native, recorded, “Antioch was the first place in which Its location destined Antioch to be a mixture of ntioch remained the most prominent city in the disciples were called Christians” (Acts 11:26). By the diverse cultures. Caravans from Asia Minor, Persia, In- the Middle East throughout the Roman era. time Saint Paul, born in Tarsus only a day's ride away, dia, and even China traveled through this natural meet- In 297 AD the Emperor Diocletian made it visited Antioch, the Christian community was flourish- A the capitol of Anatolia (“the East”), a civil ing place for East and West.
  • Avhandling Ne...Ng Heresy.Pdf

    Avhandling Ne...Ng Heresy.Pdf

    Negotiating Heresy The Reception of Origen in Jerome's Eschatological Thought Pålsson, Katarina 2019 Document Version: Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Pålsson, K. (2019). Negotiating Heresy: The Reception of Origen in Jerome's Eschatological Thought. Lunds universitet, Media-Tryck . Total number of authors: 1 General rights Unless other specific re-use rights are stated the following general rights apply: Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Read more about Creative commons licenses: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. LUND UNIVERSITY PO Box 117 221 00 Lund +46 46-222 00 00 Negotiating Heresy The Reception of Origen in Jerome’s Eschatological Thought KATARINA PÅLSSON CENTRE FOR THEOLOGY AND RELIGIOUS STUDIES | LUND UNIVERSITY Jerome of Stridon (347-419/20) has largely been remembered for the controversies in which he was engaged. His work as a polemicist and a defender of what he considered to be orthodox teaching has been seen as defining.