“Ownership and Access to Land in Urban Mamprugu, Northern Ghana”

“OWNERSHIP AND ACCESS TO LAND IN URBAN MAMPRUGU, NORTHERN GHANA”

Sagre Bambangi (PhD)1 Abdulai Abubakari (PhD)2

University for Development Studies, Wa Campus, Ghana1 ICEIR, University for Development Studies, Tamale, Ghana2 Email: [email protected], [email protected]

ABSTRACT.

This paper explores land ownership and access to land in the urban areas of Mamprugu in the Northern Region of Ghana. An overview of the system of land ownership and access in the rural areas for both residential and agricultural purposes has been used as a background for the understanding of the changes provoked by urbanization. The information used was qualitative through key informant interviews, observation and group discussions. The study revealed that land ownership and access in the traditional rural context was often in tranquility and rarely encountered conflicts. Occasional conflicts arising from the traditional rural arrangements were often easier to resolve. Also, the financial costs have been considered to be within the means of the average family or household in the locality. However, it was observed that access to land by women in the traditional framework subtly deprived women because of the patrilineal system of inheritance and the role assigned to women by the society. In the urban context, land ownership and access is in transition with a combination of traditional and modern institutions in land administration for residential and public infrastructure purposes. The study observed increasing incidence of land disputes in Mamprugu as urbanization progresses. It is recommended that the three district assemblies in Mamprugu in collaboration with the traditional authorities initiate a joint programme to address causes of the emerging problems in the few urban settlements. A successful handling of the problems of land administration in the few urban settlements would serve as gateway to urban land administration in future emerging towns and cities in the traditional area.

Key words: Land Ownership, Access by Women, patrilineal system, Mamprugu, Traditional Land Ownership

INTRODUCTION

The problems relating to ownership and access to land by chiefs/skins land ownership and families has land for residential, social and business purposes in affected access to land in urban communities in urban Mamprugu1 appear to have increased over the Mamprugu. Before 2000 in Mamprugu, because land past decade. Since the return of most lands in the was relatively abundant in the area, perhaps, the need Northern Territories to the skins,2 the scramble for did not arise to clearly draw the lines between allodial and usufructuary land ownership. With urbanization and the absence of such clear 1 Mamprugu is the traditional area of the Mamprusi distinctions, indiscriminate sale of land has affected in the Northern Region of Ghana. Currently, it is access to land and raise question marks about the ownership of land. coterminous with the East and West Mamprusi Districts plus Bunpkrugu-Yunyoo District. Territories were declared native lands and placed 2 Since the promulgation of the Land and Native them under the Governor [1] [15]. Rights Ordinance of 1927, all lands in the Northern

There is no doubt that land is one of the most Mamprugu3. Selected sub-chiefs and elders of critical resources in Mamprugu as in many parts of Mamprugu were interviewed as key informants on Ghana and West Africa. It has also been one of the traditional land ownership and access in Mamprugu most contested resources in Africa, setting in general. Selected members of staff of the Town individuals and groups of people against one another and Country Planning offices at Walewale and and even against the state [1], [17], [25]. Thus, Gambaga were also interviewed. So were land disputes over land in urban communities have owners, ‘land traders’ and those ever involved in land become a common phenomenon. disputes.

There are many studies in other parts of Ghana Semi-structured interviews were held with the with respect to land tenure system, but little chief of Walewale and his elders as well as elders of empirical studies is conducted in the Mamprugu the Nayiri at Nalerigu. Also, two (2) heads of family traditional area. Although various studies have been in each community, who owned land and are noted conducted on land in northern Ghana, e.g. [15] on for their involvement in land transactions in recent “Land Resource Management for Agricultural times from the two towns were identified with the aid Development”, the emerging issues of concern in of opinion leaders and interviewed. In addition, two access to land in urban communities in Mamprugu is land buyers each from the two towns were also not highlighted. Anecdotal evidence gathered interviewed. These interviewees served as key indicates that access to land in urban communities informants given our limited resources and time has become the most contested issue against the available. The responses from these interviews were background of double or multiple sales of land to compiled and scrutinized to decipher the relevant different people, leading to internecine disputes and issues for the discussion of the thrust of this study. struggle for land. The Study area This study sheds light on the situation of According to [11],[23] the exact frontiers of ownership and access to land in Mamprugu in the Mamprugu are difficult to delimit. Currently, it wake of increasing population, urbanization and the connotes the East Mamprusi District, the West resultant pressure on land for domestic, industrial and Mamprusi District as well as the Bunkprugu-Yunyoo agricultural purposes. Specifically, the paper District all in the Northern Region of Ghana. The examines traditional ownership and access to land in study was specifically conducted in the first two (2) the study area, focusing on types of land available for Mamprusi Districts which occupy a total land area of residential and agricultural purposes and access to 2 2 about 8,936 km (East Mamprusi is about 3,037km land in urban communities for residential and 2 while West Mamprusi is about 4,899 km ). The industrial uses. The paper finally examines the issue estimated population for 2007 was 174,824 for East of land disputes and how they are resolved. Mamprusi and 115,015 for West Mamprusi. This means that the area has a population density of about Methodology 32.4 persons per Km2. The research was designed to involve much field research as well as literature review. For the field The Mamprusis are the predominant ethnic research we employed primarily qualitative methods group in this area but there are significant of gathering the information. This included mainly populations of other ethnic groups such as Bimobas, interviews, observations, and focus group Builsas, Busansi, Chakosi, Dagomba, Frafra, Fulani, discussions. We also witnessed hearing of land Hausa, Kassena, Kombas, Konkomba, Kusassi, disputes cases at the chiefs’ palaces at Nalerigu, Mossi, Tampulunsi and some few Ewes and Akans Walewale, Gambaga, and Wungu. To account for [11]. Despite the diverse nature of the Mamprusi substantive geographical, administrative differences society, the rural communities are relatively in terms of urban, cultural, gender, family norms, and homogenous. Another important feature of the customary land practices, as well as economic and society is the prevalence of patrilineality, in which domestic activities based on different demand and pressure on land with regard to urban settlements in the context of a restricted budget, the research was 3 The two selected districts are East and West carried out in two (2) of the three (3) districts of Mamprusi Districts. The third district (Bunkpurugu- Yunyoo) was not part of the selected districts.

June 2013. Vol. 2, No.2 ISSN 2307-227X International Journal of Research In Social Sciences © 2013 IJRSS & K.A.J. All rights reserved www.ijsk.org/ijrss inheritance, including land follows the male descent Kasanga’s findings contrast with the case of the group [2]. Upper East and Upper West regions where allodial titles are rather held by traditional land priests Using the Ghana Statistical Service definition (Tindambas). of urban settlements, only five (5) towns in the two selected districts can be described as urban using data In a similar vein, [20] observes traditional land from the 2000 Population and Housing Census. ownership in Ghana from the angle of the descent These towns with their respective populations are: group system, where he notes that, as a rule, land is Walewale – 13,558; Nalerigu – 10,698; Gambaga – vested in descent groups in Ghana. He went further to 7,887; Langbensi – 6,636; and Janga – 5,054 [12] . assert that in most centralized political societies in The two (2) largest towns – Walewale and Nalerigu – Ghana, land that is not vested in descent groups is were chosen for the case studies because it is entrusted to the king or chief who administers it on expected that the larger the town, the greater the behalf of his people. Allodial title may emanate from challenges to land ownership and access. Walewale is discovery, settlement, inheritance, conquest, gift, the capital town of the West Mamprusi District while purchase ang/or a combination of two or more of Nalerigu is in the East Mamprusi District and is the these as identified by [15]. [15] findings corroborate traditional capital of Mamprugu, though not the the findings of [10] on customary land management capital of the East Mamprusi District. Mamprugu is institutions in West Africa. In the study titled, one of the traditional centralized political kingdoms Changes in ‘Customary’ Land Management in northern Ghana and the ultimate authority rests Institutions: Evidence from West Africa, [10] outlines with the Mamprusis although members of the other a number of factors that guide customary land access ethnic groups play delegated and supportive or in West Africa. These factors according to him supplementary roles in traditional governance [11]. include; primacy of first occupants, The kingdom also enjoyed the support of the colonial community/lineage membership, rights secured authorities, especially during the Indirect Rule system through labour and continuous use, status when other smaller ethnic groups were brought under (nobles/commoners/captives; the Mamprusi kingdom [14], [22]. This also founders/allies/outsiders), age (elders/youths), gender enhanced the power of chiefs and their control over (men/women) among others. This assertion implies land. that preferences and privileges are granted to some categories of people over others. In all circumstances, The main economic activity in the area is the vulnerable groups such as strangers, commoners agriculture. The common crops cultivated include; and women are the less privileged. cereals (such as maize, millet, sorghum and rice), vegetables (like tomatoes, pepper and okra), tubers [15] indicated that a stranger who wishes to (mainly yam, cassava and sweet potatoes) and settle is required to ask for permission from the chief, legumes (such as groundnuts, beans, bambara beans, and then ask any landholder for land as a gift or on and soya beans). Livestock such as sheep, goats and some contractual basis. However, [15] also noted that pigs are reared in small quantities and on free or under customary land management there are usually semi-free range while cattle are entrusted to Fulani no written covenants as to how the land should be herdsmen for rearing [2]. used, developed and preserved when allocated to investors or developers. But customary land A brief overview of Traditional/Customary land management is not absolutely devoid of covenants as management in Ghana there are sometimes oral agreements regarding land use, including the observance of certain taboos and The literature on land studies on developing conventions and offer of spiritual sacrifices. countries, in general, and Ghana in particular indicates the important role of traditional authorities An important observation in the literature is the and customary institutions in the management of land highlight of the limited access to and control over [9], [15] [16] [18] [20], [15], [4], [6]. [18] for land by women. According to [13] decision making instance notes that, the institution of chieftaincy is the on land at the community level in the Upper East largest land holder in Ghana, while [15] found Region of Ghana tends to be dominated by male among the Mamprusis, Dagombas, Gonjas and chiefs, tindanbas4 and elders or heads of clans. That Nanumbas in the Northern Region that, the allodial title is held by Skins and there is effective delegation 4 Tindanbas are the land priests. from paramount Skins to divisional and village Skins.

June 2013. Vol. 2, No.2 ISSN 2307-227X International Journal of Research In Social Sciences © 2013 IJRSS & K.A.J. All rights reserved www.ijsk.org/ijrss when women access small plots for agriculture, they status of pure economic commodities, hence, the are usually the farthest from home and the least institutional framework within which lands are productive and labour access places constraints on managed will also have to change. their access to land. Furthermore, the report noted that unmarried women seldom have access to land. [25] analyses the effects of commoditization [21] also noted that women’s land rights and tenure of land and the increasing value of land that drives status depend basically on their dual identities as chiefs in peri-urban Kumasi to converting sisters in their families of origin and wives in their agricultural land use by their people into residential families by marriage. [21] explains that as both land. [25] observed that land is sold out to outsiders sisters and wives, women are often regarded as not and the revenue accrued from the sale does not directly responsible for the provision of resources for benefit the farmers and the communities. Thus, the family needs, and hence, their marginalization in land people are dissatisfied with the sale of the land but resource allocations. are often unsuccessfully tempted to resist the sale of their farmlands by the chiefs. She identifies the key Land Management in the Urban Context in functions of the chief as: dispute settlement, ensuring Ghana peace, community participation and physical development, land management and celebration of As a society progresses to a higher level of socio-economic development, the proportion of traditional festivals [25]. people who live in urban centres and cities increases. These observations are in line with those The proportion of Ghanaians who live in urban areas of [7] that urbanization has implications for land use has increased from less than 10 percent in the 1920s and tenure because agricultural land may be to over 30 percent in recent times [24]. [7] asserted converted to residential use. Also, that customary that population pressure is increasing in much of land tenure systems may be eroded and more Africa and competition for land is rising as a result. individualized arrangements emerged. [10] also They further indicated that urban settlements are fast acknowledges the mix of customary and modern land growing, crowding-out agricultural land and management institutions where by chiefs, religious attracting the youth from rural areas. [15] also noted authorities, local government bodies, judges, the conversion of peri-urban agricultural lands into community committees and central government land housing estates and related urban uses because of institutions may claim legitimacy to exercise land rapid urbanization in Ghana. But [24] observed that management responsibilities. Interestingly, [10] land delivery for residential purposes is very slow noted that these institutions rely on different norms, and demand far exceeds supply resulting in hikes in and are without a clearly defined relationship or land prices and thus constraining urban growth and hierarchical order the result of which is non- development. Therefore, it has generally been predictability in dispute resolution and uncertainty acknowledged that urbanization results in the with regards to the application of norms. appreciation of the economic value of land. Nevertheless, [10] also did acknowledge Increases in the value of land often compel that in some cases, multiple institutions find ways of land management institutions to undergo co-operating to create hybrid regulatory frameworks. transformations (either consciously or The author further noted that in Tamale, for instance, unconsciously). [6] indicated that many African regulating urban development is the responsibility of governments have sought to replace customary land the local government authority but customary tenure systems with a modern system of property institutions maintain control over land access because rights, based on state legislation on ownership and they have a legally recognized role under land land titling and registration because of the notion of legislation in Ghana. On the other hand, the instances insecurity of the customary tenure system. Most of unfair interplay between modern state officials and urban areas in Ghana are declared as planning areas locally legitimate private stakeholders of land have and by that, the owner of any land there cannot use it also been noted. Some officials of government bodies except in compliance with a scheme of development sometimes act dubiously but do so in the name of the approved by the Town and Country Planning legitimacy enjoyed by the state agencies [10]. But Department and upon issue of a permit allowing a [18] observed that since the institution of chieftaincy particular mode of use [8]. [18] asserts that land is the largest landholder in Ghana, most of the resources in Ghana are gradually moving from the religious and superstitious regime and acquiring the

June 2013. Vol. 2, No.2 ISSN 2307-227X International Journal of Research In Social Sciences © 2013 IJRSS & K.A.J. All rights reserved www.ijsk.org/ijrss constraints to land utilization can be traced to challenges in land delivery for urban development, chieftaincy. the National Land Policy in general, and the Land Administration Act, in particular, is crucial for Therefore, problems abound in land delivery Ghana’s development. for development in Ghana, especially in the urban areas. [24] outlines some major issues of land In sum, the highlights of the literature may delivery in the urban areas in Ghana as: protracted be categorized into four main issues associated with litigations due to difficulties in proving titles, or as a result of urbanization in Ghana. First is the boundary disputes between those allotted land and significant appreciation of the value of land with the between skin/stool land owners, encroachment on resulting outcome of land now being a saleable vested lands and controversial site plans; delay in commodity. Second is the establishment and perfecting titles; poor record keeping; uncertainty in transformation of land management institutions to the plans of developers/investors; undeveloped land cope with the demands of urbanization which held by individual institutions; high land and requires documentation of property rights. Thirdly, development cost; speculation in land as a hedge the weaknesses of these land management institutions against inflation, among others. and the resulting conflicts and associated problems which impede access to land for urban development. [15] also acknowledged the problem of poor Finally, Ghana has embarked on a National Land support services for land delivery in Ghana and Policy aimed at addressing the challenges of land identified problems such as inadequate qualified delivery (including land delivery for urban personnel, constrained transportation facilities, development). insufficient office space and obsolete equipment. This assertion is supported by [6] that the problems As indicated by [6] the relative of enforcement of modern systems of land delivery in importance of the factors of change in land Africa emanate from lack of resources and ownership and access (including the institutional institutional capacity in government agencies, lack of arrangements) varies across and within countries and legal awareness and lack of perceived legitimacy of the implications of similar changes in different official rules and institutions. As observed by [9] contexts of land tenure are also likely to vary. It is in sharp changes in land values without adequate this context that this paper is of relevance because it improvement in institutional support lead to increases fills a knowledge gap and the findings could also be in the potential for conflict. [3] indicated that useful to policy for addressing land problems, multiple sale of land is not uncommon in Bortianor in especially in Mamprugu. In the next section, we the Greater Accra Region of Ghana following discuss the empirical issues on traditional land astronomical increases in the value of land and the ownership and access (as pertaining to the rural perception is that the chiefs and some officials of the setting) as well as the relevant issues of land Lands Commission are responsible for these ownership and access pertaining to urban settlements anomalies. in Mamprugu. This is aimed at illuminating the contract between the relatively peaceful land [4] reports that Ghana adopted a National management system and the urban land management Land Policy in 1999 with the aim of addressing land systems characterized by relatively frequent conflicts. problems of demarcation and boundaries, equitable access and secure tenure systems through the DISCUSSION OF RESULTS participation of all stakeholders in land administration. Also, that the Land Administration Traditional Land Ownership and Access in Project is Ghana’s first national programme to Mamprugu operate in the context of the 1999 National Land According to the key informants Policy which seeks to enhance the capacities of the interviewed, all land in Mamprugu generally belongs formal institutions and collaborate with traditional to the Nayiri5 (paramount chief of Mamprugu authorities in land administration. This project (which traditional area) who holds it in trust for the people. is currently under implementation) has a component of institutional innovation that supports several traditional authorities to set up Customary Land 5 Secretariats to enhance their capacity to manage The Nayiri is the King of the Mamprugu traditional lands[4], [10]. Against the background of the area.

However, the Nayiri delegates this responsibility to and clan levels land can be owned by both natives lower paramount chiefs/divisional chiefs and and settlers. There are also no overt rules that bar town/village chiefs under his authority. For instance, women or strangers from such ownership. However, the chief of Wungu as a lower paramount chief under the Nayiri or his delegated authority still maintain the the Nayiri has jurisdiction over a certain area macro level ownership of even the spanning several scores of settlements in the West individual/family/clan land and reserve the right to Mamprusi District (including Walewale – the District freeze such micro level ownership whether it Capital). But Walewale is under the direct involves natives or settlers/strangers. jurisdiction of the chief of Walewale who is accountable to the chief of Wungu who in turn is Land ownership in Mamprugu tradition answerable to the Nayiri. These findings corroborate may therefore be classified at two (2) levels – the and confirm the assertion of [15] that land ownership first being where the chief owns all the land, and the among the centralized political states of the Northern second is where individuals, families and clans own Region of Ghana is effectively delegated by the part of the total land of the kingdom. But ownership traditional authorities. This level of land ownership of the latter is still subject to the oversight of the could be described as land ownership at the macro chief and can be withdrawn even though the level in Mamprugu. circumstances upon which such a withdrawal of the right to ownership seldom occur. Even when they do At another (micro) level most lands that occur, the sanctions are not applied until all available have ever been cultivated or settled on belong to a channels for appeasement and amends are exhausted. family or a clan. Such ownership usually emanates from an individual or a family’s ability to become the Land Access for Agriculture first known party to cultivate or settle on such pieces The research found that, access to of land. When an individual or a family settles on or agricultural land can be acquired in two ways; (a) by cultivates a virgin land, the individual or family owns clearing a virgin land and (b) access to kpayoo the land at the micro level. After one or several (obtaining land from land owners for an agreed generations of individual or family ownership, the number of years). land usually would belong to a clan as several families may trace their lineage to the initial Access through clearing of virgin land (yo silli) individual or family owner. Like the case of the macro level above, all key informants were All the respondents indicated that by unanimous on this principle. A piece of land owned tradition land access for agriculture purposes can be as result of first cultivation is referred to as obtained only through the chief if it is a virgin “Kpakyoo”6 in Mamprugu. piece of land. This type of land can only be obtained by clearing a virgin land that has never been The informants and group discussants further cultivated before. The person wishing to acquire such indicated that the rest of the (virgin) land belongs to a land needs to go to the bush and identify the land. the Nayiri and any person who intends to cultivate After this, he/she sends some kola nuts to the chief to any part of it must first seek permission from the express his/her intention to cultivate the land. After chief under whose immediate jurisdiction the land is. granting of permission by the chief to clear the land, Usually, about 12 or 22 nuts of kola are presented to the person goes ahead to clear the piece of land based the chief 7 in the course of such a request. This on his ability and the availability of that virgin land. procedure for accessing agricultural land applies to all persons irrespective of their status as men or However, most of the respondents women, old or youths, and natives or settlers. Since acknowledged that, virgin land has become difficult to come by. They claimed that one needs to travel, at by principle the kpakyoo is acquired through 8 cultivation of a virgin land, at the individual, family least 20 to 30 kilometers before he can reach a virgin land. Due to population expansion and the pressure

6 Kpakyoo is a piece of land that has been cultivated before. 8 This is the average distance between 7 The Nayiri or any sub-chief under whose Walewale/Nalerigu (the urban communities) and the jurisdiction the land in question is needed. nearest virgin land.

June 2013. Vol. 2, No.2 ISSN 2307-227X International Journal of Research In Social Sciences © 2013 IJRSS & K.A.J. All rights reserved www.ijsk.org/ijrss on agricultural land, virgin lands have become (irrespective of whether the persons come from increasingly scarce. within or outside Mamprugu).

Access to kpakyoo (land previously cultivated) In the case of natives, settlers and strangers But in case of land that has ever been cultivated, (who are not permanently settled) homage in the form of a token portion of the harvest is expected at the owner at the micro level has to grant permission the end of the farming season. Hence, all these for its usage. Granting such permission by the categories of people have access to land for individual, family or clan for agricultural purposes does not require endorsement by the chief. Seeking agriculture except that it appears there is slight such permission requires a presentation of token gifts variation among them. Natives tend to have easier access than settlers who also have easier access than usually in the form of 12 or 22 nuts of kola like the strangers who are not permanently settled. The case of seeking permission from the chief. It is variations in accessibility levels to land as revealed remarkable to note that the responses from the above confirms the assertion of [10] that customary interviews suggest that even chiefs usually observe this protocol with individual land owners and family land access is usually guided by factors like community lineage/membership, labour and heads before using their lands. continuous use, and status. If access is through one’s own family, permission is sought from the family head (who in It was observed that, access to kpakyoo (land previously cultivated) for agricultural purposes has consultation with other relevant elders of the family) remained the largest option available for majority of grants permission for the use of the land. Seeking people in urban communities. This was because yo permission in such a case does not usually involve silli (virgin lands/land never cultivated) have become the token gifts of kola as described above. Permission for the use of land for agriculture may be time bound difficult to acquire due to their distance from home, when granted to a party outside the family, but for as well as requiring enormous physical and financial those within the family permission may be granted resources to cultivate. indefinitely. But it is usually expected that the family The research also revealed that, urban member (user) will at a point in time allow the land farmers and women prefer kpakyoo to yo silli because to fallow when it loses fertility, and after a reasonable the former lands are easier to cultivate and may be fallow period other members of the family would obtained within a reasonable distance. Many of these have the right to use the land. urban farmers do part-time farming or farm as a In modern times, the token gifts of kola nuts hobby, and therefore need the type of land tractors and bullocks can be used to plough. Also some of involved in land access may also include a token these farmers prefer to engage the services of casual amount of cash or some alcoholic drinks. labourers (by day) and when the farm is far away Furthermore, the responses indicate that the quantum from home, it is difficult to get these casual of such gifts expected from the land owner depends on factors such as the size of land requested and the labourers. status of the person making the request. For instance, strangers will usually be expected to offer more gifts Land Ownership and Access by Women than permanent settlers who are also expected to From the responses of key informants and offer more as compared to natives. group discussants, it appears there is no open discrimination against women regarding land The case of a stranger who is not ownership and access. Nevertheless the conditions permanently settled is special and his use of the land under which land can be owned as outlined earlier in is regarded as temporary. Therefore, the principle of the context of the general culture of the society of “kpakyoo” does not usually apply to strangers who Mamprugu subtly precludes the women from land are not permanently settled even when they cultivate ownership. By convention, women’s role in virgin land. The chief often grants such permission agriculture is normally confined to assisting their for a limited number of seasons and access is usually husbands and male relatives in planting, harvesting renewed upon request. The terms strangers and and marketing of farm produce [5]. When women settlers are with reference to those from outside the engage in cultivation, they do it for their personal specific community within which land is sought farms, and it is usually for vegetables such as okra and African spinach [5]. In recent times, women in

Mamprugu have also been engaged in the cultivation  If the land owner(s) have any cause to of groundnuts and cowpea but the general believe that, the tenant uses bad methods of observation is that virgin lands are not suitable for all farming (felling or burning of economic of these crops. There are also isolated cases where trees such as shea trees, dawadawa trees, some women cultivate grains (such as maize, millet etc) that can destroy the land quickly. and guinea corn) which require more fertile lands and thus virgin lands could be suitable. But women rarely Land for Residential Purposes go for virgin lands. They usually cultivate already For residential purposes, potential land seekers used lands because virgin lands are more difficult to may want land within an existing settlement or a new cultivate. Virgin lands require relatively more capital settlement. The information from our field reports and physical exertion, apart from being distant away suggest that in the case of the latter permission is from home. sought first from the chief after or before the identification of the site. If it is a virgin land, the When women cultivate virgin lands (under chief can go ahead to grant permission. But if it is a rare circumstances) the ownership would normally land that has ever been cultivated and designated not go beyond a generation because of the kpakyoo then permission is sought from the leadership status of men over women. After the individual or family owner before the chief’s passing away of the woman, such land will belong to approval. Seeking permission from the chief and a family which is always headed by a man. These individual/family land owners require the offer of findings confirm that of [13] that labour access similar gifts as outlined earlier under access to land places constraints on women’s access to land in the for agricultural purposes. But the gifts may be higher Upper East Region of Ghana. Since women have in value than those for agricultural purposes. Also, little or no control over the labour of their sons in wider consultations and more careful considerations Mamprugu, they rarely employ their hands for the are usually carried out because of the political cultivation of virgin lands. It is the husbands who implications as the questions of leadership, homage have authority to use the labour of their sons. The and the limits of autonomy or independence of the findings further confirm that of [13] that decision settlement arise. Thus, the chief under whose making on land at the community level is dominated immediate jurisdiction the land falls would usually by males the outcome of which is the hindrance of seek the consent of the higher authorities through to women’s access to land. When women engage in the level of the Nayiri before granting such agriculture, they are usually constrained to less fertile permission. lands offered by the families of their husbands or fathers. The most common phenomenon is the development of houses within already existing Conditions under which one can lose an settlements. In this case, the land seeker may identify agricultural land a site and find out the owner. He/she may also The research found out that, there are certain approach the chief or individual/family land owners conditions under which one can lose land for to help identify a suitable site. Again, the chief can cultivation. Some of the reasons for which ownership grant permission if the land identified has never been at the micro level can be frozen by chiefs include: cultivate, being cultivated or a former settlement (daboo). But if the site is a former settlement, farm or  Protracted disputes over the same piece of ever cultivated land the chief would seek the consent land by two or more parties; of the family concerned before granting the  Acts committed by the owner(s) of a piece permission. of land that leads to his or their permanent banishment from the community; Apart from instances where sites are former  Breach of rules regarding the ownership of settlements, the quest for residential plots takes the specific piece of land (eg., the refusal to: precedence over agricultural purposes and thus the observe sacred groves such as, pouring chiefs would usually overrule and grant permission libation or provide the means for this ritual for development even if the family objects. if it is required, or pay homage to the chief); Permission seeking by prospective developers  For a kpakyoo cultivated by a non-family involves similar gifts as outlined earlier. In general, member, the land owner(s) may decide to the informants admitted that requests for residential collect back the land for their own use; purposes are considered more critically than those for

June 2013. Vol. 2, No.2 ISSN 2307-227X International Journal of Research In Social Sciences © 2013 IJRSS & K.A.J. All rights reserved www.ijsk.org/ijrss agriculture. This is because the right to use Due to the relatively high pressure over land agricultural land is less permanent than that for for residential purpose,9 what pertains in the urban residential land. It was also indicated that whereas areas is becoming increasingly different from that of land for agricultural purposes could be granted by the rural areas. This study involved some case studies families to other users without seeking approval from of the two (2) largest towns namely, Walewale and the chiefs, permission for residential purposes cannot Nalerigu. be granted without the approval of the chiefs. Types of Land available for Residential Purposes It was observed by the key informants that these The urban communities in Mamprugu were arrangements with regards to land access rarely small towns in the past three decades. During this encounter significant problems. Rather, it has been time, people had their back yard farms (kukoku) characterized by peace in spite of occasional conflicts around their home and close to their communities. In which are often easier to resolve. Also, the financial recent times, Walewale for instance, has expanded cost has also been considered to be within the means not only to cover all the back yard farms, but also of the average family or household in the locality. sprawled to engulf the nearby villages. As the towns Hence, the financial cost of land access for housing grow, people continue to lose their farms and there in Mamprugu within the original traditional must be some sort of compensation either in kind or framework can be described as non-prohibitive to the in cash. The processes of acquiring a land to develop residents of the area. and the sort of compensation to be paid vary from one individual to another depending on the persons’ Situation of Land in urban Mamprugu social status, and relationship to the land owner. The discussion on land ownership and access in Mamprugu in the previous section is more or less The research found out that, there are three types applicable to the typical traditional set-up where only of land one can access for any residential uses. These traditional institutions are involved in land ownership include; skin/family land; abandoned home (daboo) administration. This situation is reported to prevail in and land acquired for resale. all the rural communities and one or two of the urban areas which have not yet been declared as planning Skin/family land areas. With urban development, the rise in demand These are lands that belong to the skins, and were for land in the two largest towns of Walewale and first cultivated by individuals who became “pseudo Nalerigu for residential purposes has led to the land owners”10 by virtue of being the first to cultivate appreciation of the value of land. Besides, the that piece of land. As we shall see later in this study, declaring of these places as planning areas by the this type of pseudo land ownership is a major source district assemblies imply that land ownership and of conflict between the chiefs and the ‘land owners’. access procedures could vary from the typical rural Any person who wishes to acquire this type of land areas with only traditional institutional framework in for building must seek permission from the individual land administration. or family owner before the chief’s approval. Seeking permission from the chief and individual/family land By the definition of the Ghana Statistical owners require the offer of similar gifts as outlined Service, there was only one (1) urban settlement earlier under access to land for agricultural purposes. (Walewale) in Mamprugu as at 1970 with a total 11 But the gifts are often higher in value than those for population of 5,302. By 1984, the number of urban agricultural purposes, because building on the land settlements increased to three (3), namely Walewale, may forever deny the land owners the opportunity to Nalerigu and Gambaga with populations of 7,900, 7,546, and 5,771 respectively. As at 2000, the number increased to five (5) urban settlements. These 9 included Walewale – 13,558, Nalerigu – 10,698, Residential purposes i.e. building a house, school, Gambaga – 7,887, Langbensi – 6,636 and Janga – mosque/church, hospital/clinic, etc. 5,054 [12]. 10 They only owned such land for cultivation. 11 The gifts comprise kola, but could also comprise cash far greater than the value of kola donated in the acquisition of agricultural land.

June 2013. Vol. 2, No.2 ISSN 2307-227X International Journal of Research In Social Sciences © 2013 IJRSS & K.A.J. All rights reserved www.ijsk.org/ijrss cultivate on it. The research found out that, this type paid to family owners. The procedures at the District of land remains the largest option available for Town and Country Planning Office also cost about people who want to acquire land in urban 30 Ghana Cedis for a plot of land as at 2008. communities. The registration forms are designed by the Abandoned home (daboo) Mamprusi Traditional Council in collaboration with district assemblies of the area that makes provision The second type of land that one may acquire for for the endorsement of family land owners, chiefs building is daboo (abandoned home). People may abandon their homes due to death or resettlement. and the Traditional Council. The chiefs are three in Such plots still belong to them or their families. Such hierarchy – the chief of Walewale town, the Wungu chief (a paramount chief to whom the Walewale chief plots can be acquired for building. However, this type is accountable) and the Nayiri. As at 2008, of land is not common to acquire. When they are endorsement of the registration forms by each of the available, they may be reserved for family members chiefs attracted a cash payment for kola which varied to develop. but hovered around 30 Ghana Cedis for the Nayiri Land for Resale: and 20 Ghana Cedis for the other two chiefs.

This type of land may be acquired purposely for With the significant expansion in settlements in building or for speculative purposes. In some Walewale, the town has extended to cover territories instances, owners who intended to use land for that are not under the jurisdiction of the chief of building may be compelled by some financial needs Walewale. These are the territories of the Kperiga to resell land to other parties. However, the key and Loagri No.2 chiefs to the south of Walewale, and informants indicate that the acquisition of land for the Sayoo and Jaarigbani chiefs to the north. Plots speculative purposes is increasing significantly. acquired in these territories are endorsed by the respective chiefs instead of the chief of Walewale. The Case of Walewale After obtaining the relevant endorsement for Information from the key informants revealed registration of the land, the owner then goes to the that the institutional framework for land ownership regional secretariat of the Lands Commission for and access in Walewale comprise both customary and leasing. To complete the process of registration, the state institutions (Town and Country Planning copies of the completed forms must be lodged with Office). Thus, apart from the traditional structure of the district office of the Town and Country Planning individuals, families and chiefs, the District Department. According to the Town and Country Assembly/the Town and Country Planning Planning Office, many plot owners do not return Department are also involved. For an identified piece copies of the completed forms. Some land buyers of land for housing development, the district explain that that is as a result of ignorance while authorities must approve of the site as suitable for others say it is due to their inability to complete the residence and the site must be demarcated to conform process because of the expenses involved. Apart from with planned layout of the town as desired by the the Nayiri/Traditional Council, it was realized that district’s physical planning authorities. none of the chiefs keep copies of endorsed forms or keep records of particulars of plots of land they A potential developer of a house usually endorse. This makes it very difficult for them to contacts a family head also seek permission for use of check multiple sales by landlords. a desirable site or piece of land. He then goes ahead to contact the district office of the Town and Country The difference between Walewale and the rural Planning Department who inspects the site and if it is areas is that there are significant disputes over land assessed to be suitable for residential development, boundaries, multiple sales, claims and counter claims demarcation is carried out. After the demarcation, a among family heads and members in the former than plot number is issued to enable the potential owner in the latter. For instance, there are allegations that register the plot. The authorities also prepare a site some family members sell land without proper plan for the plot. When the potential developer is a consultation with the family members and sometimes member of the family who owns the land, he does not without rendering proper accounts to the head of the usually pay any money but outsiders pay cash prices family. Some members of families also pose as heads for land. Prices of plots ranged from 200 Ghana to innocent land seekers and sell lands that are Cedis to 600 Ghana Cedis as at 2008 and these are

June 2013. Vol. 2, No.2 ISSN 2307-227X International Journal of Research In Social Sciences © 2013 IJRSS & K.A.J. All rights reserved www.ijsk.org/ijrss already sold. This sometimes happens with the such sale. They contend that the family heads do not alleged connivance of the Town and Country hold the right to sell land merely because their Planning Office. Conflicts over boundaries and forefathers cultivated it but that the chiefs are those claims by two or more persons over the same piece of with legitimate authority to allocate land on behalf of land have resulted in chiefs taking over the disputed the Nayiri. But like the case of Walewale, the family land as a way of settling the dispute. Boundary heads submit that they must be adequately disputes between the Walewale chief and his compensated for loss of farm land when plots are counterparts to the north and south have also allocated for houses and also for government’s featured. infrastructural projects.

But the most noticeable conflict is that between Land Disputes the chiefs on one hand and the heads of families who Land disputes are becoming a common own land on the other. While the chiefs contend that phenomenon in urban communities in Mamprugu, that the family heads are taking an unfairly larger especially in Walewale which is a fast growing town. proportion of the proceeds of the land transactions, The common land conflicts in the study area involved the family heads argue that they deserve that share disputes within the family and lineage members, because they are deprived of farming land when their disputes between individuals over land, disputes land is used for residential purposes. The chiefs on between church and muslim groups and individuals, the other hand do not understand why as authorities disputes between pseudo land owners and chiefs, and in whom land is vested take only a token amount out finally disputes over land boundaries between chiefs of the total proceeds of land sales. They also make or between families. comparison with their counterparts in Tamale, Savelugu and Yendi in neighbouring Dagbon whom Disputes within the family and lineage members they claim have the authority to sell the land and not occur in situation where the family/lineage head family heads. The conflict is still pending after unilaterally sells family/lineage land to private unsuccessful attempts by the Nayiri (the overlord of developers without the consent of the family/lineage Mamprugu Traditional area) to resolve it. Hence, the members. The research revealed that land conflicts of status quo is currently being maintained. For this nature are normally not violent, and family government projects such as school buildings and members who feel cheated may grumble alone, and offices, chiefs normally order landlords to give out may not report the case for fear of the head of the any suitable land earmarked for such purposes. With family. regards to this the landlords argue that they need some compensation. Another type of land dispute in the study is conflicts between individuals over land. Such The Case of Nalerigu disputes emanate from two or more people buying What pertains in Nalerigu is similar to that in the same piece of land from one person or different Walewale except that some elders of the Nayiri seem persons. Disputes of this nature are common in to exert more influence in land sale than the family Walewale where different or the same persons sell heads. The elders are Tarana, Sokpari, Sokpanaaba family/lineage land to different people. Potential and Kpatiraana. According to the elders, the town developers may not realize this until anyone of them has been divided into four sections and each one of begins to develop the land. These types of dispute these elders has jurisdiction over a section. For may also arise between individuals and religious residential purposes, the elder under whose groups. jurisdiction the land is allocates the land and therefore receives the benefits on behalf of the Disputes between pseudo land owners and chiefs Nayiri. Although plots are relatively cheaper in are an emerging phenomenon in the study area. This Nalerigu as compared to Walewale, land prices are occurs when pseudo land owners sell land without still considered to be too high for the average family the consent of the chief. While these pseudo land in the locality. owners claim it is their right to sell the land, the chiefs on their part claim the land belong to them. The elders of the chief also complain that the These types of disputes are common in Walewale individual family heads were sometimes involved in where there seem to be a high demand for residential sale of some lands that brought about conflicts land. For the past decade, the chief of Walewale, because they (the elders) normally refuse to endorse Duurana has sued these pseudo land owners at the

June 2013. Vol. 2, No.2 ISSN 2307-227X International Journal of Research In Social Sciences © 2013 IJRSS & K.A.J. All rights reserved www.ijsk.org/ijrss court and at the palace of Wunnaba12 over the sale of who sold the land to them (land owner) first, and if land. However, this situation is different in Nalerigu. he cannot settle the case, it is taken further to the Nayiri (the Overlord of Mamprugu). In the case of Finally disputes over land boundaries between Walewale, the case may first be taken to the land chiefs, and between families do occur but these are owner or to Duurana (chief of Walewale) or to the not common. As we noted earlier, Walewale for chief of the area where the disputed land is located. If instance has sprawled over the last three decades to the matter is not resolved, it is sent to Wunnaba (the engulf lands belonging to other chiefs such as: the chief of Wungu). If the Wunnaba is unable to resolve Kperinaba (chief of Kperiga) and Gumrana (chief of it, it is taken further to the final arbiter - the Nayiri. Loagri No. 2) land to the south of Walewale, Wunaba However, only a few land cases travel all these (chief of Wungu) to the west, Bisienaa (chief of length. Most of the time, the cases are settled at the Tampulungu) to the north-west, Sayoorana (chief of first or second stage. Sayoo) and Jaarigbandana (chief of Jaarigbani) to the north and Sibena (chief of Nayoku) to the east. Family land disputes are normally settled by The boundaries of all these chiefs were marked by the family heads. While title land disputes may be trees and other natural or geographical features, sent to Wunaba or the Nayiri. The most common land which are fizzling out creating roller coaster disputes in the area were multiple sale of land. relationship among these chiefs. In the past two Disputants are normally asked to provide decades, there have been land disputes between documentary evidence of ownership. Duurana and Kperinaba, Duurana and Gumrana and between the Kperinaba and Gumrana. This issue of Conclusion and Issues of Concern land boundaries also creates conflicts among From the discussion, it can be concluded that families. land ownership and access in Mamprugu is in transition as the settlements progress from rural to Resolution of Land Disputes urban status. For instance, evidence indicates that There are two channels of redressing land disputes what pertains in the rural areas is different from what in the study area. There are the formal/state courts pertains in Walewale and Nalerigu. From the and the informal/traditional dispute-resolution harmonious system of land access for residential mechanisms. The state courts dispute-resolution purposes in the rural areas, there is growing tension channels are the courts while the traditional channels and conflict over the right to sell land in the urban are the family elders, chiefs and traditional council. areas. Apart from the boundary disputes among The research reveals that, the involvement of the chiefs, there is growing tension between family heads formal/state court dispute-resolution mechanism was and chiefs over issues of land transactions. very minimal. Examination of records at the Walewale and Nalerigu District Magistrate Courts, The commoditization of land appears to make and the Police Stations yielded little results of land land almost equally accessible to natives, settlers, disputes. Interviews with people who ever had land strangers and women (with the financial capability problems also indicated that they normally prefer to remaining as the major determinant of land access). send land matters to the chiefs rather than the court. In this regard, the gap between the rich and the poor Disputes over land in the study area were in land access is widening. The allegations that predominantly settled through the traditional dispute- family heads sell land without consultation and resolution mechanisms – mostly, elders and chiefs. accountability suggests that the access of the youth to land (in future) in their native lands in the urban areas It was observed that, the nature of the dispute, is in jeopardy. the location of the disputed land, and the type of people (strangers, natives, family members) involved There is also inadequate knowledge on the determined which of the chiefs to settle the dispute. part of private developers on the registration process For instance, two individuals quarrelling over a piece in urban areas. Coupled with relatively high cost of of land in the case of Nalerigu, may go to the one land transactions, most people do not complete the registration process. This situation leads to poor documentation and increases the potential for 12 Traditionally Duurana is a sub-chief under the conflicts. The chiefs who are very crucial in authorizing land access keep no written records of the Wunnaba who is the paramount chief of the area. transactions that take place, hence the resultant

June 2013. Vol. 2, No.2 ISSN 2307-227X International Journal of Research In Social Sciences © 2013 IJRSS & K.A.J. All rights reserved www.ijsk.org/ijrss difficulties in resolving conflicts because of the Research and Postgraduate Studies, University inability to make authentic verifications. for Development Studies 2007.. 5. Bonate, L., Women’s Land Rights in It is therefore recommended that for a start, Mozambique: Cultural, legal and Social Context. the District Assemblies of Mamprugu initiate a In L. Muthoni Wonyeki (ed.), Women and Land programme to address the emerging issues of land in in Africa: Culture, Religion and Realizing Women’s Rights. London: Zed Book Ltd, 2003. the urban areas. Such a programme should involve all Pp. 96 – 132. the stakeholders and provide fora for education and 6. Cotula, L., “Introduction” In Cotula, L. (ed.) exchange of views. It should aim at Changes in “Customary” Land Tenure Systems resolving/preventing boundary disputes among the in Africa. Rome: Russel Press, FAO, pp. 5-14, chiefs and sectional elders of the urban areas as well 2007. as the disputes between chiefs and families over land 7. Cotula, L. and B. Neves, .“The Drivers of sales. Since chiefs reserve the right to freeze family Change”. In Cotula, L. (ed.) Changes in ownership of land and also over rule for housing “Customary” Land Tenure Systems in Africa, pp. development against the desire of families in the 5-14. Rome: Russel Press, FAO, 2007. 8. DaRocha, J.B., “Land Utilization for traditional framework, it implies that the chiefs Development: Constraints and Suggested obviously should have higher stakes in land sales Solutions”. Land as a Resource for than the families in the urban setting. However, there Development. Accra: Proceedings of the Ghana should be enough education and mechanisms for Academy of Arts and Sciences, 2003, 36: 28-42. conformity with national policies and regulations for 9. Deininger, K., Land Policies for Growth and the entire community to benefit from the revenue Poverty Reduction. Oxford: Oxford University accruing from land sales. Press, 2003. 10. Delville, P.L., “Changes in ‘Customary’ Land The suggested programme should be in Management Institutions: Evidence from West collaboration with the Land Administration Project Africa”. In Cotula, L. (ed.) Changes in “Customary” Land Tenure Systems in Africa. (LAP) of the Lands Commission and other Rome: Russel Press, FAO, 2007, pp. 35-50. organizations interested in land issues and should 11. Drucker-Brown, S., Ritual Aspects of the address the issues of documentation and build an Mamprusi Kingship. African Studies Social efficient customary land secretariat for Mamprugu. In Research Documents, Vol. 8. Cambridge: African spite of the fact that the land issues emerging from Studies Centre 1975. urbanization in Mamprugu are not exclusive to the 12. Ghana Statistical Service, Ghana 2000 area, addressing them before they become Population and Housing Census. Northern complicated would be most useful. Region Analysis of District Data and Implications for Planning. Accra: Ghana Statistical Service, 2005. References 13. IFAD, Ghana: Improving Women’s Access to 1. Abdullah, J. H. and I. Hamza, Women and Land Land in the Upper East Region. Evaluation of the in Northern Nigeria: The Need for Independent Upper East Region Land Conservation and Ownership Rights. In L. Muthoni Wonyeki (ed.), Smallholder Rehabilitation Project Women and Land in Africa: Culture, Religion (LACOSREP), 1998. and Realizing Women’s Rights. London: Zed 14. Illiasu, A. A., “The Establishment of British Book Ltd. 2003. Pp. 133 – 175. Administration in Mamprugu, 1898-1937”. 2. Abubakari, A, Contested Royalty: Eligibility and Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana Chieftaincy Succession Disputes in Wungu, 1975, xvi (1): 1-28, Northern Ghana. Research Review. (2008)., 15. Kasanga, K., “Land Resource Management for 24(2): pp. 39 -59. Agricultural Development”. Land as a Resource 3. Atteh, N. & S. Tonah, “Chieftaincy Disputes in a for Development. Accra: Proceedings of the Peri-Urban Community. The Case of Bortianor, Ghana Academy of Arts and Sciences, 2003. Greater Accra Region. In S. Tonah 2007. 36:54-106. Ethnicity, Conflicts and Consensus in Ghana. 16. Kom, E. D, “Security of Title to Land in Ghana”. Accra: Woeli Publishing Services, 2007, pp. 149- Land as a Resource for Development. Accra: 168. Proceedings of the Ghana Academy of Arts and 4. Bebelleh, F., “Traditional Institutions, Land Sciences, 2003, 36:14-27. Policies and Development in Northern Ghana: 17. Lund, C., Who owns Bolgatanga? A story of some Issues of Concern”. The Harmattan Series, inconclusive encounters. In Kuba R. and Lentz Occasional Paper No.3. Tamale: Centre for C. (eds) Land and the politics of belonging in

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