The Decline of Watchdog Journalism in Japan

False Dawn: The Decline of Watchdog Journalism in Japan

David McNeill

Shukan Bunshun is one answer to the charge withdrawal of their broadcasting licenses. The that aggressive, confrontational journalism TV companies declined, said Shintani: “So we does not exist in Japan. For over a year, the did it ourselves and titled the piece: ‘Why we nation’s biggest-selling weekly magazine (about hate Minister Takaichi.’” 420,000 audited copies) has scored a string of scoops. In January 2016, it harpooned economy The role of journalism as guardian of the public minister Amari Akira over bribery claims, interest against abuses of power has long been forcing him to quit. The following month, it seen as perhaps its key function in liberal exposed an extramarital affair by Miyazaki democracies. According to this view, an Kensuke, a politician who had beenindependent media should facilitate pluralist campaigning for maternity leave during his debate and the free flow of information about wife’s pregnancy. The same month it revealed the political and economic interests that illegal betting by Kasahara Shoki, a former dominate our lives. A conflicting view – one pitcher with the Yomiuri Giants baseball team. prevalent in wartime Japan and in contemporary China – is that the media should primarily be an instrument of state power. The reality in many developed capitalist economies is that the media’s role is circumscribed by monopolies, political and commercial pressure and other formal and informal restrictions. Japan’s media, which was reformed after World War II to bring it closer to the “watchdog” model, is no exception. Critics have long noted another distinctive layer of formalized control over the free distribution of information in Shukan Bunshun, “‘I gave Minister Amari Japan: press clubs. a 12-million-yen bribe’” The Press Club System The magazine’s editor-in-chief Shintani Manabu came to the Foreign Correspondents’ Club of Japan’s century-old press club system Japan in May 2016 to reveal his magic formula, underwent what appeared to be dramatic which was disarmingly simple. “The reason why change, however, in 2009-10. The new we get scoops is that we go after them,” he government of the Democratic Party of Japan said. That drive, he implied, is rare among his (DPJ), which had declared its intention to contemporaries. “I proposed to a television challenge Japan’s powerful bureaucratic colleague doing some research onapparatus, began to allow journalists from (communications minister) Takaichi Sanae, he magazines, cyberspace, foreign media said. Takaichi had sparked a furor in February companies and freelancers to attend regular by “reminding” TV companies that flouting press conferences. All of those categories of rules on political impartiality could result in the reporters had been previously banned from full

1 14 | 20 | 2 APJ | JF participation at official press events, which Japan’s mass media is sophisticated and lively. have for decades been dominated by an The country is home to a powerful public umbilical relationship between lawmakers, service broadcaster, the ad-free, quasi- bureaucrats and Japan’s largest TV andgovernmental Nippon Hōsō Kyōkai (Japan newspaper outlets. The DPJ move was widely Broadcasting Corp: NHK), and the world’s most expected to strengthen the watchdog function widely read newspapers, led by the Yomiuri of the media and push Japan’s politicalShimbun, which has a total combined print institutions toward reform. circulation of about 9.5 million – many times that of the venerable New York 2 The shift was welcomed by, among others, Times. Japanese publications include a mass- media watchdog Reporters Sans Front