How Populist Parties Organize
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The European and Russian Far Right As Political Actors: Comparative Approach
Journal of Politics and Law; Vol. 12, No. 2; 2019 ISSN 1913-9047 E-ISSN 1913-9055 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education The European and Russian Far Right as Political Actors: Comparative Approach Ivanova Ekaterina1, Kinyakin Andrey1 & Stepanov Sergey1 1 RUDN University, Russia Correspondence: Stepanov Sergey, RUDN University, Russia. E-mail: [email protected] Received: March 5, 2019 Accepted: April 25, 2019 Online Published: May 30, 2019 doi:10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 URL: https://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 The article is prepared within the framework of Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Module "Transformation of Social and Political Values: the EU Practice" (575361-EPP-1-2016-1-RU-EPPJMO-MODULE, Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Actions) (2016-2019) Abstract The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of the far right (nationalist) as political actors in Russia and in Europe. Whereas the European far-right movements over the last years managed to achieve significant success turning into influential political forces as a result of surging popular support, in Russia the far-right organizations failed to become the fully-fledged political actors. This looks particularly surprising, given the historically deep-rooted nationalist tradition, which stems from the times Russian Empire. Before the 1917 revolution, the so-called «Black Hundred» was one of the major far-right organizations, exploiting nationalistic and anti-Semitic rhetoric, which had representation in the Russian parliament – The State Duma. During the most Soviet period all the far-right movements in Russia were suppressed, re-emerging in the late 1980s as rather vocal political force. But currently the majority of them are marginal groups, partly due to the harsh party regulation, partly due to the fact, that despite state-sponsored nationalism the position of Russian far right does not stand in-line with the position of Russian authorities, trying to suppress the Russian nationalists. -
Third Parties, Elections,And Roll-Call Votes: the Populist Party and the Late Nineteenth-Century U.S
Third Parties, Elections, and Roll-Call Votes 131 SHIGEO HIRANO Columbia University Third Parties, Elections,and Roll-Call Votes: The Populist Party and the Late Nineteenth-Century U.S. Congress What effect do electorally successful third parties have on congressional roll- call votes? There is widespread belief among scholars that third parties influence the policies of the major parties, but there is little systematic evidence of this influence. I exploit the unique historical context surrounding the Populist Party formation in 1892 to examine the effect of the Populist Party’s electoral success on congressional roll-call votes related to Populist issues. The results are consistent with two claims. First, co-optation of the Populist Party’s issues occurred even before the formation of the party. Second, the co-optation of Populist policies does not appear to be corre- lated with the electoral success of the Populist candidates. The appearance of new political parties is a common phenom- enon in all democracies. The conventional wisdom is that these new political parties enter when the established parties are unresponsive to the interests of particular segments of the electorate (Hug 1996; Inglehart 1977, 1990; Kitschelt 1989, 1994; Mazmanian 1974; Rohrschneider 1993; Rosenstone, Behr, and Lazarus 1984; Sundquist 1983). The new political parties gather electoral support by offering policies to meet the demands of the electorate unsatisfied with the policy alternatives offered by the established parties. Thus, the new political parties can potentially help ensure that the policies of candi- dates do not stray too far from the preferences of the electorate. Even in the United States, which has a stable two-party system, new political parties are argued to affect representation. -
Inventory of the Private Collection of HF Verwoerd PV93
Inventory of the private collection of HF Verwoerd PV93 Contact us Write to: Visit us: Archive for Contemporary Affairs Archive for Contemporary Affairs University of the Free State Stef Coetzee Building P.O. Box 2320 Room 109 Bloemfontein 9300 Academic Avenue South South Africa University of the Free State 205 Nelson Mandela Drive Park West Bloemfontein Telephone: Email: +27(0)51 401 2418/2646/2225 [email protected] PV93 Dr HF Verwoerd FILE NO SERIES SUB-SERIES DESCRIPTION DATES 1/1/1 1. SUBJECT 1/1 Afrikaner Correspondence regarding the Ossewa 1939-1947 FILES unity movements Brandwag-movement, Dr D.F. Malan's rejection of the Ossewa Brandwag- movement and National-Socialistic attitudes; the New Order-movement of Adv. Oswald Pirow; plea for the acknowledgement of Gen. J.B.M. Hertzog as Afrikaner leader in order to sustain Afrikaner- unity; Dr Verwoerd's view as chief editor of Die Transvaler regarding reporting on the Ossewa Brandwag-movement and tie Opposition; notes of Dr Verwoerd regarding the enmity between the leaders of the Ossewa Brandwag and the National Party; minutes of meetings concerning Afrikaner-unity. 1/1/2 1. SUBJECT 1/1 Afrikaner Cuttings regarding Gen. E.A. Conroy on 1941-1942 FILES unity movements the future of the Afrikaner Party after the war; Dr J.F.J. Van Rensburg, leader of the Ossewa Brandwag, concerning republicanism; Adv. Oswald Pirow and the New Order Party; differences of opinion between the Re-united Party and the Ossewa Brandwag-movement and the rejection of the political ideals of the Ossewa Brandwag 1/1/3 1. -
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist a Dissertation Submitted In
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Jacob Citrin Professor Katerina Linos Spring 2015 The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe Copyright 2015 by Kimberly Ann Twist Abstract The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair As long as far-right parties { known chiefly for their vehement opposition to immigration { have competed in contemporary Western Europe, scholars and observers have been concerned about these parties' implications for liberal democracy. Many originally believed that far- right parties would fade away due to a lack of voter support and their isolation by mainstream parties. Since 1994, however, far-right parties have been included in 17 governing coalitions across Western Europe. What explains the switch from exclusion to inclusion in Europe, and what drives mainstream-right parties' decisions to include or exclude the far right from coalitions today? My argument is centered on the cost of far-right exclusion, in terms of both office and policy goals for the mainstream right. I argue, first, that the major mainstream parties of Western Europe initially maintained the exclusion of the far right because it was relatively costless: They could govern and achieve policy goals without the far right. -
The Populist Movement
The populist movement Item Type text; Thesis-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Montgomery, Winona Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Public Domain: This material has been identified as being free of known restrictions under U.S. copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights. Download date 29/09/2021 21:06:34 Item License http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/mark/1.0/ Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/627573 THE POPULIST MOVEMENT WINONA MONTGOMERY LIBRAIO UNIV. OF ARIZONA T HE P 0 P U.L 1ST OVEMENT A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA in PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE R _IQUIREMENTS- FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER of ARTS BY WINONA MONTGOMERY MAY 15 1923 E929/ // ACKUOWLEDGEMENT The writer wishes to acknowlede her indebted- ness to Professor H. A. Hubbard Associate Professor Ida C. Reid under whose direction this thesis was written, for their interest and advice. THE POPULIST MOVEMENT FORCES THAT CAUSED THE POPULIST mnv:TTET2 Chapter I Situation of the Farmer. A. EzTDansion of the West. 1. Increased agricultural production. Fall in „prices of agriraltural -)roducts. 3. Increased demand for money. B. Railroads. 1. 7elcomed 137 farmers. 2. Farmers objected to hi7h freight rates. 3. Farmers opposed Railroad ownership of land. C. Period of Depression. 1. Poor crops. 2. Low prices of cotton. D. Organization. 1. Grange 2. Farmer' l o c a l organizations. 3. Farmers' Alliance and Cobr- - ati7re Union. 4. Farmers' and Laborers' Union of America. 5. National Farmers' Alliance. Chapter II American Labor. A. Low Wao:es. 1. Table of wages. 2• City caused laborers;' expenses to increase. -
THE POPULIST RADICAL RIGHT in WESTERN EUROPE ELISABETH IVARSFLATEN and FRØY GUDBRANDSEN
THE POPULIST RADICAL RIGHT IN WESTERN EUROPE ELISABETH IVARSFLATEN and FRØY GUDBRANDSEN Populist radical right parties have become influential actors on electoral support has remained stable, at around 13%. The the political stage in several Western European democracies. Dansk Folkeparti’s programme centres on the public’s fears of Gaining votes mainly from the mid-1980s and onwards, they Denmark becoming a multi-ethnic society, and emphasizes the represent the most recent party family to have appeared on the need to protect the Danish language and culture. Through its political map of Western Europe. The populist radical right close co-operation with the Government, the Dansk Folkeparti parties group is more diverse than other party families in the has been particularly influential in this policy area. Other region, as it includes organizations that have clearly different central areas of issue for the party are care for the elderly and backgrounds and origins. The current unifying factors shared Euroscepticism. by the various populist radical right parties in programmatic Sweden: Sverigedemokraterna (Sweden Democrats) terms, are their calls for restrictions on immigration and on the ethnic, cultural, and religious diversification of Western Eur- At the Swedish general election of September 2010 Sverige- opean societies, and the high priority that they assign to these demokraterna passed the requisite electoral threshold for the political issues. first time when it won 5.7% of the vote and thus gained 20 seats Parties campaigning to be tough on immigration and immi- in the legislature. Compared to the radical right-wing parties grant-origin minorities have emerged and have contested in the neighbouring Nordic countries, its share of the vote is elections in all Western European countries, but they have small. -
The Kpd and the Nsdap: a Sttjdy of the Relationship Between Political Extremes in Weimar Germany, 1923-1933 by Davis William
THE KPD AND THE NSDAP: A STTJDY OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN POLITICAL EXTREMES IN WEIMAR GERMANY, 1923-1933 BY DAVIS WILLIAM DAYCOCK A thesis submitted for the degree of Ph.D. The London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London 1980 1 ABSTRACT The German Communist Party's response to the rise of the Nazis was conditioned by its complicated political environment which included the influence of Soviet foreign policy requirements, the party's Marxist-Leninist outlook, its organizational structure and the democratic society of Weimar. Relying on the Communist press and theoretical journals, documentary collections drawn from several German archives, as well as interview material, and Nazi, Communist opposition and Social Democratic sources, this study traces the development of the KPD's tactical orientation towards the Nazis for the period 1923-1933. In so doing it complements the existing literature both by its extension of the chronological scope of enquiry and by its attention to the tactical requirements of the relationship as viewed from the perspective of the KPD. It concludes that for the whole of the period, KPD tactics were ambiguous and reflected the tensions between the various competing factors which shaped the party's policies. 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE abbreviations 4 INTRODUCTION 7 CHAPTER I THE CONSTRAINTS ON CONFLICT 24 CHAPTER II 1923: THE FORMATIVE YEAR 67 CHAPTER III VARIATIONS ON THE SCHLAGETER THEME: THE CONTINUITIES IN COMMUNIST POLICY 1924-1928 124 CHAPTER IV COMMUNIST TACTICS AND THE NAZI ADVANCE, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW THREATS 166 CHAPTER V COMMUNIST TACTICS, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW OPPORTUNITIES 223 CHAPTER VI FLUCTUATIONS IN COMMUNIST TACTICS DURING 1932: DOUBTS IN THE ELEVENTH HOUR 273 CONCLUSIONS 307 APPENDIX I VOTING ALIGNMENTS IN THE REICHSTAG 1924-1932 333 APPENDIX II INTERVIEWS 335 BIBLIOGRAPHY 341 4 ABBREVIATIONS 1. -
The Birth of the Populist Party
THE BIRTH OF THE POPULIST PARTY Those who have tried within recent years to found a new political party in the United States will be quick to agree that the task is not a light one. It is not merely that the inertia of the American voter is great and his adherence to party tradi tion firm; there are yet other obstacles to be overcome. The mere business of getting convinced reformers together in suffi'- cient numbers to justify formal organization; the problem of inducing men who are notably contentious to agree upon any common platform or plan of action; the creation of a party machine by which candidates may be named, campaigns con ducted, and elections carried —- these things constitute some of the initial difficulties that the would-be reformers must con front. Of all the third parties that have made their appearance in American politics the Populist party of the nineties, which voiced the protest of multitudes in the agricultural South and West against the rising power of an eastern " plutocracy," is perhaps the most outstanding. It did not, to be sure, win many victories as a party; rather, it forced the existing parties to take cognizance of issues they had previously tended to dodge or to ignore. Nor did it long endure. But the Populist party was more than a mere portent. Those early disasters that ordinarily make abortive the best efforts of reformers to found a party, it was fortunate enough to escape; and it lived long enough to achieve an organization and a personality as definite and distinct as either of the older parties ever pos sessed. -
Mimicking News How the Credibility of an Established Tabloid Is Used When Disseminating Racism
NORDICOM REVIEW Mimicking News How the credibility of an established tabloid is used when disseminating racism Johan FarkasI & Christina NeumayerII I School of Arts and Communication, Malmö University, Sweden II Digital Design Department, IT University of Copenhagen, Denmark Abstract This article explores the mimicking of tabloid news as a form of covert racism, relying on the credibility of an established tabloid newspaper. The qualitative case study focuses on a digital platform for letters to the editor, operated without editorial curation pre-publication from 2010 to 2018 by one of Denmark’s largest newspapers, Ekstra Bladet. A discourse analysis of the 50 most shared letters to the editor on Facebook shows that nativist, far- right actors used the platform to disseminate fear-mongering discourses and xenophobic conspiracy theories, disguised as professional news and referred to as articles. These pro- cesses took place at the borderline of true and false as well as racist and civil discourse. At this borderline, a lack of supervision and moderation coupled with the openness and visual design of the platform facilitated new forms of covert racism between journalism and user-generated content. Keywords: racism, letters to the editor, borderline discourse, digital journalism, fake news Introduction Publish your own text on the biggest news website. The People’s Voice is for people who are passionate about a cause – and want to say their piece. (Ekstra Bladet, 2016)1 This quote was placed on the front page of The People’s Voice [Folkets Røst], an online platform operated by the Danish tabloid newspaper Ekstra Bladet from 2010 to 2018. -
Why France and Not Germany? a Case Study of the Far-Right
WHY FRANCE AND NOT GERMANY? A CASE STUDY OF THE FAR-RIGHT Jonathan Miguel Buechner A thesis submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science, Concentration European Governance. Chapel Hill 2019 Approved by: Javier Astudillo Liesbet Hooghe Gary Marks John Stephens © 2019 Jonathan Miguel Buechner ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Jonathan Miguel Buechner: Why France and not Germany? A case study of the far-right (Under the direction of Gary Marks and Javier Astudillo) The conflicts structuring European society since the 1980s such as identity and immigration have affected countries in a parallel manner in response to globalization, known as the emerging transnational cleavage. However, why do far-right parties find great success in some countries related to this new cleavage and limited or no success in similar countries? Examining France and Germany, this comparative study deservedly draws national characteristics like history and culture to center-stage. By re-evaluating extant literature with this new perspective, this research has found that while the transnational cleavage was present in both countries, Germany was hindered by a strong institutional resistance to National Socialism, rife with internal party disputes, and a difficult federal structure for far-right parties to find success past the local level. Meanwhile France was successful in constructing a winning ideology with stable party leadership resulting in permanent institutionalization. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would first like to thank Prof. Marks and Prof. Astudillo for their guidance and direction throughout the writing process. -
Geographical Representation Under Proportional
CSD Center for the Study of Democracy An Organized Research Unit University of California, Irvine www.democ.uci.edu It is frequently assumed that proportional representation electoral systems do not provide geographical representation. For example, if we consider the literature on electoral reform, advocates of retaining single-member district plurality elections often cite the failure of proportional representation to give voters local representation (Norton, 1997; Hain, 1983; see Farrell, 2001). Even advocates of proportional representation often recognize the lack of district representation as a failure that has to be addressed by modifying their proposals (McLean, 1991; Dummett, 1997).1 However, there has been little empirical research into whether proportional representation elections produce results that are geographically representative. This paper considers geographical representation in two of the most “extreme” cases of proportional representation, Israel and the Netherlands. These countries have proportional representation with a single national constituency, and thus lack institutional features that force geographical representation. They are thus limiting cases, providing evidence of the type of geographical patterns we are likely to see when there are no institutions that enforce specific geographical patterns. We find that the legislatures of Israel and the Netherlands are surprisingly representative geographically, although not perfectly so. Furthermore, we find an interesting pattern. While the main metropolitan areas -
NUREMBERG) Judgment of 1 October 1946
INTERNATIONAL MILITARY TRIBUNAL (NUREMBERG) Judgment of 1 October 1946 Page numbers in braces refer to IMT, judgment of 1 October 1946, in The Trial of German Major War Criminals. Proceedings of the International Military Tribunal sitting at Nuremberg, Germany , Part 22 (22nd August ,1946 to 1st October, 1946) 1 {iii} THE INTERNATIONAL MILITARY TRIBUNAL IN SESSOIN AT NUREMBERG, GERMANY Before: THE RT. HON. SIR GEOFFREY LAWRENCE (member for the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland) President THE HON. SIR WILLIAM NORMAN BIRKETT (alternate member for the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland) MR. FRANCIS BIDDLE (member for the United States of America) JUDGE JOHN J. PARKER (alternate member for the United States of America) M. LE PROFESSEUR DONNEDIEU DE VABRES (member for the French Republic) M. LE CONSEILER FLACO (alternate member for the French Republic) MAJOR-GENERAL I. T. NIKITCHENKO (member for the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) LT.-COLONEL A. F. VOLCHKOV (alternate member for the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) {iv} THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, THE FRENCH REPUBLIC, THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND, AND THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS Against: Hermann Wilhelm Göring, Rudolf Hess, Joachim von Ribbentrop, Robert Ley, Wilhelm Keitel, Ernst Kaltenbrunner, Alfred Rosenberg, Hans Frank, Wilhelm Frick, Julius Streicher, Walter Funk, Hjalmar Schacht, Gustav Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach, Karl Dönitz, Erich Raeder, Baldur von Schirach, Fritz Sauckel, Alfred Jodl, Martin