TBKP V Turkey

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

TBKP V Turkey CONSEIL COUNCIL DE L’EUROPE OF EUROPE COUR EUROPÉENNE DES DROITS DE L’HOMME EUROPEAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS CASE OF UNITED COMMUNIST PARTY OF TURKEY AND OTHERS v. TURKEY (133/1996/752/951) JUDGMENT STRASBOURG 30 January 1998 The present judgment is subject to editorial revision before its reproduction in final form in Reports of Judgments and Decisions 1998. These reports are obtainable from the publisher Carl Heymanns Verlag KG (Luxemburger Straße 449, D-50939 Köln), who will also arrange for their distribution in association with the agents for certain countries as listed overleaf. i List of Agents Belgium : Etablissements Emile Bruylant (rue de la Régence 67, B-1000 Bruxelles) Luxembourg : Librairie Promoculture (14, rue Duchscher (place de Paris), B.P. 1142, L-1011 Luxembourg-Gare) The Netherlands : B.V. Juridische Boekhandel & Antiquariaat A. Jongbloed & Zoon (Noordeinde «39, NL-2514 GC 's-Gravenhage) UNITED COMMUNIST PARTY OF TURKEY AND OTHERS ii JUDGMENT OF 30 JANUARY 1998 SUMMARY 1 Judgment delivered by a Grand Chamber Turkey – dissolution of a political party by the Constitutional Court I. ARTICLE 11 OF THE CONVENTION A. Whether Article 11 was applicable Wording of Article 11: showed that trade unions were but one example among others of form in which right to freedom of association could be exercised. Political parties were a form of association essential to proper functioning of democracy – in view of importance of democracy in Convention system, there could be no doubt that political parties were within scope of Article 11. An association was not excluded from protection afforded by Convention simply because its activities were regarded by national authorities as undermining constitutional structures of State and calling for imposition of restrictions – Article 1 of Convention: made no distinction as to type of rule or measure concerned and did not exclude any part of member States’ “jurisdiction” from scrutiny under Convention – political and institutional organisation of member States had accordingly to respect rights and principles enshrined in Convention – compromise between requirements of defending democratic society and individual rights: inherent in system of Convention. Protection afforded by Article 11: lasted for an association’s entire life and dissolution of an association by a country’s authorities had accordingly to satisfy requirements of paragraph 2. B. Compliance with Article 11 1. Whether there had been an interference With rights of all three applicants. 2. Whether interference was justified (a) “Prescribed by law” Not disputed. (b) Legitimate aim Protection of “national security”. 1. This summary by the registry does not bind the Court. UNITED COMMUNIST PARTY OF TURKEY AND OTHERS iii JUDGMENT OF 30 JANUARY 1998 (c) “Necessary in a democratic society” (i) General principles Article 11 had also to be considered in light of Article 10 – fact that their activities formed part of a collective exercise of freedom of expression in itself entitled political parties to seek protection of Articles 10 and 11. Political parties made irreplaceable contribution to political debate, which was at very core of concept of democratic society. Democracy: without doubt a fundamental feature of “European public order” – Preamble to Convention: established very clear connection between Convention and democracy – democracy: appeared to be only political model contemplated by Convention and, accordingly, only one compatible with it – Court had identified certain provisions of Convention as being characteristic of democratic society. Exceptions set out in Article 11: to be construed strictly where political parties were concerned – only limited margin of appreciation, which went hand in hand with rigorous European supervision. (ii) Application of principles to the present case TBKP had been dissolved even before it had been able to start its activities, solely on basis of its constitution and programme. Political party’s choice of name: could not in principle justify a measure as drastic as dissolution, in absence of other relevant and sufficient circumstances – absence of any concrete evidence to show that in choosing to call itself “communist”, TBKP had opted for policy that represented real threat to Turkish society or Turkish State. TBKP ’s programme in so far as it concerned citizens of Kurdish origin – no justification for hindering a political group solely because it sought to debate in public situation of part of State’s population and to take part in nation’s political life in order to find, according to democratic rules, solutions capable of satisfying everyone concerned. No evidence enabling Court to conclude, in absence of any activity by TBKP , that party had borne any responsibility for problems which terrorism posed in Turkey – no need to bring Article 17 into play. Conclusion : violation (unanimously). II. ARTICLES 9, 10, 14 AND 18 OF THE CONVENTION Complaints not pursued in proceedings before Court. Conclusion : not necessary to decide this issue (unanimously). III. ARTICLES 1 AND 3 OF PROTOCOL No. 1 Measures complained of: incidental effects of TBKP ’s dissolution. Conclusion : not necessary to decide this issue (unanimously). UNITED COMMUNIST PARTY OF TURKEY AND OTHERS iv JUDGMENT OF 30 JANUARY 1998 IV. ARTICLE 50 OF THE CONVENTION A. Non-pecuniary damage TBKP : no causal link with violation found. Mr Sargın and Mr Ya ğcı: finding of a violation constituted sufficient compensation. B. Costs and expenses Awarded in part. Conclusion : respondent State to pay applicants specified sum for costs and expenses (unanimously). COURT'S CASE-LAW REFERRED TO 14.11.1960 and 1.7.1961, Lawless v. Ireland; 7.12.1976, Kjeldsen, Busk Madsen and Pedersen v. Denmark; 7.12.1976, Handyside v. the United Kingdom; 18.1.1978, Ireland v. the United Kingdom; 6.9.1978, Klass and Others v. Germany; 26.4.1979, Sunday Times v. the United Kingdom (no. 1); 13.5.1980, Artico v. Italy; 13.8.1981, Young, James and Webster v. the United Kingdom; 8.7.1986, Lingens v. Austria; 2.3.1987, Mathieu-Mohin and Clerfayt v. Belgium; 7.7.1989, Soering v. the United Kingdom; 23.4.1992, Castells v. Spain; 29.10.1992, Open Door and Dublin Well Woman v. Ireland; 16.12.1992, Hadjianastassiou v. Greece; 24.11.1993, Informationsverein Lentia and Others v. Austria; 23.9.1994, Jersild v. Denmark; 23.3.1995, Loizidou v. Turkey; 26.9.1995, Vogt v. Germany; 16.9.1996, Akdivar and Others v. Turkey; 25.11.1996, Wingrove v. the United Kingdom; 18.12.1996, Aksoy v. Turkey; 1.7.1997, Gitonas and Others v. Greece UNITED COMMUNIST PARTY OF TURKEY AND OTHERS 1 JUDGMENT OF 30 JANUARY 1998 In the case of United Communist Party of Turkey and Others v. Turkey 1, The European Court of Human Rights, sitting, in accordance with Rule 51 of Rules of Court A 2, as a Grand Chamber composed of the following judges: Mr R. BERNHARDT , President , Mr F. GÖLCÜKLÜ , Mr F. MATSCHER , Mr R. MACDONALD , Mr C. RUSSO , Mr N. VALTICOS , Mrs E. PALM , Mr I. FOIGHEL , Mr R. PEKKANEN , Mr A.N. LOIZOU , Mr J. M. MORENILLA , Sir John FREELAND , Mr A.B. BAKA , Mr M.A. LOPES ROCHA , Mr L. WILDHABER , Mr J. MAKARCZYK , Mr P. KŪRIS , Mr U. LŌHMUS , Mr P. VAN DIJK , and also of Mr H. PETZOLD , Registrar , and Mr P.J. MAHONEY , Deputy Registrar , Having deliberated in private on 26 September 1997 and 27 January 1998, Delivers the following judgment, which was adopted on the last- mentioned date: Notes by the Registrar 1. The case is numbered 133/1996/752/951. The first number is the case’s position on the list of cases referred to the Court in the relevant year (second number). The last two numbers indicate the case’s position on the list of cases referred to the Court since its creation and on the list of the corresponding originating applications to the Commission. 2. Rules of Court A apply to all cases referred to the Court before the entry into force of Protocol No. 9 (1 October 1994) and thereafter only to cases concerning States not bound by that Protocol. They correspond to the Rules that came into force on 1 January 1983, as amended several times subsequently. UNITED COMMUNIST PARTY OF TURKEY AND OTHERS 2 JUDGMENT OF 30 JANUARY 1998 PROCEDURE 1. The case was referred to the Court by the European Commission of Human Rights (“the Commission”) on 28 October 1996, within the three- month period laid down by Article 32 § 1 and Article 47 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (“the Convention”). It originated in an application (no. 19392/92) against the Republic of Turkey lodged with the Commission under Article 25 by a political party, the United Communist Party of Turkey, and two Turkish nationals, Mr Nihat Sargın and Mr Nabi Ya ğcı, on 7 January 1992. The Commission’s request referred to Articles 44 and 48 (a) of the Convention and to Rule 32 of Rules of Court A. The object of the request was to obtain a decision as to whether the facts of the case disclosed a breach by the respondent State of its obligations under Article 11 of the Convention. 2. In response to the enquiry made in accordance with Rule 33 § 3 (d), the applicants stated that they wished to take part in the proceedings and designated the lawyers who would represent them (Rule 30). The lawyers were given leave by the President to use the Turkish language in the written and oral stages of the proceedings (Rule 27 § 3). 3. The Chamber to be constituted included ex officio Mr F. Gölcüklü, the elected judge of Turkish nationality (Article 43 of the Convention), and Mr R. Ryssdal, the President of the Court (Rule 21 § 4 (b)). On 29 October 1996, in the presence of the Registrar, the President drew by lot the names of the other seven members, namely Mr B.
Recommended publications
  • Political Parties and Welfare Associations
    Department of Sociology Umeå University Political parties and welfare associations by Ingrid Grosse Doctoral theses at the Department of Sociology Umeå University No 50 2007 Department of Sociology Umeå University Thesis 2007 Printed by Print & Media December 2007 Cover design: Gabriella Dekombis © Ingrid Grosse ISSN 1104-2508 ISBN 978-91-7264-478-6 Grosse, Ingrid. Political parties and welfare associations. Doctoral Dissertation in Sociology at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Umeå University, 2007. ISBN 978-91-7264-478-6 ISSN 1104-2508 ABSTRACT Scandinavian countries are usually assumed to be less disposed than other countries to involve associations as welfare producers. They are assumed to be so disinclined due to their strong statutory welfare involvement, which “crowds-out” associational welfare production; their ethnic, cultural and religious homogeneity, which leads to a lack of minority interests in associational welfare production; and to their strong working-class organisations, which are supposed to prefer statutory welfare solutions. These assumptions are questioned here, because they cannot account for salient associational welfare production in the welfare areas of housing and child-care in two Scandinavian countries, Sweden and Norway. In order to approach an explanation for the phenomena of associational welfare production in Sweden and Norway, some refinements of current theories are suggested. First, it is argued that welfare associations usually depend on statutory support in order to produce welfare on a salient level. Second, it is supposed that any form of particularistic interest in welfare production, not only ethnic, cultural or religious minority interests, can lead to associational welfare. With respect to these assumptions, this thesis supposes that political parties are organisations that, on one hand, influence statutory decisions regarding associational welfare production, and, on the other hand, pursue particularistic interests in associational welfare production.
    [Show full text]
  • Germany's Left Party Is Shut out of Government, but Remains a Powerful
    Germany’s Left Party is shut out of government, but remains a powerful player in German politics blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2013/09/19/germanys-left-party-is-shut-out-of-government-but-remains-a-powerful- player-in-german-politics/ 19/09/2013 The Left Party (Die Linke) received 11.9 per cent of the vote in the 2009 German federal elections, and is predicted to comfortably clear the country’s 5 per cent threshold in this Sunday’s vote. Jonathan Olsen outlines the party’s recent history and its role in the German party system. He notes that although the Left Party appears willing to enter into coalition with the other major parties, it is not viewed as a viable coalition partner. Despite being shut out of government, the party nevertheless remains an important part of German politics. Although the government that emerges after Germany’s federal elections on 22 September will largely depend on the performance of the two biggest parties, the conservative block of CDU/CSU and the Left-Center Social Democrats (SPD), the impact of smaller parties on the ultimate outcome should not be underestimated. Thus the failure of the Free Democrats (FDP) to clear the 5 per cent hurdle necessary for legislative representation would most likely lead to a “Grand Coalition” of CDU/CSU and SPD, while an outstanding performance by the German Greens could make possible (though unlikely) an SPD-Greens coalition government. The third of Germany’s smaller parties – the Left Party – will not have the same impact on coalition calculations as the FDP and Greens, since all of the other four parties have categorically ruled out a coalition with it.
    [Show full text]
  • Analyzing Party Positions and Electoral Dynamics in Turkey
    International Journal of Political Science & Urban Studies • Uluslararası Siyaset Bilimi ve Kentsel Araştırmalar Dergisi Cilt 7, Sayı 2, Eylül 2019, ISSN 2630-6263, ss. 382-404 • DOI: 10.14782/ipsus.623236 RESEARCH ARTICLE / ARAŞTIRMA MAKALESİ Analyzing Party Positions and Electoral Dynamics in Turkey Türkiye’de Partilerin Konumları ve Seçim Dinamiklerinin Analizi * Arda Can KUMBARACIBAŞI 1 Abstract This article examines the June and November 2015 general elections in Turkey – the final elections before Turkey’s transition into a presidential system – focusing on the political environment leading up to the elections, the coalition deals and potential coalition scenarios between the two elections and the aftermath of the November elections. The analysis is two-fold: first section looks into the background of electoral politics in Turkey and how policy dimensions of parties changed or stabilized over the years, covering the concepts of coalition potential, party adaptability and survival. The second section looks into electoral geography in Turkey, changes in voting patterns, strategic voting and the discrepancies in numbers in 2015. Keywords: Turkish Politics, Elections, Coalitions, Party Positions, Party Politics, AKP. Öz Bu çalışma Türkiye’de başkanlık sistemine geçilmeden önceki son seçimler olan Haziran ve Kasım 2015 genel seçimlerini, seçimler öncesindeki siyasi sürece, iki seçim arasındaki dönemde yapılmış olan koalisyon görüşmelerine, olası koalisyon senaryolarına, ve seçimler sonrasındaki gelişmelere bakarak, incelemektedir. Bu analiz iki bölüme ayrılmaktadır. İlk bölüm Turkiye’de seçimlerin arka planını incelemekte; koalisyon potansiyeli, partilerin adaptasyonu ve partilerin kalıcılığı gibi kavramlar üzerinden, politika alanlarına göre parti konumlarının yıllar içerisinde ne kadar değişip değişmediğini analiz etmektedir. İkinci kısım ise Turkiye’deki seçim coğrafyasını ele alarak 2015’teki oy verme eğilimlerini, stratejik oyları ve seçim sonuçlarındaki uyuşmazlıkları tartışmaktadır.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey's Republican People's Party and the EU
    DECEMBER 2019 112 TURKEY’S REPUBLICAN PEOPLE’S PARTY AND THE EU PRECONDITIONS FOR EU-TURKEY RELATIONS IN THE SECULAR-NATIONALIST VISION Toni Alaranta DECEMBER 2019 112 TURKEY’S REPUBLICAN PEOPLE’S PARTY AND THE EU PRECONDITIONS FOR EU-TURKEY RELATIONS IN THE SECULAR-NATIONALIST VISION After 17 years of the Islamic-conservative AKP’s electoral hegemony, the secular-nationalist Republican People’s Party (CHP) achieved significant success in the recent municipal elections, and is now increasingly challenging President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The secular-nationalist political discourse has traditionally advanced the idea of making Turkey a modern nation-state closely attached to the West, yet the West is also seen as a potential threat. The CHP identifies itself as a social-democratic party, and is now trying to build a wide pro-democratic platform based on a social market economy and fundamental rights. The party’s strong secularist and Turkish nationalist core has made it difficult for the CHP to gain support among the Kurds and religious conservatives, and this remains challenging. Strong nationalism and suspicion about the West are deeply ingrained in Turkey’s political culture. On the other hand, in order to be inherently coherent, the secular-nationalist vision requires an ideological attachment to the Western world. Stemming from these premises, under the CHP’s government, Turkey’s foreign policy would likely prioritize good relations with the West, and re-invigorate the country’s EU prospect. TONI ALARANTA Senior Research Fellow European Union Research Programme Finnish Institute of International Affairs ISBN 978-951-769-627-2 ISSN 2242-0444 Language editing: Lynn Nikkanen The Finnish Institute of International Affairs is an independent research institute that produces high-level research to support political decisionmaking and public debate both nationally and internationally.
    [Show full text]
  • Human Rights, Religion and Democracy: the Refah Party Case1
    1 Human Rights, Religion and Democracy: The Refah Party Case1 KEVIN BOYLE* Abstract This article analyses the decision of the European Court of Human Rights in the case of Refah Partisi v. Turkey from 2003. The Refah Partisi political party was in power in Turkey when it was dissolved in 1998 by the decision of the Constitutional Court of Turkey for its alleged involvement in activities contrary to the principles of secularism. The European Court upheld this decision and found it compatible with the freedom of association guarantees under the European Convention on Human Rights. This article argues that the Court’s judgment in the Refah case was wrong, and that it proposes an unsatisfactory model of relations between religion and state. It is further critical of the Court’s decision on account of its incidental assessment of Islam, and its inappropriate critique of this religion where it should have promoted inter-cultural understanding instead. In the light of the Refah case, this article addresses the complex relationships of secularism and democracy, religion and democracy, and asks whether rights, or democracy, should come first. The article concludes with reminding the Court of its duty to protect the rights of secularists and religious believers alike, and emphasizes the importance of the Court’s applying a cautious and sensitive approach as a stronghold for human rights in multi-ethnic and multi-religious Europe. 1. Introduction On 13 February 2003 the European Court of Human Rights (hereinafter: ‘European Court’) sitting as a Grand Chamber gave one of the most momentous judgments in its fifty-year history.
    [Show full text]
  • 5. Calling for International Solidarity: Hanns Eisler’S Mass Songs in the Soviet Union
    From Massenlieder to Massovaia Pesnia: Musical Exchanges between Communists and Socialists of Weimar Germany and the Early Soviet Union by Yana Alexandrovna Lowry Department of Music Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Bryan Gilliam, Supervisor ___________________________ Edna Andrews ___________________________ John Supko ___________________________ Jacqueline Waeber Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Music in the Graduate School of Duke University 2014 i v ABSTRACT From Massenlieder to Massovaia Pesnia: Musical Exchanges between Communists and Socialists of Weimar Germany and the Early Soviet Union by Yana Alexandrovna Lowry Department of Music Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Bryan Gilliam, Supervisor ___________________________ Edna Andrews ___________________________ John Supko ___________________________ Jacqueline Waeber An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Music in the Graduate School of Duke University 2014 Copyright by Yana Alexandrovna Lowry 2014 Abstract Group songs with direct political messages rose to enormous popularity during the interwar period (1918-1939), particularly in recently-defeated Germany and in the newly- established Soviet Union. This dissertation explores the musical relationship between these two troubled countries and aims to explain the similarities and differences in their approaches to collective singing. The discussion of the very complex and problematic relationship between the German left and the Soviet government sets the framework for the analysis of music. Beginning in late 1920s, as a result of Stalin’s abandonment of the international revolutionary cause, the divergences between the policies of the Soviet government and utopian aims of the German communist party can be traced in the musical propaganda of both countries.
    [Show full text]
  • UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations
    UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title The Logic of Kleptocracy: Corruption, Repression, and Political Opposition in Post-Soviet Eurasia Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/92g1h187 Author LaPorte, Jody Marie Publication Date 2012 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California The Logic of Kleptocracy: Corruption, Repression, and Political Opposition in Post-Soviet Eurasia By Jody Marie LaPorte A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jason Wittenberg, Co-chair Professor Michael S. Fish, Co-chair Professor David Collier Professor Victoria Bonnell Spring 2012 The Logic of Kleptocracy: Corruption, Repression, and Political Opposition in Post-Soviet Eurasia Copyright 2012 by Jody Marie LaPorte Abstract The Logic of Kleptocracy: Corruption, Repression, and Political Opposition in Post-Soviet Eurasia by Jody Marie LaPorte Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jason Wittenberg, co-chair Professor Michael S. Fish, co-chair This dissertation asks why some non-democratic regimes give political opponents significant leeway to organize, while others enforce strict limits on such activities. I examine this question with reference to two in-depth case studies from post-Soviet Eurasia: Georgia under President Eduard Shevardnadze and Kazakhstan under President Nursultan Nazarbayev. While a non- democratic regime was in place in both countries, opposition was highly tolerated in Georgia, but not allowed in Kazakhstan. I argue that these divergent policies can be traced to variation in the predominant source and pattern of state corruption in each country.
    [Show full text]
  • The Kpd and the Nsdap: a Sttjdy of the Relationship Between Political Extremes in Weimar Germany, 1923-1933 by Davis William
    THE KPD AND THE NSDAP: A STTJDY OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN POLITICAL EXTREMES IN WEIMAR GERMANY, 1923-1933 BY DAVIS WILLIAM DAYCOCK A thesis submitted for the degree of Ph.D. The London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London 1980 1 ABSTRACT The German Communist Party's response to the rise of the Nazis was conditioned by its complicated political environment which included the influence of Soviet foreign policy requirements, the party's Marxist-Leninist outlook, its organizational structure and the democratic society of Weimar. Relying on the Communist press and theoretical journals, documentary collections drawn from several German archives, as well as interview material, and Nazi, Communist opposition and Social Democratic sources, this study traces the development of the KPD's tactical orientation towards the Nazis for the period 1923-1933. In so doing it complements the existing literature both by its extension of the chronological scope of enquiry and by its attention to the tactical requirements of the relationship as viewed from the perspective of the KPD. It concludes that for the whole of the period, KPD tactics were ambiguous and reflected the tensions between the various competing factors which shaped the party's policies. 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE abbreviations 4 INTRODUCTION 7 CHAPTER I THE CONSTRAINTS ON CONFLICT 24 CHAPTER II 1923: THE FORMATIVE YEAR 67 CHAPTER III VARIATIONS ON THE SCHLAGETER THEME: THE CONTINUITIES IN COMMUNIST POLICY 1924-1928 124 CHAPTER IV COMMUNIST TACTICS AND THE NAZI ADVANCE, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW THREATS 166 CHAPTER V COMMUNIST TACTICS, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW OPPORTUNITIES 223 CHAPTER VI FLUCTUATIONS IN COMMUNIST TACTICS DURING 1932: DOUBTS IN THE ELEVENTH HOUR 273 CONCLUSIONS 307 APPENDIX I VOTING ALIGNMENTS IN THE REICHSTAG 1924-1932 333 APPENDIX II INTERVIEWS 335 BIBLIOGRAPHY 341 4 ABBREVIATIONS 1.
    [Show full text]
  • German Communists
    = ~•••••••••• B•••••••~•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• a• •= :• COMING PUBLICATIONS: •= =• / ~ • .= "ABOUT BELGIUM" by Camille Huysrnans. ; "THE FLAMING BORDER" by Czeslaw Poznanski. "GERMAN CONSERVATIVES" by Curt Geyer. "THE ROAD TO MUNICH" by Dr. Jan Opocenski. "THE WOLF AS A NEIGHBOUR" by M. van Blankenstein. NEW SERIES: THE FUTURE OF EUROPE AND THE WO~LD "GERMANY AT PEACE" by Walter Loeb. "FRENCH SECURITY AND GERMANY" . by Edmond Vermeil. "PROGRESS TO WORLD PEACE" by K. F. Bieligk. - HUTCHINSON & CO. (Publishers), LTD. ••••m•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••2. "FIGHT FOR FREEDOM" Editorial Board LUIS ARAQUISTAIN CAM!LLE HUYSMANS JOSEF BELINA PROFESSOR A. PRAGIER JOHN BROWN M. SLUYSER CURT GEYER RENNIE SMITH W . W. HENDERSON MARY E. SUTHERLAND,7 j.P. GERMAN COMMUNISTS by ./ SPARTAKUS Foreword by ALFRED M. WALL Translated from the German by. E. Fitzgerald TO THE MEMORY OF ROSA LUXEMBURG KARL LIEBKNECHT PAUL- LEVI - SPARTAKUS has lived in Germany all. his life andIeft shortly after Hitler came.,.10 power. ' From his youth he has worked in the German Labour Movements-Socialist and Communist. He was one of the early "Spartakists" in the last war and he is still . today . a devoted fighter against German aggression and 'nationalism from whatever source it may spring. CONTENTS PAGE . FOREWORD 4 PART l THE SPARTACUS LEAGUE 1914-1918 7 PART II THE COMMUNIST PARTY 1919-1933 22 THE PARTY AND THE VERSAILLES TREATY 22 THE KAPP "PUTSCH" 28 THE UNITED COMMUNIST PARTY OF GERMANY 30 THE W..ARCH ACTION . 34 THE NATIONALISTIC LINE . ..... .. ' 36 THE RAPALLO TREATY' 38 THE OCCUPATION OF THE RUHR 39 SCHLAGETER 42 CORRUPTION 45 THE UNSUCCESSFUL RISING OF 1923 46 THE DECLINE OF THE GERMAN COMMUNIST PARTY 48 GERMAN MILITARY EXPENDITURE 53 "THE HORNY-HANDED SON OF TOIL".
    [Show full text]
  • Nepal: Political Developments and Bilateral Relations with the United States
    Nepal: Political Developments and Bilateral Relations with the United States -name redacted- Specialist in Asian Affairs April 7, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov RL34731 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Nepal: Political Developments and Bilateral Relations with the United States Summary Nepal has undergone a radical political transformation since 2006, when a 10-year armed struggle by Maoist insurgents, which claimed at least 13,000 lives, officially came to an end. The country’s king stepped down in 2006, and two years later Nepal declared itself a republic, electing a Constituent Assembly in 2008 to write a new constitution, which is currently being drafted. Though the process of democratization has had setbacks and been marked by violence at times, Nepal has conducted reasonably peaceful elections, brought former insurgents into the political system, and in a broad sense, taken several large steps towards entrenching a functioning democracy. This still-unfolding democratization process makes Nepal of interest to Congress and to U.S. foreign policymakers. A Congressional Nepal caucus has been newly formed, which should help further strengthen relations between the two countries, which have traditionally been friendly. U.S. policy objectives toward Nepal include supporting democratic institutions and economic liberalization, promoting peace and stability in South Asia, supporting Nepalese territorial integrity, and alleviating poverty and promoting development. Nepal’s status as a small, landlocked state situated between India and China also makes it important to foreign policymakers. Nepal’s reliance on these two giant neighbors leads it to seek amicable relations with both, though ties with India have historically been closer.
    [Show full text]
  • PROOF Contents
    PROOF Contents Acknowledgements viii 1 Survival and Renewal: The 1990s 1 2 Regroupment: Establishing a European Movement 29 3 The Party of the European Left 46 4 Diverse Trends: An Overview 66 5 A Successful Model? Die Linke (the Left Party – Germany) 83 6 How Have the Mighty Fallen: Partito della Rifondazione Comunista (Party of Communist Refoundation – Italy) 99 7 Back from the Brink: French Communism (Parti Communiste Français) Re-orientates 116 8 Communism Renewed and Supported: The Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (the Czech Republic) 132 9 The Scandinavian Left 147 10 The European Left and the Global Left: 1999–2009 163 Notes 192 Index 204 vii PROOF 1 Survival and Renewal: The 1990s Almost two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, on the occasion of the German federal elections in September 2009, the International Herald Tribune marked the electoral victory of the German right with the headline, ‘Is socialism dying?’1 The German Social Democratic Party or the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD) took 23% of the votes – its lowest poll since the Second World War – just months after the European elections registered a poor performance from left- wing candidates across the European Union (EU). As the article went on to observe, ‘Even in the midst of one of the greatest challenges to capitalism in 75 years, involving a breakdown of the financial sys- tem because of “irrational exuberance”, greed and the weakness of regulatory systems, European socialists and their leftist cousins have not found a compelling response, let alone taken advantage of the failures of the right.’ There is no doubt that across Europe the failure of the social demo- cratic parties to present a ‘compelling response’ to the economic crisis has led to a wave of electoral setbacks.
    [Show full text]
  • Swiss Intellectuals and the Cold War Anti-Communist Policies in a Neutral Country
    Swiss Intellectuals and the Cold War Anti-Communist Policies in a Neutral Country ✣ Hadrien Buclin Nowadays many Swiss citizens would be surprised to learn that in the 1950s some Swiss journalists and lecturers were sentenced to prison or lost their jobs because of “thought crimes.” The 1950s are generally remembered as the time of the “Swiss economic miracle”—with the construction of high- ways and large hydroelectric dams—rather than of strong political con- frontation. The picture of a neutral country does not really mesh with the evocation of anti-Communist restrictions. What can explain the strength of Swiss Cold War policies in the 1950s—policies that left their mark on many aspects of political and cultural life in the country? Exactly what form did such official anti-Communism take in a neutral country like Switzerland, and how did it fit with other Western countries’ anti-Communist policies? Was Switzerland an exception, or can parallels be established with other neu- tral European states—in particular, Sweden, a small neutral country in many ways similar to Switzerland? These are just some of the questions this article addresses. The legal barriers facing Swiss Communist intellectuals during the early Cold War have been underexamined in the current historiography and are in need of reassessment. The legal proceedings were specifically motivated by the Swiss government’s determination to defend a slick image of neutrality against severe criticism from the Communist states, which accused Switzer- land of covertly allying with the Western camp. Two Swiss Communists were sentenced for slander, and their trials are emblematic of how a neutral coun- try coped with the Western anti-Communist battle.
    [Show full text]