Turkey's Republican People's Party and the EU
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1944 Pan-Turanism Movements: from Cultural Nationalism to Political Nationalism
УПРАВЛЕНИЕ И ОБРАЗОВАНИЕ MANAGEMENT AND EDUCATION TOM V (3) 2009 VOL. V (3) 2009 1944 PAN-TURANISM MOVEMENTS: FROM CULTURAL NATIONALISM TO POLITICAL NATIONALISM A. Baran Dural ДВИЖЕНИЕТО ПАН-ТУРАНИЗЪМ 1944 г.: ОТ КУЛТУРЕН НАЦИОНАЛИЗЪМ КЪМ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИ НАЦИОНАЛИЗЪМ А. Баран Дурал ABSTRACT: The trial of Turanism in 1944 has a historical importance in terms of nationalism being an ac- tionary movement in Turkish history. When socialism turned out to be a dreadful ideology by getting reactions all over the world, there would not be any more natural attitude than that intellectuals coming from an educa- tion system full of nationalist proposals conflicted with this movement. However, that the same intellectuals crashed the logic of the government saying “if needed, we bring communism, then we deal with it without the help of anyone” was really a dramatic paradox. Movements of Turkism on 3rd of May did not curb the movement of Turkism, on the contrary, the transformation the government avoided most happened and supporters of Turk- ism spread to all parts of the country by politicizing. While Nihal Atsız, one of the nationalist leaders of the time- was summarizing results taken out from the trial process by his ideology, he could not even be regarded unjust in his remarks saying “The 3rd of May became a turning point in the history of Turkism. Turkism, which was only a thought and emotion and which could not go beyond literary and scientific borders, became a movement sud- denly on the 3rd of May, 1944”. Keywords: Turanism Movements, Turk nationalism, one-party ideology, Nihal Atsız, socialism, racism. -
Christians and Jews in Muslim Societies
Arabic and its Alternatives Christians and Jews in Muslim Societies Editorial Board Phillip Ackerman-Lieberman (Vanderbilt University, Nashville, USA) Bernard Heyberger (EHESS, Paris, France) VOLUME 5 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/cjms Arabic and its Alternatives Religious Minorities and Their Languages in the Emerging Nation States of the Middle East (1920–1950) Edited by Heleen Murre-van den Berg Karène Sanchez Summerer Tijmen C. Baarda LEIDEN | BOSTON Cover illustration: Assyrian School of Mosul, 1920s–1930s; courtesy Dr. Robin Beth Shamuel, Iraq. This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC 4.0 license, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided no alterations are made and the original author(s) and source are credited. Further information and the complete license text can be found at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ The terms of the CC license apply only to the original material. The use of material from other sources (indicated by a reference) such as diagrams, illustrations, photos and text samples may require further permission from the respective copyright holder. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Murre-van den Berg, H. L. (Hendrika Lena), 1964– illustrator. | Sanchez-Summerer, Karene, editor. | Baarda, Tijmen C., editor. Title: Arabic and its alternatives : religious minorities and their languages in the emerging nation states of the Middle East (1920–1950) / edited by Heleen Murre-van den Berg, Karène Sanchez, Tijmen C. Baarda. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, 2020. | Series: Christians and Jews in Muslim societies, 2212–5523 ; vol. -
III TURKISH STUDIES (Incl. Balkan) Medieterranean
NAGARA BOOKS ----------------------------------------- 231 -------------------------------------------------------------- -- 2825 Abulafia, David The Great Sea: a human history of the III TURKISH STUDIES (incl. Balkan) Medieterranean . xxxi,816p photos. maps Oxford/N.Y. 2013(11) 9780199315994 pap. 4,220 トルコ研究 Interweaving major political and naval developments with the ebb and flow of trade, Abulafia explores how commercial competition in the Mediterranean created both rivalries and partnerships, with merchants acting as 2819 intermediaries between cultures, trading goods that İbn Âbidîn were as exotic on one side of the sea as they were Hanefîlerde Mezhep Usûlü (Şerhu Ukûdi resmi'l- commonplace on the other. müftî) , inceleme-tercüme. ed. & tr. byŞenol Saylan 2826 342p (with Arabic text) Istanbul 2016 Acar, M. Şinasi 9786055245993 1,780 Osmanlı'dan Bugüne Gözümüzden Kaçanlar . 191p 2820 photos. illus. Istanbul 2013 9786054793037 6,660 İbrâhîm, Andurreşîd Curiosities and wonders -- Time -- Press -- Turkey -- Âlem-i İslâm ve Japonya'da İslâmiyetin Yayılması: History Türkistan, Sibirya, Moğolistan, Mançurya, Japonya, 2827 Kore, Çin, Singapur, Uzak Hind Adaları, Hindistan, Adalet, Begüm Arabistan, Dâru'l-hilafe . 2 vols. Istanbul 2012 Holtels and Highways: the construction of 9789753501347 4,620 modernization theory in cold war Turkey . (Stanford Abdürreşid İbrahîm, 1853-1944 -- Islam -- Japan -- Studies in Middle Eastern and Islamic Societies and Asia Cultures) 304p Stanford 2018 9781503605541 2821 pap 4,522 İnalcık, Halil Among the most critical tools in the U.S.'s ideological Has-Bağçede 'Ayş u Tarab: nedîmler şâîrler arsenal was modernization theory, and Turkey emerged mutrîbler . (Seçme Eserleri, III) xiii,496p ills. photos. as a vital test case for the construction and validation of Istanbul 2016(11) 9786053324171 1,940 developmental thought and practice. -
Political Parties and Welfare Associations
Department of Sociology Umeå University Political parties and welfare associations by Ingrid Grosse Doctoral theses at the Department of Sociology Umeå University No 50 2007 Department of Sociology Umeå University Thesis 2007 Printed by Print & Media December 2007 Cover design: Gabriella Dekombis © Ingrid Grosse ISSN 1104-2508 ISBN 978-91-7264-478-6 Grosse, Ingrid. Political parties and welfare associations. Doctoral Dissertation in Sociology at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Umeå University, 2007. ISBN 978-91-7264-478-6 ISSN 1104-2508 ABSTRACT Scandinavian countries are usually assumed to be less disposed than other countries to involve associations as welfare producers. They are assumed to be so disinclined due to their strong statutory welfare involvement, which “crowds-out” associational welfare production; their ethnic, cultural and religious homogeneity, which leads to a lack of minority interests in associational welfare production; and to their strong working-class organisations, which are supposed to prefer statutory welfare solutions. These assumptions are questioned here, because they cannot account for salient associational welfare production in the welfare areas of housing and child-care in two Scandinavian countries, Sweden and Norway. In order to approach an explanation for the phenomena of associational welfare production in Sweden and Norway, some refinements of current theories are suggested. First, it is argued that welfare associations usually depend on statutory support in order to produce welfare on a salient level. Second, it is supposed that any form of particularistic interest in welfare production, not only ethnic, cultural or religious minority interests, can lead to associational welfare. With respect to these assumptions, this thesis supposes that political parties are organisations that, on one hand, influence statutory decisions regarding associational welfare production, and, on the other hand, pursue particularistic interests in associational welfare production. -
The Mechanisms for Terrorizing Minorities: the Capital Tax and Work Battalions in Turkey During the Second World War
Çetinog˘lu: The Mechanisms for Terrorizing Minorities 15 The Mechanisms for Terrorizing Minorities: The Capital Tax and Work Battalions in Turkey during the Second World War Sait Çetinog˘lu Two policies against non- Muslim minorities implemented during the Second World War by the Turkish government are analyzed in this essay: (1) the Capital Tax (Varlik Vergisi) implemented as a means of economic destruction of these minorities from November 1942 to March 1944 and (2) the mobiliza- tion of minority young men aged 18 to 45 into the so- called work battalions (amele taburlari) from May 1941 to September 1942 as a reprise of the work battalions during World War I. The motivations, conditions, and implemen- tation of both antiminority measures are examined and their consequences discussed. The Capital Tax The Varlik Vergisi constitutes a dark chapter in the history of modern Tur- key. It was implemented during 1942 – 44 under the pretext of controlling the price of goods and preventing accumulation of capital in a few hands, even though the very same government had taken no measures to stop the expansion of a black market and consequent increase of illegal profits in the previous two years. Passed under the pretext of public complaints, this measure implemented a devastating economic destruction policy against non- Muslim minorities through heavy taxation, confiscation of properties, and exile of members of these groups to work camps. The aim was to destroy the economic and cultural base of these minorities, loot their properties and means of livelihood, and, at the same time, “turkify” the economy of Turkey. -
Analyzing Party Positions and Electoral Dynamics in Turkey
International Journal of Political Science & Urban Studies • Uluslararası Siyaset Bilimi ve Kentsel Araştırmalar Dergisi Cilt 7, Sayı 2, Eylül 2019, ISSN 2630-6263, ss. 382-404 • DOI: 10.14782/ipsus.623236 RESEARCH ARTICLE / ARAŞTIRMA MAKALESİ Analyzing Party Positions and Electoral Dynamics in Turkey Türkiye’de Partilerin Konumları ve Seçim Dinamiklerinin Analizi * Arda Can KUMBARACIBAŞI 1 Abstract This article examines the June and November 2015 general elections in Turkey – the final elections before Turkey’s transition into a presidential system – focusing on the political environment leading up to the elections, the coalition deals and potential coalition scenarios between the two elections and the aftermath of the November elections. The analysis is two-fold: first section looks into the background of electoral politics in Turkey and how policy dimensions of parties changed or stabilized over the years, covering the concepts of coalition potential, party adaptability and survival. The second section looks into electoral geography in Turkey, changes in voting patterns, strategic voting and the discrepancies in numbers in 2015. Keywords: Turkish Politics, Elections, Coalitions, Party Positions, Party Politics, AKP. Öz Bu çalışma Türkiye’de başkanlık sistemine geçilmeden önceki son seçimler olan Haziran ve Kasım 2015 genel seçimlerini, seçimler öncesindeki siyasi sürece, iki seçim arasındaki dönemde yapılmış olan koalisyon görüşmelerine, olası koalisyon senaryolarına, ve seçimler sonrasındaki gelişmelere bakarak, incelemektedir. Bu analiz iki bölüme ayrılmaktadır. İlk bölüm Turkiye’de seçimlerin arka planını incelemekte; koalisyon potansiyeli, partilerin adaptasyonu ve partilerin kalıcılığı gibi kavramlar üzerinden, politika alanlarına göre parti konumlarının yıllar içerisinde ne kadar değişip değişmediğini analiz etmektedir. İkinci kısım ise Turkiye’deki seçim coğrafyasını ele alarak 2015’teki oy verme eğilimlerini, stratejik oyları ve seçim sonuçlarındaki uyuşmazlıkları tartışmaktadır. -
“The White Turkish Man's Burden”: Orientalism, Kemalism and The
“The White Turkish Man’s Burden”: Orientalism, Kemalism and the Kurds in Turkey Welat Zeydanlıo ğlu* Gentlemen, uncivilised people are doomed to be trodden under the feet of civilised people. 1 - Mustafa Kemal Atatürk Abstract In order to fully come to terms with the legacy of colonialism and the persistence of neo-colonial mentalities in contemporary Europe and elsewhere, the relationship between Orientalism and nationalism requires a close examination. This article analyses the connection between Orientalism and Kemalism within the framework of the Turkish nation-building project, in which a Westernised elite exalted homogenous nation-state-hood as the criteria for “Western-ness”, in the process othering the ethno-religious diversity of the country as defining “Orientalness”. It reads the modern history of Turkey as the denial and oppression of the Kurdish ethnic identity through state coercion and forced Turkification, and discusses how Kemalism constructed and justified its policies as a national and civilisational necessity. It shows how the persistence and rise of the Kurdish ethnic identity claim in Turkey constitutes a constant reminder to the Kemalist elite that Turkey has not achieved homogeneity, which articulates itself in increasing ethnic othering and nationalist anti- Kurdish hysteria. Orientalism, Nationalism and Nation-building Orientalism, as used by Edward Said (1978), referred to hegemonic patterns of representation of “Oriental” cultures and societies as “backward” and “traditional” in order to construct Europe (or the West) as “modern” and “progressive.” For this reason the Orient had to constantly be stigmatised and set apart as innately different from the Occident. This othering process of drawing a strict East/West boundary became “the starting point for elaborate theories, epics, novels, social descriptions, and political accounts concerning the Orient, its people, customs, ‘mind’, destiny, and so on” (Said, 1978: 2-3). -
Populist Democracy and Post-War Modernism
chapter four Populist Democracy and Post-war Modernism With the 14 May elections an important step [was] taken in a revolution that is far more important than anything that had been accomplished previously in our country . It used to be that only one person ruled and only a few hundred participated in politics. With our democratic revolution, with one leap, millions and millions of citizens acquired the vote and . became real citizens. Adnan Menderes, Cumhuriyet, 2 February 19601 With the landslide election victory of the Democratic Party (dp) on 14 May 1950, Turkey’s early republican period came to a decisive end. Abandoning the secular authoritarianism, statist economic policies and nationalist isolationism of the Republican Peoples’ Party during the previous two decades, the dp regime promoted populist democracy, private enterprise and a more ambitious regional role for Turkey in the post-war international order. The initial Western-orientated cul- tural politics of the nation (as established by Atatürk in the 1930s) did not change, but the meaning of ‘Western’ in the nation’s collective consciousness shifted considerably from ‘European’ to ‘American’. Owing to her strategic importance for the American policies of contain- ing communism and Soviet expansion during the Cold War, Turkey was included in the Marshall Plan of 1947 and admitted to nato in 1952. American governmental and private agencies poured generous packages of development aid and technical assistance into Turkey to modernize her agriculture, industries and transportation network. Images of John Deere tractors in rural Anatolia or Mack trucks on the newly built roads across the country still offer vivid symbols of the mechanization of agriculture and the switch from railways to highways in the 1950s. -
Guidelines on Political Party Regulation 2Nd Edition
Strasbourg, 14 December 2020 CDL-AD(2020)032 Study No. 881/2017 Or. Engl. EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) OSCE OFFICE FOR DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS AND HUMAN RIGHTS (OSCE/ODIHR) GUIDELINES ON POLITICAL PARTY REGULATION 2ND EDITION Approved by the Council of Democratic Elections at its 69th online meeting (7 October 2020) and Adopted by the Venice Commission at its 125th online Plenary Session (11-12 December 2020) on the basis of comments by OSCE/ODIHR Core Group of Experts on Political Parties Mr Josep Maria CASTELLA ANDREU (Member, Spain) Mr Pieter van DIJK (Expert, Former Member, the Netherlands) Mr Nicolae ESANU (Substitute Member, Republic of Moldova) Mr Ben VERMEULEN (Member, the Netherlands) This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int CDL-AD(2020)032 - 2 - Table of contents I. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................. 5 II. POLITICAL PARTIES: THEIR IMPORTANCE, FUNCTIONS AND REGULATION ............ 7 1. The classification and importance of political parties and their functions ........................ 7 2. Three dimensions ........................................................................................................... 8 3. Two models ..................................................................................................................... 9 III. PRINCIPLES ................................................................................................................... -
TRANSFORMATION of POLITICAL ISLAM in TURKEY Islamist Welfare Party’S Pro-EU Turn
PARTY POLITICS VOL 9. No.4 pp. 463–483 Copyright © 2003 SAGE Publications London Thousand Oaks New Delhi www.sagepublications.com TRANSFORMATION OF POLITICAL ISLAM IN TURKEY Islamist Welfare Party’s Pro-EU Turn Saban Taniyici ABSTRACT The recent changes in the Islamist party’s ideology and policies in Turkey are analysed in this article. The Islamist Welfare Party (WP) was ousted from power in June 1997 and was outlawed by the Consti- tutional Court (CC) in March 1998. After the ban, the WP elite founded the Virtue Party and changed policies on a number of issues. They emphasized democracy and basic human rights and freedoms in the face of this external shock. The WP’s hostile policy toward the European Union (EU) was changed. This process of change is discussed and it is argued that the EU norms presented a political opportunity structure for the party elites to influence the change of direction of the party. When the VP was banned by the CC in June 2001, the VP elites split and founded two parties which differ on a number of issues but have positive policies toward the EU. KEY WORDS European Union party change political Islam political oppor- tunity structure Turkey Introduction The Islamist Welfare Party (WP) in Turkey recently changed its decades-old policy of hostility toward the European Union (EU) and began strongly to support Turkey’s accession to the Union, thereby raising doubts about the inevitability of a civilizational conflict between Islam and the West. 1 This change was part of the party’s broader image transformation which took place after its leader, Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan,2 was forced by the Turkish political establishment to resign from a coalition government in June 1997. -
Democracy in Crisis: Corruption, Media, and Power in Turkey
A Freedom House Special Report Democracy in Crisis: Corruption, Media, and Power in Turkey Susan Corke Andrew Finkel David J. Kramer Carla Anne Robbins Nate Schenkkan Executive Summary 1 Cover: Mustafa Ozer AFP / GettyImages Introduction 3 The Media Sector in Turkey 5 Historical Development 5 The Media in Crisis 8 How a History Magazine Fell Victim 10 to Self-Censorship Media Ownership and Dependency 12 Imprisonment and Detention 14 Prognosis 15 Recommendations 16 Turkey 16 European Union 17 United States 17 About the Authors Susan Corke is Andrew Finkel David J. Kramer Carla Anne Robbins Nate Schenkkan director for Eurasia is a journalist based is president of Freedom is clinical professor is a program officer programs at Freedom in Turkey since 1989, House. Prior to joining of national security at Freedom House, House. Ms. Corke contributing regularly Freedom House in studies at Baruch covering Central spent seven years at to The Daily Telegraph, 2010, he was a Senior College/CUNY’s School Asia and Turkey. the State Department, The Times, The Transatlantic Fellow at of Public Affairs and He previously worked including as Deputy Economist, TIME, the German Marshall an adjunct senior as a journalist Director for European and CNN. He has also Fund of the United States. fellow at the Council in Kazakhstan and Affairs in the Bureau written for Sabah, Mr. Kramer served as on Foreign Relations. Kyrgyzstan and of Democracy, Human Milliyet, and Taraf and Assistant Secretary of She was deputy editorial studied at Ankara Rights, and Labor. appears frequently on State for Democracy, page editor at University as a Critical Turkish television. -
Germany's Largest Right-Wing Extremist Group Is Turkish, Not German by Soeren Kern June 22, 2021
June 30, 2021 No. 1024 Since 2001 A ministry of Calvary Chapel of Appleton “Let us be alert to the season in which we are living. It is the season of the Blessed Hope, calling for us to cut our ties with the world and build ourselves on this One who will soon appear. He is our hope—a Blessed Hope enabling us to rise above our times and fix our gaze upon Him.” Tozer Well, this certainly is interesting…M Germany's Largest Right-Wing Extremist Group is Turkish, not German by Soeren Kern June 22, 2021 ▪ The German Parliament and other federal agencies estimate that the true number Grey Wolves in Germany is above 18,000. This is five times more than the number of members (3,500) of Germany's neo-Nazi party. ▪ The ideology underpinning the Grey Wolves movement is a Turkish version of Aryanism and sets itself in opposition to anyone who is not Turkish or Sunni Islamic. It is anti-Christian and anti-Jewish, as well as anti-American, anti-Armenian, anti-Kurdish and anti-Greek. ▪ The objective of the Grey Wolves is to unify all the Turkish peoples into a single country called Turan whose territory would stretch from Europe to China. The Grey Wolves also want to establish a new world order based on Islam that is led by Turkey; they are opposed to the assimilation or integration of Turkish immigrants into Western society. ▪ "Supporters of the 'Grey Wolves' are responsible for a large number of murders of political opponents and members of minorities in Turkey and abroad." — Die Linke, Parliamentary Resolution, November 2020.