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Art openings as celebratory tribal rituals

Kelm, Bonnie G., Ph.D.

The Ohio State University, 1987

Copyright ©1987 by Kelm, Bonnie G. All rights reserved.

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ART OPENINGS AS CELEBRATORY TRIBAL RITUALS

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate

School of the Ohio State University

By

Bonnie G.Kelm, B.3., ft.A.

* * * * *

The Ohio State University

1987

Dissertation Committee: Approved by

K. Marantz

L. Lankford

J. Hutchens Department of Art Education Copyright by

Bonnie G. Kelm

1987 To Bill, whose support, encouragement, and assistance enabled me to complete this dissertation ritual, and To the memory of Dr. Frederick Bunte, mentor, employer, and friend, who thoroughly enjoyed the ritual of art openings. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I wish to express my deepest gratitude to my advisor

Dr. Kenneth Marantz for his guidance, encouragement, and receptiveness throughout the course of this research.

Appreciation and thanks also go to the other members of my committee, Drs. James Hutchens and E. Louis Lankford, for their time, energy, and expertise. Gratitude is expressed to Drs. Barbara Boyer and Kathleen Desmond for their sug­ gestions advice and feedback. Many individuals contributed to the completion of this study. I am especially grateful to Budd Harris Bishop, Linda Foulk, Renee Steidle, Cheryl

Hayden, Dotte Turner, and Cheryl Cozad for the significant donation of their time, their interest in this study, and their openess to sharing experiences and resources with me. Lastly, I must thank my "culture watchers" for their enthusiastic participation as informants in this study. VITA

March 29, 1947 ...... B o m - Brooklyn, New York

1968...... B.S., Art Education, State University of New York, College at Buffalo

1968 - 1971 ...... Art Teacher, Toledo Public Schools, Toledo, Ohio

1975...... M.A. Art History, Bowling Green State University, Bowling Green, Ohio

1976 - 1981 ...... Educational consultant & lecturer Columbus Museum of Art

1976 - Present ...... Professor of Art History, Franklin University, Columbus, CM

1978 - P r e s e n t ...... Director Franklin University Gallery Columbus, Ohio

SELECTED PUBLICATIONS

(1981, September). Myths & Legends: Tales of New York and the Midwest. Artworkers News, pp. 7, 9.

(1982, November). Elijah Pierce: The preservation of tradition. Art & Artists, pp. 15-16.

(1985, September-October). Corporate Patronage: Columbus in search of itself. Dialogue 8 (5), 18-22.

(1986, March-April). A celebration of art & life. Dialogue 9 (2), 22-23.

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: Art Education

Studies in Arts Administration, Multi & Cross-Cultural Research, and Exhibition Programming. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS

DEDICATION...... ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... iii

VITA ...... iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... v

LIST OF TABLES ...... vii

LIST OF FIGURES...... viii

CHAPTER PAGE

I. THE PREMISES FOR VIEWING ART OPENINGS AS RITUALS 1

Overview...... 1 Statement of the Problem ...... 4 The Investigative Focus of theSt u d y ...... 8 Significance of the S t u d y ...... 11 Significant Prior Research...... 16 Limitations of the Study ...... 18

II. LITERATURE REVIEW OF RITUAL 21

Early Definitions and Theory aboutRitual .... 21 Modem Viewpoints on R i t u a l ...... 26 Inverted Behaviors ...... 29 T r i b a l i s m ...... 31 Ritual Studies...... 33 Celebration ...... 36 Secular Rituals ...... 42

v III. METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK 48

Intent and F o c u s ...... 48 Emic Research ...... 49 Selection of S i t e s ...... 57 Rationale for the Use of EthnographicMethods . . 61 Ethnographic Techniques Collecting D a t a ...... 62 Background Research ...... 62 Recording the Setting and Personnel Interactions 62 Participant Observation...... 64 Informant Interviewing...... 70 Event Analysis...... 77 Additional Techniques ...... 79 Interpretation of D a t a ...... 82

IV. THE OVERALL SETTING OF THE THREE EXHIBITION SITES 86

Overview...... 86 The C i t y ...... 87 The Arts Community...... 92 Culture Watchers ...... 99 The Audience...... 103

V. OBSERVATIONS AT THE THREE EXHIBITION SITES 106

Overview...... 106 The Columbus Museum of Art ...... 110 Gallery 200 161 Artreach ...... 197

VI. ART OPENINGS AS CELEBRATORY TRIBALRITUALS 254 Part One A Rationale for Viewing Openings as Rituals . . . 254 Openings as Tribal Occasions...... 254 Characteristics of Opening and Celebratory Rituals 258 Conclusions ...... 269 Part Two Problems...... 273 Observations ...... 277 Implications for Further Study ...... 280

LIST OF REFERENCES...... 288 LIST OF TABLES

TABLE PAGE

1. Observation Schedule...... 69

2. General Question Format — Organizers of Events .... 73

3. General Question Format — Artists...... 74

4. General Question Format — CultureWatchers ...... 75

5. Art Sector Contact P o i n t s ...... 95

6. We-They Syndrome Chart ...... 96

vii LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE PAGE

1. Floorplan, Columbus Museum of A r t ...... 112

2. Floorplan, Gallery 200 174

3. Floorplan, Artreach...... 228

viii CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Overview

Art had its beginnings in ritual. In our segmented, pluralistic

society art has become separated from ritual and daily life. Recently,

however, for a variety of reasons, there has been a renewed interest in

pursuing the primal connections between art and ritual in our culture.

Ritual has come to be generally regarded as a specific means through

which art, meaning, and human life become fully integrated— a collective

phenomena, whereby the beliefs and aspirations of art and artist are

shared and felt by the community or audience. Most often the contem­

porary link between art and ritual has focused on the performing arts.

Yet the earliest surviving remains of ritual art activity from prehistory are artifacts of the visual arts. These remnant images

rendered in permanent materials stand as mute witnesses to a time when art and ritual were part of the same phenomena and art was a central

functioning aspect of human life. The ritual beginnings of dance, music, and drama have proved to be far more perishable. Little or nothing is known of their earliest origins, except that which has been gleaned from the observation of primal cultures since the advent of historical documentation. In contrast, the visual arts have provided

the most enduring markers through time and represent the oldest and most

1 2 complete surviving records of the link between art and ritual.

However, when one thinks of ritualization in the arts today, examples from the performing arts most immediately spring to mind. This presumption is based on the root of all comnunal ritual— the presence and active participation of a group. We have come to stereotypically view the visual arts as something less than participatory in this sense.

Works by individual artists, generally thought of as being created in isolation and upon completion installed in a museum or gallery setting, where they are viewed individually more often than collectively as a shared participatory experience. While works in the performing arts are also completed before they are actually performed (they are written, choreographed, scored, directed and rehearsed), the illusion created is that of an unfolding, as if for the first time, and that it is the evocative ritual participation of the mass audience that makes the performance happen and validates the experience. But there are also key moments during visual arts exhibitions and projects, when there is the same presence of a participatory mass audience.

Lucy Lippard (1983) in Overlay: Contemporary Art and the Art of

Prehistory does much to create a wider recognition of the ritualization present in the contemporary visual arts of this culture. However,

Lippard concentrated primarily on the overt ritual character of many contemporary works— that is on the intentionality of artists who draw their material from the ritual artforms of the past as well as artists who have created ritual performances, which attempt to simulate the collective participatory power and presence of primal arts rituals.

While the author provides valuable insight into the growing movement 3 that seeks to place the visual arts in a meaningful context in relationship to its audience and society, she as well as other sources completely overlook the more commonplace social events and phenomena that embrace and have become a part of the visual arts scene today.

Victor Turner (1982a), and other anthropologists and ethnographers have addressed the problem of getting enough perspective on all too familiar occurances to make significant discovery possible. It largely becomes a process of "making the familiar strange", viewing relatively prosaic occurences in the same way one might view more exotic phenomena, and to objectively evaluate these common events utilizing the same criteria derived from the observation of less familiar phenomena.

Some of these more ordinary occurences, which have become very much a part of the contemporary visual arts world, form the basis for this study. These are the celebratory events that usually mark the opening of an exhibition. Previously dismissed as trivial social affairs, art openings if investigated, observed, and described, can shed new light on the role of ritual in the contemporary visual arts and perhaps help us understand more thoroughly the contextual interactions of art and audience. Within a contextual framework these events must be viewed, not as a separate social phenomena, but as part of the specific whole visual arts exhibition. 4

Statement of the Problem

Art openings have always fascinated me. For the past ten years I have been involved in the preparation of these events in my own gallery.

To an even larger extent I have been either personally motivated or professionally expected to attend a far greater number of them at other facilities. I have always come away from these experiences feeling that I obtained something of value. Sometimes I obtained information about the happenings of the art world or my own arts community. Other times I have felt that I acheived a greater insight into the works of specific artists through shared dialogue. Many times

I was able to make important connections meeting new people in the arts and other contacts professionally important to me in learning to deal with the political and communal realities of the business of art. If the opening was one for which I was responsible, it functioned as a rite of completion to celebrate a great deal of hard work for both myself and the artists exhibiting. It was a chance to share the results and generate feedback and recognition for our efforts.

All of these elements became more potent with meaning since they were conveyed through a special integrated moment in time, when all the disparate elements that make up ones existence as an arts professional came together under the guise of celebration. Thus they were contextualized to the extent that knowledge of art and artists, community and methods of arts administration, and audience development goals ceased to be separate categories of study, but became a living experiential example of important symbiotic interrelationships. 5

Art openings, in recent years, have been the object of cynicism and superficial appraisal. Their depiction in popular culture has been sterotyped from commercials, television series, soap operas, and movies, to the reportings of gossip columnists and satirical cartoonists. The mocking of art openings has occurred internally within the art world as well. It is the object of numerous in-jokes and even the subject of artwork itself. When they are satirized, art openings appear as flat charades which demean the importance of the art world, not unlike the damaging sterotypes created of racial and ethnic groups. Yet they have seldom been depicted as the complex and sometimes contradictory multi­ dimensional events that they are. But even as members of the arts community joke about one of their most cherished institutions, the art opening remains a pervasive cultural feature in our society. And it continues to be mandated by artists, galleries, and audience members in a way that suggests seme deeper underlying functions and needs. How do art openings function, and what are the needs they fill? What is the value of these events to audience members, artists, and curators? And what is the framework through which information and meaning is conveyed?

I do not recall exactly where or when the notion began, but over the years as a participant at openings the words "ritual", "rite", and

"ceremonial", have been repeated to me over and over again by a host of fellow participants while observing the scene during the course of these festive events. However it was not until a special opening reception for the primitive wing of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, that a more serious connection between art openings and ritual began to take form. I was wandering through the sanctified rooms, observing art 6 objects enshrined in glass cases, and documented with attributions. It seemed to me so sad that these magnificent things had been disembodied from the rites that gave birth to them. Then my attention shifted to my fellow participants dressed in a manner befitting their roles and the occasion at this special time after hours, when the museum was ours.

Witnessing the very stylized patterned behaviors, I realized that we in fact were holding our own rites in honor of these objects. Their new setting had all of the ceremonial trappings and accoutrements necessary to translate a ritual into our own cultural terms.

At that moment, I recalled Robert Plant Armstrong’s (1981) analogy between the rituals of primal societies and the opening night at the museum. While this author had persuasively connected the similarities between the two, he had not accounted for some of the behavior I observed that night and similar behaviors I remembered encountering at other art openings. Indeed it was in fact this particular dimension of behavior, institutionalized clowning, irreverence, boasting, and crassness that has most often caused art openings to be dismissed as trivial social affairs.

It was here that I began intensive research in the study of ritual and discovered that such behaviors are in fact a characteristic of accounts of traditional rituals, and play a definite part in the ritual experience itself. For within the ritual framework there is both the sanctified upholding of the sacred and "inverted behaviors" which mock, undermine, or hold open to question the very traditions being celebrated

(Abrams, 1982; Babcock, 1978; Moore & Myerhoff, 1977). 7

In short, a ritual event is one that replays a compacted version of the whole continuum of a particular experience. Although the word

"ritual" has come to be popularly used to describe any cultural custom,

"true" ritual in the eyes of authorities is marked by specific characteristics and serves to convey important cultural and communal meanings beyond social gestures.

This study argues that art openings specifically investigated in one cultural community bear the characteristics of ritual and convey important cultural and communal meanings to their participants. These meanings vary in accordance to the roles each participant plays (artist, organizers of the event, and diverse other segments of the audience).

The meanings and information also differ in regards to the nature of the facility that hosts the event (the setting). However, all meaning is conveyed within the framework of ritual. Art openings are characterized by the presence of a mass audience, an air of festivity, and generate feelings of tribal loyalty among their participants. 8

The Investigative Focus of the Study

The investigative focus of this study consisted of four steps of related, research.

1. A search of literature related to art, culture and ritual to

identify research relevant to this study.

(Chapter I & Chapter II)

2. The establishment of appropriate ethnographic methods and models

for observing and describing contemporary art openings and the

selection of specific research sites. (Chapter III)

3. Application of this methodological framework in a year long field

study documenting art openings at three diverse arts facilities

in one metropolitan area. (Chapter IV & Chapter V)

4. A comparison of the research findings with previously researched

accounts that have isolated and/or highlighted the formal

qualities and characteristics of rituals. (Chapter VI)

Tribal Rituals & Contemporaty Art Openings

When comparing the art of tribal societies to contemporary art in our culture, the assumption usually is that the former was strictly utilitarian and functioning, while the latter expresses aesthetic notions of "art for arts sake", personal visions or decorative pursuits. While it is true that some tribal art is truly utilitarian (ie. masks meant to be worn, fetishes used for magic), it is also true that a great deal of tribal art is functioning in a different sense. These are works which are symbolic, emblematic, or metaphoric, and may represent a person, place, proposition, an idea, or view or the world. They are also 9 functioning in that through ritualization they become meaningful both to the artists who created them and to the community that views and interacts with them. It is in this sense that a growing movement within the contemporary art world might be favorably compared to the art of tribal societies. Numerous contemporary artists have created visual metaphors that link experiences and setting and strive to transform the personal into a communal context. These desires have resulted in an upsurge in celebratory visual arts events over the past two decades.

They have found fertile ground in exhibition opening receptions, as well as other types of special events held in conjunction with the presentation of visual art. The importance of the perceptions of these events to exhibiting artists as well as the audience for validation, sharing, and feedback will be noted in the findings of this study.

It is a premise of this study, in agreement with Lippard and others, that art has a social significance and a social function. Art is effective when communication occurs within carefully considered contexts

"The social element of response, of exchange, is crucial even to the most formalized objects and performances" (p. 5). 10

The Meaning of Art Openings Viewed as Rituals

Celebratory rituals at once affirm, demonstrate, and teach the

deeply held values of a society and also allow for questioning,

creativity, and exploration of possibilities and relationships.

Contextualized learning patterns develop through ritual. As Maxine

Greene (1978) states, "learning is also a process of effecting new

connections in experience" and "the activities that compose learning not

only engage us in our own quests for answers and for meanings: they

also serve to initiate us into the communities of scholarship and. ..into

the human community in its largest and richest sense" (p.5).

In tribal societies, works of art gain their first level of

significance, meaning, and validation through their integrated part in

ceremonies and rituals. It is from this vantage point that the art

object or artifact when seen in conjunction with deeply held beliefs and

customs, a large community gathering, sounds, actions, and gestures becomes a powerful symbol which the whole community can begin to comprehend. Through ritual, art finds its place in relation to the whole. Progress in attaining knowledge of the artifacts proceeds as

some members of the group undergo further initiations and opportunities which reveal more profound iconographic and structural meanings.

However the original communal context is never out of mind and provides

the framework into which all of the pieces fit. Ritual may well

represent the oldest and perhaps one of the most enduring forms of cultural socialization. 11

I do not believe art openings in contemporary culture to be radically different from this perception. They are also shown to be ritualized ceremonial occasions which announce and introduce works of art to the community within a special social context. When one has had an actual experience of viewing art works within a communal celebratory setting, which has shown connections to individual and social values, raised questions, perhaps even revealed inadequacies or possibilities, and has been an enjoyable participatory experience, then one is more likely to pay attention to other related opportunities, or even actively pursue further information that adds to the initial arts experience. Art openings can act as a stimulus and also provide a specific social context and framework that promotes understanding and initiates a quest for further meaning. Such rituals are always instruments of validation that emphasize importance in relation to society.

Significance of the Study

This study has significance and implications for many fields; art history, anthropology, art education and arts administration. Grimes

(1982a) has pointed out that while ritual itself is as old sis humanity, the systematic or comparative study of ritual or "Ritual Studies" is a field still in its infancy.

So there is an immense need for annotated bibliographies, field studies of specific rituals, typologies, and taxonomies and more fully developed theories. In addition, there is a need for studying the connections between ritual and therapy, theatre, theology, political science, kinesics, and psychosomatic medicine. The time for beginning ritual studies is ripe" (p. 11).

Anthropologist Barbara Myerhoff (1982) calls attention to the need for theories about the kinds of experiences ritual provides: 12

Symbolic experience— whether in dreams, poetry, myth, the arts, or trance— holds forth its particular kind of information, eluding words but nonetheless significant and real. The failure of anthropology to deal with the experience of ritual participants— private, subjective psychological, conscious, and unconscious— is an enormous barrier to our understanding of the subject. The Rites of Passage calls for a psychological anthropology. It is a moment of conspicuous teaching. Central to nearly all such rituals, particularly rites of initiation, is the integration of the person into the society. These are the occasions when most often the formal teaching of the culture is transmitted to those who are to become full members. How does this learning take place? How is culture communicated, not simply as an external, neutral set of principles, but as a motivational, internalized system, so that one’s duty, as Turner puts it, becomes ones’ desire" (pp. 118-120)?

Myerhoff continues her inquiry by asking, "What do these rites have to tell us about ourselves living in a modern world?" (p.126), and concludes citing the work of Kimball (1960) and Ortner (1978) that there is "no reason to think that rites of passage are less important in modern secular societies than they were in simpler ones" (p.126) and further that there is no evidence "for rituals in general, or rites of passage in particular to differ or subside in modern circumstances in contrast to tribal societies" (p.129).

Emphasizing this link between the rituals of pre and post literate societies, the Office of Folklife Programs of the Smithsonian Institution mounted one of the largest Pan institutional exhibitions in the organi­ zation’s history, Celebration: A World of Art and Ritual (Turner, 1982b).

In this exhibition, images of contemporary American celebrations were juxtoposed with those of celebratory rituals from other and more distant cultures. S. Dillon Ripley notes in the catalogue foreword that only recently has the museum shifted its attention from tribal cultures to those of cultural groups that exist in contemporary American Society.

(p.4) 13

Within recent years, a number of art educators have turned their attention to the area of social culture research in an attempt to discern the cultural factors that influence cognition and perception. To date much of this research has been primarily geared to school audiences, whereas investigation of cultural phenomena has been limited to cross- cultural comparisons, artifacts of popular culture, and the microcultures of ethnic and regional communities. In this study I hope to broaden these perspectives by considering non-captive adult audiences and examining the most often overlooked cultural and social activities closest to the arts themselves. Chalmers (1982) notes that "artistic perception takes place in a cultural context. In a pluralistic society we need to be concerned with the meaning of art for a variety of viewers and cultural participators" (p.l). Art openings are cultural events which can provide a shared experience for a broad cross section of people and yet seem to allow for an individualized distillation of that experience.

Rituals instill a sense of belonging, accessibility in participants and creates integration of self and society. Greene (1978) has stated that: "each living individual, existing in a multiplicity of realities, seeks at some level to integrate them, to overcome incompleteness and unify his or her own world" (p. 202). And Lippard (1983) has stated that

"there is still the possibility that when art is accessible— not necessarily to huge numbers, but to a cross-cultural, cross class audience— some viewers will be so directly touched by the experience that they will be led to make aesthetic, personal and political statements of their own" (p. 9). While none of the above sources directly research or document the events that are the basis for this 14

study, the questions, observations, aims, and theories that they raise provide sufficient rationale for investigating the role of art openings as celebratory tribal rituals.

The presence and expectancy of a mass audience, specific settings, times and material components, the theme of the event, and the holistic integration of the activity with personal and communal life are the criteria which engender ritual. Awareness and belonging are created through a process of identification or association, actual or symbolic participation, and a sense of shared responsibility. The evocative holistic nature of celebratory ritual may contribute to art education and advocacy by establishing levels of relevance and awareness of the relationship of art to daily life for the mass audience, which is wholly compatible with the strategies and goals of art marketing and audience development techniques.

Professionals involved with arts marketing and audience development search for means which will connect the value of arts experiences with what is relevant to individuals lives and create a sense of community pertinence. Ever since Americans and the Arts. (National Center of the

Arts, 1981) the 1980 nationwide survey of public opinion about the arts revealed a dramatic doubling of percentages (from the previous 1975 survey) in an increased sense of non-belonging in arts facilities

(p.20), art marketing specialists have been at work trying to stimulate feelings of community responsibility, associations, belonging and vital participation in the arts, guided towards target audiences on the basis of themes, affiliations or specific settings. What audience development professionals aim for is developing a sense of group or tribal loyalties 15

towards a particular arts activity, facility or organization. Art

openings, some of which also function as fundraisers, membership drives

or community celebrations have been particularly successful at expanding

the arts audience.

Becker (1982), in Art Worlds, takes a sociological perspective in

examining the contemporary art world as collective action and explores the

extent to which art is shaped by dealers, critics, audiences, suppliers and consumers. His thesis is that an understanding of art rests on an under standing of the extended social system that creates and defines the work of art. Individuals who become steady patrons of arts events attending opening receptions provide a solid support system for the continuance of those activities. "Art work always bear the marks of the system which distributes them, but vary in how that happens" (p.94).

According to Becker, large groups of gallery goers who attend art openings spread interest in exhibitions, which should not be underestimated, through word of mouth praise and recommendation to others (p.11). It is also fairly routine for museum and gallery directors, critics, artists, and audience members to judge the success or failure of a show by the attendance or feedback during opening receptions. There are far ranging implications for this practice, for it can determine what types of work and artists will have the opportunity to be shown again. It is time to more thoroughly scrutinize these events. Isolating the key characteristics which contribute to their success, (engendering ritual) could be exceedingly helpful to specialists involved with audience development in the arts. 16

Significant Prior Research

There is a dearth of significant prior research which studies the phenomena of art openings in a serious investigative manner. However, some recent research directly pertinent to the study has been utilized.

Anthropologist Robert Plant Armstrong (1981) in The Powers of Presence, notes the similarities between the rituals of tribal societies and the opening receptions in contemporary western museums in regard to their treatment of art objects. Edmond Carpenter and Ken Heyman’s in depth photo essay (1970) They Became What They Beheld, also juxtaposes images from tribal and contemporary societies concentrating on the similar roles of artists and audiences. Wolf Von Eckardt (1982) and the study

The Arts in the Economic Life of the City (1979) emphasize the importance of celebratory arts events for the social structure, potential audiences, and artists. Lynn Hershman's video disc of ritual performance at an opening of the Santa Barbara museum, Proxemics (1985) provides a rare opportunity to study the interrelationships of an audience during a celebratory event.

A sociological framework for viewing art openings in a meaningful way has been found in: George Dickie's (1974) Art and the Aesthetic: An

Institutional Analysis; Howard S.Becker's (1982) Art Worlds; Vytavtas

Kavolis' (1972) History on Arts Side: Social Dynamics in Artistic

Efflorescences: and The Reversible World: Symbolic Inversion in Artand

Society edited by Barbara Babcock (1978). Studies of tribalism and ritual in contemporary art and culture were researched in: Andrew

Oldenquist's (1982 April) "On Belonging to Tribes" in Newsweek;

Lippard’s (1983) Overlay: Contemporary Art and the Art of Prehistory; 17

William Rubin's (1984) Primitivism in 20th Century Art (1984); Olivia

Vlahos' (1979) Body: The Ultimate Symbol: and Tom Wolfe’s (1983) "The

Worship of Art" in Harpers.

Specific descriptions of ritualizations in the contemporary

performing arts which were significant in that they afforded comparisons

to the visual arts were found in part 4 of Ronald L. Grimes (1982a)

Beginnings in Ritual Studies. "Ritual and Theatre"; Roger Kennedy’s

(1978) "A Hard Look at the Soft Quality of Life Issue: Theatre as

Liturgy"; Richard Schechner’s Environmental Theatre (1973) and Ritual.

Play and Performances (1976); and Elizabeth B u ms (1972) Theatricality—

A Study of Convention in the Theatre and Social Life.

In recognition of the importance of spatio-temporal and

communicative dimensions to this study, the works of: Edmond Leach’s (1982),

Culture and Communication: The Logic by which Symbols are Connected;

Raymond Firth’s (1973), Symbols: Public and Private; and Edward T.

Hall’s The Hidden Dimension (1969) and Beyond Culture (1977) were also

researched.

Grimes’(1982a) Beginnings in Ritual Studies is an exceedingly useful

source for a general background in the relatively recent field of ritual

studies and in its encouragement of investigating many contemporary

phenomena as potential ritual occurances. His essays along with those

of Turner (1982a) provide a typology for viewing these phenomena. Also

important for constructing an ethnographic typology to view art openings

as ritual are: Clifford Geertz’ (1973) "Thick Description: Towards an

Interpretive Theory of Culture", Paul Edmonston’s (1983) "Participant-

Observation and Visual Documentation as Modes of Inquiry in the Visual 18

Arts", Marion L. Dobbert's (1982) Ethnographic Research: Theory and

Application for Modem Schools and Society, and Donald A.

Messerschmidt’s (1981) Anthropologists at Home in North America:

Methods and issues in the study of one’s own society. These last sources were particularly valuable in providing methods for new non- traditional areas of study. They provide adjustments which concentrate on observing events of short duration, and thus makes them significant to the objectives of this study.

Central to the premise of this research is the study of ritual, especially those sources that have created a context for viewing contemporary group activities in general, and celebratory events in particular sis a valid form of ritual. A literature review of ritual appears in Chapter II.

Limitations of the Study

The literature search did not provide much pertinent research prior to 1960 for several reasons.

1. It was during the 1960’s that the field now recognized as ritual studies came into being.

2. The 1960’s also marked the growth of cross-disciplinary research between art, anthropology and ethnography, and art, sociology, and communication.

3. Profound cultural transformations took place during the 60’s, and through Marshall McLuhan’s (1964) Understanding Media, the term

"tribal" first came to be applied to contemporary American culture as well as the cultures of preliterate societies. 19

4. The numerous social movements of the 60*s caused the recognition of a new collectivism in the arts and society. As Lippard (1983) states:

Feminism and the civil rights and gay rights movements encouraged autobiographical and psychological exploration which in turn led to the next decade to deeper roots-less personalized, more collective— with individual memories growing dimmer as a sense of common history invaded the psyche, (p. 6)

To which Vamedoe (1984) adds:

Work that has styled itself as post-modern has looked to anthropological models of tribal and prehistoric integration of art and society as curatives for the separation or alienation of art from its viewers and for the consequent undermining of arts relevance and power, (p. 681)

5. It was also during the 1960’s that anthropologists and ethnographers began to increasingly explore the cultural features of our own society in the same way they had examined more exotic cultures. It was during this time that the study of ritual was broadened to explore the secular rituals of m o d e m societies.

Observance of specific art openings was limited to the year 1986 utilizing specifically developed ethnographic methods (see Chapter III).

This research concentrated on three targeted diverse facilities in one cultural setting (community). Background research at each site, however led to publications and materials dating back to the mid-70's and openings from that time. The mid-70’s also mark the beginning of the art marketing field and with its rise came the increase of many more opening events in museums, galleries, and facilities. Under joint governmental and corporate sponsorships, gallery openings have continued to multiply into the 1980*s. 20

Although art openings were researched contextually in terms of the

overall cultural setting within this study, the research was limitied to

include only those community contexts with pertinence to the nature of

art openings and their related events. The focus of the study

concentrates on the hosting facility, audience, time, setting, subject

or theme of the event, artist, and pertinent external influences (the

surrounding environment, civic life, the arts community and the media).

Ethnographic methods and the nature of the research problem itself, placed further limitations on the study which are specifically discussed

in Chapters III & VI. CHAPTER II

LITERATURE REVIEW OF RITUAL

Description, Theory and Exploration

Early Definitions and Theories about Ritual

Throughout the history of its study, the concept of ritual has proved difficult to define comprehensively. There are numerous and diverse interpretations of the meaning and the components that encapsulate ritual which have existed since its initial citation in the

Oxford English dictionary in the fourteenth century. As Leach (1968) has stated, "Ritual is clearly not a fact of nature, but a concept, and definitions of concepts should be operational; the merits of any particular formula will depend on how the concept is being used. In short, to understand the word ritual, we must take note of the user’s background and predjudices" (p. 521).

There have been two distinct trends of common usage for the term ritual. On one hand, the terms rite (ritual), ceremony (ceremonial), and custom, (customary), have been used interchangeably to denote any

"non-instinctive predictable action or series of actions that cannot be justified by a "rational means-to-ends type of explanation" (Leach, pp.

520-521). The other more traditional trend, up until recently, had been to separate ritual, ceremony and custom. Here ritual was usually distinguished from the other two terms by its association with religious

21 22

action, while ceremony and custom became the categories assigned to

secular activity. These demarcations have proved very ambiguous and

unsatisfactory as anthropologists set out to study primal cultures

where there was no clear set distinctions between religious and secular

life. And in the light of recent investigation and explorations, all of

the elements traditionally associated with ritual have also been shown

to appear when political, economic or social ideals and beliefs replace

those of religious authority (Moore & Myerhoff 1977, pp. 3-24).

For a large part of its history, however, the study of ritual and

religion almost invariably proceeded together. And while most

contemporary writers no longer divide the world into the sacred (ritual)

and the profane (mundane custom), the theories of some of the earliest

writers on ritual continue to be drawn upon and reinterpreted by

contemporary researchers exploring secular rituals in m o d e m situations.

The theories of Robertson Smith (1889/1956) have influenced many

later writers in many fields. Smith was a former professor of divinity

who advocated the study of comparative religion. His thesis was that

religion consists of belief and ritual, and of the two it was ritual

that was most important to study, since he thought beliefs (dogma,

myths) to be merely "an explanation of religious usage" (Leach, 1968,

p. 521). Smith’s notion that ritual (action) was in some sense "prior"

to the rational or theoretical aspect of religion has been further

elaborated in psychology, sociology and communication theory.

Emile Durkheim is one of the founding fathers of m o d e m sociology.

His vastly quoted volume Elementary Forms of Religious Life (1954) was a treatise on the religious foundations of society. In this volume 23

Durkheim put forth two arguments. One was that the religious bond was simply the symbolic representation of the social bond, expressed through ritual. This was to be an important concept for those who would later explore secular ritual. The other was the distinction between the

"sacred" and the "profane". Religion could best be defined not by considerations of the supernatural, or by magic, personal, or mystic experiences, but by the ability of societies to maintain this distinction (Bell, 1983 p. 198). Durkheim’s distinctions between the sacred and the profane creates conceptual difficulties and on the surface appears to be at variance with much ethnographic evidence.

However, for Durkheim, the secular or profane translated to the

"mundane", the ordinary life and not those special set apart times and places. He also had a very broad conception of the sacred. "Any object might become invested with sacredness in his terms, since sacredness is not inherent, but is a quality given to things. Any object or symbol is sacred not because of what it is, but because of the way it is treated"

(Moore & Myerhoff, 1977, p. 23). He even uses the example of the French revolution as a ritualized symbol of the sacred.

The term "Rites of Passage" has become part of the language of anthropology and sociology. The man who coined it, Arnold van Gennep

(1960), was the first anthropologist to note the regularity and significance of the rituals attached to the transitional stages in the lives of individuals and social groups (e.g. those associated with birth, puberty, marriage, death, and also recurrent calendric ceremonials such as birthdays, New Years Day, as well as others). His thesis was that when such rituals are examined in terms of their order 24 and content, three major phases are distinguishable: separation, transition, and incorporation. These phases, he argues in his classic book The Rites of Passage (1960) apply universally to all peoples in all societies. While recognizing that rites differ from culture to culture, and that in some, one phase might be more predominant than the others, or interpreted on different levels, van Gennep insisted that there was a broad underlying universal pattern to all such rituals. He saw regeneration as a law of life and of the universe; the energy which is found in any system gradually becomes spent and must be renewed at intervals. For him this regeneration was accomplished in the social world by rites of passage, (p. viii) The concept of rites of passage has direct application to the study of art openings.

As calendric ceremonials, rites of passage are a celebration of completion and acheivment. They are social markers which culminate a period of intense activity. They represent festive occasions during which the fruits of labor are enjoyed. As plateaus, they usher in a lull in the cycle of production of resources which create continuity and are prized by the community. Rites of passage also refer to personal initiation, identity, and movement across social boundaries from one social status to another in a way that integrates cultural experience and human condition.

Building on Robertson Smith’s theme were the theories of classical scholar Jane Harrison (1951) exploring on the relationship between ritual and art. Harrison discovered that the Greek word "drama" was derived from "dromenon" (religious ritual) and she gave special signifi­ cance to imitative rites. Harrison believed that ancient peoples tended 25 to reenact the actions they felt strongly about, such as their occupations and the events that determined their existence. She thus viewed ritual as a dramatization of ordinary activities, while in turn the drama is a secular recapitulation of ritual. Although ritual was distinguished from non-ritual by the presence or absence of a religious context, the details of this distinction remain unclear (Leach, 1968, p. 522).

In the succeeding generation of anthropologists, Kaacliffe-Brown was one who profited from Harrison's theories. In The Andaman Islanders

(1948) and subsequent writing, Radcliffe-Brown developed the concept of "ritual value". Similar to Harrison’s ideas, he believed that objects which have ritual value sire objects which are socially important for secular reasons, but he further elaborated that the performance of ritual generates in participants feelings that are advantageous to society as a whole. This also has stong implications for my study. 26

Modem Viewpoints on Ritual

While Malinowski’s theoretical formulations on the nature of ritual

have never provoked much interest in the anthropological field (Kuper,

1983, Leach, 1968), his approach of study has had a lasting effect on

the field of ethnography. Living for an extended period among the

people he was studying, speaking their language, participating in their

activities, (but never attempting to alter their ways), Malinowski

invented what is now called participant-observation. It has proved

particularly valuable for the investigation of customs in context and

from the natives point of view. Between 1922 and 1935 he published a

series of monographs of Trobriand culture, each devoted to a specific

aspect of island life (ceremonial exchange, magic and ritual, family

relations, etc.). They all delineated the complex interrelationship

between various activities, illustrating a perspective which came to be

called "functionalist". Malinowski was also concerned with the contrast

between ideal expected behaviours and the reality of the way people

actually behaved. He was the first to expose the discrepancy between what was said (by informants) and what was actually done (observed).

His point was that many traditional formal accounts of ritual and custom had been misleading (Kuper, p 478).

Social anthropologist Edmond Leach (1968), whose own theories of ritual contain a concern for structure and pattern, has outlined many of the most notable controversies that exist regarding how the word ritual

should be used and how the performance of ritual should be interpreted.

In discussing the meaning of ritual, he stresses "that even among those who have specialized in the field there is the widest possible 27 disagreement" (p. 526). However he gives special attention to specific theories that are more clearly formulated than others.

Radcliffe-Brown (1922) postulated that human beings always manipulate their thought categories consistently. We can discover what a ritual symbol means by observing the diverse uses of that symbol in both ritual and secular contexts (p. 523). Levi-Strauss (1962) is inclined to see ritual procedures as integral with the process of thought. The drama of ritual breaks up the continuum of visual experience into sets of categories with distinguishable names and thereby provides us with a conceptual apparatus for intellectual operations at an abstract and metaphysical level. Such an approach implies that we should think of ritual as a language in a quite literal sense" (p. 524).

Leach himself regards ritual as a form of social communication— the communicative aspect of special behavior. Ritual functions as the occasional reminders and reassurances that serves to symbolize to participants where each participant stands in relation to every other and in relation to the larger system. This is why

it is characteristic of all kinds of ritual occasion that all participants adopt special forms of dress, which emphasize in an exaggerated way the formal social distinctions that separate one individual from another"(p.524)

This author also believes that rituals invoke power and that this power is inherent in the social action and interaction of ritual. In keeping with the view of Robertson Smith, he holds that rite "is prior to explanatory belief". Leach states

ideas about the relationship between supernatural agencies or about the potency of particular ritual behaviors are modeled on first-hand experience of real life relationships between real human beings. (p.524)

Allied to this concept are the writings of sociologist Erving

Goff man. Goffman’s studies center on social interactions. In The

Presentation of Self In Every Day Life (1959) he depicts social life as theatre; people are engaged in an elaborate drama as actors in 28

performance. Social activity is seen as essentially projecting a

conception of self before others, a dramaturgy which undermines the

distinction between appearance and reality. In Interaction Ritual:

Essays in Face to Face Behaviour (1967), Goffman directly relates the

ritual character of encounters in which a brief time span is involved

in a limited extention of space under the auspices of an organized

social occasion. The behavioral materials he deals with he labels

"small behaviors" consisting of glances, gesture, positioning and verbal

statements that people continually feed into a situation whether

intended or not. Gof fman describes the many units of interaction built

up during these social occasions and the normative behavioral order

prevailing in all peopled places which he describes in ritualistic

terms. It is Goffmans's perception that many customs and ordinary

social interactions can be viewed as rituals. This has provoked some

the most heated controversy among specialists who have studied ritual.

In contrast to this view, there are a number of contemporary writers

who have followed the premise of Edward Tyler (1958). Tyler and

his followers espouse the theory that it is the belief (in whatever it

may be) that accompanies the behavior that distinguishes ritual, and not

the behavior itself. Prominent among the Neo-Tylerians is J.R. Goody

(1961). Goody cites that "ritual acts are to be interpreted in the

context of belief: they mean what the actors say they mean"

(Leach, 1968,p.525). However it should be noted that much ethnographic

evidence points to a good deal of discrepancy between what is said (by participants and informants) and what is actually done (observed).

Taking the middle road in the belief-ritual primacy question, Malinowski 29

argued that "myth and ritual are not merely interdependent, they jointly

provide a model for "correct" moral attitudes in secular life".

(Leach, 1968, p. 525) While many rituals uphold strongly felt communal

values, it is also true that many rituals sire also characterized by

behaviors and symbols which contradict moral codes and normative or

expected behaviors.

Inverted Behaviors in Ritual

There are two different theories to account for these "role

inversions" that are so prevelant in rituals. One view, proposed by

Gluckmnan (1962), who calls such role inversions "rituals of rebellion",

stresses the inherent aggression of such actions. Participants act out

in ritual, hostilities or tensions that are felt, but may not be

expressed in normative social relationships. These inverted behaviors

act as a catharsis, a release mechanism which actually serve to

strengthen the moral values they appear to deny (Leach, 1968, p. 523).

The other view regards role inversion as symbolic. In 1972 a

symposium entitled "Forms of Symbolic Inversion" was held at the

meetings of the American Anthropological Association and later put forth

in a volume entitled The Reversible World: Symbolic Inversion in Art and

Society (1978) edited by anthropologist Barbara Babcock. Babcock opens her introduction to the book by quoting Balthasar Fracian from his novel

El Criticon: "The things of this world can be truly percieved only by

looking at them backward" (p. 1) She states that the negative metaphor

(creative negation, symbolic inversion, inverted behaviour) have been used extensively in social life, ritual and art, but barely studied: 30

Symbolic Inversion may be broadly defined as any act of expressive behavior which inverts, contradicts, abrogates or in some fashion presents an alternative to commonly held cultural codes, values and norms be they linguistic, literary or artistic, religious, or social and political. Although, perhaps because, inversion is so basic to symbolic processes, so crucial to expressive behavior, it has not until recently, been analytically isolated except in its obvious and overt forms such as "rituals of rebellion", role reversal, and institutionalized clowning. Precisely because it is such a widely observed form of symbolic action, and because the nature of symbols and of expressive behavior has become a focus of anthropological concern, symbolic inversion merits specific discussion (pp. 14-15).

Babcock and others contributing to this theme regard symbolic inversion "as a dimension of deliberate self conscious patterned behavior" (p. 15) It is a fundamental form of play to adults sis well as children, a way of exercising creativity and expanding intellectual perception. "Symbolic inversions create...a spsice in which to tsike chances with new roles and idesis" (p. 25). As Clifford Geertz (1972) suggests in his essay "Deep Play", such forms of symbolic inversion manipulate— rendering discrete categories indiscrete and therby question or at lesist comment on the existing order of things.

All symbolic inversions define a culture’s lineaments at the same time they question the usefulness of absolute order...they remind us of the arbitrary condition of imposing an order on our environment and experience, even while they enable us to see certain features of that order more clearly, simply because they have turned inside out. (Babcock, 1978, p. 29). 31

Tribalism

Lueien Levy-Bruhl (1975) in the posthumously published The Notebooks on Primitive Mentality explored in depth the role of participation in the rituals and life of tribal cultures. He states

....in all societies called primitive, is the feeling of this almost organic solidarity which is expressed not through formulae, but in a living manner through the institutions (family, clan, totemism, cus­ toms, religious beliefs, etc..) which all rest on participations of which that of the individual with the social body to which he feels himself to belong is the prototype, and, as it were, the root" (p. 77).

The bonding of the individual to the social body through participation was the essence of the tribal way of life.

While Levy-Bruhl concentrated his study on primal societies, his work is germane to my study in that up until very recently scant attention had been given to the role of participants and the nature of participation in ritual. Levy-Bruhl*s work is also important due to the revival of an interest in tribal participation and its affinity to some contemporary phenomena in western society, which has also been termed as tribal. These associations have been brought out by sources as diverse as anthropologist Edmond Carpenter (1970), philosopher Andrew Oldenquist

(1982), and Marshall McLuhan (1964).

Tribal associations or identifications set the conditions for all communal ritual occasions. Since the 1960*s the term "tribal" has been utilized to describe group phenomena in contemp>orary society as well as that of preliterate cultures. As Oldenquist (1982) in "On Belonging to

Tribes" states:

Saying we are social animals means we evolved to feel a need to belong to something larger than ourselves ...and that we are wretched and incomplete if we feel we belong to nothing ... .We are by nature tribal creatures who crave to share with others the common good, 32

then we are group egotists, collectivists as well as individualists ....Cause a person to believe there is something larger than himself which is his, a social unit in terms of which he partly defines himself and moreover which needs him, and his group egotism will triumph over his personal egotism every time ....if, and only if, I perceive a thing as mine, will I be proud when it prospers, ashamed when it deteriorates and indignant when it is threatened .... if a social group does not impose its rules on me and hold me responsible to it, I know it does not accept me as a member (p. 9).

Oldenquist believes the development of tribal loyalties among groups and organizations can provide a solution to the problems of growing aliena­ tion and indifference being felt in many spheres of American society today. He defines tribalism as a process of indentification, belonging, and possessiveness which promotes group loyalty. Implicit in this terra is being subjected to a set of rules which must be followed, shared responsibility, and group interaction. Carpenter (1970) also notes:

Tribal is a much misused word favored by critics of dissident youths. But I mean here neither social protest nor defiance as a search for identity. I mean something more basic, something so fundamental, so total, as to constitute a way of being in relation to life. I refer to that form of sensory programing best known from the primitive world but characterizing the electronic world as well, where the senses interpenetrate and interplay, creating a sensory concert or orchestration Dreams, myths, and rituals are all forms of total involvement. The dreamer divests himself of private identity and unites with the corporate image of his group (p. 23). 33

Ritual Studies

It was during the 1960’s that the field of ritual studies truly began. By this I refer to important changes that took place in who studied ritual, how it was studied, and what was studied. Prior to this time, ritual had primarily been explored by sociologists and anthropologists. However, at present scholars from many fields are studying ritual including folklorists, historians, theologians, psychologists, linguists, literary critics, dramatists as well as anthropologists, and sociologists. It was also during this time that the parameters of ritual were widely broadened. The rituals of contemporary western societies were viewed as well as the rituals of primal cultures, which previously had dominated the field.

Additionally, since the late 1960*s, the study of ritual and religion have become much separated. There has been an increasing interest in secular rituals, which have led to reinterpretation and application of traditional theories of ritual as well as the development of newer ones.

The earlier works of Robertson Smith, Radcliffe-Brown, Durkheim, and

Harrison have been important in this regard.

As Leach (1968) has stated,

any form of secular activity, whether practical or recreational, can be stylized into dramatic performance and made the focus of a ritual sequence. Such stylization tends to distort the secular norm in either of two directions: the emphasis may be ascetic, representing the intensification of formal restraint, or ecstatic, signifying the elimination of restraint. Ascetic and ecstatic elements are present in most ceremonial sequences, and the contrast may be part of the communication code" (p. 526). 34

Leach (1961, 1968, 1982) along with Turner (1969, 1974, 1982a,

1982b), Babcock (1978, 1982), Myerhoff (1977, 1982), Dorson (1982),

Abrahams (1978, 1982), and Grimes (1982a, 1982b) have in their own works sought to broaden the scope of ritual to more universal or cross cultural levels and applications, as van Gennep had done. They have also recognized and cited the difficulties involved in analyzing any ritual sequence due to the many intermeshed interactions which transpire simultaneously. The lessons of the too simplistic conclusions of past theories and observation has led to more open-ended explorations, which in reality have just begun to pursue the workings and meanings of rituals as they are found in all parts of the world. Leach (1982) in

Culture and Communication: The Logic by Which Symbols are Connected. describes the complexity of a ritual sequence.

What actually happens is that the participants in a ritual are sharing communicative experiences through many different sensory channels simultaneously; they are acting out an ordered sequence of metaphoric events within a territorial space which has itself been ordered to provide a metaphoric context for the play acting. Verbal, musical, chroeographic and visual-aesthetic dimensions are all likely to form components of the total message. When we take part in such a ritual we pick up all of these messages at the same time and condense them into a single experience...But the analyst must take each dimension by itself, one at a time, and it becomes almost impossible to give a really convincing account of how the different superimposed dimensions fit together to produce a single combined message. Although the receiver of a ritual message is picking up information through a variety of different sensory channels simultaneously, all these different sensations add up to just one message. It is condensations and associations of these kinds that I have in mind when I say that up to a point, a performance of orchestral music provides a helpful prototype model of what goes on in any ritual sequence (p. 41).

Perhaps the most influential figure in the study of ritual over that past two decades has been anthropologist Victor Turner. In The Forest of Symbols (1967), a series of detailed studies, he focused on the 35 complexities of ritual symbolism, developing techniques for decoding them. In contrast to Levi Strauss (1962), he stressed the multi- vocality of symbols and the grounding of meaning in experience. However it was the The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (1969) which has proved to be Turner’s most seminal work and has laid the ground for much investigation of contemporary ritual. His basic thesis is that any investigation of ritual processes can not be wholly dependent on the concept of "structure" as the sole dimenesion of analysis. One must explore the social as well as the symbolic properties of ritual. These social aspects make up what Turner calls the "liminal " aspects of ritual. Liminal conditions start during the transition periods of ritual (He expands on van Gennap’s theories of the three phases).

During the liminal stage, participants are open to a whole range of possibilitiy, feelings of flow, and experience what Turner calls

"comunitas", the symbolic interpenetration of individual and society.

Babcock (1978) in The Reversible World: Symbolic Inversion in Art and

Society believes symbolic inversions to occur in rituals during the liminal or anti-structural phases as set forth by Turner.

As Turner (1969) states:

...in order to live, to breathe, to generate novelty, human beings have had to create by structural means— spaces and times in the calendar or in the cultural cycles of their most cherished groups which cannot be captured in the classificatory nets of their quotidian, routinized spheres of action. These liminal areas of time and space— rituals, carnivals, dramas, and latterly films— are open to the play of thought, feeling and will; in them are generated new models, often fantastic, some of which may have sufficient power and plausibility to replace eventually the force-backed political and jural models that control the centers of a societies ongoing life. The anti-structural liminality provided at the cores of ritual and aesthetic forms represents the reflexivity of the social process, wherein society becomes at once subject and direct object; 36

it represents also its subjunctive mood, where suppositions, desires, hypotheses, possibilities and so forth, all become legitimate (p. vii).

Turner sees both structure and anti-structure (liminality leading to comunitas) as necessary in ritual and society.

Society seems to be a process rather than a thing— a dialectical process with successive phases of structure and communitas. There would seem to be.. .a human "need" to participate in both modalities. Persons starved of one in their functional day to day activities seek it in ritual liminality. The structurally inferior suspire to symbolic structural superiority in ritual. The structurally superior aspire to symbolic communitas and undergo penance to achieve it (p. 203).

Celebration

Turner also edited and contributed to Celebration: Studies in

Festivity and Ritual (1982a). Here his mission was to explain the social and anthropological significance of celebrations, which he and other anthropologists regard as a specific type of ritual. This concept is central to my study since art openings are, in fact, a form of celebration.

What separates celebration from other types of rituals are the sheer vivacity of the events and the fact that two different frames of behavior exist within celebrations. Framing itself identifies clearly marked times and spaces, which are enclosed either physically or figuratively within a boundary, (such as a museum, theatre, gallery, or group). Framing creates a set of expectations regarding permissiable types of behavior and conduct which should govern the demarcated place and time. Celebrations contain both ritual and play frames. The ritual frame espouses the premise "let us believe" and relates to traditions, societal structures, and institutions, authority, and liturgy. The play 37 frame utilizes the supposition "lets pretend" or "what if", and allows participants to escape from the mandated behavioral characteristics of ritual. They, thus, become open to a range of alternate possibilities which is wider in scope than that which is acceptable in society at large or the ritual frame (p. 28). There are many forms of celebration; festivals, carnivals, fetes, rites of passage and seasonal harvests among them. This study will concentrate on rites of passage, seasonal harvests and carnivals as the forms most closely allied to the art openings researched.

The term celebration is derived from the Latin "celeber" which means numerous and much frequented, and relates to the vivacity or effervescence generated by a group of people with shared purposes and common values. Turner (1982a) who has edited two definitive volumes on the subject has described celebrations as the "high tides" and "peak experiences" in social life which mark an occasion or event with ceremony and festivity. To Turner, it is the act of "commemorating what makes a group or society worthy in their own eyes" (p. 7) and the setting aside of certain times and spaces... in which the possibility of personal and communal creativity may rise...through culturally shared events (p. 11).

In this sense we can view art openings, not only as an occasion for ritualized behavior and ceremonial group worship of creative achievement, but also as an event which is often characterized by excessive or accentuated behavior, creative individuality, boasting, and overdrinking or eating, or being swept away by the multi-populated experience (play frame, also symbolic inversion). Abrahams (1982), who was also a contributor to the Celebration volume, maintains that the 38

vocabulary and motives for celebrations never change "for when we gather

together, we do so to bring out our best and our worst, sometimes

simultaneously. (Celebrations) have always been moments of high display

and even times of crass materialism" (p. 171). Symbolic inversions as

defined by Babcock (1978) play a key part in these festive events.

Despite these apparent polarities, both ritual and play frames

compatibly co-exist within the celebratory experience. It is ritual

which provides the structure for a strong sense of belonging to an

entity or group which tolerates and, in some instances, leaves space for

individual deviation and improvisation. Ritual creates an atmosphere in which society’s members can no longer percieve and fundamental conflict

between ’themselves as individuals and society and achieve what Turner

(1982a) has termed "comunitas". In celebration, private space is thus

socialized and enculturated; social space is correspondingly made

private" (p. 19).

Two other contributors to the Celebration volume have direct

pertinence to my study— Richard M. Dorson, and Barbara Myerhoff.

Dorson's (1982) study "Material Components in Celebration" suggests that material components play a key role in ritualized celebration and consist of artifacts, cultural props and properties, organization, and

setting which all contribute to the complex phenomena of a celebration.

He notes that celebrations usually fall at specific times and involve

simultaneously sacred and symbolic elements. Dorson states that all celebrations can be analyzed in terms of the universally broad material components that form vital parts of their make-up. His method was to describe and compare seven diverse types of celebrations in order to 39 isolate key components common to all. He examined as follows: The

Fiesta to the Patroness of Otuzco; La Virgin de la Puerta (Peru); the

Trinidad Carnival; Hie Grape Harvest Festival of Arpadhon, Louisiana

(U.S.A); Inewala in Swaziland, Ceremony of Kingship (S. Africa); the Car

Festival of Jagannatha, India; the Dragon Boat Festival on the Hupeh-

Hunan Plain, Central China; and Namahage in Icnomori, Japanese

Masquerade.

Central to celebrations are the sacred images which are the cause and the focus of the festivity. Some form of validation or testimonial is provided to attest to the power and importance of the images. Costume which at once honors the event being celebrated and at the same time acknowledges unique individuality and social status, is emphasized. Celebratory activities which directly provide the vivacity of the event include the multi-leveled sensory experience of a large group gathering (auditory, visual, tactile and spatial), laughter, story and joke telling, debates, and role playing. Enhancements to these festive occasions can include music, performance, readings or film.

Finally, in the mode of all ritual celebrations, there is feasting.

Barbara Myerhoff (1982) in "Rites of Passage: Process and Paradox", like Turner, accepts van Gennep's formulation of the three phases in rites of passage. She states that

because rites of passage occur at moments of great anxiety, tension, or accomplishment, they are dramatic occasions when a person is most teachable." (p. 113) and..."Rites of passage announce our separateness and individuality to us and at the same time remind us most firmly that we belong to our group and cannot conceive of an existence apart from it (p. 115). 40

Myerhoff laments the virtual absence of reliable data in anthropology of the subjective experience or ritual participants. She exposes many new forms of rites of passage in contemporary American society and is most widely known for her studies of the rituals of the aged in contemporary society, Number Our Days (1978). Myerhoff (1982) notes that in our contemporary society there are not enough public rituals that are celebrated. She makes a sound case for the "construction" of rituals and other kinds of celebrations to handle crises and alienation typical of our ep>och and social condition:

After studying one’s own and other peoples’ rituals, it is possible to decide that since these are all constructed performances, if they are not provided for us, we may provide them for ourselves.. .When we take our own lives into our own hands, we make ourselves, author of our own stories. To whom else should we commend ourselves or look to for a better spirit, a deep>er vested interest, fuller understanding or an attitude of genuine celebration (p>p. 131-2).

In contrast to Goffman (1964) who tends to view such social rituals somewhat negatively (persons are manipulated by them), Myerhoff sees definite, positive and even theraputic values of such rituals for our lives:

A view of reality and a corresponding view of self Eire thus established through ritual, creating a subjective psychological state that restructures meaning. This is the work of ritual and the way it provides solutions to problems...There is every reason to believe that rites of passage are as important now as they have always been for our social and psychological well being. Indeed given the fragmented, confusing, complex, and disorderly nature of m o d e m experience, jperhaps they are more important to orient and motivate us in the predictable and unique life crises that present themselves ...we are left to devise for ourselves the myths, rituals, and symbols needed to endow life with clarity and significance (p. 129). 41

Abrahams (1982) in "The Language of Festivals: Celebrating the

Economy" discusses the importance of seasonal harvest rites. He insists that although our contemporary society is no longer tied to its agricultural past we continue to draw upon its motives through a variety of celebrations:

Precisely because we are no longer tied so firmly, both economically and psychologically, to the yearly passage, we have been able to translate festivals into special weekend events. The techniques of observance remain the same, but their messages are launched in different contexts, and therefore they come to mean something very different to us. We continue to draw on the same vocabularies of having fun and making fun festival style: by dancing; by moving together in procession or parade; by drawing on objects and actions which are heavily layered with cultural and historical meanings; by tearing elements of the everyday world apart and then piecing and stitching them together in new forms but using old tecniques; by using the times as occasions when social and economic inequalities may be given up, when gifts are given and ties are renewed, and community of spirit becomes more important them social structure. Most of all, we enter into these fantasy worlds enthusiastically because they continue to offer times out of the ordinary, times when we can enter into our experience for its own sake, not for what it produces (pp. 162-163). 42

Secular Ritualg

Secular Rituals, co-edited by Myerhoff and Sally F. Moore <1977) was, like The Reversible World the end product of a symposium.

The conference sponsored by the Wenner-Gren Foundation for

Anthropological Research was entitled "Secular Rituals Considered:

Prolegomena towards a theory of Ritual Ceremony and Formality".

Organized by Turner and Gluckmnan, the conference and the book brought together many scholars investigating the many diverse themes of secular rituals. Those that took place in traditional societies or settings, secular healing rites; those rituals of group assemblies from all parts of the contemporary world which emphasize social or political orientation; and finally mass occassions such as dramas, games, and athletic contests, carnivals, and festivals.

The main purpose of the symposium and book was to explore the nature of non-religious ritual, ceremony and formality in social life.

According to Moore and Myerhoff (1977),

collective ritual can be seen as an especially dramatic attempt to bring some particular part of life firmly and definitely into orderly control. It belongs to the structuring side of the cultural historic process....secular ceremonies can present unquestionable doctrines and can dramatize social/moral imperatives without invoking the spirits at all (p. 3).

Secular rituals are used to present and structure a specific interpretation of social reality in a way that endows it with legitimacy. These rituals can also be viewed as an attempt to structure the way people think about social life.

Secular ceremonies are common in industrial societies and are found in all contexts. Meetings, court trials, installations, graduations, and other formal assemblies of many kinds are part of the ordinary fabric of collective social life (p. 4). 43

Studies in this volume emphasize the social meaning of ritual and the way in which ritual may initiate and shape cultural ideas. As the editors suggest, ritual may do a lot more than reflect existing social ideas, it acts to reshape them, or even help to create them. "This is particularly striking in the secular rituals of our own day, which are often put together precisely for that purpose" (p. 5).

Many contemporary rituals are designed to show a conmon bond

(even if only momentarily) or to create one.

The combination of strangers in common action certainly is one of the hallmarks of modem life. Ceremonies that make visable a collective connection with some common symbol or activity can minimize for a ceremonial moment their disconnections and conflicts in a crowd, even while depicting them" (p. 6).

Beyond that, rituals are a traditionalizing instruments which have the capacity to traditionalize new material as well as perpetuate established custom.

Some of the formal properties which mark secular ritual are as follows:

1. Repetition - either of occasion, content, or form.

2. Special behavior or stylization - setting the event apart from the mundane, actions and symbols that are special for the occasion, or ordinary ones used in unusual ways.

3. Order - an organized event, both of persons and cultural elements, moments of spontaniety and chaos, but at prescribed times and in prescribed spaces.

4. Evocative presentational style - staging, manipulation of symbols and sensory stimulii.

5. The collective dimension— occasion endowed with social meaning — its very occurance contains a social message (p. 8). 44

Ronald Grimes' (1982a) Beginnings in Ritual Studies was perhaps the most single useful book pertinent to my study. Not only because Grimes’ deals soley with contemporary secular rituals, but also because he seeks to broaden the scope of ritual to include theatre and the arts in general, much of organized social behavior, and he provides a framework for ethnographically viewing ritual as a specific phenomena quite different from many other types of events that are viewed. Grimes, unlike many other of the foremost authorities on ritual, is a professor of religion and culture. He contributed to Turner’s Celebration volume with an essay that compares a festival in New Mexico with the Actors

Exploration Project in Ontario, Canada (1982b).

In Beginnings in Ritual Studies. Grimes first deals with interpretation of ritual action, exposing as other have, how difficult it is to convincingly interpret, in words alone, the essence of any ritual action. He then proceeds to formulate some fundamental questions and categories that aid in the interpretation of it. Grimes insists that ritual studies best begin with a consideration of style rather than method or theory. The style of participation in such a field study is a joint product of scholarly methods and one’s body and values (the observer). It calls for a recognition of the observer’s feelings and self knowledge and requires that the observer "go with" the flow of a ritual enactment. It is of necessity the intersubjective part.

Method consists of the map of formal categories and questions one carries into the field. Style is the way one handles method. It is how our supposition, unconscious, deepest values, and bodily presence appropriate method, and respond to a given field situation (p. 19). 45

A summary of the categories and questions that might stem from them, which aid in the interpretation of ritual are as follows:

1. Ritual Space - where it occurs, design of space and size, history of space, other features of the setting, geographic orientation, detailing.

2. Ritual Objects - what kinds, how many, how are they used, what they symbolize, Eire they precious, works of art, air of sacredness?

3. Ritual Time - time of day, date, one time affair or recurrent, affinity to any natural cycles, relationship to ordinary social time, duration of ritual, preparation time, impact at conclusion, repeated elements, specific phEises of event.

4. Ritual Sound and Language - kinds or type of sounds, style, correlation between ritual and rhythmic patterns of sound, mood it creates, the role of silence, types of conversation Euid tone, use of the written word, etc.

5. Ritual Identity - roles and offices that are operative, transformations, modes of address, special persons recognized, treatment of specific individuals, who is present, and who is not.

6. Ritual Action - what types of action, order of occurance, which types ELre emphasized, central gestures, symbolic actions, spontaneous, formal, congruence and incongruence, repeated Eictions, senses most often used, positioning (pp. 21-32).

According to Grimes, interpreting ritual requires more than answering these questions and attending to each Category.

Interpretation requires that an interpreter take a point of view, and thus risk, by going beyond observing and reporting. Otherwise one can be lost in a maze of tiny bits of disconnected data" (p. 33).

He then proceeds to list the various points of view that one can select.

1. Description of the ritual’s phenomenology, themes, processes, and types. 2. Analysis of the ritual’s underlying structures as a symbol system. 3. Description of its sociEil functions. 4. Relation to individual and group psychology. 5. Explaining its ecological or biogenic operation. 6. Tracing historically or theologically it precedents, and consequences. 7. Entering into imaginative, sympathetic participation and centering on its style or constructing reality (p. 34).

This study focuses on the social functions of openings. 46

Grimes also cites the numerous problems in producing a satisfactory defintion of ritual that will encompass all its many phenomena. He proposes the following definition of "ritualizing" the process by which ritual creativity is exercised. "Ritualizing transpires as animated persons enact formative gestures in the face of receptivity during crucial times in founded places" (p. 55). He also offers as an alternative, Delattre's definition:

Those carefully rehearsed symbolic gestures through which we regularly go, in which we articulate the felt shape and rhythm of our own humanity and of reality as we experience it, and by means of which we negotiate the terms and conditions of our presence among, and our participation in the pluralities or realities through which our humanity makes its passage (p. 69).

These definitions are preferred to the more traditional definitions which emphasize the sacred, the traditional, the intentional, and formalized because they recognize the emergent or originative moments of ritual, its ability to change, and to be spontaneous. Grimes and Turner regard ritual as a process. Rituals are bo m , die, and go through dramatic transformations. The remainder of Beginnings in Ritual

Studies consists of specific studies of ritual in the theatre and festivals, which Grimes chronicles with a hermeneutical style of participant observation technique.

Lastly, some mention must be given to Robert Plant Armstrong's book

The Powers of Presence: Consciousness. Myth, and Affecting Presence

(1981). Although this book primarily deals with the search for a universal aesthetic that would unite primitive art with the art of western culture, much of his argument pertains to ritual. Armstrong claims that there are specific powers which give a work of art presence. 47

These are the "powers of invocation" and "the powers of virtuosity".

The powers of invocation pertain primarily to primal works of art, which attain presence and validity by being "invoked" through ritual. Powers of virtuosity refer to excellence and the autonomous formal qualities that we admire in western art. However the powers of invocation have become routine in the western world els "virtuous" works sure enshrined in museums and galleries, given special attention, cared for, validated through testimonials and ceremonies in a similar way to the the way art works are ritually treated in primitive societies. Going back to the

Durkheimian models, Armstrong maintains that any art work has presence because of the special way it is treated. He states:

There is in the behavioral context, something even more of the syndesis of invocation to the museum: the opening night when the guests are libated in honor of the works, and ritual foods are consumed; the days after when the critics who were in attendance either admit or deny the works installation into the mysterious world of art...A work’s powers means its ability to stand in an estate of increased affect owing to its having been (or being) added to (pp. 14-15).

Works of art are enriched through praise of originality, the artists genius, ceremony of communal significance and validation by the proper persons. "And insofar as that which is added is of the nature of essences els defined by the culture, it is packed with the most powerful distillates of consciousness itself" (p. 15). It was this book that formed the original inspiration for my study. CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK

Intent and Focus

Art openings, a persistant cultural feature of an arts community, have seldom if ever been explored in a serious manner for what they contain and reveal (see introduction to the study). As both a participant and planner of numerous opening receptions over the years, I have come to realize that art openings exhibit more than works of art.

They also exhibit the elements and characteristics of ritual. Further, they function as cohesive (tribal) rites for specific groups within a community.

The focus of this study was to primarily research art openings in three diverse settings in order to determine whether they contained the characteristics which mark rituals. Since the majority of researched studies of rituals consisted of ethnographic accounts, it was reasonable to develop and utilize an ethnographic framework for investigating art openings. This necessitated research beyond studies of rituals, to > specific references on ethnographic methods with pertinence to the problems and logistical concerns of this study. Upon arriving at a workable methodological framework, selected ethnographic methods were utilized for collecting data on art openings at three exhibition sites in one metropolitan area over the course of a years time. Additional

48 49 research of historical and critical writings on art and ritual, sociological perspectives on culture, art and the contemporary art world, as well as the researcher’s emic knowledge and experience of the settings were also utilized to provide an overall contextual view of these events.

It was planned that analysis and comparison of the collected data with previously researched accounts of rituals (particularly secular rituals studied in complex contemporary societies) would create a case for viewing art openings as a specific type of celebratory tribal ritual within a typical contemporary urban community.

Emic Research

The Insider Approach and the Use of Personal Experience

Within the ethnographic field there is recognition of two view points and approaches: the insider approach (emic-native point of view) and the outsider approach (etic-stranger point of view). The basic etic approach has been the traditional one. It is the stance taken by an outsider (a researcher who embarks upon a field study by entering into an unfamiliar situation) immersing his/herself in the total experience of the setting (in order to obtain the natives point of view) while never losing sight of the process, educational considerations or concepts, and the ethical ramifications that exist beyond that experience (Edmonston, 1983). However, equally valid and growing at this point in time, is the other view-point and method— that of the researcher who is a "native" of the setting to be explored— an individual who possesses emic knowledge. Over the last two decades, there have been numerous studies by natives of specific settings who 50 have been trained as researchers and gone back to study the setting of which they were originally a part (De Matta, 1977: Hightower, 1976,

1977, 1978; Obomsawin, 1977; Jacobs, 1971; Anderson, 1978).

Whyte (1984) cites the cases of Tom Germano and Timothy Kennedy in this regard. Germanos’ situation was similar to my own. He was employed in his long term occupation (US Post Office in New York City) long before he began his formal graduate work in sociology, and was a key figure in a major postal strike. It was this event and the changing nature of labor relations in that service that became the focus of his doctoral dissertation in the form of an ethnographic study (pp. 31-32).

The Sky River project (Kennedy, 1982) did not begin as research, but its creator, Timothy Kennedy, is using it for his doctoral thesis. He began to work in Alaska as a VISTA volunteer and then extended his stay with the Eskimos eleven years to work on organization and community development projects (p. 174).

These activities predated any research intentions. Within the field of art education, the doctoral dissertations of Edmonston (1961), Field

(1979), and Adler (1977) constitute ethnnographic studies from an insider’s point of view.

Most germaine to the situations faced in my study is the volume

Anthropologists at Home in North America: Methods and Issues in the

Study of One’s Own Society (Messerschmidt, 1981). In his introduction, the author explains that the ever expanding field of insider research is known by many other names as well, among them: autoethnography, indigenous anthropology, native research, introspective research, incultural research, and peer-group research. His aim as editor was to bring together the works of a number of authorities who are applying innovative uses of ethnography to non-traditional research problems and 51 settings in our own complex contemporary society.

Messerschmidt states that insider research is both timely and appropriate in exploring "issues that confront our own people, professions, and careers" (p. 4). He demonstrates that the studies offered by the contributing researchers illustrate how traditional ethnographic methods can be adapted with flexibility and sometimes in novel ways to meet the needs of addressing new social problems (p. 6).

In addition to providing insight into a whole range of contemporary settings which can be explored through the use of diverse ethnographic techniques, this volume was unique in that each author shared a full description of his/her methods of collecting data as well as problems encountered in the field. Some of the methods and innovations devised by Bohanan (1981), Hennigh (1981), Sieber (1981), and Wolcott (1981) were applied to this study. Other primary sources for ethnographic methods utilized in this study were Dobbert (1982), Wax (1971), Wolcott

(1974), and Edgerton & Langness (1974).

As noted by Aguilar (1981), there are both profound advantages and disadvantages in being a native of the situation under study, just as there are profound advantages and disadvantages to being an outsider entering into strange territory. Ideally, all researchers engaging in ethnographic projects, whether natives or strangers, should seek to find a balance between emic (socialized) and etic (intersubjective) points of view (Wax, 1971; Dobbert, 1982). However, by virtue of their inherently different relationship to the setting under study, each type of researcher must adopt a somewhat different method for gaining this equilibrium. The outsider must seek out the contexts and framework of 52

relationships and symbols in order to fully understand and translate the

native point of view. While the native who knows well the contexts and

framework of relationships, must learn to step outside of his/her

personal or group goals in order to fully view patterns and structures

and develop a more objective distancing to the situation (Wax 1971;

Messerschmidt, 1981; Aguilar, 1981).

In the case of my study, I am a native of the sub-culture and

settings I seek to research and explore. The city of Columbus, the arts

community, and the arts organizations that populate it have defined my

personal and professional life for over a decade. Since all of the

settings I have studied are located in the Central Ohio area, and I have

had prolonged intimate involvement working with all of the prominent

visual arts organizations in the city, as well as extensive involvement

with the city’s civic life, I have the emic knowledge of both relevant

contexts and relationships with regards to the study. (Kelm, 1981a,

1981b, 1982, 1984, 1985, 1987a, 1987b). Thus the advantages as well as

the cautions in regard to emic knowledge have particular relevance to

this research problem. While Aguilar (1981) has noted that ethnocentrism can be encountered in both insider and outsider research, nevertheless the opportunity for personal bias based on past experience

is a potential problem for the emic researcher. Dobbert (1982) states that the researcher must constantly check observations for evidence of personal bias and predjudice. In the case of my study, shortly after the selction of sites (described below) I engaged in some self analysis.

I made note of some of the perceptions and biases I would have, due to my past experience and position in the arts community. Throughout the 53 course of data collection, I periodically reviewed, these notations and compared them with suspect observations.

According to Messerschmidt (1981), another way to overcome personal bias and tainted perceptions "is to let the native informants speak as much for themselves as possible" (p. 9). Thus I employed a wide variety of interviews from formal taped interviews averaging from one to two hours, to short informal and spontaneous interviews with participants during specific opening receptions. Also recorded were the dialogues of what Gwaltney (1981) refers to as "folk seminars"— small discussion groups that take place in more private places. This was a method relied on heavily by this author in his study of an urban core

Black community. A good deal of informal networking was done, as utilized by Aamodt (1981) to obtain community perceptions of each event and the facilities hosting them.

Another method for checking potential biases, not overlooking the too familiar, and attaining that all important distancing according to

Dobbert (1982), is to interview newcomers to this type of event, contrasting their perceptions with those of the natives. This technique was also utiltized during the course of the study.

Lastly, virtually all the sources researched caution about potential ethical problems arising from the use of informants and the need for the researcher to protect the groups or organizations under study from damaging or negative effects of the completed account. Granting anonymity when it is wise to do so must be considered. But beyond that for the inside researcher there are other potential pitfalls. Due to their inside position, they often have access to information that might 54 not have been shared with them in their role as researcher. Information obtained prior to embarking upon this research project had to be checked out with all available sources. In some instances I had been told things that I never would have been told if it were known that the information would become part of a study. I stressed to all informants during the course of research that despite my former role in the arts community, I was now addressing them as a researcher engaged in a study.

With people I knew well it sometime proved difficult for them to be aware of, or believe that distinction during our conversations in spite of my cautions. This apparently is not uncommon. Both Sieber (1981) and Graham (1981), as inside researchers, experienced similar problems in their studies. Thus, in my case, often the task was to make decisions about potentially sensitive or even damaging commentary even when it was freely given.

This type of- commentary involved such matters as naming specific individuals as the cause of past problems, biased negative opinions about other organizations, past personnel, or artists. It also pertained to hard feelings and innuendos resulting from disputes, infighting, and negative publicity which are not generally a part of public knowledge.* Since political undercurrents such as these are fairly standard in most fields and added little to the research problem at hand, it would not have been ethically wise to have included them.

On the positive side there are a number of profound advantages to the researcher as an insider of the setting to be studied. As Gwaltney

(1981) notes: "Knowledge of any culture is a prime factor in the relevant translation of anthropological data into profoundest 55

meaning... .all anthroplogy strives for the inside view" (pp. 50-1). To

which Dobbert (1982) adds that active participation with those being

studied is crucially important to achieve the complete perspective of

individuals involved in the situation. It enables the researcher to

answer such questions as: "How does it feel? Why must you do this?

How do you look upon, think about, and react to other participants?

How do they look at you?" (p. 7). According to Dobbert the aim of

ethnography is "to obtain humanistic data about what someplace is like

from the insider’s point of view" (p. 8).

As an insider to the research settings, I had the advantage of

saving a great deal of research time during the initial stages of the

study that would have been expended by the outsider. I did not need

time to acclimate or orient myself to the settings. Nor did I have the

usual outsider problems of establishing rapport and trust of personnel within the settings, or finding the best and most appropirate

individuals to serve as informants. Hennigh (1981) takes a novel approach to insider research in his study of an unpredicted community-

school crisis in a rural Oregon town. This author justifies his becoming his own key informant in this non-traditional field study by using his own knowledge and insights into a specific community’s life as a principal research tool.

He concludes that researchers dealing with the intimately familiar

in their own society cannot avoid becoming one of their own informants.

Hennigh states that the fieldworker pretending to become a stranger to

familiar people and places "is an arbitrary contrivance" (p. 121). The author’s argument is that it is costly folly to not use the perfectly 56 valid insights of deep personal experience with a setting as key informant data. He defines a key informant in traditional terms as a person who is regarded as a "community resource...active in community affairs" and one who "assumes a leadership role" (p. 123). Further, key informants have access to information, can approach other key informants easily and confidently, and are significant members of the community under study. If the researcher qualifies as a key informant, and utilizes her personal experience and knowledge to inform the study, a contextual perspective can be achieved. The combined key informant- researcher, according Hennigh, comprehends the entire system and is therefore able to place component parts or fragments into their proper perspective. The outsider, on the other hand, must piece together fragments in order to get a view of the overall system. The researcher as key informant also sharply increases the data gathering opportunities.

In keeping with Hennigh*s observations and experience, in the case of my study there was also no way to avoid my becoming one of my own informants without engaging in formal pretense. 57

Selection of Sites

In order to preserve the in-depth contextual nature of ethnographic research one must observe from a framework of relationships and settings. Ethnographic studies do not just concentrate on events, but are concerned with the whole contextual orientation of those events.

The overall cultural system for my study is the Columbus, Ohio community. Columbus has been used extensively as a test market for numerous commercial enterprises, and is generally referred to as a typical American city. The diversity of types of arts facilities and the manageable size of the city made it suitable for this study as well.

This urban center has also experienced unprecedented growth over the past ten years as well as an interest in economic and cultural development. Efforts towards the rejuvenation of the downtown area have had a discernable impact on all art activities including the researched exhibition sites. Thus the interactions between specific events and the influences from wider contexts surrounding them became traceable through currently available documentation.

Art openings of any kind cannot be researched without major reference to the institutions that host them, any more than Wolcott’s

(1974) study of an elementary school principal could be researched without major consideration of the school in which he functioned.

Taking this one step further, as Wolcott notes, the focus of any study must be viewed within its total context so that it is "contextualized not only in terms of the formally organized institution, but also in terms of lives of human beings interacting within the context of a broader cultural milieu" (p. 177). Just as Wolcott’s study explored 58 the network of social, family, and community settings in relation to the key focus of the principal, this study also reflects similar interactions and influences essential to its being. Openings as a focus were regarded as interacting components of the larger cultural system.

Taking Wolcott’s model and applying it to this study, its scope included the behaviors and influences from wider contexts that interacted with such events in the course of professional and communal associations and responsibilities. These included: the organizer of each opening reception, the environment of the facility itself, associated personnel, other arts professionals, practicing artists, volunteers, audience members (from many sectors) and influential outsiders (the media, civic groups, art councils, etc.) "These roles and the interactions filling them are the human element of a cultural system" (Wolcott, 1974, p. 177).

In this case, the concern is with the interactions of one community in relation to a specific type of art event.

As Dobbert (1982) states, the focus of ethnographic research is on

patterns...that relate ideas to each other, to people and to material objects, people to people, groups to groups, and tools and jobs to all of these (p. 39).

She further notes:

One need not examine all culture in all detail for every surrounding context: one need only examine relevant aspects of cultural context, this requires bounding of the problem (p. 56).

Relevance is bounded by the values participants hold from larger contexts that they bring into the situation under study. The boundary for any context in relation to the focus of the study, is where field work techniques will lead the researcher. Dobbert concludes that one can exclude from any study, pursuit of cultural questions that do not 59 seem to have direct bearing on the study.

After careful study of all available exhibition sites that regularly hold art openings in the metropolitan area (through city cultural event guides, media calendars of events, etc.), I decided to focus on three settings. This number was chosen for two reasons. Firstly, it was felt, after reading a number of ethnographic studies, that this was the maximum number that could be comfortably handled given the logistics of studying multiple events at each setting and the time frame available to complete the actual fieldwork. With reference to this number, I used

Sieber’s (1981) study of school-community relations at three different schools within one community. Secondly, I wanted to include some representation of the diverse types of exhibition sites that regularly hold opening receptions. There are three basic established broad categories of these facilities (found in most gallery or cultural guides) They are: art museums, commercial galleries, and non-profit or artist run galleries. Through professional and personal experience, as well as background research, I was aware that each type of facility is likely to attract a different type of audience and often targets its development strategies towards specific audience segments. Further, each also specializes in showcasing particular types of art and creates a different type of atmosphere for viewing it.

There was little difficulty in selecting a site from each of the three categories. Basic criteria for selection and the availability of resources virtually limited my selection to one choice in each category.

In order to accomplish this study I needed to find sites that had some longevity, established patterns, and history so that they would be 60 fairly well-known in wider contexts. Organizations just getting started, in flux or transitions, or relatively new are not good choices for such a study, since documentation desirable to augment and complement other ethnographic techniques would either be erroneous or non-existant. Since the city only boasts one art museum, the Columbus

Museum of Art was selected. Gallery 200 was chosen as the city’s oldest and most widely known commercial gallery. And Artreach fit the bill as being both an artist run and non-profit gallery— the only one filling both descriptions with any longevity in the city. Ease of access and spirit of cooperation from key personnel in charge also played an important part in the selection process. The preparation for field work during the last 6 months of 1985 consisted of gathering background materials on all three sites. Over the course of 1986 I studied 6 art openings at each of the three settings and also observed and recorded the activities and happenings surrounding these events utilizing the ethnographic methods described as follows. 61

Rationale for the Use of Ethnographic Methods in this Study

As stated previously, since accounts of ritual have been generally written as ethnographies, in order to favorably compare art openings to rituals, it is advantageous to utilize the same type of methodology.

Further, those sources that have explored a wide variety of contemporary festivities and celebrations in order to create a viable argument for such events to be viewed as rituals also utilized this methodology, specifically Goffman (1967), Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face

Behavior; Grimes (1982), Beginnings in Ritual Studies; Moofe and

Myerhoff (1977), Secular Rituals; and Turner (1982) Celebration:

Studies in Festivity and Ritual.

As Dorson (1982) suggests, almost every celebration in our society could be selected for such a study, and specialists in the United States have only begun to research and report on celebrations. Myerhoff

(1982), Grimes (1982), and Geertz (1973), have also urged the need for more studies of this nature in our culture. Although Dorson also cautions that such events do not easily lend themselves to ethnography in view of their multiple and varying elements, he, Grimes (1982), and

Geertz (1973) suggest that ethnographic methods may be the only way of retaining the contextual integrity of such events, preferrable to abstracting data and isolating characteristics through quantitative means. Sieber (1981), echoing this view, concludes his study with an argument for the utility of participant-observation as a core methodological technique in the study of culturally complex urban settings which emphasize face to face multi-levels of behavior. 62

Ethnographic Techniques

Collecting Data

There are a wide variety of techniques employed by ethnographers to bring out multiple views of reality. I am limiting the discussion to those that most directly lent themselves to this research problem and thus were utilized in this study.

Background Research

In order to create a contextual framework for the study, background research was initially done to obtain information on past history, development, key personnel, and community significance. Most important in this regard were articles, announcements, and reviews in the local media; the city’s major newspapers, neighborhood and downtown newspapers, city guides, the regional art journal, the local arts newspapers, magazine articles from city and state wide publications, and for two of the three sites, periodically distributed organizational newsletters and calendars. Also researched were press releases, gallery notes, grant reports (where applicable), and promotional brochures.

Personal extensive experience with all three facilities was also of key value in background research. The information was necessary for descriptions of art openings at each setting.

Recording the Setting and Interactions with Personnel

Upon entering each site I began by recording the setting, noting the physical patterns and structure as well as the surrounding environment.

Note taking began with my initial contact of the key personnel who would 63 play a large role in access to the events under study. I recorded the

reactions to my research request on small note pads. In all three settings there was a great interest and spirit of cooperation in my study. However the manner in which I was treated, (ie. the levels of formality, informality, and organization) differed substantially at each of the three sites and had implications for my findings. I took censuses— noting all personnel and determining rhythms that governed regular action sequences; exhibition schedules and the calendar governing when and how the opening receptions would occur, as well as the rationale for setting this type of cycle. Time and motion data noting processes and interactions were also recorded by constructing a time line for opening events.

This sequencing of data collection largely follows the models set up by Wolcott (1974) and Dobbert (1982). As Dobbert notes, the researcher must take nothing for granted. In this regard, it is important to note that in the introduction of my intent, I stated to each of the personnel involved that my desire was to research and observe the special events designed to accompany the opening of exhibitions. I did not share my hypothesis (suspecting that these events might coincide with the characteristics of ritual). As both Sieber (1981) and Dobbert (1982) note, hypotheses exist to be either confirmed or denied throughout the course of research. To have shared my beliefs with personnel at the inception of field study would have possibly colored their own perceptions and tainted the research process. 64

Participant Observation

It should be noted that the descriptions of participant-observation and informant-interviewing have been separated here into distinct functions for ease of explanation. In practice however, they were integrated throughout the field study.

There exist many diverse definitions of participant-observation.

Perhaps the best way to describe it however, is in its distinction from pure participation at one end of the spectrum and pure observation at the other. Rather, it seeks to find an equilibrium between the emic/etic views of observational research. A participant-observer systematically organizes information from a framework of social science theory and methodology. Many participant-observers utilize recording sheets divided into sections based on categories and classifications of behavior and patterns that are germaine to the research problem under study. In this regard I adopted Turner’s (1982) model for investigating the three levels of meaning in celebrations as follows:

1. The Exegetical Level— what does this event mean to its organizers and participants?

2. The Operational Level— observing what participants actually do, beyond what is said, their behavior towards art objects and each other. Who is present and who is not.

3. The Positional Level— a gestalt view, the meaning material components of celebration (including art) derives from its relationship with other symbols in the configuration- -central or marginal position in contrast to others. Position is related to time as well as space (pp. 18-22). 65

In regard to the Exegetical Level, interviews were employed with a variety of informants. Specialists (organizers of the event and observers of the art scene in the city) were interviewed prior to and after selected specific events, in order to ascertain their perceptions of its significance or importance and in general how they felt about it.

At openings where the exhibiting artists were present, they were interviewed (as the specialists were), and in certain instances these dialogues continued after the event itself was over. Participants were randomly selected during the events for interviews of a less structured casual nature in keeping with the general ambiance of the event itself.

This line of questioning was targeted towards obtaining background information on individuals, their motivations for attending the event, and their perception of its relevance to themselves, the organization in question, and the community.

With reference to the Operational Level, observation centered around patterns of behavior exhibited towards art work in the setting, conversational interactions, patterned movement within the setting, modes of attire, a general demographic overview of the types of participants present, and any key figures absent.

Observations tinder the Positional Level consisted of an overall view of the installation of the exhibition in the setting, noting the placement of art work in relation to the participant audience, strategic positioning of other material components and props, where participants and key personnel tended to congregate, space that seemed to be avoided, the general flow of activity in the space, and the sense of timing involved in the elements of the event as a whole. Notes, photographs, 66 and floor plans of each space were utilized here.

While the participant-observer often joins in the situation as a learner in order to elicit a native’s point of view, she will also periodically abstract herself from the situation to review the information recorded from a more objective position. At this time, the researcher seeks to generate more questions from the data for further observation, while continually checking observation for personal bias.

As Dobbert (1982) notes within the continuum of participant-observation, each researcher must decide, based on her personal style and the research problem at hand, whether to emphasize the participation or the observation ends of the process to obtain predetermined goals. This author also suggests that in projects of short duration, or when the researcher has a great deal of emic internalization, that more of the observational end of the scale is best utilized. This suggestion was heeded and to aid as a check, as well as for ease of interpretation, recording sheets divided down the center began to be utilized midway through the project.

On one side were recorded emic perceptions and on the other, etic observations regarding the same situation.

In retrospect, given the number of categories and items to record in this process, it is not surprising that the level of difficulty in recording all the details of an individual event was substantial, because the relationship® as well as the participants were continually changing during a two to three hour time span. This difficulty was compounded by another unforeseen problem. During my first experiences with participant-observation at all three sites, my notetaking was continually interrupted and often became the focus of attention. Many 67 individuals I knew professionally came and inquired as to why I was taking notes. Other participants let me know in a variety of ways that this activity seemed to be an invasion of the social occasion. This not only disrupted my observation of the events at hand, but also sometimes changed the character of the interactions and behaviors. Since the goal of ethnographic techniques is to disturb or alter the setting as little as possible, this necessitated the development of more covert means of recording. Photographic documentation which I started with had to be kept to a minimum. My note pads became smaller and smaller, and during some events I abandoned note pads all together in favor of a very small pocket tape recorder. My trips to rest rooms increased to straighten out cryptic jottings and record undisturbed some of the more lengthy commentaries. These problems in recording observations caused some difficulty in transcribing my hurried scribblings and breathless ramblings on tape. In retrospect, the situation made me establish a disciplined reviewing process which actually aided data collection. I routinely added objective observations in a more neutral environment, and double checked whether I had captured its essence immediately

I following the event.

As Sieber (1981) has noted, sometimes the problems encountered in doing participant-observation enable the researcher to see certain features of the setting that might otherwise elude them. To which

Aguilar (1981) citing Srinivas points out that the problems faced by research may wind up being "sources of insight as well as error" (p. 26).

In experiencing this situation, it became quite apparent that note taking was not an appropriate behavior at an opening. Not only was it 68 not appropriate, it wasn’t tolerated. While note taking of all types by students and art lovers takes place during regular exhibition hours, it definitely seemed to be a tabu at openings, and I became subject to the same types of peer disapproval reserved for other deviants within this social setting.

Given the problems that I encountered during the course of one opening, it was crucial that I had decided upon observing six openings at each setting within a year’s time. This gave me the advantage of clarifying some fuzzy perceptions, and answering some important questions raised during a previous opening. It also gave me the opportunity to observe the continuity of certain perceived patterns, attend to elements previously missed, and to contrast discontinuities that were found in successive openings. At each successive opening in the same setting, I made comments in the margins of my notes on how the diverse elements of a particular opening were similar or different from a previous one.

At each site I scheduled my participant-observation experiences of openings as compatibly as possible in relation to seasonal times of the year. Background research for all three facilities revealed a belief in certain seasonal peaks and valleys with regard to attendance patterns.

I also tried to observe a broad variety of the types of shows each site had to offer. My observation schedule appears in Table 1.

During the earliest of the observation experiences, data collection was far more open. At first I collected a wide variety of potentially relevant data, trying to increase my own understanding of the totality of a complex situation. Dobbert (1982) refers to this as being "open" 69 TABLE 1 Observation Schedule

Columbus Museum of Art Gallery 200 Artreach

WINTER

Feb 6, 1986 6-8pm Jan 19, 1986 3-6pm Feb 1, 1986 6-9 pm VIP Special Preview Opening reception Opening reception (CAS) American Folk Art Jenny Floch-Pottery Contemporary Art Series Corporately Sponsored Joseph Floch-Painting Michelle Gamundi, Matisse Prints & Bronzes installation 18 C. French Painting Ruth Bercaw, Drawings Feb 8, 1986 6-8 pm Regular Members Reception SAB SPRING

June 3, 1986 6-8 pm May 18, 1986 4-7 pm Apr 5, 1986 6-9 pm Columbus Art League Jim Mellick-sculpture Annual Every Members Show Exhibition Sr. Linda Fowler- quilts SUMMER

Jul 19, 1986 6-8 pm Jun 16, 1986 4-7 pm Aug 2, 1986 6-10pm Wayne Thiebaud Roman Johnson-painting Metro at Artreach Paintings & African Art Group Exhibition (mostly student) AUTUMN

Sep 13, 1986 6-8pm Sep 7, 1986 4-7pm Sep 6, 1986 5-6pm Award in the Visual Christopher Ries, Member & Media Preview Arts 5, & Crystal Sculpture & (Invitational) Saul Steinberg Alexander Vertikoff 6-10pra Photography General Public Opening Zita Sodeika, The Berlin Wall, A Multi-Media experience. Harry Melroy, Painting

Nov 8, 1986 6-8 pm Nov 2, 1986 4-7 pro Nov 1, 1986 5-6pm Choice by Choice Wayne Trapp-sculpture Member & Media preview Celebrating Notable Raymond Chomeau, 6-10pm Acquisitions Painting General Public Opening 16th Anniversary Debra Glann, Prints Celebration Sally Bennett, Painting

Dec 4, 1986 5-7pm Dec 7, 1986 2-6pm Dec 6, 1986 5-6 pm Special Reception Tribal Art of Member & Media Preview in honor of West Africa & 6-10pm Budd & Julia Bishop Selected American General Public Opening Art Sun-Hee J. Kwon, Painting Jonathon Gilbert, installation 70 research and appropriate for the beginnings of a research project (p. 52).

Wolcott (1981) distinguished this type of data collection referring to the notes taken as being a "journal" rather than "field notes" (p. 256).

A journal consists of diary-like notes about everything and anything in the setting. After my initial forays in the field, my observations became more focused. Permanent elements that went relatively unchanged no longer needed to be recorded and other observations, tangential to emerging patterns became relegated to the background. At this point recording of information became more systematic as the body of information on particularly important areas accumulated (Bohanan, 1981).

Turner’s model for investigation became honed down to specific focused questions.

What types of patterns are demonstrated during these events? Why do people attend these events? What kinds of activities & behaviors do they exhibit in these settings? How does the physical setting & the positioning of material components and props enforce or influence these activities & behaviors? What kinds of people attend? How do participants know how to act? What are the relationships between the organizers of the event, the arts community, & the community at large? What do the participants get out of the experience?

Subsequently during the fall exhibition season of 1986, additional ethnographic techniques were adopted in conjunction with participant- observation in order to broaden the overall contextual framework and to bring out more of a multi-view of reality (experience) as described below. 71

Informant Interviewing

Since ideas, beliefs and attitudes cannot be directly observed, but only inferred through behaviors, and therefore not with certainty,

informants are routinely used in ethnographic methods. Informants not only help in bringing out the emic point of view and supplying the reason behind certain actions, but they also assist because one researcher cannot be in all plaices at one time. Participant-observation and informant interviewing act as a system of checks and balances for the accurate recording of information. Sometimes an action not understood by a researcher can be brought to light through an informant.

Conversely, some informant statements may contrast significantly with the behaviors observed. As Dobbert (1982) notes,

some patterns or regularities in relations discovered in ethnographic research will be overt, for the members of the group will know about them and be able to explain them; and others will be covert, with regularities not being recognized by group members. It is the ethnographer’s task to discover the importance of patterns of both types and then to interpret the patterns (p. 39).

Alternately, there also Eire situations when an informants perceptions are prejudicial.

For these reasons, many different types of informants were engaged for this study. Key informants Eire persons strategically placed in regards to the central premise of the study. In the case of this study, key informants were drawn from: (1) organizers of the events,

(2) artists exhibiting, (3) audience members, and (4) influential members of arts community. As Dobbert notes "a key informant may in fact supply the bulk of the data for a study, but never all of the data" (p. 115). The key informant interviews for this study were 72 formal. Either through letter or phone call, an appointment was scheduled for the interview. While a question sheet was prepared for the interview, the questions were open ended and not leading. As

Dobbert states "with an informant, the basic aim is to determine what patterns the informant sees and considers important enough to bring up"

(p. 115).

Latitude was given for spontaneous questions and explanations that arose during the course of the interview. In most of these sessions the interviews were occasionally sidetracked to related topics (that the interviewer had not thought about) which proved enlightening in themselves. These interviews were recorded on tape and averaged between one and a half to two hours in length. Key informant interviews were obtained from the following: the Director and Special Events Coordinator of the Columbus Museum of Art, the Director of Gallery 200, and at

Artreach, the president of the Board of Trustees, and the Program

Director. A total of 10 artists exhibiting at the three sites were interviewed. Additionally, four arts professionals, long time "culture watchers" in the city and frequent attenders at art openings were also interviewed. All four of these key informants are strategically placed within the arts community. The basic question guide formats for these interviews were adopted from the suggestions of Dobbert (1982) and

Wolcott (1974) and appear in Tables 2, 3, and 4.

Other (ancillary) informants were used to provide reliability checks, to obtain compatible or oppiositional data, and to help provide more of a multi-view of the events. Within this category associated personnel, volunteers, former associates, other artists, arts 73 TABLE 2

General Question Format — Organizers of Events

1. In your view, what is the purpose of an art opening? Why do you have them?

2. Your openings? What kinds of preparations/concerns, and planning are necessary for an art opening?------changes or adjustments necessary to accomodate mass audience on these occasions?

3. How would you describe your openings? What kinds of things have you observed?

4. What are some of the important elements that contribute to a "successful" opening?

5. Do all of your openings take place at a specific time and/or day? If so, how and why did you choose that time?

6. Have ever broken with routine time and/or format? What changes if any did you note?

7. Do you attend openings at other spaces?

8. What was the most memorable opening you had? What was memorable about it?

9. Can you think back to the first opening you ever attended? What about that experience stands out in your mind?

10. Who makes up the "regulars" in attendance at your openings? Ideally, who would you like to see attend?

11. What do you think the reasons are that people attend openings?

12. Does the nature of an opening (success or failure) have any implications for the exhibition itself? (influence on attendance during regular exhibition hours.)

13. Is an opening different when the artist(s) is (are) present, compared to when they are not?

14. Ask specific questions from participant observation of the opening just prior to the interview.

15. Ask specific questions about the upcoming exhibiton opening currently being planned. 74

TABLE 3

General Question Format — Artists

1. In your view, what is the purpose of an art opening? Do we need to have them?

2. As an artist, what does an opening reception for an exhibition of your works mean to you?

3. How do you feel about this opening?

4. In your view what constitutes a "good" opening of your shows?

5. What kinds of things have you observed at your openings?

6. Is it important for certain people to be present at your openings? Who?

7. How does this opening compare to others you have had?

8. Do you attend other openings? Where? Why?

9. What do people do at openings?

10. What was the most memorable opening you've had? What made it memorable?

11. Have you ever had what you would term a disappointing opening? What made it not meet your expectations?

12. How do you feel right before an opening for your works?

13. Can you think back to your first opening? What about the ejqperience stands out in your mind?

14. What do you think are the reasons that people attend openings?

15. Do you believe that the nature of an opening has any implications for your exhibition as a whole?

16. Ask specific questions about participants (who certain people are?) and activities observed at this opening. 75

TABLE 4

General Question Format — Culture Watchers

1. In your view, what is the purpose of an art opening? Why do we have them?

2. If you were trying to explain what an art opening is about to someone who had never experienced one, how would you describe it?

3. Arts people always talk about having attended a "good opening". What constitutes a "good opening"?

4. What makes a bad or unsuccessful opening?

5. What are the criteria that determine whether or not you will attend an opening?

6. What kinds of things have you observed at openings? What do people do? Are there specific elements that you’ve observed at an art opening?

7. What was the most memorable opening you attended? What was memorable about it?

8. Can you think back to the first opening you ever attended? What about that experience stands out in your mind?

9. You have attended many openings in many different spaces in this city. Which openings do you enjoy attending the most, and why?

10. Can you comment on the types of openings you have attended at the Museum, Gallery 200, and Artreach. In what ways are they similar or different? (Bring in specifics from observations of openings they have attended at each of these sites.)

11. What are the reasons that people attend openings?

12. Do you feel that the nature of an opening has any imnpact on an exhibition as a whole? 76 administrators, and new audience members were interviewed. As Dobbert

(1982) notes, it is important to include as ancillary informants those with opposing views to those of the key informants in order to obtain a greater overall view, since key informants often develop close relationships with the researcher (p.116). Ancillary informants for this study were engaged more conversationally rather than through a formal interview format. As both Wolcott (1974) and Dobbert (1982) suggest questions of these informants are generally fewer, but more focused, concentrating on their perceptions during a specific opening, their opinions of the hosting facility and/or its key personnel. Most were engaged randomly during the course of participant observation at a specific opening. A number approached me as they would approach any friend or acquaintance on such a social occasion. Others I sought out, if they looked particularly disengaged or new to the situation.

Additionally, as mentioned previously, I recorded the perceptions of a number of members of the arts community during "folk seminars"

(Aguilar, 1981). The occasions of this data gathering were "arts parties" attended by a variety of artists, arts administrators and art patrons in individual homes. These sessions were recorded on Oct 12,

1986, Dec 13, 1986, and Jan 24, 1987. The number of informants ranged from three to five. I initiated the discussions by explaining my research project and referring to the openings recently observed at my three exhibition sites. Informants spoke freely about a number of openings as well as their perceptions regarding each exhibition sites’ contribution to the community. While the discussions sometimes became a little off beat, they always proved insightful in regards to community 77

context.

Throughout the fall 1986 season, I intensified and diversified my

ethnographic methods in order to create a full picture of the overall

events. In conjunction with the above methods, I also conducted an

event analysis, traced social networks, employed an outsider's

point of view, and engaged in systematic observations.

Event Analysis

A particularly useful technique, if a researcher is studying an

event is the event analysis. It is an extremely efficient technique

that is viewed as an aspect of participant-observation. Kemp’s study of

a school carnival cited by Dobbert (1982) utilizes event analysis (p.

174-7). Event analysis concentrates on the processes internal to, and

surrounding an event (the structure of the situation). It utilizes data

(gathered through background research, participant-observation, and

interviews) to reconstruct the history of earlier events and the stages

which led up to the present event and frames such questions as: Who

were all the parties responsible for the event and what roles did they play? Who are the primary supporters of this event? In studying the

event itself the researcher concentrates on three to four central

groups. In my study, observation centered around key personnel of the

site, well known arts people and primary patrons in attendance. As the

event unfolded other questions explored included: 78

What made the event legitimate, so that people would participate? In what ways does this event parallel events in the larger community? Who received invitations to the event? How are mailing lists determined? What kinds of responsibility in the wider commuinity is revealed by an individuals or groups attendance at the event? How were conflicts revealed and structured? How did this event change or affirm the stucture of the sites being studied? (Dobbert 1982, p. 173).

At each of the three sites I did an event analysis of one opening reception. In each case I chose what was considered to be the most

important opening of the year for that organization. To delve more deeply into the anatomy of each event I observed the installation of I exhibitions, interviewed key personnel both prior to and in the aftermath of the event, and observed visitors in the setting subsequent to

the openings. The openings targeted for event analysis were:

"Choice by Choice: Celebrating 10 Years of Notable Acquisitions" The Columbus Museum of Art, Nov. 8, 1986)

The 16th Annual Anniversary Exhibition, Nov. 2, 1986 Gallery 200

The Sodieka-Melroy Exhibition, Sep. 6, 1986 Artreach. 79

Additional Techniques

Social Networking

At one opening in each setting I completely concentrated on social networks by recording all of the interactions that I had with various other audience members, noting who they were and what roles they played.

I also followed this technique for the parties that seemed to be the main human focuses of the event which in some cases were the exhibiting artists, in others the director of the facility.

Systematic Observation

Systematic observation is a non-participatory form of observation of short duration (Edgerton & Langness, 1974). This is a technique often employed to get back-up data, describe additional details, or confirm hypotheses. Although my insider status made this technique difficult to achieve (knowing as many of the participants as well as I do) I employed it to the best of my ability prior to, for a time during, and recording the aftermath of specific openings toward the end of my field studies.

This technique was employed as a check for some preliminary analysis in categories of behavior and activities I had observed previously in each setting. 80

Soliciting an Outsiders Point of View

Throughout the course of data collecting, I had wondered how an opening would be perceived by somebody who had never before been to one.

Although I had interviewed several newcomers, each of them had had some connection to the event under study. Either they were family members or neighbors of the artists exhibiting, guest of others in attendance with some connection to the event, or friends of acquaintances of some of the personnel in the organization. In the fall of 1986, the perfect informant walked into this project. Cheryl is a woman in her mid­ twenties who is employed in the administration department of the county coroner’s office. She has never had any connection with the local arts community or even visited any of the exhibition sites. She had begun to take some courses at the university, and through reading had developed an interest in knowing something about art. When informed about my study, she agreed to attend an opening at each of the sites and record her perceptions of these events. I left the framework for her observations as open as possible. I told her that I wanted her to describe how she felt as an audience member at each of these events, to note the types of activities and behaviors that caught her attention, and how she perceived the overall atmosphere of the opening. The written commentaries that she submitted provided many helpful and telling insights and they also highlighted the contrasts between the three settings from a decidedly fresh viewpoint. 81

The Fieldworker as a Research Instrument

As stated previously by Hennigh (1981), an insider doing research in

familiar territory often actually plays the role of an informant. As a

professional involved in the arts community there are many ingrained

insights that have become second nature to me. As a researcher,

although this knowledge may be valuable for this specific study, I

needed to become objective with regard to my own behaviors and

motivations in order to clearly verbalize the rationale behind them.

Over the past two years, while involved with this research study, it was

necessary to maintain my professional career as a gallery director, arts

writer, and consultant. As a result, there were professional

obligations, some of which involved my expected attendance at certain

art openings above and beyond those observed at my research sites. This

year, I kept track and analyzed my own participation. Over the past 12 months I saved all of the invitations and announcements of art openings

that I received (resulting in enough to paper my bathroom walls). Of

the ones I attended, I recorded the real reasons that I felt obligated

to attend. Somewhat harder but perhaps more interesting, reserved

for the second stack, were those I did not attend and the reasons why.

At each opening attended, I noted how the event compared and related

to the ones that were the focus of my study. At some, there were close

interrelationships between the sites. At others, one of the topics of conversation was in fact specific openings at one of my research sites.

A number were made up of some of the same audience segments, and others were not. Different neighborhood environments and expectations became highlighted. 82

Interpretation of Data

> As Bohanan (1981) and Wolcott (1981) note with ethnographic methods, data collection and interpretation of data do not proceed as distinctly separate and sequential steps of research. Rather, they are undertaken together and intermesh throughout the research process. Preliminary analysis of data generally begins after background research has been completed and initial participant-observation experiences have been realized. Wolcott (1981) states that this is necessary els a means of bringing order to data that 1ms already Eiccumulated, and efficiency to the future encounters of fieldwork. He describes such preliminary interpretations eis "variety-reducing behavior" (p.260). It helps the researcher sift through an abundance of potentially relevant data and get down to the bEisic issue of deciding what is important about what has been learned. It brings efficiency and focus to continuing fieldwork by concentrating efforts on the emerging interpreted patterns. Bohanan

(1981) refers to these interpretation efforts as "running Eumlysis" which should begin during the first stage of research (p. 38). Running analysis is largely accomplished through transcription of notes and tapes and elimination of non-relevant material. By re-residing and replaying material the researcher » is able to determine what types of observations are repeated with frequency and thus reveal certain patterns, consistancies, and contrasts. This analysis also consists of highlighting characteristics and noting unanswered questions for further study during the next observation. 83

It results in a focusing on key questions as I have described under participant-observation on page 64. Bohanan (1981) also suggests that preliminary indexing begin at this stage. Like the index of a book, subject or topic headings were written in the margins of the transcribed notes. This was done roughly every four months as the fieldwork and collection of data progressed, sometimes adding new topic headings that emerged as being significant after the initial indexing. The resulting topic headings were as follows:

Overall setting/atmosphere Patterns of events (and relation to setting) Types of participants Participant motivations Participant experiences (expectations) Actions and Behaviors Setting influence on Actions and Behaviors Event and community relationships

According to Bohanan the next stage of research and interpretation

emerges when the focused attention of the fieldworker reveals precisely what details or quantities are needed to bring the research to a successful outcome. Thereupon the fieldworker is likely to add new and subsidiary techniques to the continuing process of participant-observation" (p .41).

It was here, in an attempt to find more fully contextualized answers to focused research, that the additional ethnographic methods of event analysis, social networking, outsiders point of view, systematic observation, and folk seminars were utilized.

The essence of the ethnographic approach, according to Dobbert

(1982) citing Kimball,

is careful and thorough observation guided by informed questions and followed by generalizations based upon the grouping together of observed and researched facts, and then by subsequently testing the derived information through further observation (p. 8). 84

Further, the generalizations revealed by the data are organized to show how they interrelate to form a whole (p. 11). As Edgerton and Langness

(1974) note "generalization" is a central part of the process of anthropological research both in fieldwork and in the writing of an ethnographic description.

The most important reason for generalization is dictated by the nature of the cultural code which the anthropologist is attempting to describe...human beings in all communities abstract, classify, and generalize— and it is precisely such generalized understandings which make up their cultural code. To describe this set of generalized understandings is one of the major goals of anthropologists (p. 58).

The aim of this process is to achieve what Geertz (1973) has termed a

"thick description", attempting to grasp and relate the multi-layered social meaning of such events "which by necessity must be more interpretive than observational" (p. 9).

In the case of ray study, the process was compounded since it focused on a series of repeated events in more than one type of setting. As

Dobbert(1982) states "most research projects will study more than one natural setting and will have to examine these patterns in several contexts" (p.40). In order to grasp the meaning of these events, the focus is directed towards the cause of the patterns. The ethnographer’s task according to Dobbert is to explain patterns of two primary types,

the patterns seen in the repetitive behaviors and acts which constitute the social structure and the patterns that are part of the cognitive or conceptual repetoire of the society under study" (p. 128).

Rounding out the interpretive meaning of an event as Wolcott (1981) notes, involves relating to and drawing upon the work of others which have relevance to the research findings or the setting itself. Such comparisons add breadth and depth to the interpretation of data (Dobbert 85

1982). The objective of a written ethnography is to achieve a vivid description which enables the reader to sense what it is like to be a participant at such an event (Alexander, 1982; Dobbert, 1982).

It is in this light that comparison of the research findings will be made with the work of Turner (1982), Moore & Myerhoff (1977), and Grimes

(1982) among others, who have isolated the salient features and key characteristics of contemporary celebratory rituals. CHAPTER IV

THE OVERALL CULTURAL SETTING OF THE THREE EXHIBITION SITES

Overview

This chapter provides a descriptive account of the overall cultural system in which my three research sites are located. In order to provide a contextualized view of the events under study, orientation to current developments in the city and prevalent attitudes and perceptions of the arts community are of essential importance to the make up of the audience for these events. Additionally, while descriptions of most informants are contained within the accounts of events at each of the three sites, one category of informants is not described in these sections. These are the Culture Watchers, who like myself, currently have no affiliation with any of the research sites, other than being frequent attenders of opening receptions at these facitlities. Nevertheless, due to their important positions in the coiranunity, they were able to provide important integrative commentary on all three sites and their relationships to the community. Thus each of them is described within this chapter. The descriptive accounts of the city, the arts community, the culture watchers, and the audience which follows were compiled through participant-observation, informant interviewing, background research, emic experience, and prior publications.

86 87

The City

Columbus has often been termed a "new city" in that it has experienced unprecedented growth over the last ten years. Despite the fact that it is the state capital, it has remained, until recently, primarily a university town dominated by the largest State University in

Ohio. In terms of cosmopolitan cultural life in Ohio, it has been over­ shadowed by the more prominently active cities of Cleveland and Cincinnati.

Columbus has been viewed as one of quintessential American cities and as such has often served as a test market for numerous commercial and retail enterprises (Kelm, 1985). For this reason, it was also one of five cities chosen for the National Endowment for the Arts Economic

Impact of Arts and Cultural Institutions (1981) conducted in 1979.

It has only been since the early 80’s that civic and corporate leaders in the city have increasingly turned their attention to the problem of the area’s cultural growth in an attempt to keep pace with the rapid economic development (Hall, 1980). Controversial public sculptural projects, the birth of the Columbus Cultural Arts Center instituted by the City Department of Parks and Recreation, and a host of civic advisory arts committees and panels have marked and highlighted these developments (Kelm, 1985). Studies for a project to rejuvenate the downtown commercial area and a riverfront development project have also been on going. However it was not until 1985 that a surprise project, from the offical city stand point, captured the imagination of the central Ohio population and gave true prominence to the visual arts which had consistantly lagged behind the performing arts in terms of development (Einhom, 1986). 88

Sanborn Wood, a relatively unknown developer, implemented the idea of renovating and rehabilitating the decidely seedy corridor along the main north-south avenue from the downtown area leading to the state university and the suburbs beyond. His plan was to transform the area into a true gallery district for the city. He worked together with the few existent cultural establishments in the area, and in the the spring of 1985 the phenomenon of the "Short North" began. As new commercial arts enterprises joined the ranks taking up residence in newly renovated store fronts, the idea of the Saturday night gallery hop was born.

Under the auspices of the Short North Business Association, all of the arts organizations and commercial businesses hold openings on the first

Saturday night of every month. The "Saturday Night Gallery Hop" has become an overnight success. At each of these events thousands of people line the streets popping in and out of galleries and stores throughout this once desolate no man’s land. Such urban develpments are not new to larger metropolitan areas, following the classic example of

Soho, the "Soho Syndrome" can be found in numerous other urban areas

(McGuigan, Katz, King, & Miller, 1986). However, it has certainly proved to be a new phenomenon for Columbus. Civic officials have been surprised, and arts community members awed by the response to these events. Columbus has always been a place where people joke about deserted city streets after 5:30 pm. The success of the Short North has reaped a record number of civic awards for its developer. In 1986 Wood received the prestigious James B. Recchie Award for Urban Development from the Columbus Landmarks Foundation, the Community Service Award for

Cultural Development from the Columbus Dispatch (the city’s major 89

newspaper), the Distinguished Service Award from the Columbus Art

League, and a special award from the Mayor given to him at a reception

in his honor held at the Columbus Museum of Art.

The experience of the Short North has had a considerable impact in

other areas. It has proved to be a shot in the arm to city planners

beginning to move on the somewhat stalled plans for downtown and

riverfront development. It has given birth to the idea of renovating

the old brewery district at the southern end of the city along the same

lines. Media attention generated by the Short North has had a ripple

effect of growing media interest in other arts activities. Prior to the

developments in the Short North, the Columbus Museum of Art was the only

visual arts facility to regularly garner significant media and public

attention. 1986 also marked a year where city and university

development goals converged with the groundbreaking for the Wexner

Center for the Visual Arts on the campus of the Ohio State University

after a sizable gift from the city’s most prominent corporate leader and

philanthropist. A contemporary art center has been a key facility

lacking in the Central Ohio Area.

Each of the sites selected for this study have played important (if

sometimes unrecognized) roles in the city’s cultural development.

Gallery 200 was founded at a time when there were almost no commercial

galleries in Columbus. It was the first and for a long time the only commercial gallery to focus on the works of regional artists at a time when there was no tradition of patronage for this type of work. As such

it became the first gathering place for the arts community in the city beyond the art department and gallery at the state university. 90

Artreach was the first arts occupant of the now fashionable Short

North Area during a time that it was primarily populated by second hand

stores, derilicts, and prostitutes. Initially funded by the now defunct

CETA program (Comprehensive Employment & Training Act) it employed an artist staff that implemented the first public art projects in the city to be executed by local artists, and ran an alternative space gallery which in the words of one informant, was a place where "the gutsy outsiders of the established arts community exhibited daring new experiments" (Culture Watcher A, 1-30-87). It also has the dubious distinction of being the only gallery in Columbus ever to have been raided by the police. Ironically, the raid which resulted in two arrests of artists and a number of citations issued to the space, was triggered by exactly the same type of activity which occurs now during the Saturday night gallery hop. Namely there was a decidedly colorful group roving the street, loitering in front of the gallery and jay walking. Given the reputation of the area then, the police were throroughly convinced that what they were raiding was not an art opening, but an illegal house (Kelm, 1981-82). If the rewards for enduring this abuse were slow in coming, nevertheless they were belatedly reaped, when through an invitation by Sanborn Wood, Artreach became one of the first established cornerstones of the new Short North district.

The Columbus Museum of art has been the most established visual arts facility in the city. And it remains at this time the only municipal art museum in the Central Ohio area. Although the institution has had considerable longevity, it has only been in the last ten years that it has become a visibly prominent facility and a focal point for the visual arts in the city. Credit for transforming the former

Columbus Gallery of Fine Arts from a neglected mausoleum to an important cultural resource in Columbus is routinely given to the individual who has served as museum director for the past decade. Budd Bishop has been a key figure in civic circles and in the cultural planning of the city as well as director of the museum. Under his leadership the museum has added a sculpture garden, greatly increased the aquisitions program, museum audience, corporate support, and brought a higher calibre of exhibition programing to Columbus (Chafetz, 1986). On the heels of a number of record breaking and highly publicized exhibitions in 1984 &

1985, it was announced in August of 1986, that Bishop would be leaving his post as director at the end of the year for the directorship of a new museum to be built in Florida. Thus the focus of media attention and arts conversation in the city has been to heavily reflect upon the accomplishments of the museum over the past ten years, and beyond that to analyze past cultural growth in general, and plans for the future.

It was in this atmosphere that this study was initiated. Although not originally planned, it has turned out that 1986 has proved to be a very fertile period for embarking upon a research problem of this nature.

Each of the research sites has reported an unprecedented interest in their exhibition programing and an increase in attendance at opening receptions. 92

The Arts Community

The arts community, as a subculture in the city, is the core group to be considered in regards to art openings. In terms of the general population, art openings are viewed as events of the arts community. At all three research sites reference to the arts community played a key role in the commentary of informants. However, defining exactly what is meant by the term "arts community" when it is routinely utilized in various sectors of the city is not an easy matter. For the diverse individuals who utilize this term freely as a point of reference in describing various events, the definition is different depending upon their standpoint and group loyalties. The levels of complexity in sorting out the various perceptions can become almost mind boggling.

Nevertheless, these differing perspectives Eire germaine to the aims of this study for the effects that they have on art openings.

When civic officials use the term "arts community" they usually mean anyone remotely connected with the arts. This includes artists, professors and teachers, arts administrators, arts supporters and patrons, and may well include all members of these categories in the performing arts as well. There is in this regard the perception that there is one homogenous mass of people who all know one another and unanimously agree on every issue. Thus broad statements in regard to certain events will be made like "this should please the arts community". Over the years, in this context, a wide variety of assorted individuals have found themselves sitting on committees and panels as the single representative of the arts community. I, as well as other informants in this study, have often found myself in the thankless role 93 as being labeled the spokesperson for the arts community in dealing with a particular issue. While those knowledgeable about the many conflicting sectors of the arts community routinely ridicule this perception, most of us have not been above using the "homogeneous mass" theory when it suits our own purposes. As in "the arts community is going to be outraged by this".

In reality, viewing the arts community solely in terms of the visual arts can be broken down into four basic sectors (see table 5).

1. The Ohio State University (OSU) people from the Art Department and University Gallery including; professors, staff, current and past students.

2. Columbus College of Art and Design (CCAD) people; professors, staff, current and past students.

3. Community people— those coming from outside local academic institutions, Columbus natives, and later arrivals.

4. Civic Arts people - officials of arts organizations, galleries, grant giving agencies, media people, and local promoters.

There are a number of important points of contact between these four sectors which cause their members to meld into other affilitions.

Most important of these are the Columbus Art League (400 members) and the Ohio Designer Craftsmen (ODC, 350 members in Central Ohio), both of which implement highly visible and prominant local annual juried shows.

Affiliation to each of these organizations is through annual paid membership. Thus, both the League and ODC, in terms of sheer numbers of members, are regarded as important groups within the arts community and they exert considerable influence in art circles. There are also gallery and guild affilitions, and assorted special interest groups which will pull together a diverse array of individuals from each 94 sector, such as the selected stable of artists chosen by a commercial gallery, the Liturgical Art Guild, the Ohio Realist group, and Art for

Community Expressions (ACE) which serves the minority arts community, to name just a few. (Table 5)

It should be noted that any member of each of the four sectors may have or develop loyalties with another sector. A civic arts official now, may have been a onetime student at OSU, and so feels a kinship with people he or she knew then. A community arts person may elect to attend certain courses at CCAD, and in so doing, may develop a sense of comraderie there. Despite the numbers of cross-overs and multiple points of contact, there is a general divisiveness when members of any of the sectors or groups speak about the arts community. They tend to define the arts community in terms of their own dominant affiliations and dismiss the others as not being at the core of this community. In other words, each perceives their own as being the "in-group" of the arts community.

To further complicate matters, all sectors and groups may change their composition and perceptions of the arts community based upon what can only be called a slightly antagonistic We-They perspective brought on by specific situations (see Table 6). As mentioned previously, members of the arts community will conceive of this entity as being a homogeneous or holistic mass when confronted by a perceived outside threat as in the statement "this city does not value the opinions of the arts community" (Culture Watcher C, 9-28-86). When asked to describe the "who" of the city, they are described as the "powers that be" and

"those that determine public policy" (Culture Watcher B, 1-29-87). 95

TABLE 5 Art Sector Contact Points

Arts Sectors Possible Points of Contact

1. OSU people— The Art Dept. Art Groups and University Galleries, Professors, staff, current Columbus and past students. Art League

2. CCAD people— professors, Ohio staff, current and past Designer students. Craftsmen past or present City Arts Council 3. Community People— those affiliation Awards & Events not coming from local with other Academic institutions, sector State Arts Council or later arrivals. Awards & Events

4. Civic Arts People— Gallery Officials of Arts organizations, Affiliations, and grant giving agencies, other organizations, Gallery Directors Guilds, and Media people, and other special interest local promoters. sub-groups 96

TABLE 6 We-They Syndrome Chart

The City and the Arts Community

There exists a confusing array of perceptions with regards to roles, interactions, and the make-up of the groups involved.

We They Arts Community (Holistic) > City City > Arts Community Arts Community (Holistic) > The Museum The Museum > Arts Community Arts Community (Establishment) > Arts Community (New Wave) Arts Community (New Wave) > Arts Community (Establishment) Artists > Important Arts Administrators and Gallery Directors Influential Arts People > Unknown Art People Community Arts People > OSU Arts People OSU Arts People > Community Art people Artists > Corporate Sector Corporate Sector > Artists Suburban Artists > Urban Artists Urban Artists > Suburban Artists Affiliated Artists > Unaffiliated Artists (institutions) (Independants) Unaffiliated Artists > Affiliated Artists Elitist Artists > Populist Artists Populist Artists > Elitist Artists Artists > Craftspeople Craftspeople > Artists 97

City officials on the other hand, use the same vague, amorphous terms of the "cultural, or arts community", when describing this segment of the population. It was heard during the public hearings of the cultural commission held in the Ohio Departments building in January of

1985, and in the Mayor’s speech at the Columbus Museum of Art on

November 12, 1986.

While the city may regard the arts community to consist of everyone involved in the arts, and in certain circumstances, the general arts population may agree with that assessment, nevertheless in most instances this is not the case. The director of the museum does not in certain contexts even view himself or other museum staff members as part of the arts community. "I must confess, sometimes I do not understand the members of this arts community, but then you are closer to it than

I" (Key Informant, museum director 9-25-86, Kelm 1987b). Alternately, members of the arts community also see themselves as very separate from the museum "the museum made a very conscious marketing decision not to make the effort of soliciting the arts community for museum memberships"

(Culture Watcher A,B, 1-30-87). There are times that older members and younger members of the arts community view themselves from a We-They framework as witnessed by the different perceptions voiced by the

Culture Watchers A & D. Over the years, there has been much dissention between the OSU and community arts sectors. Some community arts people see the Art League as being monopolized by university factions (Culture

Watcher C, 9-28-86). Other members of the arts community are aware of members of the university group viewing members of the community group as provincial and unimportant (Culture watcher A, 1-30-87). Many 98 members of the arts community are suspicious of the motives of corporate patronage of the arts (Culture Watcher C, 9-28-86). Members of the corporate sector have expressed being intimidated by members of the arts community (Informant Field Notes 9-16t-86, 11-12-86).

Throughout the course of fieldwork and talking with numerous informants I became aware of other political and philosophical splits within the We-They continuum of the arts community (Table 6).

This bewildering array of affiliations, partisanships, and loyalties all have their roles to play within the setting of the art opening. They largely determine, for example, who will attend a given art opening depending upon the affiliation of the artist and the setting. With the establishment of group loyalties as motivation for attendance and a sense of shared responsibility (to support my group) we have the basis for a tribal occasion. Within the realm of a ritualized atmosphere there are decided roles that become operative at each event.

Thus the defintion of the arts community is relative and determined by the situation of each specific art opening and their settings.

In order to avoid the confusing terminology of arts community, I will try to be as specific as possible by defining this term as it is meant by each of my informants. Further, in viewing this group as a segment of the audience at opening events, I will attempt to break the term arts community down into occupations or roles these individuals play as follows:

Artists— practicing.

Arts professionals— all those for whom the arts are a profession, outside the creation of art (arts administrators, teachers, curators, professors, art writers and critics). 99

Arts patrons— collectors and donors.

Art lovers— those who just regularly enjoy arts experiences, volunteers and supporters.

Culture Watchers

This category of informants was utilized in this study to provide the important interconnections between the events at the three research sites and the community as a whole. All four hold key positions in the community, and have been long time observers of the cultural scene in

Columbus. Further, each has been frequently in attendance at each of the sites under study and is knowledgeable about the overall workings of the city and the arts community.

Culture Watcher A currently serves as editor of the Art Journal for the midwestem region. Previously she had served as the associate editor of the same publication and the associate editor of the only quarterly newspaper devoted to the visual arts in Central Ohio. She was a graduate student in Art History at the State University, and as a graduate associate has curated a number of exhibitions for the university gallery. As an active writer, she has authored a number of articles dealing with issues that effect the arts community as well as arts criticism. In 1986 she was a recipient of an Ohio Arts Council fellowship in art criticism. She mostly affiliates herself with the younger up and coming artists who primarily are recent graduates of the university.

Culture Watcher B currently writes the arts page for the city’s downtown newspaper. A Columbus native, he began his career as a craftsperson and was part of the counter culture, community of artists 100 here in the 1960’s. In the mid 1970’s he, along with a small group of other artists founded an independant co-op gallery which features the works of regional artists and craftspeople and organized numerous shows in that space. He has also worked for social service agencies in the city and was responsible for implementing a number of special fundraising arts events for those agencies. Residing in the near east side of the city (Olde Towne East), he has been very much a part of the initial artists redevelopment of that area and is active in the neighborhood community. Olde Towne East, like its counterpart in many other urban areas, was the site of large deteriorating Victorian homes which became a haven for artists due to the spaciousness and affordabililty of the dwellings as well as their artistic knack for renovation. It has become the closest thing to an artist’s residential neighborhood in Columbus. Culture Watcher B affiliates himself mostly with long time Columbus resident artists, craftspeople, community activists, ODC, and CCAD people.

Culture Watcher C is a practicing sculptor well known throughout the region and the recipient of numerous awards, commissions and artists residencies. As a prominent member of both the black and feminist communities, she has also been an active spokesperson for the arts community in civic affairs. She currently sits on the board of the city’s arts council, is a grant panelist for the state arts council, and was formerly a member of the advisory council for the Cultural Arts

Center. She is concerned as much with downtown urban development as she is with gaining recognition and visibility for local artists within the city. Culture watcher C is also a resident of Olde Towne East and 101 affiliates herself mostly with independant community artists.

Culture Watcher D is also a widely recognized artist in the community but operates in another sphere of the arts sector. She was part of a small core of artists who were all graduate students together at the state university during the late 60’s. It is this core of artists who have been predominatly active in the Columbus Art League over the years. Most of its active members now reside in the suburbs.

Perhaps to the dismay of some of its members they are now regarded as the "mature" members of the arts community and according to other informants are often viewed as part of the establishment of the arts community. While the terms "mature" and "establishment" were not utilized in a negative manner, they have seldom been labels that appeal to artists. However it is important to note that members of this group are deemed to be very important within the arts community. A number of artists looked for the attendance of certain key members of this group at their openings as honoring and in a sense validating the opening by their presence. Culture watcher D has the insider’s view of the workings of the Columbus Art League (an important segment of the arts community), having served in various offices over the years and in general being a strong supporter of the Columbus visual arts scene.

Although it may not be thoroughly apparent from the above descriptions, each of these culture watchers represents a different aspect and segment of the Columbus arts community. In interviewing them there were many points of conflict and disagreement. As a researcher, this made their points of consensus all the more valuable and their partisan affiliations even more interesting. When asked the question 102

"what openings at what facilities do you feel that most members of the arts community attend"?, the answers were extremely diverse with no points of consensus save one. The only opening agreed upon was the annual Columbus Art League juried show at the Columbus Museum of Art.

What was most provocative from the stand point of this study, is that another unanimously agreed upon point among this group was that artists as a group seldom attend any other openings at the museum. It was here that we touch upon the complexity of what I have termed the We-They mentalities that permeate the arts community as well as the civic sector and helps to understand the group loyalities which engender a ritualized atmosphere at most openings (to be discussed presently).

This section also seems to be the most logical and appropriate place to include my own emic experience. As a key informant as well as the researcher of this study, I can neither ignore nor dismiss my own role in the arts and civic life of the city. For the past ten years I have been a Professor of Art History at a downtown urban university, as well as the director of the university gallery. I have been a free lance writer for a number of publications, have served as an arts consultant for numerous regional organizations as a curator, juror, and in the area of audience development. I currently sit on a grant panel for the state arts council. I have also previously served as a founding member of the Advisory Council for the Cultural Arts Center, as the President of the Board of Trustees of Artreach from 1978 to 1981, and as an educational consultant and lecturer for the Columbus Museum during these same years. I am also currently a contributing editor for the central

Ohio visual arts quarterly newspaper. 103

Within the realm of culture watcher I am also including the views of my outsider informant, since she was cued by the researcher to be a culture watcher for the purposes of this study. I am truly indebted to her for both her time and interest. As explained in the methodology section, this individual had never been a part of the Columbus arts scene nor had she ever previously visited any of the research sites prior to being engaged for this study. And while she viewed the events through fresh and even naive eyes, certainly those eyes have been astute, literate, and insightful as her commentary suggests.

For purposes of notation, quotes by culture watchers are identified by their letter (A, B, C, D) followed by the date of the interview. My own commentaries are noted as Field Notes with the dates of observation, and the outsiders observations are noted by exactly that label

(Outsiders View) followed by the date of her commentary.

The Audience

If we add to the categories of artists, arts professionals, arts patrons, and art lovers, the categories of civic supporters and initiates, all of the segments of the audience in attendance at opening events in each of the three research settings sure in place.

Civic supporters are defined as those whose presence at an opening is regarded sis a civic duty or community responsibility. They are prominent members of the civic, corporate, or professional community.

They attend largely to be seen and do not necessarily have an overriding interest in art (Culture Watcher A, 1-30-87; Culture Watcher B, 1-28-87;

Culture Watcher D, 1-24-87; Key Infonnants-museum, 9-16-86, 10-18-86). 104

"We are here to show our support for what’s happening in this community"

(Ancillary Informant— Field Notes, 9-16-86), "I wanted them to know how much I appreciate what they’ve done for Columbus" (Ancillary Informant-

Field Notes, 11-8-86).

Initiates are defined as new attenders to opening receptions, or to the particular setting itself.

So this is an art opening, its not at all stuffy like the— you know, the wine commercial where that famous actor— what’s his name— serves the wine. Its really been interesting. One of the artists is my neighbor— I’m not sure I would have done this if I didn’t know anybody" (Ancillary Informant— Field Notes, 11-1-86).

The expectancies of each segment of this audience is different in regard to who else should be there for the opening to be successful.

The most consistent group interviewed and observed were the artists whose works were being exhibited. There was unanimous consensus here and among the culture watchers that the most important group to be present for exhibiting artists were members of their own peer group, the sector or group in the arts community with whom the artists most affiliate themselves. To have civic VIP’s present or possible art buyers was less important than members of their own group, for support and validation (Culture Watcher C, 9-28-86; Key Informants, 5-18, 6-3, &

11-1-86). Initiates and civic supporters tend to feel most comfortable when the audience for the event is made up of large numbers of their segments.

Thats why the gallery hop has become so big, it cuts down on the basic intimidation about art, it’s a great equalizer, you never feel that you don’t belong or are out of place" (Culture Watcher B, 1-28-87)

"I had to leave, I felt ignorant and that I didn't belong". (Outsider’s View, 11-2-86) 105

"No, I don’t want to go in, this is definitely not the place for a three piece suit". (Field Notes, 10-4-86)

"I will go to the museum and I will go to your openings, but most of the other places are mainly arts people, and I feel slightly strange about being there". (Ancillary Informant, 4-16-86)

Arts professionals tend to be very divided on this point. For the most part the organizers of the openings, art lovers, and important art patrons like to be in the company of a broad cross section of audience members at such events, each individual from these groups interviewed expressed the idea that a broad audience helps fill the educational role of the arts in the community. (Key Informants, 9-9-86, 9-16-86, & 9-23-86)

(Ancillary Informants, 8-2-86, 9-16-86, & 1-24-87)

Participant Observation activities at all three sites revealed in general a particular dominance of different audience segments at each site. These observations were backed up by key informant personnel in these facilities, and further verified by all four culture watchers.

The largest audience segment in attendance at museum openings are civic supporters followed by art patrons (donors). At Gallery 200, it is pri­ marily artists with a small select group of art patrons (collectors).

And at Artreach, largely due to the Saturday night gallery hop, the main audience is initiates, followed by art lovers (volunteers and community supporters) and to a lesser extent, artists (usually friends of the art­ ists exhibiting). The attendance by these audience segments is cued by the settings, organization within the facilities, the personnel involved and the setting’s relationship to the community. It is all of these elements which meld together to set the tone of each opening reception. CHAPTER 5

OBSERVATIONS AT THE THREE EXHIBITION SITES

Overview

This chapter contains descriptive accounts of opening receptions and their surrounding events at the three researched sites. The character and interactions of each are described from participant perspectives. The accounts are organized in accordance with the focused questions derived from fieldwork (see methodology section). In keeping with the goals of ethnographic methods each account strives to paint a picture of what it is like to participate in these events. They are generalized (following the anthropological tradition) to the extent that they attempt to provide a view of the prevailing overall atmosphere. Since there are so many overriding similarities displayed at successive openings at the same facility, in an effort to avoid redundancy, each individual opening observed will not be portrayed.

Their similarities will be combined within the account. Individual openings, where there occurred marked contrasts to the norm will be highlighted. At each facility the opening which was targeted for event analysis will be examined in depth. As it turned out, each of these specific openings did not match the norm, since none of them met some of the anticipated expectancies of one or more categories of participants.

106 107

Within each description I follow the traditional sociological format of providing illustrative quotations from field notes and informant interviews (labeled as either Field Notes, Key Informant, Ancillary

Informant, Culture Watcher, or Outsider). Wherever possible I have tried to let my native informants speak for themselves. Additionally there are some elements of all the openings studied that are standard at these types of events and I have given each of these elements descriptive labels. Upon initial research I had thought these descriptive labels to be one of my own original contributions to the study. However, much to my disappointment, most of them were occassionally also utilized by informants. Be that as it may, standard elements of openings include: the realm of the sacred, the pilgrimage route, the feasting area, and the relic.

The realm of the sacred refers to that area of the exhibition space where through the organization of the physical space, verbal and audible cues and examples, participants are mandated to direct their attention to the works of art.

The pilgrimage route refers to the organization of space, props and examples that direct the human flow of participants through the event itself.

The feasting area refers to the space in which celebratory libations are offered and thus cues certain types of behavior strictly reserved for this space.

The relic consists of the documentation of the event, which is carried by all participants and taken away with them as a symbol of their participation. As the traditional definition suggests, it is the remains, a reminder of the event, a reference, and is esteemed because of its association with the sacred. It may range from a simple xeroxed sheet, to a full color catalogue. A relic also includes one’s signature in the guest book documenting participation. 108

During the course of research and fieldwork I encountered a logistical problem which should be noted here. From a philosophic perspective I desired to keep each of the three descriptions as equivalent as possible in terms of actual research time, the areas of investigation, the number of informants utilized at each setting, and so forth. In reality this was not possible, given the varying organizations and relative size of each facility. Thus a decision had to be made regarding this problem. Having exhausted possible areas of investigation at both Artreach and Gallery 200, I found that I had not nearly exhausted all the possible informants, background research, publications, media coverage, etc. available at the museum. The museum of course, in comparison to the other two galleries, is a large facility with a substantial budget, many departments, and specialized functions and jobs. Given the level of formality at the museum, the time spent in gaining access to personnel with specialized jobs, setting up appointments and sifting through an enormous amount of documentation, I had spent nearly four times the amount of time with the museum. Thus I made the conscious decision to stop my research at the point in which I had achieved more than an equivalent amount of information on openings at that facility. There were additional personnel I could have interviewed and other levels of archival records I could have accessed.

I chose to do otherwise in fear of having a study that was more one­ sided than three-sided.

At the opposite end of the spectrum was Gallery 200, a one person operation without a board, or network of volunteers, where there was preciously little in the way of documentation save for the guest book, 109

records of sales, gallery lists, and published reviews. Unlike the

museum, or even Artreach for that matter, Gallery 200 is a commercial

gallery rather than a non-profit facility. Thus attendance records are

not germaine to its goals (for grants and documentation). Nor does it

produce an internal newsletter or have memberships that can be tracked.

In order to try and correct this somewhat unbalanced situation I

attempted to adjust the various components of ethnographic techniques as a form of compensation. Thus I utilized more informants at Gallery 200

(culture watchers, and artists exhibiting) and spent more hours at actual participant observation here. Although I feel that this has

somewhat accommodated the situation, it should be noted that due to the

lack of back-up data, the Gallery 200 account is more perceptual in nature and less validated by existing documentation. 110

The Columbus Museum of Art i "The museum is a great dame, poised in a high back chair; daring you to enter wearing jeans..." (Outsider Informant 11-6-86)

The Cult House Type of Opening

It was David Attenborough (1976) who first persuasively equated the tribal cult house with the m o d e m western museum. Like their primal counterparts, museums do project an image of awsome importance. In both cases we have the storehouses of treasure, history, and geneology of each respective society. They are both places where the great moments of the past are preserved and the potentially great moments of the future are prophesized. They are at once a memory bank, a place of reverential meditation and the setting for ancestor worship. Through these mutually shared characteristics, the connection between "cult" and

"culture" is clearly rendered. It is the levels of formality and exclusiveness at the museum, in all aspects of the setting and organization that lend the air of importance, civic duty, and an upholding of the sacred to all of its events and activities.

The setting

Background

The Columbus Museum of Art is located on the north side of the main east-west avenue of the downtown area immediately east of the center of the city. It is surrounded by imposing traditional stone churches and m o d e m office buildings. Immediately behind the museum, bordering its parking lot sits the Columbus College of Art and Design. On the threshhold of the museum’s front entrance, a large, bronze, three piece Ill reclining figure by Henry Moore, situated between a twin set of stairs, acts an an announcement of this cultural precinct. Behind it the

Renaissance Revival facade of the museum features a triple arched entry way usually hung with semicircular banners announcing the current exhibitions.

Founded in 1878, the museum used various spaces until it found its first permanent home in a house donated by Francis Sessions in 1919. By the late 1920’s, private contributions had started construction of the main building on the present site. The inaugural exhibition of the Columbus Gallery of Fine Art took place in 1931. (Columbus Museum of Art promotional membership brochure).

The former Columbus Gallery of Fine Arts adopted its present name the Columbus Museum of Art in 1978. The original building now houses the museum’s permanent collection. In 1974 an additional wing was added to the building to house temporary exhibitions (The Ross Wing).

It is this area which becomes a focal point for opening receptions.

Separated by a narrow hallway at the southern entrance to the wing lies

Derby court. It is this spaciously open central atrium of the original buiding dominated by a tall cylindrical bronze Pomodoro sculpture in the center that serves as the feasting area for these events (see fig. 1).

Until ten years ago, the museum, despite its physical prominence, remained a largely unrecognized institution. When I arrived here in

1975 and attempted to link up with what I conceived to be the cultural community of the city, I found few people who were aware of the fact that a municipal gallery of fine arts even existed. My first immediate contacts for inquiry in this matter were in fact individuals who now comprise the largest audience segment for this facility— civic minded citizens from corporate and professional realms. Fxr^t, Floor 112 R e a r Entry G u a r d D e ^ K I Qu«.©x=s

Cb BROAD ST. LOBBY

Feasting Area DERBY COURT

CA6R b a r uus; bi ** C ^ & W BA R SA\£S 'DvGSCTCft.'s PoM-p«1

R e n e B o x

w m ROSS WlNifo t Realm of the Sacred)

...... FIGURE 1

Floorplan, Columbus Museum of Art 113

As stated previously, in looking back over the past ten years at the

"extraordinary transformation of the museum from an obscure mausoleum into one of the most visibly prominent facilities in the city" (Kelm,

1987b), credit is unanimously given to the director of the museum who left his post at the end of 1986:

Museum going here under Budd Bishop’s tenure has been made pleasurable, informative, and at times, downright fun. It is not unfair to say that when Bishop arrived, the then-named Columbus Gallery of Fine Arts was in such a comatose condition that there was no place to go but up. Yet Bishop succeeded beyond almost everyone’s reasonable expectations. Today, we have a museum that is a valued cultural resource, a model institution for its size and level of funding" (Chafetz, 1986).

The announcement of the director’s immanent departure made in August

1986, has generated arts-related conversations throughout exceedingly diverse segments of the city. I have been repeatedly asked questions related to this topic by many of my business colleagues at the university— accountants, computer specialists, and economists who have never been a part of the art or museum going public. Reactions to this event have provided a major topic of converstation at art openings, researched from September thru December of 1986. The range of these conversations has seemingly progressed from initial surprise, "I’m surprised that he’s going to an unknown institution rather than one with a prestigeous reputation", through a period of nostalgia",...you know,

I guess when you look back w e ’ve really come a long way", to intense speculation"... I wonder what kind of person they are going to find to replace him...Do you think they will consider hiring a woman?"

(Field Notes, 9-6-86, 9-16-86, 11-6-86) 114

Personnel and Organization

Over the past ten years, the director has added 14 positions to the staff (CMA News release, July 2, 1986). There are now 76 staff members operating in seven departments, in the Director’s Department, in addition to the support staff, is the Coordinator of Special Events, and a special events technician. The Curatorial Department consists of the

Chief Curator, two associate and two assistant curators, plus two preparators. The Development Department has a director, a public relations coordinator and an annual fund and membership coordinator in addition to support staff. In the Programs Department are the positions of director, coordinators of adult programming, family prograiraning, films, resource center, and publication editor, plus support staff.

There are also departments of Operations, Maintenance, and Security.

(Columbus Museum of Art Annual Report, 1985)

In addition to paid staff positions, a large number of volunteer personnel play key roles in the museum's functions and activities. There is a Board of Trustees composed of 31 of the most prominent names in the civic and corporate sectors of the city. A number of these trustees are active in the museum’s social functions. But at the heart of the museum’s special functions are the six auxiliary volunteer organizations. Unlike some voluntary organizations, most members of these groups have made a long time commitment to their obligations.

According to two of their members, the organizations are presigiously recognized for the civic contributions they make in support of the museum (Ancilliary Informants, 10-3-86, 11-6-86). 115

Another long time museum member adds:

most of these groups are joined by the civicly minded, those achieving a name for themselves in the city (or married to someone of importance). If you are more directed to the arts, instead of the social services...you would probably join one of these groups rather than the junior league" (Ancilliary Informant, 8-2-86).

Three of these organizations function mostly as social clubs, with considerable prestige and history at the institution. In the view of a number of insiders, in the years prior to the transformation of the museum, these groups in fact dominated the institution and produced what has been called a "very clubby atmosphere" to museum events (key informant, 9-16-

86). Whatever criticisms current staff members may have about the past, it is certainly true with regards to these three that they generate a substantial amount of funds for the museum through their special fundraising projects, and the names of these organizations are prominently featured among the elite categories of contributors on the Museum’s Donor board (Honors Club— $10,000 and above, Director’s Club— $7,500-9,999,

Bellows Club— $5,000-7,499). These three organizations are: The Women’s

Board, which sponsors an annual Decorator Showcase; The Junior Council, which hold an annual poster sale and auction; and the Beaux Arts which runs the museum shop and the collectors Gallery (works of art for rent and purchase).

The remaining three volunteer organizations are primarily service groups for the museum. They are: The Travel Coranittee, sponsoring day trips, cruises and educational tours under the sponsorshiop of the museum; The Docent group, which conducts museum tours and community presentations; and the Sessions Society, a new group founded in 1985 to implement special educational programs. (Ancillary Informants, 10-3-86, 116

8-2-86; Information compiled from the 1985 Columbus Museum of Art Annual Report)

To facilitate communications between the diverse museum departments and the various volunteer auxiliary organizations is the job of the

Coordinating Council which meets on an average of once a month (or occasionally more frequently when needed). The Coordinating Council is composed of the head of each museum department plus the Special Events

Coordinator, the Public Relations Coordinator, and the chairperson of each of the six volunteer groups. It is this council which formulates policy governing daily functions and special events procedures for the museum (Key Informant, 9-16-86, CMA Annual Report, 1985). Regular operating hours of the museum are Tuesday through Friday 11am-5pm,

Saturday 10am-5pm, andSunday llam-5pm.

Audience

According to the museum director, there are "between 5 and 6,000 memberships (backed up by development updates) depending upon what month we count them and when we cover the renewals. This figure in reality represents between 11,000 and 13,000 people since the majority are family memberships" (Key Informant, 9-16-86). While the director sees the membership as having an interest in art through self selection, and being the primary audience of the museum, he does not view them to be uniformly interested in participation. Member audience surveys have revealed that the average member only visits the museum two or three times a year (Field Notes, Development Dept., 9-16-86). Thus the museum has come to believe that a large number of their members simply pay 117

their annual dues as a philanthropic gesture of support, and do not necessarily avail themselves of membership benefits (Key Informant 9-16-

86). Attendance records at the museum for all activities back this up.

While they show a dramatic increase in paid admissions for museum activities, they also reveal membership attendance staying at relatively the same level (monthly attendance figures Jan through Dec

1986, CMA Development Dept.). Also revealed in these figures is the average attendance at opening receptions, 700-800 which is technically limited to members only.

Pattern of Events— Relation to the Setting

The Exhibition Schedule and Openings

Since the Columbus museum of Art is the only municipal museum in the city, the exhibition schedule in any given year has stressed variety in terms of time periods, subject matter, and media due to the plurality of their audience (see table 1, for 1986). The exhibition schedule is broken down into seven major exhibition periods. During each period an average of two temporary exhibitions are showcased in the Ross Wing. A solo exhibition is showcased here when it is conceived to be the major show of the year. The wing is subdivided in various ways utilizing temporary walls depending upon how many shows are being presented, and there can be as many as three showcased in this wing. Each year the museum organizes a number of exhibitions, receives traveling exhibitions from other institutions and also showcases the Annual Columbus Art League exhibition which is juried by a nationally known artist, curator or critic. 118

According to key informants up until 1982 there was not an organized pattern to any of the special events held at the museum. It was then realized that they weren’t getting the best audience response to these activities and there was a need to develop them with some regularity.

In regards to opening receptions they tried a number of different times and days and sequences before policy was established for the current plan. They even tried not having them at all, but there was a clamor of protest primarily from the volunteer organizations in reaction to that decision. As a result, the Coordinating Council issued an established policy concerning opening receptions. The policy is that the museum hold exactly six openings a year. They are called member’s receptions and are scheduled roughly every other month, "to avoid long time periods without any activity" (Key Informant, 10-28-86) Thus the curatorial department which works 2 to 3 years in advance in planning the exhibition schedule must arrange that schedule so that openings will occur during what are considered to be the six most interesting shows in a given year (Key Informants, 9-16-86, 10-28-86).

The current time and day of members receptions, which is now also mandated by policy, is Saturday from 6 to 8 p.m. and was arrived at mostly through trial and error. Thursday from 6 to 8 p.m. was tried first, but these events were poorly attended and it was found that during weeknights there seemed to be too many conflicts for people who desired to attend. Friday night was found to be objectionable to people observing the Jewish Sabbath. Sunday afternoons in the words of the director "were like church socials" (Key Informant, 9-16-86). Saturday from 6 to 8 p.m. turned out to be the best time and day for the museum’s 119 primary audience "the small active core of museum members". Many of these civic minded people are also active in the symphony, or with theatre groups, or are generally the kind of people who go out to dinner on a Saturday night. Thus the early evening time periood proved perfect for "all of those on their way to someplace else" (Key Informants, 9-16-86,

10-28-86).

Preparation for opening events

It is the job of the Special Events Coordinator to oversee and plan for member’s receptions. The position was established in 1982 and since that time there has been a great increase in a variety of special events at the museum. In addition to member’s receptions, there are special VIP receptions, open to only those on a select museum guest list. These, in fact, when they occasionally happen are private openings for a show, which preceed the member’s openings for shows, which preceed the public opening of the exhibiton iteself. Often these special previews are corporately financed by the sponsors of the show (as in the case of the

American Folk Art exhibition to be discussed presently). Additionally there are: volunteer recognition receptions, major donor receptions and receptions for outside prestigious groups which can make arrangements to rent the museum space through the special events coordinator.

All museum receptions exude an air of exclusivity. Either membership cards or guest lists are checked at the guard desk upon entering for a special event. Plans for every major special event are discussed at the monthly Coordinating Council meeting. There is always an additional large meeting by members of all museum departments just prior to the event. "So that everyone is aware of what everyone else is 120 doing" (Key Informant, 10-28-86). For members receptions the Public

Relations Coordinator and the Special Events Coordinator work together on the invitations. Through past experience and knowledge of their audience, the Special Events Coordinator and curatorial people try to estimate the size of the crowd for the openings of particular shows and whether any necessary precautions need to be taken to protect certain artworks in relation to the flow of people through the exhibition area

(Field Notes, 11-2-86). Both the Director and Special Events Coordinator were in agreement that the "saturation point" of how many people can be handled within the physical limits of space is approximately 1000. Each year for the past three years there has been one major show that has gone beyond that point resulting in somewhat uncomfortable and chaotic conditions. This year it was the members reception for the American Folk

Art exhibition which opened simultaneously with two other shows.

Through established policy all exhibitions end on Sunday and are dismantled on Monday when the museum is closed to visitors. Through the remainder of that week the next exhibitions are installed and the Ross wing is closed off to visitors until the members reception on Saturday evening. If you are visiting the museum during the week prior to the opening of a exhibition it is hard to overlook this fact.

Climbing the stairs from the rear entrance to the museum, one is confronted with a high, lethal looking metal expanding gate at the threshhold to the Ross Wing on which hang the sign: Closed for reinstallation. The gate is reinforced with wire and backed by a tall solid temporary wooden wall, defying anyone to just try and take a peek. Okay I'll try the other entrance to the Wing. Entering the hallway between the wing and Derby Court I arrived at the set of three french doors at the southern edge of the wing. Two of the doors were locked and the view from their windows was blocked off by heavy looking modular panels. Ah!...behold the third door is open. I peeked in, only to be confronted by a officially grumpy 121

looking guard in a red jacket sitting just beyond. Peering behind him was to no avail, for diagonally beyond lay yet another metal gate backed by a high wall. "Can I help you" he said sternly. I smiled rcognizing his face. "I was just trying to sneak a peek". "The exhibit opens to the public on Sunday" he said officiously without returning my smile. "Yes, I know". Never let it be said that the museum doesn't like to create suspense for its openings! a thought why did he think I was the public and not a member who would see it Saturday night? After all I recognized him from all the opening receptions I’ve been to this year and he always smiles and acts like he recognizes me then looking down at my jeans, sweatshirt, and sneakers "oh"! (Field Notes, 11-5-86)

Pattern and Flow of Events

The special events coordinator monitors all the member’s receptions watching the flow of people and what they do. As a result of these observations some important changes have been made during the last two years. One of the changes has been the removal of all the tables and chairs from Derby Court during member’s receptions (the feasting area).

During regular hours, Derby Court is used by the luncheon crowd who can carry their trays from the cafeteria style restaurant to enjoy their meals in more pleasant surroundings. It was observed (and there were also complaints) that a core of people took the tables and chairs as a cue to remain in the feasting area throughout the course of the reception, thus clogging up the area, inhibiting the flow between the two main areas of activity and preventing other participants from getting a drink or a a bite of food. Both the director and the special events coordinator believe there to be a small core of participants who regularly come to the museum "just to drink and have dinner"... "we know who they are" (Key Informants, 9-16-86, 10-28-86). I have also observed them, they're hard to miss, but the very fact that they stand out so much (you recognize them after just two openings) proves that they do go 122 against the prevailing mass flow and circuit, between the exhibit areas and the feasting areas.

Another change that was made about the same time was a prohibition of food and drink in the exhibit area. This was the result of observations much more heartening to museum personnel. As the director relates:

Up until a few years ago we didn’t have to prohibit people from going into the galleries with their food and drink, because so few people were attracted to being in the exhibit area during openings that we could let them go in pretty freely.. .About two years ago, the crowds started growing so much.. .We saw a change in our audience,crowds started going into the exhibit areas in such great numbers that we had to impose prohibitions on drinking and eating in these areas.. .Everybody warned me at the time that I would be killing the openings by doing that...But in fact it has had the opposite effect. Crowds in the galleries have increased! Maybe it’s a sense of commitment..or self sacrifice?...to have to put everything down so to speak— leave the party, in order to go see the exhibit. At any rate museum staff members have also observed this...a direct growth of people staying in the exhibit area even though the social attraction is gone— except for conversation. I believe it also has to do with the fact that the museum is getting better shows and that there is also a far greater awareness of art...across the board...in Columbus now than there was ten years ago (Key Informant, 9-16-86).

When you attend a member’s reception there are a series of familiar exercises and patterns to go through as a regular. It is routine to know that you must enter the museum from the rear entrance only. One does not need to be told this. It is a matter of course as a member, or any one familiar with the museum or the city. The roots of this routine are strictly pragmatic even though they do serve to enforce the "members only" and their "special guest" atmosphere. The only people who generally use the impressive front entrance during regular hours are tours that come in biases which park in front of the building, and pedestrian traffic: personnel from nearby offices on their lunch hours and students from the art college. In downtown Columbus there is 123 precious little in the way of pedestrian traffic on a Saturday evening and few residential neighborhoods within walkable distance from the museum. Those few individuals to be encountered on the street during this time of day are not likely to be members and mostly constitute art students from the college trudging along laden down with large canvases or back packs from late studio work. Safe parking and security guards are located behind the museum. Further, this is mostly the entrance used by members and volunteers during regular hours. A quick glance at the zipcodes of the membership mailing list testifies that most members are residents of the suburbs.

Upon entering the rear entrance from the parking lot, you are confronted by a guard desk surrounded by a spacious lobby with lounge area. You are to show your membership card. There usually is a bottleneck at the guard desk while members fish around in their purses or flip through their wallets trying to locate their cards. Once you have shown it you will hear the clicking of the attendance counter as the guard clocks you through. While technically these affairs are members only, unofficially, members do tend to bring guests to be presented, "these are my guests" as you show your card. While the museum does not publicly announce member’s receptions, and invitations to these events only go to members, the museum does quietly encourage members to bring non-members along as guests

...like a private club...but if the museum made a point of stating this as policy...it would change the atmosphere...we do try to maintain the ambiance of an exclusive members only privilege. (Key Informant, 9-16-86). 124

"Member’s Special Preview Receptions" are one of the six basic benefits listed for museum membership in promotional literature.

■ After getting through the guard desk there are several options, the first of which, mandated during certain months, is a trip to the coat rack. I make a point of this, because there is seldom enough room on the open coat racks (located in the hallway to the right of the guard desk).

The more fashionable and highly visible thing to do, is to check your expensive coat in the coat check room located just opposite the guard desk (The special events coordinators office is taken over for this purpose during receptions). It is in some measure, a reading on the class of members to note that the coat check room is always completely filled with cashmires and furs. The next stop, if you have brought guests, is the guest book where you have your guests sign in. The guard who checked you in will politely suggest that you do this. Some members anticipating others to join them will wait in the lounge area. The entire down stairs lobby tends to be quite conversationally loud. If you are not waiting for someone, you proceed up the impressive stair case to the Ross wing p)assing as you go, the Anusziekiewicz, the Medieval tapestry, the Nevelson, and the Segal gracing the walls. Movement up the steps tends to be quick with anticipation. Upxm reaching the top of the staircase, the decibal level of conversation diminishes. You then stand on the threshhold of the realm of the sacred. A member who attends numerous openings and is familiar with the museum knows that here you have two options. The museum staff has designed it that way.

You can either turn through the doorway to the left to the hallway which leads directly to the feasting area, or walk straight ahead from the top 125 of the staircase into the realm of the sacred. Wherever you may start the evening, the pilgrimage route emphasizes a circular path from one area to the other. It is fair to say that during my year of observation most members proceed straight ahead to view the exhibits first and will wind up at the three french doors which mark the end of the wing and open onto the feasting area in Derby Court. The installation of the exhibit area with its usually diagonally funneling temporary walls tend to spatiallly emphasize this route. If one is preoccupied and in the company of others, it becomes the an almost automatic way of moving with the constant stream of p e o p l e marching up the steps, rather than abruptly turning to the left at the top of the staircase. The only time during 1986 that there was no choice presented in regards to the pilgrimage route was during the American Folk Art exhibition. The corporate sponsor of that show had mandated that its installation close off the quick route to the feasting area, thus propelling all guests to go through the exhibition experience first, before celebrating its occasion (Field Notes, 2-6-86, Key Informant, 10-28-86).

There was throughout all observation a continuous flow of people making the full pilgrimage circuit. And as the director noted, at any given time, there were almost as many people in the exhibit area as there were in the feasting area. With a trusted volunteer assistant I conducted a rough count in each area, during the peak of the opening at

7 p.m., in June and November. At the Art League opening 312 were counted in the feasting area and 301 in the exhibition, and in November, 356 feasting, and 322 in the exhibits. These figures could only be rough given the movement and size of the crowd, but I feel that they are 126 fairly indicitive of the continuously observed nearly equal split between the spaces. The flow in the exhibit space is slow and ceremonial with groups progressing from object to object. Small groups of people moved in clusters, usually between two and a maximum of five people, occasionally stopping in front of a particular work quietly conversing and directing their gestures to the art object. They spoke in hushed tones. (I know they are generally hushed, since I spent evey reception trying to eavesdrop in lieu of starting conversations with everyone).

Due to the physical setting of the museum, art objects and associations seem more sacred and thus the movements during opening receptions appear more formally ritualized. Shrine-like installations and props, documentation (relics) are picked up by participants from customly fitted boxes attached to the wall, glass cases, guards in red jackets, do not touch signs, and occasionally, velvet ropes barring the spectator from getting too close, all provide a certain distance between art and viewer.

Like a temple precinct setting, the museum evokes a sense of the irreplaceable, the untouchable, and the unreachable. For participants at a member’s reception this sacred privilege seems to he heightened, due to the specialness of the event, after hours when the museum is generally closed to visitors, and the selectivity of the group getting to preview the works before the more mundane viewing experience of the general public. More validation in doctrine, history and liturgy mark the educational elements of the experience. Documentation tends to be rich, handsomely printed, informative, sometimes scholarly, and always validated by experts. They are relics you want to keep and would feel guilty about discarding. Since relics are designed to be saved and 127

referred to later, the exhibit area is further enshrined with titles,

attributions, documentary text and commentary featured prominently to

guide the viewers experience of the works.

Museum staff members can be spotted along the pilgrimage route.

Even when they are not wearing name tags, they somehow stand apart.

They often are seen casually posed with hands behind their backs. If

they are alone, they take the role of overseer, observing the scene

rather than either conversing or looking at the art work. Some of the

more celebrated staff members who work with the media, VIP’s or volun­

teers have what resembles a reception line attached to them. They may

be conversing with one or two people and sightly to the side, others

wait their turn to speak to them. This is especially true of the chief

curator, the development director, and the public relations coordinator.

The director seemingly has a special ceremonial spot designated

to him at these affairs. He regularly stands in the area between the

realm of the sacred and the feasting area. Throughout the course of

observation I have rarely seen him anywhere other than in that general

area. Here, he generally meets and greets members along with his wife.

As I observed this phenomenon repeatedly, an analogy came to mind.

It was not unlike the experience of a religious congregation upon the conclusion of a solemnly meditative ceremony. Here members of the flock file out of the realm of the sacred to be greeted by their religious leader with handshakes and salutations as they cross the threshhold back into the social reality of the outside world. (Field Notes, 9-13-86). 128

There are generally a large number of people around him awaiting the opportunity for conversation. He is always gracious and it has always amazed me how many people in this large crowd he remembers by name. If he is not present (only one opening this year) the chief curator takes his place in relatively the same area. The only staff member to be seen regularly moving through the flow, and occasionally quickly dashing here and there, is the special events coordinator whose job it is to watch everything happening at the same time.

As participants conclude their slow quiet procession through the realm of the sacred, they approach the feasting area. It is here that mood and pattern change. The reward for worship and veneration is feasting and celebration. As one crosses the threshhold in the hallway separating the two areas, the decibal of sound increases dramatically.

Laughter and loud conversations permeate the area. There are large clusters of people piled up in front of the two tables where tickets are purchased for drinks at the cash bar. These ticket tables are located on each side of the short flight of steps which descend into Derby

Court. There are generally three cash bars, one in the hall, and two at either end of Derby Court itself . There are two to three buffet tables spaced out within the feasting area. The quality of the hor d ’oevres and appetizers, seems to be in direct proportion to the presitge of the show, and whether or not the event had a corporate sponsor. As the special event coordinator explains, there is only a very small budget available for food. Generally the reciepts from the cash bar must cover the food. Sometimes plates of cheese and crackers are prepared by the museum's own restaurant (run by one of the volunteer organizations). 129

Other times the museum will call upon one of their long time caterers

(who generally work the more prestigeous private receptions and donor dinners) to make a charitable contribution to the museum for the opening of the more highly publicized shows.

Exceptions to General Patterns

76th Annual Columbus Art League Exhibition (June 3 - July 9, 1986)

In every category of focus questions, the opening reception for the annual art league exhibition breaks with the norm of established museum traditiions for other member’s receptions. Within this section, however, I will concentrate on the pattern of the event itself.

In terms of preparation, the entire administration and implementation of the exhibition falls on the shoulders of the Columbus Art League’s exhibitions committee and volunteer workers. The works for the exhibition are not stored at the museum prior to installation, but generally in a donated community space. The hiring of the juror, the jurying process, and the ceremony accompanying the exhibition are worked out by Art League members. Information regarding potential purchase of works from the exhibit is also handled by the League. The exhibition catalogue is prepared by the league and significantly contrasts in comparison to official museum documentation. This year it was printed in a newspaper format on newsprint paper and overall, had a funkier, throwaway, and less expensive character. The gulf that separates this show from other museum shows is subtley suggested in the acknowledgments of the Art League catalogue. While numerous names from the Art League staff are acknowledged for their various efforts, there is a conspicuous 130 absence of thanks to the museum itself or to the key personnel of the institution. This is highlighted by the fact that only two museum staff members are acknowledged at all, an associate curator and a member of the programs department (Field Notes, Art League catalogue 6-3-86).

During an interview regarding the museum’s relationship with members of the arts community (here construed as primarily the artist members of the art league) the museum director stated that he has

"nothing but praise for the increased quality of the league show over the past number of years". He refers to it as "exciting, commanding, and impressive" and considers it an important contribution to the museum’s quality exhibition programming" (Key Informant Interview, 9-25-86).

While in accordance with museum policy, the opening of the league show is considered to be one of the six member receptions held annually, nevertheless there is a great distinction between this event and the pattern established for other member’s receptions. A series of cues, from the museum and the league not only affect the format of the event, but also largely effects the audience that will attend.

At the outset, this opening breaks with established tradition in that it is never held on a Saturday night. It is generally held on a

Tuesday evening from 6 to 8 p.m. Further, the event serves as an opening for more than just the exhibition. Tuesday was chosen so that the event could also function as the official opening of "Arts Week" in the city, culminated by the Greater Columbus Arts Festival on the weekend. Thus there is an official ceremony which takes place in Derby

Court (the feasting area) mid-way through the reception. In addition to the presentation of juried awards for the show, corporate awards, and 131 museum purchase awards, this is also a time when the league bestows upon special individuals in the community, an award for distinguished service and contribution to the arts. It also is the time in which city leaders and the heads of the civic arts council acknowledge their own ranks and promote the city arts festival.

Participants who generally attend member’s receptions are signaled to the diffemt nature of this event by a variety of factors. It substantially breaks with the pattern of activity of regular members stopping at the museum on a Saturday night on their way to a weekend evening out on the town. Since people tend to plan their lives, they might be able to adjust to a change in established routine if given sufficient notice. Each month the museum mails out to members a monthly newsletter and calendar of events. For future planning a key feature of this publication is a projected calendar of coming events for the next month. Viewing the monthly newsletter for May, the opening for the league show (with its change of day) was not listed in the coming events for June section. It was the only June activity at the museum not to be listed. Further, in checking through all of the monthly calendars for 1986 it was the only member’s preview not to be listed in the projected calendar section. In the June calendar (which arrived the same day as the opening) it is listed, but given a back seat to the second show sharing space in the Ross Wing (the Pearlman collection of

Mayan Ceramics). While additionally, invitations to these previews are received by members approximately a week and a half prior to the event, such short notice does not tend to encourage regular attenders accustomed to a certain routine to adapt to this change in pattern. 132

During this year’s art league show, the Ross Wing was shared with the exhibition of Mayan ceramics, with the league show taking up the larger part of the divided space. There were 95 works by 88 regional artists, most of whom were present at the opening festivities. The pattern in the exhibit area was considerably changed. While there were approximately half of those in attendance in this area, there was far less in the way a low continual flow. There were many static groups congregated in front of specific works of art and staying in one place for relatively long periods of time. Closer observation and interviewing activity revealed that in most cases these groups were made up of the artist whose work was displayed and friends gathered around and conversing about the specific piece.

Throughout most of the evening there was a sharp division between the participants in the exhibit area and those in the feasting area.

With both groups remaining in the same respective area, except for the half hour from 6:30 to 7 p.m. when there occurred a sort of changing of the guard. Early in the evening the feasting area was where the city officials, arts administrators, museum personnel and conmittee members and officers of the art league had gathered. The artists and their entourages, on the other hand, stayed in the exhibit area. Around 6:30 a couple of league members started to make the rounds of both areas announcing that the awards ceremony would start shortly. Artists who were recipients of awards, followed by their groups, moved quickly into

Derby Court. All the people in Derby Court engaging in conversations were systematically cued to lower their voices by league informants going from group to group. Those not directly involved in the 133 ceremonies tried to flee this area as quickly and inconspicuously as possible:

Thus there ensued quite a humorous sight for the observer to enjoy. People involved heavily in conversation took this as their cue to leave the area with their fellow conversants. Each group trying not to disturb the initial ambiance of the ceremonial setting did not follow the routine pilgrimage route circuit, but attempted to leave more covertly through the southern entrance of Derby court, thus avoiding the main congregation by the podium, at the exhibition area entrance to the feasting area. However, such a mass of people fled through the route, that it hardly could have been missed by any of the interested parties geared toward the ceremony. (Field Notes, 6-3-86)

Once beyond the southern entrance,the departing group disbanded, walking quickly but quietly, some going to the left and others to the right. Either route directed participants to walk through the permanent collection areas circumventing Derby Court and ultimately winding up in the exhibit area. Here conversations continued, and many toured the exhibit quietly for the first time, while the ceremonies continued in the feasting area.

The American Folk Art Exhibition and Opening

This exhibition was distinquished from the norm in two ways.

Firstly a special VIP preview and coctail party (2-6-86) preceeded the regular Saturday night member’s reception (2-8-86). Secondly, the member's preview boasted the record attendance for museum openings during 1986 (1119). If one adds to this number the attendance at the

VIP preview (244) the resulting figure (1363) wildly exceeds the next closest attendance (810) for opening receptions that year. Doubtless these figures were encouraged by the unusually warm February nights on which the events were held (even overcoats were not necessary). 134

The VIP Preview

According to the special events coordinator, participants invited to

VIP receptions come from a select list. For this special event, funds were provided by UTC, the corporate sponsor of the exhibition, which is being circulated internationally to museums. The select list was therefore composed of the UTC guest list (which owns companies in the region), trustees and donors of the museum, and the museum’s special list of civic, business, and arts leaders in the city. VIP’s on this list received a handsome full color invitation with an RSVP response card.

Those responding, received through UPS an expensive hard cover full color catalogue of the exhibition with an engraved card announcing the gift to be compliments of the UTC president and inviting recipients to enjoy the preview. Thus, on the evening of the preview, participants indeed were made to feel the specialness of their selection. Upon our arrival at the museum, we were not checked in at the guard desk, but greeted at the guest table where we were asked to fill out a name tag and our names were checked off on a guest list. Arriving in the the exhibition area, we found virtually no one in this wing and so progressed through to the feasting area "to see where all the people were". (Field Notes, 2-6-86)

Here we were personally greeted by executives from Otis Elevator

Company (a regional company of UTC) and treated to an open bar and elegant buffet. Being far less crowded than the regular member’s reception, the ambiance was that of a private party marked by a more leisurely enjoyment of the Derby Court surrounding (which could actually be seen in its totality). After feasting, many people strolled into the exhibit areas which had the atmosphere of a truly private viewing. The 135 omnipresent guards were fewer and less inhibiting, and the overall conversational tone pattern and sound level were relatively quiet and the same in both areas.

The Member's Reception

Two nights later, returning to the museum for the Member's reception was an altogether different experience. Of course, if I were not researching this site, the pattern would have been not to return for a second opening. We (myself and a companion) were virtually the only participants to attend both affairs. Trustees and area leaders having had their elite preview would not in fact return for a viewing with the masses. And masses there were. The entire staircase was backlogged with people trying to get to the event. They were all being funnelled through the exhibits, but unable to implement the usual slow processional from object to object for fear of holding up the mass of people that followed. Due to the large numbers of attendees grazing each others shoulders and greeting social acquaintences it was exceedingly noisy and boisterous in the exhibit area as well as the feasting area. Both areas were crammed with people trying to move, but with no safe haven in which to congregate. This was the only event observed in which I can say no one was fully engaged in looking at the art. Many folk art enthusiasts tried, and focusing on a couple of groups, their frustration was evident. Two of the three groups observed in fact, left early. When one cites the frequently repeated statement,

"People go to openings to watch the people and not the art", it is surely this type of experience that they have in mind. 136

Interestingly enough, although the corporate sponsor of this

exhibit mandated (through the installation) that participants go

through the exhibit area before reaching the feasting area, in practice,

at both receptions, the desired effect of that construction was not

achieved. At the VIP reception, guests first gravitated to the feasting

area due to the lack of people in the exhibit area. During the member

reception, one could not really study the art in the exhibit area

because there were too many people funneling through.

r 137

Types of Participants

"This was a different crowd from the one’s I encountered at the other art openings— high society people and who’s who. Thank goodness I wore a skirt and looked decent. I felt I was being scanned by a hundred car salespeople. I wasn’t a known or potential customer and their search continued elsewhere freeing me to wander. (Outsider Informant, 11-6-86)

The museum staff is aware of a core group of members that make up the regulars at most opening receptions (Key Informants, 9-16-86, 10-28-86).

Their view coincides with my own observations and the observations of other informants and culture watchers.

The main group is made up of upper middle class to wealthy white suburbanites who are civic and corporate leaders or professionals

(doctors, lawyers, consultants). Many of this group have become close to the museum by serving in one of the six voluntary auxiliary organizations (Key Informant, 9-16-86, 10-28-86). It was these groups that voiced protest about not having opening receptions and it is from these ranks that these events receive their most ardent support.

However, in contrast to popular perceptions in art circles, this group does not represent the real social elite of the city (culture

Watchers A & B, 1-30-87, 1-28-87, Folk Seminar, 1-24-87). Trustees of the museum and major donors seldom attend member’s receptions, since there are a number of special elite receptions held for them on a number of occasions (Key Informant, 10-28-86). The element that most lends itself to this elitist perception is the level of elegant dress worn by the majority of attenders at member’s receptions. I believe the nature of the dress to be mandated in part by the nature of the edifice itself, as well as the idea of a preview. Opening night at the museum is not a 138 far cry from the idea of opening night at the opera or concert hall, and the images to be conjured up of that experience. Architecturally, of course, the physical structure of the museum like its counterparts in the performing arts helps to link such associations. There is also the perception that what you are privileged to preview is famous, critically acclaimed, precious, historical, or worldly, and thus you should accord it the honor of being seen at your best, and most formal in compatibility with the value of the art objects being viewed. But the pragmatic side of this level of dress has mostly to do with the fact that many attenders are on their way to some other plaice. Sometimes opening night at the theatre, or concert hall, or else out to dinner on a Saturday night.

The fact that the majority of attenders Eire linked to the museum’s voluntary organizations and planning an evening out on the town, is in faict developed by the museum using its social networks to increaise attendance at these events. Museum personnel, through the Coordinating

Council and other meetings, encourage the heads of eaich of the volunteer groups to get the word out to their members. These groups have organized dinner parties, group seating at performances and so forth after receptions in an effort to make the events more attractive to their membership (Key Informant, 10-28-86).

As a general rule, segments of the arts community (primarily artists, and other arts professionals who identify with artists) do not make up a standard segment of the museum reception audience.

I am disappointed that the artist population does not make up a standard large sector of the museum audience. While I do see some artists occasionally, I do not see them with any regularity. (Key Informant, 9-16-86) 139.

The museum openings have a snob appeal, elitist, fancy party, beaux arts kind of atmosphere. Except for the art league show, the arts community doesn’t go to them. When I go to a museum opening you are (the researcher) the only person there I know except for some of the museum staff. Artists are never there. (Culture Watcher A, 1-30-87)

Exceptions

The Annual Columbus Art League Exhibition

Since this annual regional arts showcase is perceived as an art league event rather than a museum event, it is very natural that the prime audience for its opening would change substantially. You might say that the facility has been ritually adopted by the league for this occasion. In light of the fact that there is a decided break with the tradition of the Saturday night events, few members that are regulars at the other events are in attendance. The atmosphere is also decidedly changed. Since the event is also open to league members, and arts festival types, membership cards are not checked at the guard desk.

Everyone and anyone just flows in. The predominant audience is the artists and their supporters. It is the who's who of the arts community primarily in attendance. This in fact, may well represent the largest annual gathering of this diverse group to be found anywhere in the city, and it certainly is the focus for the 400 members of the Columbus Art

League.

Generally, at member’s receptions, there are a couple of shows opening at the same time and thus there is usually a certain amount of diverse interest that may draw museum members els a group. In this case the exhibition opening concurrently with the league show, Mayan ceramics would have a very narrow appeal among traditional Columbus 140 museum members. The fact that this exhibition was to be a relatively long term temporary show whose dates spilled over into the next exhibition period, suggested that it could also be viewed during the summer member’s reception in July.

In reference to regular members, it should be noted that while they are certainly in the minority, one of the volunteer organizations of the museum was fairly well represented at the league event. This is the docent force. For them, this reception represents an important educational opportunity, a chance to talk to regional artists about their works, since it was their job to lead school tours and adult groups through this exhibit. Unlike other museum exhibits, the league show does not come with educational documentation and commentary prepared by experts which can be studied (Ancillary Informant, 6-3-86, my informant counted 15 of her colleagues present.)

With regards to the members of the arts community in attendance it must be said that the sanctity of the event, its attendant civic ceremony, and setting had its effect on modes of dress. Having witnessed many members of this group at other art openings, I can safely say that this is the occasion for which they are most formally attired. And while they are certainly a more creatively colorful group than the average museum member, nevertheless, jackets and dresses predominate.

In that this serves as a different mode of costume from the usual attire of this group, it also serves as a source of humor throughout the reception. "My god, look at you, I didn’t recognize you in that (suit)!

What do you think, its my junior league look? What did you do to your hair? I combed it!". (Field Notes, 6-3-86) 141

The American Folk Art Exhibition

Regarding the record attendance at the American Folk Art Exhibition, the special events coordinator noted "it appealed to a wide range of people. There were lots of faces that I didn’t recognize from most of our regular receptions" (Key Informant, 10-28-86). As an observer, I believe that the regulars showed up in force, but these numbers were added to, by a diverse array of other segments in the community which reduced the regular’s percentage to about 50% of the overall crowd

(Field Notes 2-8-86). While it was exceedingly difficult to make any evaluative judgements regarding the precise composition of the audience due to the overwhelmingly large crowd, I do know that I spent almost the entire two hours of the event talking with people I know from the community, whom I have never seen before, or since, at a museum opening.

The minority community was well represented at a museum opening for the first time this year (1986). I spoke with five folklorists that I worked with in various community projects. I recognized a number of people from the state university, the ethnic and folk program of the

Ohio Arts Council, and a contingent from the Ohio Historical Society.

Two crafts instructors from the Department of Parks and Recreation were also in attendance as well as a large group (12) from the Ohio Gallery

(a folk art storefront gallery near the university district). The diversity of attendance I feel is also attributable to the fact that the museum was celebrating the opening of three exhibits that night. In addition to the folk art exhibit there was also an exhibit of Royal 18th

Century French paintings, as well as an exhibit of bronzes and prints by

Matisse. There seemed to be something that appealed to everyone. 142

Wayne Thiebaud opening (7-19-86), Awards in the Visual Arts 5. and Saul Steinbery opening 9-13-86)

While the traditional perception that few members of the arts community are generally present at museum openings may be mostly true, nevertheless, in addition to the league show, two additional exhibitions pulled significant attendance from the artist population this year.

These exhibitions were simply the types of shows that would be of interest to artists. The Wayne Thiebaud show produced the traditionally light turn out for a summer opening, 510. (Comparison 1984, 85, & 86 summer attendance sheets). Since Thiebaud is not exactly a household name, I don’t think it would have produced a record crowd at any time of the year. But it is a name known and respected by artists. Thiebaud, a

California based artist is often called in art circles a "painters painter" and artists did turn out in unusually large numbers for the opening. (I counted 63 that I recognized). In talking with some of the artists, I discovered that this was a long awaited event. A feature story on the major Theibaud retrospective had appeared in the December,

1985 issue of Art in America, with the notation that the show was to travel to Columbus among other sites. (Berkson, 1985).

While regular member attenders divided their time between Mayan ceramics and Theibaud in the exhibition area, many clusters of artist engaged in long conversations about specific works in the Thiebaud section of the wing. Perhaps because the opening was relatively small I noted many interesting interactions and introductions being made between members of the artists and regular groups (Field Notes, 7-19-86) 143

The Awards in the Visual Arts (AVA) Five and Saul Steinberg opening also produced a sizeable number of members from the arts community.

Here I noted particularly arts media people and arts administrators in addition to artists (Field Notes, 9-13-86). The drawing card was essentially the AVA show which, as a prestigious competition, is open to regional artists each year and the award recipients are showcased in a touring exhibition as a model program of its type. Arts administrators also came out as a show of support. This pushed attendance for this event to 810, well over the number anticipated by museum personnel who thought that this very contemporary exhibit would not be popular with their traditional viewers (Key Informants, 9-16-86, 10-28-86).

Participant motivations, expectancies, and experience

This section attends to a series of related focus questions geared to various participants perception of the museum’s opening receptions. In relation to the institutioinal point of view it asks the questions:

Why does the museum have member’s receptions?, In what ways are they important to the museum?, and What does the museum gain by holding them?

From the audience's point of view, various categories of participants were observed and interviewed in order to determine:

Why do individuals attend these events?, How do they experience these events?, or What do they expect from them? and finally to ascertain the value of this experience for diverse member of the audience.

These are, of course, very subjective questions that in reality may be different for every single participant. However they are also the 144 kinds of questions that cannot be answered through mass quantitative data collection. In truth, current methodological techniques suggest that the only alternative is to take sample readings from a variety of different categories of participants. Thus I have posed these questions to representatives from the ranks of museum personnel, regular attenders, a new attender, official attenders, and infrequent attenders.

The Museum Perspective

The museum director views opening receptions as being "absolutely fundamental" to the museums activities. "I'm not quite sure how, I haven’t truly concentrated on analyzing why we’ve had them. We’ve always done them as a matter of course (a tradition for museums) (Key

Informant, 9-16-86). In his view there are two main reasons for opening receptions from the standpoint of the institution.

1. Promotion and development— it is a special privilege that the museum offers which helps generate the decision to become a member.

This privilege is packaged by the museum as an invitation to a

special gala preview of the latest thing to hit town. Hopefully it is something that may have been reviewed elsewhere in the country which is finally getting to Columbus.. .or it has been announced through advanced publicity locally.. .It’s like opening night at the opera...It’s a big deal to be first. We offer our members first dibbs on this experience as a reward for their membership check. It’s an exchange of support. We are giving them something special in exchange for their financial support of the institution. (Key Informant, 9-16-86)

2. Recognition and honoring the exhibit— when an exhibit arrives or is put together at the museum and installed,

it’s an important moment. We want to deliver that exhibit to a welcoming committee that is appreciative of the considerable efforts that brought it together. For shows which may open with living 145

artists, or visiting officials from the organizing institutions, or corporate sponsors who accompany it... it ’ s very inmportant to honor them by having a large appreciative audience show up...It’s kind of like in the old days waiting at the train station. It’s very much a ceremonial, ritualistic recognition of the importance of specific exhibits culturally to the community. It is not unlike giving someone a birthday party or honorary ceremony. The museum is welcoming the arrival of this event to town with the audience best suited to appreciate it (through self-selection). Some shows arrive without much fanfare and so we don’t feel very obligated, because there’s no sponsor, no author of it, no artists to be honored. But we still do this ritual and the requisite number of people still show up and enjoy it. It seems to be a fairly good contract between us and our members. They can expect these special events in recognition of their support. They are going to come help us celebrate in a somewhat knowing way, the quality of the new exhibits w e ’re bringing to the community as a result of their support. It provides them with a sense of belonging, they are recognized as being an important part of the musuem. And this helps to reinforce the faithfullness of our membership (Key Informant, 9-16-86).

There are other levels of reasons for these events. The museum quietly encourages members to bring non-menbers as their guests knowing that the evocative social nature and specialness of these events may stimulate new memberships and also serve to spread the word about the musuem as a hub of activity in the community. Plus if the city doesn’t develop a strong audience in attendance for its show, it is not going to be able to stay competitive in getting quality exhibitions.

if you write to a museum that sent you a show with a disappointing number in attendance, they sire not going to want to waste on your museum, the next exhibit they orgsinize for tour (and they do select based on numbers and response). So you want the numbers. You want people to be attracted to come, and you want that word of mouth to spread the word.

If a sponsor is present at an opening

we have the chance to impress that sponsor by delivering a sharp audience, which may lead to other sponsorships. A happy experience with an enthusisistic audience is very impressive to a sponsor.

Beyond the pragmatic reasons, the director states that the museum has openings because, 146

... .we like the product. We do it in the way we feel they should be done, and hope others will enjoy than too. We try to stress hospitality, It’s been a style of this museum to make visitors feel at home and not the chintz on the decor. People expect more out of the museum. We do them also because we (museum staff) enjoy going to than enough to think they’re worth while and clearly enough people think they axe. (Key Informant, 9-16-86)

Members Point of View

The Special events coordinator not only oversees various special events, she also functions as the coordinator of volunteers. Thus it was she who gave me an overview of what such events mean to the core group of regulars from the volunteer groups and also guided me to a number of ancillary informants from these groups.

From this key informants point of view, there is public relations value to the event, but beyond that

our members look forward to these events. They expect them. Of course, once you have them, it’s hard to take them away. However regulars truly enjoy the openings— that exchange of sharing it with someone else at a special moment in time. It’s not just a social gathering. It’s getting a chance to share their perceptions about certain pieces of art and hearing what other perception are in an informal and open atmosphere.. .1 don’t know whether its the same at other places, but at the museum, it’s very important to our members getting a chance to share their ideas and gaining insights. I know this to be true. It’s my job to observe what people do and say concerning these events. I think it would be very quiet here if we didn’t have these events. According to some members, it would take us back to the mausoleum era, the way I have heard it, a time when nothing took place here. They say it was dark and dingy, an atmosphere that kept people away more than attracted them. I think when you have a lot of activity, action and excitement, it just naturally draws people. I think you need to recognize that (Key Informant, 10-28-86).

Ancillary informants largely back up this point of view.

"Although I am here (museum) a lot, I ’m always involved (with the fund raising projects). I rarely get a chance to see what is happening in the museum or interact with other members. We don’t get to see the exhibition either until the member’s reception. It’s a chance for all of us to get together, celebrate our museum and get a chance, maybe the only chance, to enjoy what it is that the museum 147

does! With so many people working during the day (regular museum hours) the opening is a time that we can leisurely spend looking at the exhibits. Plus it has the added advantage of having so many knowledgeable people there to tell you about the pieces in the shows. (Ancillary Informant, 9-13-86).

When I became active at the museum it was because I was interested in art and wanted to do something with my own life that was worthwhile. Coming to the openings has been great. For years we only went to (my husbands) business related social functions. Now we come to the museum for these events. He's even gotten more interested in art! They (openings) are a way that I can share my world with my husband and friends (Ancillary Informant, 8-2-86).

Although I’ve been a docent for two years now, I confess that I still get stage fright when I have to give a tour. When I come to the openings, I get a chance to try out my stuff on friends in a less threatening atmosphere. They will ask me questions about some works. I can anticipate those questions later, so I won’t be devastated when some 6th grader (in a tour) asks the same question. They’re support and morale boosters during the openings. We all get to talk about the exhibit and they think I’m wonderful because I know so much about it (Ancillary Informant, 11-6-86).

The Outsider’s Point of View

The observations of my outside informant at this site had to be edited. Since I had left the perceptual field relatively open to her, I in no way way controlled the nature of her commentary nor did I have the slightest inkling of what her most immediate perceptions would be. The flavor of the commentary from this exhibition site was significantly different from the others she prepared. Thus they have been edited since they are decidedly personal in nature, reading somewhat like a local gossip column and therefore of little interest to the general reader not familiar with area personalities, as well as perhaps constituting an invasion of privacy.

Nevertheless, the nature of much of her commentary is intriguing in that I had overlooked the celebratory status of many of the museum’s p>articip)ants. My informant seemed somewhat awed at meeting many names 148 she had only read or heard about through local media. And I suppose they do in a certain sense constitute the "movers and the shakers" of civic affairs through their sense of community duty and volunteerism.

Some of her commentary opened this museum section (pp. 110 & 137)

Other perceptions are as follows:

There is a handsome group at this reception. Is it attributable to money or the appreciative glow one gets from supporting the arts?" The way people talk about art is different here (than other sites). It’s more reverential...I suppose that because the art is more richly displayed? _____ and I were viewing the Japanese "Four Seasons" when a known/familiar couple arrived and joined in his quest to delineate the seasons. It was an interesting exchange and made me feel better..." "I felt less insecure at this opening! Mere mortals gathered (not artists). The purpose seemed different. Perhaps because everything was more self-congratulatory and social (Outside Informant, 11-6-86).

Infrequent attenders

Among my infrequent informants were a businessman, a lawyer, and an artist. After an exchange of greeting in Derby Court, the businesman’s comments are as follows:

I haven’t been here in a while. I usually come when or are going. I don’t know why I don’t come more often. I always tell myself I should, it’s always a pleasant experience. This time it’s Steinberg.. .quite a range of work they have here. I didn’t know that much about him,...just familiar with his name and always enjoyed his work. I guess that’s really why I make a point of coming when I do. It usually has to be something that I think is worth seeing in this pleasant company.. .Look at that (someone who had obviously imbibied a little too much)...I wonder how Steinberg would envision this opening? (Ancillary Informant and Field Notes, 9-13-86 ) the exchange with a lawyer:

HE...Oh hi, A long time...yes! RESEARCHER...I haven’t seen you down here before. HE.. .Well you know_____ is now doing work for the museum in the Programs department. RESEARCHER... I know, she’s been there for quite a while. HE....But I usually don’t come to these, _____ insisted this time. So we’re making a night of it with some of the people from the office. Did you see them? RESEARCHER.. .No, there’s quite a crowd here. Have you seen the exhibit yet? HE... Are you kidding! We all had to do that first _____ would have killed 149

us.. .said she didn’t want us to embaress her by standing in here drinking the whole time...only kidding, it really was interesting. We have a folk art collection you know... (Ancillary Informant, 2-8-86)

The Artists Point of View: Well I usually don’t go except for the league show, which is a real festive affair for the artists as you know, and it’s important that it happens at the museum. ..it lends that air of validity to the work. And it really is one of the few times everyone in the arts community gets together... its one of the few places that could even hold us all. I did go down to the Folk art exhibition this year with one of my neighbors, and that was really pleasant. I always think of the crowds at the museum as representing the other side of art making... the reality of the marketplace and I want to say to them as people supposedly interested in art; who are you?, and why don’t I know you? and why don’t you also support Columbus artists? I confess to sometimes having tinges of resentment and I sometimes feel a sense of non-belonging here (Culture Watcher D, 1-24-87).

Actions, and the Setting’s Influence on Actions

The tone for behavior and actions are set at member’s receptions by the physical setting, the pattern and organization of the event itself, and the types of participants present. These elements come together to influence participants perceptions and experiences of the event and also greatly influence the actions during the event. All of these elements act as cues suggesting the proper modes of behavior that should be operative. From the prestigiously important looking physical structure, to the layout of props in the various reception areas. From the time and day, and the special moment in time that the event represents, to the attire of the participants. Further, participants are lead through the experiecnce by the careful planning of the pilgrimage route, and by the examples of those "regulars" who have learned the routine well.

Members do lead their guests, they walk up to the documentation boxes and hand their guests the mandatory relics. They initiate the stops at 150 each work of art. And as documented by museum personnel as well as my own observations, large proportions of the attending audience spend considerable amounts of time in the exhibitions area viewing and discussing the works of art. Small groups interact in a quiet manner through out this area. Seeing what others do cues these behaviors.

Additionally there is the presence of tabus which rein- force the quiet reverential atmosphere. Glass cases, do not touch signs, and generally an abundance of watchful guards observing the scene.

Conversely, in the feasting area, one is cued to cut loose and be more socially celebrative. All of the elements of a lounge atmosphere are to be found in this area. From food and drink, to ashtrays and the absence of guards, participants are signaled that they have crossed from the sacred to the secular or profane. Derby Court, like an open sculpture garden, is far less sanctimonious than the exhibit area.

Conversations usually change here from the art and the exhibit to topics of politics, civic affairs, and business. People greet each other loudly and as one culture watcher noted "there is lots of cheek kissing going on". Somewhat cynically she adds that when people talk about the phoniness of art openings they are usually talking about the activities of this area "since people who generally don’t like each other at all will often pretend to be long lost friends" (Culture Watcher A, 1-28-86).

This is the inverted behavior, a release from the sacred, a place where somebody just discussing the finer points of post war modernism will be found dancing about telling dirty jokes (Field Notes, 4-12-86). But perhaps for all the sarcasm regarding the observations of fake or phoniness, the very point of these openings is being missed. Openings 151 provide an open atmosphere, a special moment in time unlike the relatively somber solitary viewing of art in the museum during regular hours. A party at the museum after hours may provide excessive behavior

(strictly limited to a certain space) but in doing so it also provides a more celebratory and open viewing experience in the exhibitions areas.

In putting my field notes together, I made a discovery about the decidedly different viewing experience to be found at the opening when compared to regular hours. While attempting to see if there were any participants at openings who returned to the exhibit area after the event I made repeat visits to the museum during the next available weekdays. I did this four times (2-10-86, 7-21-86, 9-15-86, 11-8-86).

Each time I stayed in the exhibit area during the luncheon hours (noon to

2 p.m.). At every viewing I encountered a least one person from the opening who was in the company of someone who had not seen the show before. Thus on a small scale, physically validating the word of mouth theory. But the point of this discourse is that these observations also allowed me to compare behaviors— specifically the viewers in response to the interactions of another viewer (the researcher). For at each observation I (not usually given to doing so) approached fellow viewers, who in all cases were unknown to me and attempted to share the viewing experience by initiating a dialogue.

When I first tried this at openings I was surprised at how easy it was. At all six opening I had virtually no trouble becoming part of a conversant group previously unknown to me. All it took was some overture to the work the group was viewing "look at the intensity of the cobalt blue", or "I really like the composition in this one", or "this 152 has always been my favorite Steinberg". Immediately someone always responded with "I think it’s his feeling for the texture of paint that makes the blue really sing", or "I wish the museum would have purchased that piece instead", or "its the Steinberg over there that really tickles me, I ’ve never seen it before" (Field Notes, 7-19-86, 9-13-86). However such immediate discourse did not seem to be possible with those viewers I encountered during regular* hours, even when one of them recognized me from the opening.

While they were generally polite, my queries went unanswered. Their long silences made me feel the same way people feel when having to ask a question of a stranger on the street. I was obviously an interloper, disturbing their viewing experience. I think in a fundamental way, a viewing experience at a member’s reception creates a congenial atmosphere in which people become more open to possibilities and sharing different perceptions, almost seeking them out, to celebrate the joy of viewing art in a communal way. Clearly the expectations are different in each of these two viewing experiences.

Although the joy of sharing art and meeting new people are key features of the exhibit area, all of the exchanges are made in quiet tones of voice. Deviants are dealt with non-verbally through stares.

On those few occasions where I have noted an individual who laughed too loud, or in bidding farewell to a companion was a bit too boisterous, other participants in this area focused their attention to the offender which always resulted in immediate silence and sometimes a noticeable blush of embarassment" (Field Notes, 7-19, 9-13-86)

The feasting area also has its purposes. It links the experience of 153 art with one’s own social reality and being. For the behaviors in this area are really merely an accentuated extension of the roles people play in their daily lives. You know the business tycoons both from their conversations and from the fact that they are passing on their business cards. Throughout the course of field work in this area, I managed to accumulate an average of five business cards at every opening. People who knew each other tended to form little circles of conversation.

Groups formed in the exhibition area, on the other hand, tended to have a more diverse makeup (in that anyone can become part of the dialogue, by directing themself to the confronted artwork). Those in the feasting area tend to be more mutually specific, with the topics of conversation geared to occupational or specific interests, and tended to eliminate stranger participants. Thus groups in the two areas continually change their participant members. It is in the feasting area that participants announce their communal roles, and reasons for attending the openings. It serves to ground the participants to the relationships between the museum and the community. In the ambiance and ceremonial atmosphere of the event, which serves as an official announcement of an exhibition to that community, these communal roles of participants are validated.

The Event and Community relations

From the official city viewpoint the museum represents "the visual arts" in Columbus. It is the symbol of this community’s cultural growth in this area. This view is promulgated and reflected in a variety of promotional materials published by the Convention and Visitors Bureau, 154 the local media, and by external publications and media which from time to time have published profiles of this city for readers in other communities (Bosworth, 1986; Greater Columbus Convention and Visitor

Bureau, 1986; NEA, 1981). To attend a museum opening is to acknowledge one’s participation, and pride in the cultural growth of the community.

The museum director over the past decade has strengthened this view of the museum as a key cultural resource through his own civic involvements (Kelm, 1987b). He has often served as the spokesperson for the arts community on various committees and panels and by his visible presence at numerous other official civic functions.

Bishop has served on many civic projects, becoming involved in the community in historic preservation, public art, and public policy issues. He has served as an advisory board member on the Kelton House restoration project, was chairman of the committee that carried out the restoration of city council chambers in historic City Hall; chaired the selection of the Port Columbus sculpture project...He is a board member of the German Village Society, and was for six years a Trustee of the Columbus Academy. He also served on the national jury for the architectural competition for the Wexner Center for the Visual Arts at Ohio State University. He co- authored, with the Greater Columbus Arts Council, a percent-for-art legislative proposal while he was chairman of the Civic Arts Advisory Committee, a group invited by the Development Commission of the City of Colulmbus to review and recommend public arts policy. Bishop is active in many professional organizations. He has been a Trustee and Secretary of the Association of Art Museum Directors, President of the Intermuseum Conservation Laboratory-Oberlin, and senior accreditation advisor of the American Association of Museums. (CMA press release, July 2, 1986)

The dynamic and visible prominence of this individual’s personality has been reflected in the community’s current perceptions of the museum.

I have found the museum director’s name to be virtually the only individuals name in the visual arts known to the average citizen. The prominence of the director and the insititution in the eyes of the city has led to some resentment from artists and arts professionals as noted 155 elsewhere. These members of the community are critical of what they perceive to be the museums lack of support of local artists. The director of the museum acknowledges an awareness of this problem. But feels that the museum as an institution, responsible for delivering the art of the world to the Columbus comnunity is not adequately equipped to also deal with the problems and concerns of local artists (Kelm,

1987b). He also states:

Not everybody is always happy with what we're doing. That's the state of affairs for public institutions. There’s always a group of people who think it could be done better. (Key Informant, 9-16-86)

While artists in the community credit the director for achieving a high visibility for art in the city and appealing to a broad audience, they nevertheless perceive that artists have not been considered sis a segment of that audience (Culture Watchers A, B, & D, 1-30, 1-28, 1-24-87).

In the views of culture Watcher A, the museum has had the wrong ideas about what the arts community wanted.

"The museum has thought that all the arts community wanted was more regional shows by local artists. In reality, what they wanted was the courtesy of an invitation to join the museum. I’ve never been solicited to join the museum either as a graduate art history student, a leader of the arts community, an arts writer, a member of the art league, or an arts council fellowship recipient, and I'm on lots of available arts mailing lists. A decision was made on how to market the museum to the community. They’ve made enormous strides, but they never viewed the arts community as a marketing segment. They showed that we were expendable and not important. They geared their marketing strategies to those who had successful lifestyles and not those with a professed interest in art. Their first priority was to raise money for the museum from significant sources and they lost sight of other factors (1-30-87). 156

This viewpoint was largely echoed by other arts informants as noted above. While the museum director has expressed disappointment about the fact that artists do not make up a standard segment of the museum audience, he nevertheless feels that gravitation to museum activities

"ought to be instinctive for artists" in view of the fact that art museums should play a key role in an artist’s professional education

(Key Informant, 9-25-86).

In interviewing the opposing parties in this matter, it became quite clear that the idea of memberships always create a class of outsiders as well as insiders, which become far more highlighted when associated with presitigious institutions. While membership in the museum is clearly open to everyone, nevertheless, the ceremonial gesture of issuing an invitation to certain groups is perceived to be an indication of what members of the community are valued and important to that institution. Such perceptions have their implications for who attends member’s receptions in support of that institution.

However it should be noted that while members of the arts community feel a certain alienation from the museum, the annual art league show, precisely because it is held at the museum, is viewed as the major yearly event of the arts community. Planned for, and anticipated throughout the year, it is always a major topic of conversation at every arts community gathering. 157

Event Analysis

The opening of the exhibition Choice by Choice: Celebrating notable

Aquisitions 1976 - 1986 was chosen for Event Analysis due to the fact that it was considered to be the museum highlight of 1986 and as such was the solo show to be featured in the Ross wing for this exhibition period.

In actuality however, it proved to be a relatively standard member’s reception with little deviation from the norm in terms of attendance

(only 700) and those in attendance (primarily the museum’s regulars).

Several points in the research of this event Eire germaine for what they reveal about the museum’s perceptions and its audience. The idea for this show was conceived of, like others, approximately two years prior to its realization. It was designed to be a celebration of the museum’s achievements in acquisitions over the past decade and as such, was in a way, a ceremonial occasion for the museum to celebrate itself, rather than just the arrival of a prepared exhibition. When it was initially planned, it was not realized that the opening would also be serving as an appropriate farewell event for the museum director. As both events coincided, substantial advanced publicity about the exhibition and the immanent departure of the museum director were generated. In researching all of the press generated by the museum in

1986, it is fair to say that this show received the most promotion in major media outlets of any show that the museum has had during this year. Museum personnel were thus planning for record attendance and a complete catalogue of the exhbition was prepared (only done for major shows at the museum). 158

The museum’s director believes the attendance "at member’s receptions directly relate to the amount of information generated, in the media in advance of the show in cities like ours" (key informant 9-

16-86). Echoing this perception, the special events coordinator believed that the excitement over the idea of the show itself (donors would probably attend bringing their friends) and the farewell honoring of the director would draw a record crowd.

I would hope that it wouldn’t be an average reception for Mr. Bishop’s sake. It will be the last member’s reception with him as director and we have all been encouraging attendance through our volunteer organizations particularly. (Key Informant, 10-28-86).

Although a decidely festive and worshipful crowd appeared at the opening, it nowhere approached the figures for the American Folk Art or the AVA-Steinberg receptions. In researching the aftermath of this event I can conclude that:

1. The turnout for an opening reception at the museum is not accurately reflected by the amount of publicity generated about it.

2. Openings sure not purely social occasions in which one comes only to pay homage to the institution. Attendance is generated by a complex array of motivations (sis indicated in the preceeding sections) including:

a. who else is attending b. the subject matter or theme of the exhibition c. being the first to see something new and different experienced in a communal way.

The works in this exhibition were not new to the Columbus audience as they can routinely be seen in the museum’s permanent collections. As one culture watcher put it:

Why should I come down to the museum for this opening. I am familiar with all those works. I know all about them. We’ve all talked about them. There would be none of that excitement people 159

get when you all get to see something together for the first time and discuss it. (Culture Watcher C, 9-18-86)

Thus it was not surprising that on this occasion the feasting area was packed with social well wishers, while the exhibition area in comparison to the openings just past (7-19 & 9-13) was relatively empty of people viewing art.

3. The ceremonial nature of this event was in fact somewhat diluted by other civic ceremonies and recognitions held in honor of the museum’s director. A series of testimonial events were held. He was the focus of recognition during Columbus USA weekend (Oct 11 & 12, 1986) which preceeded this event. And a reception and farewell party for the director was held on 12-4-86 in the exhibition and feasting areas of the museum, functioning as a second opening for the exhibit with 559 of the city’s civic, business, and arts leaders present as well as the musuem’s trustees and major donors in attendance. Thus many individuals who felt the need to be present as a form of support for the director’s contributions to the community, had a variety of forums in which to express that recognition. During the member’s reception the corridor between the feasting and exhibition areas did reflect this ceremonial flavor, in that it was used for a receiving line of well wishers, each taking their turn paying homage to the director.

It should be said of course that for the traditional museum supporter and museum personnel, this was a significant and joyous occasion enabling them to each celebrate the essential parts they played in the museum’s achievements over the past decade. As Turner (1982) notes, 160 when a social group celebrates a particular event or occasion...it also celebrates itself. In other words, it attempts to manifest in symbolic form what it conceives to be its essential life, at once the distillation and typification of its corporate experience. All cultures commemorate what makes them distinctive and worthy in their own eyes (p. 16). 161

Gallery 200

These receptions are not intended for the ignorant. Should one seek inquiry into the art world, they would be well advised to skip these private affairs (tell’em to wander in during regular hours). All encounters are pleasant and kind, but this appears a special time, exclusively devoid of non-artists. (Outside Informant, 11-2-86)

The Secret Society type of Opening

In certain avante garde or commercial galleries, community spaces and in some cases university galleries, there exists the Secret Society type of art opening. As Turner (1982) has noted, because of our complex multifaceted society, many sub-cultures have sprung up to replace the lack of an overall communal orientation. They may be bounded by ethnic identity, geographic setting, or special interest. They tend to establish a strong sense of "communitas" among themselves and at the same time separate their group from the larger society in order to maintain their uniqueness and belonging to their group. In all major cities of the United States such a sub-culture exists in segments of the arts community. As a minority in terms of population, such arts groups acquire esteem and significance in their own eyes by sharing in secret esoteric knowledge which is unknown to the more general population. The celebratory rituals of these groups are performed during the secret society type of art opening. Such events are implicitly rather than explicitly members only. While generally anyone can attend, often outsiders tend to feel out of place at these events since everyone else seems to know one another. 162

The Setting

In direct contrast to the museum, Gallery 200 is invisible in the city in terms of physical presence. One has to know exactly where it is in order to find it, rather than discovering what looks like an arts facility as you happen by. During my first research encounter at

Gallery 200 I reminisced with its director about my first visit to the facility in 1976.

Upon hearing that I would be moving to Columbus, an artist friend of mine suggested that I pay a visit to Gallery 200 as a good starting point for getting acquainted with the local arts community. He had been exhibiting his paintings there for years and was fiercely loyal to the gallery’s director. Upon my arrival and not knowing rriy way around the city, I began my quest to locate the gallery armed with the address and a city map. Although I knew that the gallery was supposed to be located within the downtown area, it took two long hours to find it. What the city map neglected to tell me is that the very old street that the gallery is on abruptly stopped and started again at various points in the downtown area. As it turned out, I held actually passed the gallery twice thinking that this deadend warehouse area devoid of any cultural features could not be the site of the gallery. Somehow in hearing about the gallery from my friend, I had envisioned a funky visible storefront like those found in Soho (Field Notes, 9-10-86).

When I finally located the site I still was not certain I had found the gallery. The non-descript,old, white brick warehouse building boasted only the address "200" high above street level. No "gallery" sign is visible. The only clue to activity is the number of cars incongruously parked in this desolate area. Only after you have parked and physically walk up to the front door can you read the two small brass signs flanking the door, one proclaiming "Egelhoff Interiors" and the other "Gallery 200". After entering through the unique door with its central doorknob, you make you way through the darkened furnishing and decorator showroom to the lighted doorway at the rear. At this 163 point you stand on the threshhold of the ramp two steps above the gallery level.

The gallery itself formerly a back storeroon, consists of a spacious rectangular room with an area of approximately 3000 sq. ft. It projects the elegantly funky ambiance, that characterizes many rehabilitated gallery spaces in the now fashionable arts districts of other large urban areas. It has not attempted to disguise its former role as a warehouse storeroom. The space proudly retains the original heavy wooden beams and four pillars, a concrete floor, arched windows and brick walls. These elements have taken on an elegant character with a covering of white paint and the accentuation of exceptional track lighting. The high wood ceilings (15 ft.) also add to the spacious atmosphere of the gallery.

Although much development in the city has taken place since the founding of this gallery, this area is still isolated and invisible from major city activities. While the Cultural Arts Center and Bicentennial

Park are only one a block away to the north, and major street traffic exists two blocks to the east, it-is separated from them by a sea of parking and vacant lots, and old warehouse buildings. To the south, it is cut off from the city’s oldest and largest renovated area (German

Village) by an expressway. In fact, the street on which the gallery is located (Mound Street) deadends about 150 feet to the west of the gallery and a section of it merges into a bridge over the expressway.

Upon reaching the Gallery 200 destination the assumption is that you have entered an enclave of light in a no-man’s land. 164

Background

Gallery 200 was founded in 1970 by its present director Renee

Steidle. Steidle, a native of France, came to the United States in 1969 with much experience working in both galleries and antique stores in various parts of the world (Belgium, Monte Carlo, Spain, and Puerto

Rico). She was working for Egelhoff Interiors (in the present location) as a part time decorator when she discovered the back store room which had been left unused for many years. Recognizing its potential, she discussed the possibility of turning the space into an art gallery with her employer and owner of the building, Frederick Egelhoff.

With Egelhoff*s encouragement, Steidle spent six months visiting art centers, schools and artist’s studios throughout the region. She also conducted marketing surveys among potential clients. Convinced that there was an abundance of local talent, and that patronage could be developed to sustain it, Steidle launched the first exhibiton at Gallery

200 in November 1970 (Einhom, 1985; Kelm, 1984). This is the city's oldest commercial gallery and the first to showcase works by regional artists at a time well before the recent cultural development of the area. It was also a time when there was especially very little interest in the visual arts, let alone the relatively unknown talents of local artists. A number of my artist informants remember Steidle*s first visits to their studios and think back with a special nostalgia to the early opening receptions of Gallery 200 shows. (Culture Watcher D, 1-

24-87; Key Informants, 9-7-86, 11-28-86) 165

These times provided some of the earliest gatherings of the local arts community. And they were even celebrated in a work of art. Diane

Powell’s drawing of the Colubus Arts Community, set in Gallery 200 features caricatures of Steidle and Egelhoff along with recognizable depictions of many key figures active in the arts community today

(Collection of John and Judith Henle). Powell, like a number of other

Columbus artists has left the city. Steidle takes special pride in the fact that many of the artists who started showing in her gallery have moved on to prestigeous galleries and collections and have achieved growing reputations throughout the country (Einhom, 1986 p. 6). Gallery

200 has never achieved wide recognition in terms of public awareness in the city. I have informally polled numerous people at civic meetings and events. In general they have either never heard of it, or if they recognize the name, have never been there and don’t know where it is.

Over the years, due to my own role in the arts, I routinely receive phone calls from individuals wanting to know about galleries. When I mention

Gallery 200, I always wind up explaining what it’s about and where it is.

This is in spite of numerous critical reviews of its shows in the newspaper. Outside of the museum, it has been the only gallery to receive critical art reviews of almost all of its yearly shows in the

Sunday Arts section of the major newspaper. (In 1986 only one of eleven shows was not given prominent coverage, and that was because the artist showing had previously had a recent review.) Recently growing public attention in the visual arts has decidedly focused on the Short North and other new, or more prestigiously visible commercial galleries which have captured local civic attention. Since art writers and culture watchers 166 tend to possess a longer memory as well as a sense of history, in recent years, there has been an attempt to remind the public audience ofGallery

200 *s unique status and vision as the first facility of its kind in

Columbus:

The oldest commercial gallery in town, Gallery 200 at 200 W. Mound St. is celebrating its 16th anniversary in November. That’s quite a milestone in a city not particularly generous to its commercial galleries. During those years, its director, Renee Steidle has done a great job for Ohio artists in general and Columbus ones in particular. Artists tend to stay with her even after moving from the state (Hall, 1986a, p. 10 G ) .

With this 16th anniversary show, Gallery 200 proves that it remains one of the best and most stimulating galleries in town. (Hall, 1986b, p. 10 G)

Possibly Columbus’ best— Gallery 200: If the past 15 years are any indication of the quality of Ohio artists who have been discovered and launched at Gallery 200, the next 15 years should be nothing short of fabulous (Einhom, 1985, p. 6).

It should also be noted that the high regard held for this gallery in art circles is witnessed by the fact that Gallery 200 has been the only commercial gallery to date to receive the Distinguished Service

Award from the Columbus Art League (1977).

The Columbus Art League Distinguished Service award is presented annually to an individual or organization in Central Ohio who, over an extended period of time has made a distinguished contribution in the promotion and development of the visual arts, music, literature, or the performing arts (Columbus Art League membership roster, 1986, p. 4).

Personnel and Organization

The subject of personnel is largely unnecessary here since Gallery

200 is a one person operation. Steidle has no assistance in the implementation of the gallery, although the use of office equipment and technical assistance for props and so forth are available through the support of Egelhoff Interiors. The Director, in addition to selecting 167 artists, putting together the exhibition schedule, physically installing and dismanteling each show, promoting and handling sales, also prepares and mails all press releases and invitations and welcomes and greets all visitors. The daily regular hours of the gallery are Sunday through

Friday, 1 to 5 p.m., and Saturdays 10 a.m. to 1 p.m.

Every month, and at least one month in advance of the next exhibition,

30 press releases are sent out to local media. Invitations are prepared from the gallery mailing list which requires slightly under 1000 invitations. The invitation list is composed of a core of loyal collectors and artists that formed the original support group for the gallery, plus the monthly additions of new visitors who have signed the guest book.

Pattern of Events Relation to the Setting

The Exhibition Schedule and Openings

Gallery 200 hosts eleven opening a year, one for each show.

The shows rotate on a monthly basis except for the summer months, July and August, when only one show is displayed. According to the director, the summer is slow for gallery going and sales, and this breather period also allows her to take a vacation (Key Informant, 9-9-86). The exhibition schedule is worked out on a large wall calendar in her office which is located down a long narrow corridor flanking the gallery. In this office, piles of papers, artworks, and posters abound. There is little preserved in terms of archival information about the gallery save for files of artists resumes, price lists of past shows and a complete record of sales. 168

One afternoon during her hectic schedule, Steidle and I sifted through a large box containing a considerable amount of press clippings of gallery shows for the past few years. She apologized for not having the time to have organized them in a file or scrap book. I sympathized with her for my gallery press coverage is largely in the same condition

(Field Notes, 1-13-87).

I was reminded at this time of the great contrast between this situation and the well organized documentation provided to me by the museum. Each show had it own folder (a press packet) which contained copies of every mention of the particular show in virtually every media outlet, from simple listings in cultural calendars to feature stories.

For Steidle, while press coverage is both appreciated and desired, the main target of her record keeping are the files on her artists and sales records.

At this point in time Steidle has a group of about 50 artists that she shows regularly, but is always looking for new talent. As she explains, sometimes there reaches a point of saturation, in terms of public interest and patronage when an artist remains at the same stage of development over a long period of time. Periodically, some artists take, or are given a leave of absense from yearly exhibition schedules. "And when they return, the work is fresh and renewed in a new direction" (Key Informant, 9-9-86).

In each yearly exhibition schedule the director showcases works by artists she has represented for a long time, interspersed with shows by relatively newcomers to her gallery. As Steidle explains: "at first I did all the leg work in recruiting new talent. Now artists come to me" 169

(Key Informant, 9-9-86).

Artists contacting Steidle are told to send their resume’s and slides of their works. If she feels the work has potential in her gallery, an appointment will be made for the artist to show some samples of their actual works. When the director has a positive reaction to the work, she will take a few pieces on consignment and first showcase them in her two annual large group shows of gallery artists (generally the summer show, and December). If she notes a strong response to these works from her collectors and audience, she will then schedule a show of that artist’s work in the two and three person exhibitions that make up the majority of her annual exhibition calendar. (Field Notes, 9-12-86). Although the main thrust of this exhibition schedule is on the works of Ohio artists, occasionally works by out of state artists are also exhibited. Many of these artists once lived in this region and were first showcased by

Gallery 200. This year gallery alumni now residing in Washington, North

Carolina, and Los Angeles were highlighted. "Steidle believes artists from out of state provide stimulation for artists of this region"

(Einhom, 1985, p. 6).

A couple of years ago Steidle was approached by a dealer of traditional art from West Africa. She took some works on consignment and featured them in a separate room of the building. The room labeled

"the print room" of Egelhoff Interiors is on the left as one follows the route through the showroom to the gallery. The initial response to the

African arts was so strong that this room now continually features a display of this tribal art form. Twice this year Steidle has also featured a large collection of African art in the main gallery. Here 170 she has combined these works with compatible works of American artists

(mostly from Ohio) in an exceptional way that has highlighted the influences of African art on contemporary western art. (Roman Johnson &

West African Art 6-16 to 7-5-86; Tribal Art of West Africa & Selected works by Gallery Artists 12-7-86 to 1-11-87) Steidle believes that the addition of African art has added another dimension to her gallery by expanding the audience to include many members of the Black community that have not traditionally been part of the gallery going public in

Columbus (Key Informant, 9-9-86).

Planning of the opening Events

Opening receptions for all Gallery 200 shows are always on Sunday.

In this regard, the Museum Director’s perception that Sunday openings are "like church socials" is a belief largely shared by almost all my culture watchers and artist informants. Most of these informants have also indicated that a Sunday afternoon is difficult for them in terms of other social and professional obligations. The problem of a Sunday opening is also compounded by the fact that the downtown area of the city is virtually dead on Sunday with almost everything closed. Thus, for those who feel obligated to attend these events, it represents a premeditated commitment. Generally people who attend these openings are not "on the way to someplace else". Since someplace else doesn’t exist in the vicinity on Sundays. On the rare occasions that an event at the

Cultural Arts Center, or a concert or festival in the park coincides with a Gallery 200 opening, the attendance generally will swell beyond the average of 60 people. Like the physical setting of the gallery itself, the day of the opening is geared to the selectivity of those who choose 171 to seek it out.

Unlike the case of the museum or Artreach (as we will see presently) the concerns of Gallery 200 openings are not about numbers and mass attendance. The gallery director was unconcerned about such matters when she established Sunday openings from the very beginning of the gallery. The view she has taken is highly personal and is the result of her own European upbringing and education.

First I believe in consistancy, slowly like drops of water, it brings results. So I don’t ever change the day of the opening.. .it’s the same way it began. Second, I want this (the opening) to be a family affair; mommy, daddy, and the kids, so I have it on Sunday. It’s very European, and it’s about education. My mother dragged me to the Louvre every single Sunday...that’s why I became interested in the arts. Children are so honest, they add dimension to an opening with their observations. We have the atmosphere of a family party. I do these (openings) for my artists. I want them to enjoy it with their families. Over the years I have watched all of ray artist’s children grow tip and develop a really good affinity to art. (Key Informant, 9-9-86)

She also feels that there are few arts events, personal one’s like openings, that children are invited to experience. Steidle says that the amount of people who turn up at openings does not effect her. She will not second guess why attendance is up or down. Nor will she change the date or day of the opening when it conflicts with other major events, "I just continue, I must go on, because otherwise you break the ripple effect... .People do get the message if you just continue with your schedule" (Key Informant, 9-9-86).

Thus, a very low key pattern permeates Gallery 200, largely through the personality of its director.

I don’t like hype and manipulation. When people push things at me, I ’m gone. And so I treat my audience the same way. I don’t push... I let it happen, find it does (Key Informant, 9-9-86). 172

The only occasional changes that occur in regards to openings are the hours. Gallery 200 has ''summer hours" 4 to 7 p.m. which run from

May through November, and winter hours, 3 to 6 p.m. from December through

April. This is due to the fact that the director "does not want people traveling on the ice in the dark" (Key Informant, 9-9-86).

The shows, beginning on Sunday, also end on a Sunday. The whole intervening week, prior to the next opening is used to install the show.

Steidle takes great pride in "taking the time to do it right", and this is where her own creativity and sense of style come into play.Within art circles, Gallery 200 has a reputation for having the best installation of works displayed in relationship to each other and the overall use of the space (Culture Watchers A, B, C, & D, 9-18-86, 1-30-

87, 1-28-87, 1-24-87).

Pattern and Flow of Events

In terms of participant-observation Gallery 200 is a researcher’s dream. Not only is there a manageable number of people in the gallery

(seldom exceeding 35 at any one given time) but also from any one vantage point in the gallery, a researcher can consistantly view the overall pattern of events. There are no large physical obstructions dividing the space. There is only one entrance into the gallery.

Standing on the threshhold of this entrance a ramp leads you down into the gallery to the left. Directly in front of the entrance is a large feasting table. On this table, glasses of Sherry are provided, sitting on a silver tray. Along side this tray is a basket of colorful lollipops. Another basket features a small philodendron plant which looks like the model for a number of Matisse paintings. Additionally, 173 there is also on the table, a large guest book, xeroxed copies of the exhibition list, the resumes of the artists in plastic sleeves, copies of the free downtown newspaper, copies of Gallery 200*s critical reviews, and assorted art books and periodicals. Thus the table serves as a combination reception table and feasting table as well as a mini arts library.

As you enter the gallery you are personally greeted by the director

(who generally watches constantly for arriving participants). If the director is involved in conversation, Fred Egelhoff, who is also always present at these events, will greet new arrivals. Generally, most everyone is recognized by name. Friends of the artists (unknown to the director or Egelhoff) exchange introductions and are directed towards the presence of the artist. Guests of the gallery are offered, a glass of sherry, or lollipop if a child, handed an exhibition list, and invited to enjoy the exhibition. Generally the pattern of movement in the exhibit area is in a clockwise pattern— a direct pilgrimage route beginning from the base of the ramp and continuing around the perimeter of the gallery. The central axis of the gallery is punctuated by the four heavy wooden columns which are often further emphasized by the addition of temporary panels hanging from the central beam, (see Fig. 2)

Everywhere the observer looks, the space is punctuated by small groups of participants engaged in heavy conversation. Most of these groups orient themselves and direct their conversations to specific artworks. The only exception to this rule is the somewhat larger groups surrounding the exhibiting artists who are greeting old friends, meeting new people and discussing their work in general. -■FIAVnMG- AC=A

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Floorplan, Gallery 200 175

Social groups planning their departure from the gallery tend to congregate at the bench in front of the feasting table. Others who are

"hanging out" lean on, and congregate around, the two central posts of the gallery (Culture Watcher B, 1-28-87). The props which indicate this feasting area orientation are the two large brass ashtray pots at the base of each of these piers. Although the distinctions between the feasting areas and the realm of the sacred are subtle, with little physical division of space, nevertheless this separation is maintained.

Purely social behaviors are strictly limited to the feasting table area, and the central part of the gallery between the two middle posts.

While one is expected to make the pilgrimage route with a glass of sherry in hand (there are no tabus) the very act of having both hands occupied, one with the glass and the other with the documentation (which is religiously referred to throughout the course of the pilgrimage) limits much in the way of flamboyant social gestures (just try shaking hands while juggling the two) Culture Watcher A has described the experience of viewing the art with sherry in hand to that of taking communion (1-30-87). It is sipped and savored while absorbing doctrine.

Once the pilgrimage route has been completed it is then proper ettiquette to neatly fold you documentation, placing it in your pocket or handbag, freeing you somewhat to engage in social activity. However, by virtue of the absence of physical barriers between the feasting and exhibition areas, common courtesy, as well as the intimacy of the space prevent the extremes of inverse behaviors to take place.

As the gallery director notes, she likes to emphasize the formal elements of these events. The pattern, including the sherry and the 176 documentation is very important in getting people to really look and experience the work. In discussing the role of documentation Steidle states:

The list is very important. It is a document. They take it with them. I found out how important documents are. It’s the way people learn and remember. It’s important that they should have to consult this list for information. It’s part of the ritual. And afterward it becomes a record of the opening (Key Informant, 9-9-86).

With regard to the attendance patterns at these events, there seems to be two large waves of people arriving in the gallery. Those who arrive at the beginning and leave early, and those who come later and stay nearly till closing. Although people tend to stay at the openings for at least an hour, seldom are any participants attending for the full three hours except for the artists and their families. Unlike museum openings which tend to be well attended from beginning to end (having many more participants) there are certain periods of time at Gallery 200 when very few people are in attendance. The first low period is at the very beginning of the opening. Among knowledgeable opening attenders it seems that no one wants to be the first arrival. Thus the first half hour tends to be dormant, with only the key personnel, the artists and families present. Midway through the opening can also represent a low attendance period as the first wave of attenders start to leave, prior to the arrival of the second wave who usually stay to the end of the affair.

The second wave has a tendency to consist of personal friends of the exhibiting artist. Often there are plans for a celebration after the opening, either going out to dinner or having a party at someone’s house. 177

Thus the only time that one usually observes truly boisterous, loud

or jovial and inverse conversations is during the last half hour of the

opening, where attendance is primarily composed of close personal

friends of the artists, preparing to continue the celebration and

celebrating the conclusion of a successful opening.

There are two other important patterns that should be noted here.

The first of which concerns the specialness of the exhibition opening

every November. This show marks the annual anniversary of the gallery.

It generally features the works of one or more artists who have had a

very long relationship with Gallery 200. This year the artist was Wayne

Trapp who started showing in the gallery in 1972. Trapp was featured

with Raymond Chomeau, a long-time friend of Trapp, but a relative

newcomer to Gallery 200, . Each year the opening for the November show

is billed sis the "Annual Anniverssiry Celebration". This event

traditionally functions sis a reunion (kinship renewal) for many of the

gallery's long time collectors and artists. Secondly, on the day of

every opening, Gallery 200 purchases a small 2"x 4" ad announcing the

opening reception in the art section of the Sunday paper, thus

designating it as an event open to all members of the local community.

Types of Participants

Despite the presence of the paid sidvertisement, during the course of

research at this site (throughout 1986), there was only one person present who was unknown to me. All other participants at these events were either known personally, or else known to one or more of my

informants on the scene. The overwhelming majority of attenders at 178 these events are members of the arts community, artists, and arts professionals. Heads of prestigious arts organizations and institutions, on the other hand, seldom if ever attend. There is a small core of collectors, most of whom have been loyal to the gallery over the years, that may also attend. Most of the gallery’s serious collectors, however, will skip the opening, in favor of a private viewing with the gallery director later (Key Informants, 9-9-86, 9-7-86).

The members of the arts community present are usually either friends of the artists exhibiting, friends of the director, or other Gallery 200 artists. Additional significant sectors of participants are represented by the families, neighbors, and other friends and associates of the exhibiting artists. Thus the audience at a Gallery 200 opening is a close knit interactive circle of people. In 1986 the highest attendance among openings (100, 80, 72) were produced when the artists exhibiting brought in significant numbers of their friends for the openings

(artists well know in Columbus).

Participants at these events don a wide variety of dress, from casual sports wear (even running suits) to jacket and tie. There is also a good deal of arty apparel. Class distinctions in dress are not apparent. The man in the running suit happened to be a collector and number of exhibiting artists can be seen wearing ties. Despite the fact that these events are dominated by arts sectors, the dress is never as outrageous or flamboyant as it appears at the Saturday Night Gallery Hop in the Short North. My culture watchers suggest that this may have to do with the Sunday afternoon family atmosphere (Culture Watcher B & D,

1-28-87, 1-24-87). Artists exhibiting suggest other reasons. According 179 to three of them, the event is about the business of art, and in exhibiting in a commercial gallery like this, the business is about sales. If they want to appeal to some of the gallery’s more traditional collectors they will conduct themselves accordingly, as serious professional and business like artists (Key Informants 5-18-86, 9-7-86,

11-2-86). The traditional collectors, on the other hand, tend to be casually dressed in whatever they happen to be wearing for Sunday afternoon activities. Casual sports clothes predominate. In some ways this can be viewed as role reversal. Artists generally casually attired at most affairs, here often appear more businesslike. While the collectors shed their usual business suits for a more open and less rigid mode of dress. Other artists attend in a variety of arty apparal.

Fred Egelhoff as proprietor of the business which houses the gallery always wears a business suit. The director always exudes a continental type of charisma during these events. She is always elegantly attired in unusual and high styled clothing.

While still decidedly in the minority, in terms of opening attenders, Gallery 200 is beginning to see members of the Black community at these events, largely as a result of the African Art shows, and attenders getting their names on the invitation list. They seem to have adapted well into this family like atmosphere. Their initial interest in in African art which brought them into the setting, continues to form a frame of reference for their interactions with other participants. Even when this art work is not featured in the main gallery, it is continually on display in the small room adjacent to the gallery. Thus dialogues and discussions have been stimulated at openings about the relationships 180 between two different types of cultural art forms. ACE, a minority art gallery and organization in the Short North has begun to publcize

Gallery 200’s African art collection to their own patrons.

Participant Motivation— Experience— Expectancies.

Outsider’s Viewpoint

My outsider informant had her most deflating experience at Gallery

200. It was so intimidating to her that I had difficulty convincing her to attend the last event at the museum on the following Saturday. In retrospect, no doubt, her expectations were somewhat colored by her experience at Artreach in the Short North the night before, which was an altogether different and more open atmosphere. In the Short North

(as we shall see in the next section) initiates make up the largest segment of the gallery goers and the art experience becomes very accessible. One need not be equipped with special knowledge.

Out of the corner of my eye I saw my outside informant appear through the entrance of the gallery. Viewing the scene she registered some nervous apprehension. I watched as Steidle greeted her and led her to the guest book. Handing her an exhibition list, the director then led her to the first few works. I casually walked over to her. While we exchanged some conversation, an individual from the arts community approached us. I made the introductions and once she was engaged in conversation about one of the artworks, I discreetly withdrew to turn my attention to other observations. A half hour later, I canvassed the gallery and she was gone. (Field Notes, 11-2-86)

As in the case of the museum, some of my outsider’s commentary has opened this section on Gallery 200. Additional commentary follows:

I guess these events should be exclusive, freeing the artists from trendies, name droppers, groupies, and those who breathe life into such statement as, "I guess Picasso didn’t know how to draw". I ’m a gallery step-child, a C-sectioned orphan desparately seeking adoption. I met a man who shared my inquiry into the term "gypsum". 181

After a cursory inquiry of the other’s place in the art world, we exchanged names and numbers. He saw my struggle and offered a future exchange. I pressed for more history and information from his side, but he wanted to move on. This wasn’t the time or place for my needs and insecurities to be addressed. This womb generates empathy, support and familiar recognition. It offers refuge from the masses who share no hands-on experience. I felt the overwhelming need to leave and I did. I felt cold and depressed because I needed to be baby sat— ignorance is not bliss— it is rather intimidating (Outsider Informant, 11-2-86).

While my outsider informant’s statements reflect the more dramatic side of an outsider’s experience at the Secret Society type of opening, clearly that is not always the perception. As I noted earlier, I had difficulty in locating total outsiders for the purposes of this study.

An outsider in the company of an insider is no longer in foreign territory by virtue of association with someone inside. However, while doing participant-observation at Gallery 200, I did come across another total outsider. He also was alone, without any prior association, and was the only one I located in this year of field study. His experience turned out to be a happier one, due to the initial frame of reference he brought into the site.

"Robert" had come to the opening at Gallery 200 as a result of the ad in the Sunday newspaper. The ad had announced that one of the artists was exhibiting his photographs of China. "Robert", an amateur photographer was currently planning a trip to China.

The young man stood alone on the threshhold of the gallery looking down into it from the top of the ramp. He as wearing sports clothes and a khaki color jacket. His eyes darted nervously around the spacious room, where tight-knit little groups of people addressed various art objects. For a moment he looked absolutely terrified. The gallery director approached him. He spoke to her, while nervously wringing his hands. "Do you want me to sign something?" (nervous giggle), "How does one play this game?" Steidle warmly 182

placed a hand on his shoulder and led him to the guest book and handed him his relic document. He began to look more comfortable. Alexander (the photographer) was standing nearby at the time. Steidle introduced Robert to the photographer. Checking back on Robert’s progress 20 minutes later, I found him heavily engaged in a conversation with the photographer as well as two of his friends (Field Notes, 9-7-86).

Evidently Robert’s initiation to Gallery 200 was successful. For he returned for the 16th Annual Anniversary Celebration in November. This time accompanied by his wife and seven year old daughter. Although the media of this show was decidedly different (bronze sculpture and mixed media painting) it didn’t seem to make a difference. This time he was recognized by the gallery director when he arrived, and immediately introduced to another couple (collectors) who also had a child with them of about the same age. When I last observed them, this newly acquainted group was studying one of the bronzes with their documentation in hand

(Field Notes, 11-2-86).

Based on my research, it should be acknowledged that initial attendance at a Gallery 200 opening can be an intimidating experience.

Everyone seems to know everyone else. They are all somehow connected.

It is not the kind of place that one can get lost in the anonymity of the crowd. The space is far too intimate, sparsely populated, with no nooks and crannies in which one’s visibility can be reduced.

Conversational interactions almost always gravitate to the art, the arts community, or the gallery itself. But if some connection is made through a special interest or common ground, one can be initiated. In

Robert’s case, having become a returnee and recognized by Steidle, he was then introduced to the collector couple as a person with a keen interest in photography. He could speak about his expertise referring 183 to Alexander’s photography (with whom the collector, a frequent attender, was familiar). The collector could then share his passion for sculpture, thus creating a nice exchange in which all parties obtain some new information and insights. Unfortunately for my outside informant, those very important initial frames of reference were not forth-coming. 184

The Gallery's Point of View

From the Gallery Director’s point of view, openings are celebrations to enjoy the aftermath of:

A lot of hard work, both for myself and my artists. We have fun and enjoy it. On these occasions "I do not care whether I sell or not. I want my artists and the people to enjoy it. I do it in the European manner, the way I was brought up. The function of a gallery is educational, and that’s the tone I set for the openings. When few people come it’s a bummer. At openings you always have a drop when people come and go. Sometimes it gets so quiet here I feel like pulling out a deck of cards. And we (the artists and I) joke about it. But I will not change the pattern. Each show brings in new people and they are added to the mailing list. But there is always a group of people who usually come. They know because its the same time and day. The anniversary celebrations are important. All kinds of people come back, even those far away and we have a reunion. People who have recognized that I ’ve been here for 16 years will come and help me celebrate. I care about my artists. I appreciate and respect them, so the openings I do for them as well as myself. With the openings for the African art I'm beginning to get a whole new audience for my shows. It works, it’s about filling in the gaps. Members of the Black community are now coming to the other openings. They would have never come before, because the gallery is so low key. There is a difference between openings in commercial galleries and those of the non-profits. At non-profit gallery openings you try to get as many people there as possible for sales. The most they sell are at openings. At commercial galleries there are fewer people. You meet new people and the emphasis is on more quality conversations. I don’t rely on the openings to sell my artists work. The openings are for other things. They have more long term repercussions, grooming future patrons and education. These openings are never social, they are about art education and the business of art. They teach such things. Good openings do have a good effect on business. People at the openings come back and bring their friends. They’ve had the opportunity to talk to the artists and learn some things. (Key Informant, 9-9-86)

The Artist’s Point of View

Two of the artists exhibiting at Gallery 200*s September show echoed

Steidle’s view of the difference between commercial and non-profit art openings. They both note that serious collectors tend to avoid the opening (at commercial galleries) in favor of private viewings. This 185 takes a lot of pressure off the artists not having to deal with masses of people and worry about sales during the opening. They can relax more, and take the time to meet people and discuss their work. As one of them

(now living in Los Angeles) notes:

This opening is a chance for me to renew my old Columbus friendships and see old patrons who own some of my works. For the novice, meeting the artist at these openings is the beginning of education without the obligation of making a purchase yet. I recently had a show in Newport Beach, California. It was terribly awkward for me. I didn’t know anyone there. Openings are important for artists to celebrate the completion of a large amount of work with people they know. It’s important to generate feedback from people you respect (Key Informant, 9-7-87).

- The other artist, still residing in Columbus, is not only well known in the city, but has achieved national recognition. For him art openings are "critically important to meet people. I do not bring my personal friends and following to these affairs. It’s more important to meet and talk to new people at the openings".

The artist believes that he has worked harder during the three hours of this opening, meeting, greeting, and conversing with people, than he does in any three hour period in his studio. "But its absolutely crucial to my career. The conversations I have at art openings have a direct bearing on my reputation and sales". He states that knowing who he is, what he’s about, and how he creates his pieces (the technical aspects of his media, crystal glass) influences people to buy his works.

Often he has noted that people at an opening who have learned about his process, will return to a show after the opening with others to impart their newly acquired knowledge and the fact that they know the artist. 186

The artist believes that openings at commercial galleries are largely the same throughout the country, in view of his own experience.

Echoing the view of others, he notes that commercial galleries like 200 have serious collectors and "deep" mailing lists. Serious collectors are usually handled by the gallery director at private viewings in which the artist may be called upon to meet the collector. However, openings and those first personal contacts, and initiations are crucial for expanding the artist’s audience and his future clients. "Openings are strictly business and not frivolous social affairs for the artist". He also adds that "the opening represents a new experience for the artist, since it is also the artist’s first opportunity to see how their works have been installed". (Key Informant, 9-7-86)

An artist with a long time association at Gallery 200, now living in

North Carolina, featured in the facility’s 16th annual anniversary celebration adds another dimension to the experience that exhibiting artists have at the opening. He definitely regards these events as a

"ritual".

...here I stand, naked— and part of the ritual is to look the part (in reference to his distinctively arty dress). An opening is a ritual of completion and sharing— to share this with the people— to share with my collectors (some were present) my new works. Like a designer, this is the premiere of my new fall line. It’s a time to recognize those who have supported me and the evolution of my world. Seeing all the people who have supported me makes me aware of my responsibility to continue...I do business at openings. At ray opening in Washington D.C. two weeks ago, we sold seven of the sixteen peices. And here in years past, almost half the show. People who own your works bring others to meet you and you share the works with a new audience. You generate feedback at an opening and feel the exhiliaration of a performance and the participation of your audience. The word of mouth spreads afterward. People at the openings bring others who were not there. Another thing about openings and something that separates me from say— someone like Peter Max. I like to keep in touch. I like 187

to know where my works end up. I like to know the "adoptive parents", for these are my loves, like children— I don’t ever want to get that far away— that separated from what I’ve done that I don’t share in the adoption.. .this opening is like a tea ceremony, it’s a ritual of shared appreciation and respect (Key Informant, 11-2-86)

The audience point of view

Unlike the museum where there are only six openings a year, Gallery

200 holds eleven. Due to the large number of these events and the relatively small number of people in attendance, I can safely say that no individuals, except the researcher, and the key personnel attended all eleven openings in 1986. This is unlike the museum, where a small core of people only missed one of the six during the year.

Interviewing a number of attenders, I found that a frequent participant is one who attends a maximum of six a year. Of those interviewed, only a few said that they would attend more often if the openings did not conflict with their schedules and lifestyles. The main problem was the Sunday afternoon time frame (Ancillary Informants, 1-19-86, 5-18-86,

6-16-86, 9-7-86, 11-2-86). It broke up a day usually reserved for other activities such as recieving company (1-19-86), family vacations

(5-18-86), gardening and household chores (6-16-86), and taking advantage of outdoor activities during periods of warm weather (9-7-86,

11- 2- 86).

Within this group, most people said that they made a special effort to attend if they hadn’t been for a while (to support Steidle) or if they knew the artists exhibiting (especially if they hadn’t seen them for a while). Two ancillary informants said that they would be more likely to attend when other events in the vicinity were taking place, such as

Sunday openings at the Cultural Arts Center, The greater Columbus Arts 188 festival, or the Columbus 500 car race etc. (Ancillary Informants, 5-18-86,

11-2-86). This group was also very consistant as to why they attend, "to support artists I know", or "to support Renee (the director), because she was the first". As to what they expected from the experience: "to see a really well installed show, see people I know and engage in some of the most stimulating conversation found at any art opening" (Ancillary

Informant (6-16-86). "This is kinship renewal, it reminds us how we started, where we’ve been, and that we have had class and quality here all along. Everybody else has just been slower in seeing that" (9-7-86).

The culture watchers engaged for this study are less frequent attenders that the one’s noted above. However their reactions to such questions follow relatively the same pattern.

Culture Watcher A: Gallery 200 is a marginal space for me. I will go if I know the artist. I don’t want my absence to be noticed and misconstrued as a lack of support. If I haven’t gone for a while, I will pick a show that I feel I ’d be most interested in and go to show my support for the gallery. If I ’ve just been recently I could feel comfortable not going to a few of them. The time of the opening is bad for me. I have to make a conscious effort to get there. It’s out of the way for anything else that’s happening in my life. There have been a couple of times that I haven’t felt real confortable there. When older artists who have been with Renee and are out of state now are showing. They seem to draw a lot of their own crowd.. .people who are before my time. But I always feel comfortable when one of the art league people are showing. Sometimes when hardly any people are there, you feel bad for the artists. It gets uncomfortable because you feel obligated to stay maybe longer that you want. But I feel I have to go occasionally to show my support either for the artists or the space (1-30-86). Culture Watcher B: I attend Gallery 200 openings either to show support for artists I know or because of Renee (the Director). It has a comfortable loft­ like atmosphere and being part of the in-group of the arts community. I find myself going more when I have my kids on Sunday and because its comfortable and I ’m encouraged to bring them. I agree with Renee here. Maybe because of our mutual European background. I think it’s good for kids and there aren’t many art opening type events that you feel comfortable bringing kids to in Columbus, 189

except for the Cultural Arts Center. I ’m really t o m here though. I like to bring my kids when I have them on Sundays, but I have to admit that evening openings are much more festive and fun for me. If I don’t have my kids, I much prefer those events (1-28-87). Culture Watcher D: I have to admit I don’t go to 200 openings as much as I used to. Our relationship has shifted. I go less frequently because I am no longer in the gallery’s stable of artists. Renee hasn’t been able to sell my works very well, and so she doesn’t feature me in the major shows anymore...just some of the large group shows. I feel envy for some of the artists whose works are doing well, and I guess it makes me feel a little inadequate when I go. But I will always go to support a member of our group (older art league artists). It’s a feeling of member’s elite. Sometimes I just go because in spite of my own difficulty at the gallery, I still have a high regard for Renee. And I think it’s important for us all to remember that she was the first (1-24-87).

The Researcher’s Emic Point of View

Whenever I receive my invitation to a Gallery 200 opening I am always keyed into the type of experience I can expect by the subtle wording of the invitation. And it is subtle, like the low key tone set by the gallery itself. If the show features artists who are relatively celebrated in the local area, the invitation will state, "The artists will attend", subtle wording which suggests their honored status. I will either recognize their names or know that these are artists who have a long time association with the gallery* If the artists are relative newcomers to the scene and are beginning to be promoted by the gallery, then the invitation will state "opening reception to meet the artists", thus setting the stage for the major activity of that event, making new aquaintances.

The annual anniversary celebration always has yet a different tone.

In addition to stating the opening as a celebration it always is worded

"preview reception with the artists" announcing a joint sharing in the event itself. 190

Actions, and Setting Influence on Actions

The atmosphere of the setting, the pattern of the events and the types of participants present set the tone for the behaviors and actions exhibited in the space. Due to the physical unity of both the feasting area and the realm of the sacred, the ritual frame (formal worship of the art) predominates. There is no breaking away from the exhibit area, where one indulges in purely social activities. The installation of art remains omnipresent, and thus even social conversations are somewhat marked by "art talk".

The fact that almost all participants move in art circles unites the group both in orienting themselves to the art objects as well as discussing art in general. People know how to act largely through their familiarity with the setting. The closely knit participants and their relatively small numbers, produces a sense of non-belonging on the part of the very few initiates introduced to this setting. They stand-out from the known crowd as strangers and are highly visible due to the nature of the overall setting. However they can be successfully initiated into the overall actions and behaviors of the setting once they are properly led by the gallery director, are accompanied by an v insider, or if they can establish a frame of reference for interacting with a group of other participants.

All Gallery 200 openings researched, revealed a predominance of technically serious conversations about art. This is overlooked by culture watchers, key personnel, and artspeople interviewed largely because all have the insider’s view and are scarcely aware of the fact that the conversations require art knowledge, or how such conversations 191 can be intimidating to an outsider. If an initiate wants to participate at these events he or she must overcome an initial anxiety, make an all important first connection to the work being exhibited and make the effort to learn how to talk about art.

Relatively few people in a spacious gallery creates an overall quiet tone of conversation, gesture, and actions throughout the space. There

is little sound differentiation between the two small feasting areas and the exhibit area, mostly out of courtesty to fellow participants within the shared space.

However there is a distinction in the topics of conversation and their tone in each area. People in the exhibit area directly address themselves to the works displayed. People either around the feasting table or the central columns catch up on social affairs or talk about art in general in a much more casual way. It is my belief that in addition to the fact that both areas are physically shared, the absence of a separate feasting area, exclusively set aside for food and drink also lends itself to the prevailing observed atmosphere.

The fact that everyone who participates in these events is highly visible, seems also to engender an obligation not noticibly apparent at other opjening sites. There is, at Gallery 200, what appoars to be an overriding responsibility to experience the exhibition thoroughly.

It would be very noticeable if you didn't. Thus it is very common for individuals to break away from a conversant group that has halted their progress along the pilgrimage route saying something like "I need to see the rest of the show, I’ll catch up with you in a while" (Field

Notes, 5-18, 9-7, & 11-2-86) and wander off for some solitary viewing. 192

Later they will either rejoin their original group or another new group.

The Event and Community Relations

Like the museum, Gallery 200 very much reflects the personality of its director. But while the museum director always speaks in terms of

"we" meaning the whole museum staff, Gallery 200’s director can hardly do that as a staff of one. Thus the director and her gallery are perceived synonomously by members of the arts community. A feeling of kinship with the gallery is transferred to the director, and intense loyalty to the director is transferred to the gallery. A sense of tribal loyalty can be spoken of in regards to Gallery 200 on the part of segments of artists, arts professionals, and a core of collectors.

In a recent media article Steidle admitted that the majority of her collectors are the original clientele who started with her gallery when it first began and she relates how the buying habits of her clientele have changed in the past 15 years.

I have a fantastic group of collectors, and I sell a lot to corporations. The corporate sales are not as good as they use to be. It reflects the current state of the economy. Also the buying public is becoming more sophisticated, more knowledgeable, and less impulsive. (Einhom, 1985, p. 6)

An opposing viewpoint to these observations, however, is witnessed by the proliferation of new commercial galleries and specialized arts consultant groups who have been doing a thriving corporate art business recently throughout the city.

The traditionally low key attitude of Gallery 200 has taken its toll as competition among such enterprises has suddenly become stiffer. New corporations and those feeling, in the light of current developments 193 in the city, that they should purchase art have gone mostly to more highly visible and socially connected organizations and galleries. Some artists while still acknowledging a certain homage to Gallery 200, have begun to look elsewhere for potential support and sales.

While Gallery 200 has been a landmark to members of the arts community, its contribution to the cultural development of the city has been largely overlooked by the area’s major civic organizations and leading cutural institutions, including the Colulmbus Museum of Art.

For these reasons Steidle tends to have a higher regard and exchange with other regional institutions like the Mansfield Art Center, and the

Zanesville Art Center (Key Informant, 9-9-86). These institutions have acknowledged Gallery 200's contribution taking a more distant and objective vantage point.

In this same regard, city planners, in an attempt to rejuvenate the downtown area on weekends, have ignored the efforts of small businesses like Gallery 200 which have struggled to maintain an audience during these times over the years. In staging large downtown events they have on occasion, without checking, cut off access to the gallery. Such an incident took place during the October 5th exhibition opening. The director, aware that the Colulmbus 500 (an annual car race through the downtown area) would be taking place the same day, checked with city officials and was told that access to the gallery and parking would be normal. Thus that statement appeared on the invitation to the show, as well as the special hours of the opening, seeking to avoid a conflict with race traffic. In spite of the assurance, both access and parking were blocked off from at tenders. Despite this fact, however, the 194 turnout was good, enhanced by the drawing power of the artist exhibiting, plus the added attendance of others who happened to be viewing the race.

Steidle, unlike the museum director, is not a highly visible personality in civic or cultural affairs. She does not attend other openings "I have no time to do that, I have to concentrate on what I am doing. I don’t need to be seen. People I care about know that I care, and am supportive of them (Key Informant 9-9-86). Despite this view, she has always participated when asked as a juror for regional art exhibits that are grass roots organized and p>ertinent to the arts community. She also has served as an unofficial advisor and sounding board for numerous artist and small arts organizations throughout the area. Her opinions about art are highly regarded.

Event Analysis

The 16th Annual Anniversary Celebration

In terms of the focus questions this opening largely followed the patterns revealed by others. The distinction, however, is that it usually constitutes something more than the average opening. Having attended these festive events for the last five Novembers as a member of the arts community, I was looking forward to observing it from the perspective of a researcher. Unfortunately neither my expectations nor those of the gallery director and artists were met on this occasion:

Meeting with Steidle prior to the opening of the celebration, I found her somewhat distressed. She handed me one of the invitations and shook her head, "for sixteen years I have dealt with the same printer— and never a problem, now this". I looked at the invitation, It was supposed to be a sp>ecial one. Normally the 195

invitations are a simple post card format. This one was more formal, a fold over closed with a seal. But it was printed inside out. "I’ve had to have them redo it, and I don’t know whether they will get it out in time now. Of all the shows it could happen to, it would have to be this one". (Field Notes, 10-22-86).

As it turned out, the invitations did not reach participants in time.

Mine arrived two days after the event. The turn out was about half (47) of what is usually expected for these celebrations (approximately 100).

Except for six traditional supporters, the audience consisted mainly of family and friends of the artists plus a few long time collectors of their works. The core of traditional supporters (segments of the arts community) were absent.

However, like all observations, this situation revealed some important information. It suggests just how important the timely receipt of invitations is to the success of these openings. For in spite of the advertisement in that morning’s Sunday paper announcing "Opening

Today 4 to 7 p.m., 16th Anniversary", even ardent regulars failed to alter previously made plans in order to attend the event. As has been noted elsewhere, people tend to plan their lives. And although regulars know that these events are always on Sundays, just like museum members know that their openings are always on Saturdays, neither group knows automatically which Saturday or Sunday of the month (a set pattern) the day of the event will be. As the museum schedules its openings roughly every month and a half, Gallery 200 schedules theirs roughly every four weeks. In that the days of the month and the calendar do not allow perfectly equal segmented time periods. Sometimes Gallery 200 openings fall on the first Sunday of the month while others fall on the third or fourth Sundays. Thus the participant not receiving an advance 196 invitation has no way of automatically perceiving exactly when these openings will occur.

As we shall see presently, this automatic knowing routine is a key feature of the openings at Artreach and the surrounding "Saturday

Night Gallery Hop". 197

Artreach

The art gallery is a womb full of primal paint and warm woods. The exhibit opening seems a social reaffirmation, not a critique; people are received in the comfort of art. (Outsider Informant, 11-1-86)

The Ritual Adoption Type of Opening

Art openings serve as important expressions of tribal pride and loyalties in this era of growing alienation presently being felt in many spheres of our segmented society. The arts, like many other special interest areas which stimulate a sense of belonging and pride, can become part of the solution.

Tribal art events, be they openings, arts festivals, or public art projects, can create an atmosphere in which art becomes accessible to diverse segments of the community. Art openings require that an audience be allowed to participate and contribute, establishing a common ground for identification. Based on the findings of this study, art openings also instill a sense of respect and convey a shared responsibility in these events through participation.

As has been noted, however, art openings like other tribal functions can create "insiders" and "outsiders" and thus create negative situations as well as positive ones. Much contemporary evidence attests to the fact that there exists an increased sense of non-belonging in arts atmospheres among the general public. Some exhibition sites, therefore, have searched for methods and emphasize relationships which expand the circle of initial identification. This is necessary in order to bring outsiders into an experience, which they perceive as taking place in a formidable "members only" atmosphere of a museum or certain galleries. 198

In this respect, the growth of exhibition sites and their corresponding openings in non-traditional settings like familiar associative neighborhood territory, are an extremely important vehicle for initiating the uninitiated and expanding membership in the arts tribe.

I borrowed the term "ritual adoption" from a custom among the Asmet of New Guinea. During this ritual, children from traditionally rival tribes are swapped, and ritually adopted by the opposing tribe. In this way, hostile territory and separate tribes become one. In the ritual adoption type of opening, the event and exhibition take place in joint territory, neither the enclave of the museum, or the gallery, but rather a space with more of a communal orientation. In this case mainly the streets of a renovated multiple use neighborhood, punctuated by a variety of small businesses, professional offices, restaurants, bars, and galleries. During the Saturday Night Gallery Hop (discussed on pp

88 & 89) this ordinary and neutral space is "ritually adopted" for the purposes of art, in order to bring it closer to everyday existence.

This relatively recent concept in western societies (the so-called

Soho Syndrome) bears a close correlation to the site of rituals in tribal societies. As Huet and Paudrat (1978) state:

Ceremonies do not occur in spaces that have been exclusively set aside for this purpose, but in areas where daily life takes place in the village, the main square, etc. Occuring as they do at specified dates, these ceremonies are felt to be significant landmarks in the sequence of days, contrasting with the monotonous routine of daily occupations (p. 16).

According to the Urban Innovations Group (1979), such events provide a unique opportunity along with street fairs and other special art events, to broaden the scope of arts activities beyond the realm of 199 existing and more established cultural institutions. They enable art to play a more direct and important role in community cohesion and provide a vehicle to bring artists, patrons, and previous non-gallery goers together for a common purpose.

One outstanding element of these events is readily apparent. In the ritual adoption type of event, there exists the broadest cross section of audience ever produced for an art opening. Furthermore, a complete integration takes place between all segments and classes of society in attendance. Business people talk to artists, maintenance people to socialites, and students to policemen. Like a city fireworks display, all classifications slip away in the excitement and sociability of a familiar place where interactions between many levels of society naturally occur.

The Setting

Artreach proved to be the most diffiicult of the three settings to research for a number of reasons. Firstly, since its beginnings in 1975,

Artreach has lived many lives, undergone numerous transformations, and has existed in a number of different physical settings. Secondly, one great period of transformation of the organization took place between the years of 1981 and 1984, when there apparently was a complete changing of the guard with respect to the personnel involved. This situation was accompanied by the fact that during this period of time

Artreach was very disorganized (Key Informant, 9-16-86; Ancillary

Informant, 2-23-87). Thus, at the present time, there is no one involved with the organization that has any sense of its history prior 200 to 1983. If documentary records from this earlier time still exist, nobody is quite certain about where they are. They are too busy with the present.

It was quite a shock to me, as well as to each of my culture watchers, who have been observing the art scene during the past decade, that none of the present personnel seem to be aware of the organization’s rather colorful past and the news it made (an abundance of media coverage) during these earlier years.

Lastly, in regard to this last point, I was somewhat wary of personal bias in researching this site since I, in fact, played a key role in the organization’s developmnent from 1977 to 1981. When I left

Artreach in 1981 I had delivered all of the organizations archives chronicling the history of the organization from its inception.

Included in this documentation were board meeting minutes, articles of incorporation, bylaws, grants, press clippings, copies of the monthly newsletter, descriptions of Artreach projects, slide files of past shows, etc. It is fortunate that I decided to make copies of materials that were personally meaningful to me since all of these records plus those that followed have apparently been lost or misplaced. Rather ironically, while I was preparing this account, I was contacted by the

Ohio Arts Council who had awarded Artreach funds during these earlier years. They are in the process of preparing a book of their role in public art projects over the years and couldn’t find anyone at

Artreach who was aware of the grant awards given for the organizations public projects, or even that there were any. 201

Given ray former role in the organization, and my returning to

research it after a complete absence of four years, I approached this part

of the study with much trepidation. However, as Dobbert (1982) has

noted, re-entering a setting where one was once a pure participant and

returning as an objective observer in search of patterns is a helpful

exercise in participant-observation. For it calls upon the researcher

to compare and contrast both views and provides a rich account. Largely

from my own surviving records and the observations of my culture watchers, I have reconstructed the history of the organization’s earlier years, and combined them with the records of the current situation in

order to relate the overall history of the setting.

Background History

Artreach began its existence under another name. It was founded by

Mary Beth Nelson, a musician, and a small group of artists, writers, and theatre people in 1975, as the Columbus Institute for the Contemporary

Arts (CIFCA). This group felt that there was a gap that needed to be filled in the community through the develpment of a contemporary multi- media organization (Smith, 1979). With the help of a sizeable

inital donation, CIFCA acquired an old 5-story shoe factory on the northside of the downtown area as its facility in 1976. During that same year (Mar 17, 1976) it was incorporated as a non-porofit art organization. This facility enabled the organization to have performance space, an exhibition gallery, workshops and classrooms, and also studio space for rent to a variety of local artists. A large

Federal CETA (Comprehensive Employment and Traning Act) grant was 202 obtained in 1977 to employ a staff of eight, largely composed of artists to implement CIFCA projects. In addition to classes, outreach education programs, exhibitions, concerts, and a monthly newsletter, three members of this staff implemented large public art projects— four murals and one public sculpture that still can be seen dotting the city’s landscape.

In spite of the number of innovative art projects and programs that CIFCA produced, it began to run into severe financial difficulties which could not be compensated for through the CETA grant, city and state art council funding, or private donations. The upkeep for the cavernous building (in need of constant and substantial repairs), and the winter utility bills were not covered by the modest rental charges for artist studio spaces.

It became apparent to all, that the young organization couldn’t cope with the massive problems that the property kept developing. When one of the new board members, Bonnie Kelm, called for a comprehensive evaluation of the their financial situation, a process that had fallen behind due to the loss of a bookkeeper, the results were devastating. CIFCA was in desparate straits. In the ensuing confusion, Mary Beth Nelson resigned as director, leaving the ship without guidance. When the president of the board of trustees also resigned, newcomer Kelm found herself president of the board almost by default (Smith 1979, p. 5).

Thus I began my exciting and traumatic relationship with this organization. During 1979, with the help of a lawyer colleague from the university, whom I had lured to the CIFCA board of Trustees, the organization managed to overcome some $35,000 of debt, relinquish the building to the bank and reorganize its structure. It was in this year that the organization changed its name to Artreach (2-28-79), narrowed its focus to just the visual arts, and moved (3-24-79) to what was at that time considered to be a very risky location, a store front in the 203 now fashionable Short North district. This first store front location of Artreach was the site of a former funeral parlor in need of much renovation. Largely through the assistance of many- artist volunteers from the arts community, the renovation was accomplished ("Group Takes

New Name and Moves", 1979). The earliest exhibitions at Artreach, starting with the grand reopening in the new space May 12, 1980, were decidedly controversial in traditional Columbus terms. Artreach became a place, according to Culture Watcher A, "where the gutsy outsiders of the arts community showed their daring experiments" (1-30-87). The openings that marked these exhibitions were decidedly of the Secret

Society type almost exclusively artists since:

artists were the only ones brave enough to come down there after dark. It appealed to all of us in this small specialized cutting edge of the arts in this community. We were all just starting out, and there was a spirit of comraderie like the 60’s (Culture Watcher B, 1-28-87).

Although the public sectors of the community did not participate in these events, nevertheless, in the years 1979 and 80, they were aware of

Artreach through the completion of the public art projects, murals, and sculpture (Carroll, 1979a, 1980b; Smith 1979), as well as other more conventional outreach exhibitions like Womensart ’79, Black Expressions, and the Columbus Honolulu Cultural Exchange Exhibition (Blandy, 1979;

Art Exhibition Features, 1979; Carroll 1979b, 1979c, 1980a). It was largely through these public recognitions that Artreach managed to be awarded a second CETA grant when the first one expired in 1979. This was not only unusual, but was in direct contrast to the prevailing trend across the country, since the program as a whole was being phased out

(Hoxie, 1979). 204

In the absence of an abundance of visual arts activity in the city at this time, Artreach found itself to be viewed by the local media as one of the major outlets for the visual arts in this area. In a feature article about the sorts in Columbus in the New Art Examiner "Columbus,

Regional Outpost or Cultural Heartland?" Artreach was one of only five organizations interviewed along with the Greater Columbus Art Council, the Columbus Art League, The Columbus Museum of Art, And the Ohio State

University Gallery (Hoxie, 1979). A special feature story in Columbus

Monthly. "A Virtual Cultural Revolution", explored Artreach sis one "of a quartet of local institutions" deserving "most of the credit" for having

"had major impact on the city’s arts climate" (Hall, 1980, pp. 101-102).

It was during these years in a smaller space, with a good deal of grant funding that Artreach enjoyed a comfortable economic stability.

However, the inability of grant funding to provide a salary for a director of the organization, placed me in the unenviable and completely draining role of acting as director e i s well sis the president of the

Board of Trustees. The relative prosperity of the period was also marred by the knowledge that CETA funding to employ a staff would totally run out during 1981. Thus the organization was pre-occupied with how best to transform the organization into an all-volunteer co-op gallery. The membership idea was unearthed from CIFCA days, rejuvenated, and promoted. The task of reorganizing became somewhat complex, due to the fact that the CETA staff, shortly to lose their positions were somewhat reluctant, not to mention slightly resentful of being asked to help in this effort which ultimately was not helpful to their financial predicament. But faced with the immanent demise of 205 the CETA grant, the board had exhausted all possible sources for the ^ maintenance of that staff.

In the midst of this situation, the now legendary raid on Artreach took place on May 3, 1980 (discussed in Chap. 4, p. 90). Ironically not long before the raid, a local newspaper had proclaimed "High Street

Galleries Help Fight Urban Blight" and featured a story about the small early band of pioneer galleries that had set up shop in the area

(McCutchen, 1979). Of that brave little band of galleries, only

Artreach would survive and move to another location in this recently renovated Short North area during 1984.

The activity that triggered the police raid was the direct ancestor of the now popular Saturday Night Gallery Hop in the Short North. Arts people were then on the street hopping between Artreach, Gallery 605 next door, and the Apple Gallery up the street. On the eve of the opening of a new convention center just south of this area, a young green vice squad was sent down to this decidedly seedy area to clean-up

High Street (Kelm, 1981-2). In that this festive gallery hopping with rather colorfully attired and boisterous participants was a very new phenomena for this area, it was taken to be activity more familiar to those surroundings. A police raid on an art gallery viewed from the current context of this area seems very humorous now, and it is routinely joked about in the arts community. However, at the time it had a very serious and sobering effect on Artreach. Few people came down to events after that. 206

In the transference of Artreach to an all-volunteer organization other factors also took their toll on audience participation. The hours that the gallery was open became irregular and erratic due to volunteer gallery sitters not showing up. Mailings for the openings to exhibitions became haphazard and sporadic due to the lack of volunteer and financial support (Artreach newsletter, 1981 pp. 2-6). But in spite of these difficulties, Artreach prevailed in continuing the

"Contemporary Artist’s Series" a yearly scheduled set of exhibitions juried by prominent art professionals in the region (Artreach Newsnotes,

Mar-Apr 1984).

It was also during this period that an innovative summer program now called "Metro at Artreach" began in 1983 as a management training program for community artists. The Metro program allows a small group of artists, under the direction of one doordinator designated by the board, to manage Artreach over the summer months, planning and administrating their own shows. It also relieves the few volunteer staff members, from bearing the burden of their responsibilities for the entire year. Metro at Artreach during 1986 provided opportunities for young artists

(currently students) to experiment with new works. A series of performances and a video-fest accompanied exhibitions of experimental art this summer. This program enabled these young artists to gain valuable gallery experience outside of the academic environment

(Artreach Newsnotes Mar-Apr 1984 p. 2, Artreach News Notes, Fall 1986, p. 10). Also in 1983, two present key volunteer staff members became active in the organization. It is largely through their efforts that

Artreach made its final transition to its current space. However, even 207 during the years of upheaval, Artreach continually garnered critical reviews for its exhibitions:

For the last few years, the Artreach Gallery has been presenting remarkable exhibitions devoted to the avante-garde. It seems that the current show is going to be the last one for Artreach, at least at its current address. The sale of the building is forcing the closing of the gallery at the end of the month. Let us hope that it will quickly find a new home. The permanent closing of such a gallery would be a loss for the whole central Ohio art community (Hall, 1984, p. 7-G).

As the present President of the Board of Trustees, Cheryl Hayden relates, the last year in the old space "was pretty bad". Openings were poorly attended (never exceeding approximatedly 30) and there were also physical problems with the space "there were lots of leaks and everything was falling apart". The owner, intent on selling the building, refused to make the necessary repairs (Key informant, 9-16-

86). When the building was finally sold, Artreach stood on the brink of disaster and annhilation once more. Unable to honor commitments made to artists for exhibitions during the summer months (they had to vacate in

May), Artreach became the target for criticism in some segments of the arts community. However, as it turned out, developer Sanborn Wood offered Artreach the opportunity to move into one of the two buildings he was currently renovating in the area. Although Artreach was temporarily out of business from May through September of 1984, it reopened with a grand celebration in its present location on Oct 13,

1984 with the "Creative Lines" exhibition, a show of drawings and poetry

(Key informant 9-23-86).

Wood credits Artreach for initiating the redevelopment of the Short

North. He said, 208

the idea for a strip of businesses with a gallery and studio theme came about through his dealings with Artreach....the idea grew out of Artreach’s interest,....because many of the shops were small, we thought they would be ideal for artists, and artisans. The short north area originally was a cluster of small shops and artisans, and the present configuration brings the area closer to its origins (Orth, 1986, p. 8).

Thus Artreach formed the keystone of the subsequent revival of this area. It is important to note this, for the subsequent development of the area in little more than two years time, with numerous other galleries opening in the area, has largely overshadowed Artreach’s contribution. Artreach, along with EM Gallery— a craft shop and seven year veteran of the area, and an antique shop, were the original trio of organizations that started the rejuvenation of the area.

(Key Informants, 9-16-86, 9-23-86)

From its Grand Reopening in the new space, Artreach itself was rejuvenated. All of its initial shows were well received and their openings well attended. However, even greater transitions were in store for the small organization. In August of 1985, to accompany the grand opening of a large commercial gallery with prominent visibility located directly on the main street through the area, the Saturday Night Gallery

Hop was conceived and initiated. Under the auspices of the Short North

Business Association, all of the new galleries agreed to hold their openings simultaneously on Saturday night. Coordinating with this effort, all of the local businesses in the area agreed to hold special open houses during the same period.

Thus, on the first Saturday of every month, Artreach and other galleries all hold their openings. Since then, gallery hopping and browsing through stores and offices has become a much anticipated ritual 209 event throughout the city, bringing artist, patrons, civic leaders, business people, and many previous non-gallery goers together to celebrate the rejuvenation of a grand old neighborhood. The Saturday

Night Galery Hop immediately became an overwhelming success. One local reporter in summing up the accomplishments of the visual arts in the city for 1986, stated:

The single most notable achievement of the year has to be the phenomenal growth and proliferation of art businesses in the Short North area. Only four galleries were open when the monthly gallery hops started in the summer of *85. At last count, more that 30 new businesses dotted the area. Twelve shops deal exclusively in arts- related items, but restaurants, hair salons, printshops, and even dentists and lawyers offices have jumped on the arts bandwagon and opened their establishments with art displays and performances. Add to that private studio/residences, arts organization offices, theatre, dance studios, and performing spaces, and Columbus is witnessing the creation of a very exciting new arts district (Einhorn, 1986, p. 6).

The Physical Setting

The Short North district itself sits at the northern edge of the downtown area. Artreach is located roughly in what is considered the heart of this area. The Short North stretches approximately three blocks in both directions to the north and south of Artreach. However at the present time, constant renovation throughout this area is changing this scene and pushing the boundary further to the north.

Housed within two small storefronts on Lincoln St. just off the main drag, in one of the two original buildings renovated by Wood, Artreach is not the most visible landmark of the area. The main gallery hopping activity takes place on High Street, the central thoroughfare along

Columbus’ east/west dividing axis. In terms of gallery space, it is exceedingly small when compared to the two larger commercial galleries 210 on High St. which opened subsequent to Artreach’s arrival.

Since the space was created from two store fronts, it possesses two doors, and has two galleries separated by short corridor between walls which make up a storage area between the two. One gallery is 10’x 24’ with a small office area, roughly 8’x 8*, behind it. The second gallery is somewhat larger at 14’x 33’. Just west of the gallery (next door) is an antique and collectables shop on the c o m e r of High and Lincoln.

Immediately to the east is another small gallery run by an independant artist, followed by a UNICEF card shop.

Entering the Site. The Emic Researcher returns to the scene of her crime— Some Thoughts

Upon re-entering the Artreach atmosphere after a four year absence, and finding an organization much transformed from the one I had left behind, I was filled with ambivalent feelings and perhaps even twinges of guilt. My ambivalence to this situation was heightened by the perceptions of three of my culture watchers (A, B, & C), plus the opinions of artist informants who took part in folk seminars (1-24-87,

12-13-86, 10-12-86). What I found, were wildly divergent views regarding this organization (some which will be shared in succeeding sections). The comments that stuck in my mind however, were the repeated critical ones. For they were most like the ones I initially felt upon re-entering this site. After many directed questions to these informants, sifting through past history, meshing that with present history, and recalling a lot of moments I would much prefer to forget, I came to the inevitable conclusion that the more things change, the more they remain the same. 211

During 1981, my term as Board President expired, and although at

) that time, nobody on the board was wildly enthusiastic about assuming the position, I steadfastly refused to continue through another term.

The board then was exactly the way it is now, exceedingly small, composed of only 6 truly active members and all of them, despite complete dedication to the organization, without clout or power in wider community circles.

Reluctantly, a very competent individual stepped forward to assume the role. Initially 1 had agreed to remain a member of the board.

However that situation did not work out well, either for myself or the organization. During my tenure as president I had seen the organization through its transition to an all-volunteer organization, something quite different than one with a paid staff. While I was quite content to sit on the sidelines as simply a board member, being thoroughly drained by the overwhelming responsibility for the organization over the years, it simply wasn’t possible for me to extricate myself from prime responsibity as long as I was still affiliated with the organization.

Members of the arts community, had rightly or wrongly, begun to perceive of the organization as being "my baby" with all of the negative as well as positive associations that go along with that perception. Local grant funding agencies had continued to call upon me with their inquiries rather than the new board president, and I found that I was unable to relieve myself of the role of spokesperson for Artreach.

I felt that I had to make both a clean and complete break with the organization. The dependancies that had developed on both sides were too great to overcome. It was with great difficulty that I turned my 212 back on the organization, and subsequently ignored pleas for assistance.

When I left, the organization was still troubled, as it had been throughout most of its rather stormy history. It wasn't easy becoming indifferent about an organization that had obsessed my life for four years. And I felt quite guilty about it. However, in the long run, and in viewing Artreach today, I feel that that break was in the best interest of Artreach. It is pride that I feel when I think back to all the people who predicted that the organization would never survive, and pride that I feel in thinking about the very same people who said that the organization’s first move to the old deteriorating Short North was a big mistake.

However other feelings also surfaced as I re-entered Artreach. Its program no longer focuses primarily on new art in the central Ohio area, nor is it involved in the innovative outreach projects it once implemented.

The lack of knowledge about the organization’s history among present staff members also bothered me as it did my culture watchers. If

Artreach was once criticized for being "my baby", now it is criticized for a lack of central leadership, "who runs Artreach anyway?" was the repeatedly echoed question among my informants (1-24-87, 12-13-86,

Culture Watchers A & C, 1-30-87 & 1-28-87). Artists now well known in the community, who first started at Artreach say they are no longer comfortable there (Culture Watcher B & C, 1-28-87 & 9-28-87, Folk

Seminar 10-12-86), while others claim that Artreach is not doing enough for local artists in terms of visibility and sales, questioned the level of quality of some of the shows, and cited much erroneous information in the organization’s newsletter. (Folk Seminars, 1-24-87 & 12-13-86) 213

In thrashing through these perceptions and pouring over past documents of the organization which I had not looked at since 1981, I discovered that Artreach since its inception, has always ignited just such controversies within the arts community, as well as outside of it.

Every time Artreach initiated or changed a program or focus, these changes were always greeted with criticism. Artreach exhibtions were always criticized for their "quality" in terms of established art. In the past, some artists also claimed that Artreach was cliquish.

Grass roots organizations like Artreach are always an easy target for such vocal criticisms. Established to fill a perceived need in the community, working hand-to-mouth on shoe string budgets, unable to hire seasoned professionals, clearly they can never quite reach everyone’s expectancies and very often overreach themselves just trying.

Unlike prestigious museums, and commercial galleries protected by selective and supportive circles, such organizations in trying to include everyone leave themselves both open and vulnerable. Where would the arts community be without these critical forums? For the firment of such criticism spawns other grass roots arts organizations, adding greater cultural diversity to the community.

Could it be that artists who once were part of the Artreach vangarde of new artists now feel strange in its atmosphere because they have grown older, moved on, and become part of the art establishment? Could it also be that other artists remembering the secret society type of opening in the old days, now find themselves rubbing elbows with middle class suburbanites at Artreach openings? And do all of us who started out with Artreach during those lean years, having attained our measure 214 of financial comfort and professional careers, forget what it was like to rely on volunteers and be inexperienced at the business of art? And that CHANGE is a necessary part of growth and development?

Organization and Personnel

Artreach is presently run by a working board. There seems to be a bit of confusion regarding the title of the board in current organizational literature. In some places it is referred to as the

Board of Trustees, and in others, as the Board of Directors. Artreach as a non-profit organization is chartered to have a Board of Trustees.

A board of directors is most often viewed as the governing body of a for-profit enterprise. I believe that this confusion stems from the fact that at the present time, the Artreach board does in fact direct the organization in lieu of a salaried Executive Director.

Each of the 9 members of the board (currently) also hold a key volunteer staff position in the organization. The President of the

Board (Cheryl Hayden) and the Program Director (Dotte Turner) are largely responsible for the major administration of the organization.

Other board members perform complementary staff functions; Publicity

Director, Volunteer Coordinator, Membership Director, Fund Development,

Auxiliary Gallery Director, Newsletter Editor, and Metro at Artreach

Coordinator. Just as in. the past, Artreach is currently attempting to solicit new board members, to replace those who have served for a considerable amount of time (Artreach News Notes, Fall 1986, p. 2). At the present time, the organization is also searching for additional volunteer help as gallery sitters during regular hours, and an 215 assistant for the Program Director (Key informant 9-16-86, Artreach News

Notes Winter 86 pp. 12-13).

The regular operating hours of the gallery, in keeping with past tradition, have periodically changed. 1986 opened with the hours of

11am to 2pm on Wed, Thur, Fri; 11am to 5pm on Sat.; and 1pm to 5pm on Sun.

By the end of the year, the decision had been made to change the weekday hours of Wed, Thur, and Fri to 6pm to 9pm. As was explained to me by the board president, in light of the new attendance patterns developing in the Short North, Artreach felt that changing to an evening hour format during the week would capitalize on the street traffic created by affluent patrons of the relatively new posh restaurant down the street, and stimulate more sales of art (Key Informant, 9-16-86).

While the Saturday Night Gallery Hop has stimulated a dramatic increase in attendance at Artreach openings (averaging between 500— 700) which sometimes overpowers the small gallery, the same dramatic increase has not been felt in either art purchases or memberships. The gallery receives a 30% commission on all purchases.

At this time, the gallery has approximatedly 130 paid memberships.

Artreach has a number of problems in regards to increasing their memberships and sales of art, and some of those problems lie outside of the realm of this study. However a couple of these problems are quite germaine, in that they indicate that Artreach has not yet come to grips with the identity of their new audience (brought in by the Saturday

Night Gallery Hop). Nor have they quite figured out how best to capitalize on the record crowds of new gallery goers that regularly attend these openings. 216

In sifting through the information that Artreach has available for viewers during the openings, I found membership application forms, but no listings anywhere that describe the benefits of membership. With considerable frustration I sifted through a number of back newsletters, where occasionally some of the benefits are listed, in order to arrive at fairly comprehensive list. Most of these benefits currently are directed towards encouraging artists to become members. Through membership, individuals can participate in the annual every members show. They can exhibit in Artreach’s auxiliary gallery program, at a series of outreach locations that desire art exhibitions (currently a law library, a community health center, and a commercial establishment).

Members can also enter without charge, the juried competition for the

Contemporary Art Series, seven two-person exhibitions scheduled every year in the gallery.

Other more general benefits are: the quarterly newsletter, News

Notes, which features an update on board activities and programs news of member’s activities, copies of Artreach critical reviews, and occasionally drawings and poetry by artist members. Members also receive a discount on art purchases, and the ability to utilize the Artreach gallery for private functions.

Recently added to the list of benefits are private member’s previews of exhibitions, held one hour prior to the widely attended gallery hop (5

6pm). The private member’s receptions were initiated with the September opening 1986. At this same time, the hours of the gallery hop itself, trying to keep pace with the thousands of people attending, expanded the event’s hours from the original 6 to 9, to 10 pm. 217

The mailing of invitations to the openings however, is not limited to just members. At present, the mailing list is about 1200. Since the

Gallery hop has been so well publicized every month, with listings of all of the shows that are opening, other galleries have ceased to send monthly invitations beyond a select few. (Field Notes, 8-15-86)

Exhibition Schedule

In addition to the Contemporary Arts Series providing the seven major shows a year, Metro at Artreach produced three of its own shows during the summer months. In 1986 these shows were held in June, July, and August, and exhibited the works of primarily young student artists.

Rounding out the twelve month gallery schedule is the Annual Every

Member Show, in April and an annual Invitational Exhibition (this year held in September). Artists are invited to exhibit in this show through the nomination of board members (Key Informant, 9-23-86). This year’s invitational exhibition Zita Sodeika's "The Wall" a multi-media experience, and Harry Melroy’s Recent Works, proved to be the hit of the exhibition schedule in terms of critical success as well as the attention it attracted. It also provided Artreach with its biggest headaches this year in terms of the logistics of trying to manage the massive turnout for the opening.

Each of the twelve shows run approximately three weeks, leaving a full week to install the next show in time for the monthly gallery hop.

Since most of the board/staff that run Artreach are employed elsewhere, the installation of exhibitions is done during the evenings. While the doors are generally locked throughout this period to prevent constant 218

interruption, street traffic arriving and leaving bars and restaurants

in the area routinely become spectators watching the installation

process through the large windows.

In past years, Artreach has limited participation in the exhibition

program to Ohio artists. However in recent years, the call for entries

to Artreach shows has been advertised in the midwestem Art Journal as

well as local Ohio media outlets. This has brought in a substantial

number of responses from artists in other midwestem states. As a

result, an artist from Indiana was juried into this year’s (1986)

Contemporary-Artists Series. Subsequently, the board voted to expand

the field of entries to cover all of the contiguous states around Ohio

plus Illinois for the 1987 series. Each artist selected to show at

Artreach is expected to pay a fee of $80 to help cover the cost of

printing and mailing invitations. Artists also traditionally

contribute to the wine served at the openings. Monetary donations for

glasses of wine by attenders of the event, generally pays for the food

purchased and prepared by board members for the feasting area.

At the present time, Artreach receives very little in the way of

grant funding for its exhibition programing. They currently only

receive $1500 from the Community Arts fund administered by the Columbus

Foundation. While they are aware of the fact that they are well

qualified to receive additional assistance from the city and state arts

councils they do not have the personnel to adequately write the grant

requests, or deal with the art politics involved (Key Informant, 9-16-86).

This year they initiated a raffle sale and a fund raising dinner at the

home of a local artist to augment their funds. 219

Pattern of Events and Relation to the Setting

The role of the Feasting Area

One of the key features of an Artreach opening from its earliest days until the present has been the character of its feasting foods and the role that they play as a symbol of this particular type of opening.

Feasting in either a limited or an abundant way is a characteristic of celebratory rituals. The serving of food and drink at openings is an expression of certain cultural ideas. According to Bryant, Courtney,

Marksbery, and DeWalt (1985) in The Cultural Feast ritual foods are used

"to enhance feelings of unity and social solidarity" (p. 213). They also serve as a means of building relationships. The expression of the nature of the relationship desired is revealed through the types and the quantities of foods served. In other words the presentation of specific foods projects a certain image to participants.

We might recall in this regard, the role that feasting plays at both the Museum opening and the commercial gallery opening. The museum director looks down with disdain upon participants who attend museum openings just to have dinner. At Gallery 200, the only feasting item was an elegant glass of sherry that one carried and sipped throughout the realm of the sacred. In both of these cases formal reserved relationships are stressed (Bryant, et al., 1985).

What Artreach has always offered is a true communal feast composed of a whole variety of home made dishes and appetizers. This has always been the case with Artreach and with other galleries of its kind. Feasting here has always been a true communal affair, with many participants

(organizers, volunteers, and artists) contributing food offerings for this 220 feast. The abundant potluck nature of this feasting reflects the desire for close informal friendships (Bryant, et al., 1985).

While the role of the feasting area has often been joked, about at openings, in the surroundings of a grass roots arts organization one is expected to indulge. It is not considered, either gauche, or inappropriate. If people stay in this area and consume large quantities of food, the mentality of the sponsoring organization has seemed to be, that it’s because those people need it. The idea is not unlike a community cupboard. In the abundance of celebration, food is to be shared. In the earliest days at Artreach, it was expected that a variety of starving artists would in fact come for dinner.

In cruising the Short North during a gallery hop, one can discern the difference in image and orientation of openings by viewing the feasting area. The high brow commercial galleries and elite enterprises cultivating the same type of participants will offer only elegant and symbolic food or drink. And they do not worry about whether the small quantities of these elite items will hold out for the masses of people milling through their spaces during the entire four hours of the gallery hop. A few bottles of champagne, white wine, baked brie with a few clusters of grapes will be all that are provided. It is not the quantity of food, or a sense of providing it for all participants that is important. It is the symbolic presentation of that food. So if one arrives later to one of these prestigious spaces, what is encountered are a few empty bottles of champagne and the remnant rind of cheese, left symbolically in plaice. The message is that the participant surveying this area was not among the first to celebrate the occasion. 221

(Field Notes, 8-2-86, 9-7-86). According to Bryant, et al., (1985), this type of presentation utilizes food as a symbol of prestige. The offering or just "the display of expensive food is used in many societies to communicate... social importance" (p. 181).

In contrast, the grass roots arts organizations in the area, like

Artreach, PM Gallery, and ACE (Art for Community Expressions) provide an abundance of inexpensive hybrid foods combined in a variety of creative ways by a host of volunteer contributors as an expression of community, rather than status.

At Artreach one will encounter seven layer taco salads, bean sprout salads, vegetable dips, baked goods, innovative cheese spreads, etc.

Each of these, is the individual contribution of board members, volunteers, and often the exhibiting artists, and their friends. It is the role of the feasting area as an expression of community, that caused

Artreach to be concerned about the fact that these voluntary contributions of food could no longer accomodate all of the 500 to 700 participants attending these events. While the other types of facilities were unconcerned about these matters, it was serious enough for Artreach, that the board needed to come to grips with the problem.

As a solution to this predicament, Artreach initiated the private member’s preview, one hour before the official start of the gallery hop

(5 to 6pm). I thought it interesting that this policy was first initiated as a result of the food problem, rather than just the desire to augment the benefits of membership (Artreach News Notes, Fall 1986).

The board policy stated that food would only be provided during this private preview, and that no food would be served to the general public 222 after that time period. This would ensure that at least Artreach members would have the opportunity to feast. Thus private member’s previews were initiated in September of 1986.

In observing the four member’s previews filling out this year, it was noted that practice did not follow policy in that the anticipated results were not realized. Artreach volunteers continued to provide an abundant buffet, but few participants (as yet) have chosen to partake of this earlier preview. As a result, the buffet table has been left out to be subsequently devoured by the hordes of people arriving from the gallery hop. For the most part, the buffet table has in fact lasted throughout the course of the evening.

Since the member’s preview was only just established toward the end of my field study, I do not feel that I am able to discern a pattern in relation to this event, or to know for certain why it has not been well attended. My hunch is that it simply hasn’t caught on yet in terms of routine. People have become accustomed to starting the gallery hop at

6pm. On most occasions during my observation of these events, the predominent participants have been Artreach organizers and volunteers, the exhibiting artists, and their famiilies, plus a few random members, but none of them regularly attending. Casual conversations with those few attending have indicated that while members might like the idea of this event, 5pm is just too early on a Saturday evening to start a full night out in the Short North (Field Notes, 9-6-86, 10-4-86, & 11-1-86).

Since artists as a group tend to make up the later arrivals at the gallery hop itself (compatible with all field notes), not unlike the situation at Gallery 200, 5pm does not seem to be a convenient time for 223 this group. What seems to be still unrecognized by Artreach organizers is the pattern observed after the official end of the gallery hop.

While some establishments in the Short North immediately lock their doors at 10pm (mostly commercial galleries, and offices), Artreach, like other more grass-roots organizations continue to have an open-door policy until all participants decide to leave. On many occasions, post opening festivities do not end until around 11:30pm. It has been seen through my observatons that many of these late celebrants are in fact members of the arts community. And not unlike the case of Gallery 200, these attenders seem to be made up primarily of friends of the exhibiting artists indulging in an unofficial, more private completion celebration.

Perhaps a private member’s party might be more appropriate at this time.

The Pattern of the Gallery Hop and Its Relation to Artreach Openings

One of the reasons that the gallery hop has been so successful in terms of attendance, is that participants need no external reminder of when this event is going to occur. Unlike the case of the museum or

Gallery 200, which have a definite sequence, but the exact date remains an open question, the gallery hop is scheduled on a completely predictable and routine cycle. It is always the first Saturday of every month and this sequence has managed to embed itself in the overall rhythm of the city. The only people unaware of its immanent occurance would be those who never looked at any calendar.

For most of the 500 to 700 participants who visit Artreach openings,

Artreach is not their first or primary goal. Their presence is part of the gallery hopping experience, through which they will be introduced 224

or reaquainted with a variety of visual arts experiences and their hosting facilities. Some participants will enter Artreach first, either

to lend support to the organization or recognition to the exhibiting artists. But on the whole, these participants with perceived obligations will wait to later in the evening. The main activity of the evening is viewed on High Street where people not only browse in and out of shops and galleries, and peer through windows, they also watch other people and form tight little conversant groups right on the street.

Street entertainers, musicians, magicians and jugglers dot the landscape. Assorted individuals pass out flyers and free underground newpapers of various sorts.

The scene can only be described as camival-like, a wide assortment of humanity is on display. And you never quite know what you’re going to see. An independant filmmaker projects his film on to the side of an old and yet unrehabilitated buiding. And down the block in the parking lot of the Body Shop a laser light show creates an army of spectators. While a local organization mills through the assembled crowd asking people to become blood donors and hands them cards. A charter bus arrives on the scene carrying a church group from Lancaster, their mouths dropped open as they view the thousands on the street. Some of the more indiginous residents of this once seedy area, (the one’s who used to sleep in Artreach’s doorway at its old location) scratch" their heads and look upon the scene with disgust. What’s happened to the neighborhood? ...An intense young man forces a flyer on me — "Abstract patronage" it proclaims "Are Art Patrons Killing the Art Colony?". Receiving this message I was reminded of the last time I received such a flyer. It was in New York’s East Village and the flyer read in bold letters "Repent". Members of the arts community greet each other on the street with wonder...Can you believe this is happening— in Columbus? Civic leaders smile surveying mostly the scene and not the art displayed. They shake their heads affirmatively. Middle and upper middle class surbanites waiting for their tables in the fashionable restaurant on High Street promenade back and forth on the street window shopping and browsing". (Field Notes, 8-2-86)

The pilgrimage route of the gallery hop follows High St. along the six block core area of the Short North, stopping at every open establishment 225 along the way. Artreach and the small gallery next door provide the only detour from this straight path, since they represent the only galleries open on a Side street in the area at the present time. After a year of observation, some of it standing on the corner of Lincoln and

High, as well as observing in some of the High St. establishments, I do not believe Artreach absorbs the full impact of the major mass of people. This may be detrimental in some respects. "Media people routinely park on Lincoln and then rush right by Artreach with their TV cameras to get to High St". (Key Informant, 9-16-86) But it also prevents chaos from reigning supreme in the small gallery. For as it is, throughout the gallery hop, most of the time Artreach is filled to capacity. As the museum director noted in his interview

there reaches a point of saturation at some openings, beyond which things start to get unpleasant, not to mention hazardous for the exhibited artworks. (Key Informant, 9-16-86)

It was the museum director, as a gallery hopping participant, who also spoke of the pattern of this monthly event as

having a wonderful kind of madness about it. You don’t want to contain or enshrine it, you just want to be in its wake. There is a fresh irreverence and self-parody about it, almost a dada-like quality— its a symbol of the spirit of the place. (Key Informant, 9-16-86) That camival-like, unexpected pattern, and broad range of seemingly contradictory participants, continues within the Artreach opening. In front of Artreach is usually a large congregation of people, leaning against parked cars and conversing in groups, or more or less in rows gawking through the storefront windows at the activities within. This happens in all but the nastiest of weather. Standing in front of the gallery you are confronted by two choices, since there are 226

two doors to the facility. Although there is always a right door and wrong door in terms of the intent of the organizers of the event, it is never overtly indicated as to which is which. You either have to study the activity inside from the window or just be impulsive and enter one of them. On the one occasion that the doors were labelled, they both bore the sign "other door" (Field Notes 12-6-86). As I was told later, the artist exhibiting wanted to direct the flow, it wasn’t meant to be a joke. But he just got harried and swept up with the event.

(Key Informant, 1-31-87)

If you choose to enter the "wrong door" you’re on your own. You receive no directions, and you will find yourself going against the prevailing tide. This is a feature of the street traffic brought about by the nature of the hop. There are tides of people heading north up the street, brushing by those heading back down the street toward the south. As you approach Artreach from High St., the first door is the

"right door" (usually but not always), and inside you will be greeted by the program director, asked to sign the guest book, handed an exhibition list, and directed into the gallery. This is routinely the same for every participant. There is no time for social exchange at the entrance, nor is there any recognition of known people in the art community, like there is at Gallery 200. Entering through the first door is the pattern preferred by Artreach organizers, but given the logistics of the small space, on occasion the pattern has been reversed, when the artwork displayed during installations is not compatible with this orientation. Most of the time during these openings the door is held in a continually open position as massive lines of people follow 227 the overall ritual route into the gallery* Although people attempt to view the art with their documentation in hand, it is at best, a cursory experience. Much like the American Folk Art exhibition at the museum, there is no time or room to stop for lengthy scrutiny or discussions about works of art, it would disrupt the flow of people within these cramped quarters. During infrequent lulls, there does appear to be a more conscious effort to religiously refer to the relic for guidance.

The usual point of entry is through the smaller first gallery. The office area in back is made over for the opening into a small wine nook.

Generally, the President of the Board or another staff member serves.

Here participants make a donation and attain a glass of wine. They then proceed through a short passageway to the right at the rear of the first gallery into the second larger gallery. Usually to the left of this entrance, toward the back of the gallery, is the feasting area which is usually packed with people. Completing the pilgrimage route is the perusual of art in the second room while heading toward the front of the gallery and finally out the second door, (see fig. 3)

The majority of participants do not linger in the gallery. They are in and out within a short period of time (20 to 30 minutes). Basically they follow the U-shaped pilgrimage route, in one door, stopping for wine and feasting, and out the other. There is no place within the small space to form a conversant group around a work of art for very long. As culture watcher B notes:

You can’t hang out at Artreach any more, there’s just no room. People do however form groups for conversation on the street right in front of the gallery. If you want to hang out and talk about the art on display you have to do it at Spangler’s (the large commercial gallery on High St.) or in one of the larger spaces in the area. This is un- 228 PATvo AREA

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Floorplan, Artreach 229

fortunate because Artreach usually has more unexpected, newer art. But the gallery hop is about people watching as much as "art watching". It’s part of the overall art ritual of this event (1-28-86).

The only groups who linger in the Artreach space are the organizers

(most routinely the program director, President of the Board, and Publi­ city Director) posted at the door, the wine nook, and the feasting table respectively, and the artists, their families, and friends. Since each room of the gallery usually exhibits the works of only one of the two featured artists, their close interactive groups form tight little cir­ cles in the comers of the rear of each respective gallery, one near the wine area in the first gallery and the other near the feasting table in the other. The groups formed around each artist are almost protective in nature, seeking to buffer them against the mass flow. As an ordinary participant, it is not easy to meet an artist during these events. If you didn’t know them already, it would be hard to get to converse with them in the mass atmosphere. On one occasion where I did not personally know the artist, I chose not to have any Artreach personnel intervene on my behalf, and attempted to introduce myself. It was not possible. She was continually engaged with members of her group and their formation left no opening for an additional participant. (Field Notes, 11-1-86) 230

Types of Participants

The great diversity of the gallery hop crowd has already been noted elsewhere. The carnival or festival like atmosphere that dominates the gallery hops, tends to bring out accentuated and stylized roles in terms of dress as well as actions and behaviors. This is in keeping with the traditional accounts of carnival and festival ritualized occasions as cited by Turner, (1982, p. 12), Abraham (1982, p. 167), and

Babcock (1978, pp. 31-32). It has also scarcely alluded the local media:

At monthly gallery hops, the Short North blossoms with yuppies, buppies, flutists, art deco couples, and just regular people (James, October 1986, p. 9).

Taking a more satirical view in keeping with the amibance of the event itself, Paprocki (1986) states:

The group changes faces. In and out the people go. It’s first Saturday at the Short North— the gallery hop for any and all. And any and all come. Ugly. Pretty. Rich. Poor. Rebellious. Staid. Secure. Neurotic. Gay. Straight. Wierd. Wierder. Really Weird. Take an artwork, any artwork, and look at the people looking at it. (p. 15)

He speaks of some of the distinct types that stand out. "The Kids who make statements" with their punk outfits. Men with Roman numerals attached to their names. "The Art is More Important than Anything in

World Types", "Mr. & Mrs. Everyday", and "Happy Folks", the suburban families (p. 15). The reporter concludes that:

The Short North Hop is a gallery itself— a gallery of breathing, thinking, indigenous art forms. And all are on display for your evening’s amusement (p. 16)

Artreach gets its fair share of this traditionally unlikely crowd.

However it would not be legitimate to say that all of the galleries in the area receive equal amounts of these heterogeneous participants. 231

Different people are attracted to and linger in different settings.

Over the course of the year’s field work, I explored a couple of other spaces and compared them to Artreach. The observations of two of my culture watchers (A & b), who have also been interested in the Short

North phenomena were also quite useful here.

Waldos, a hair salon with a gallery specializing in "vangard chic"

(James, October 1986 p. 9) attracts mainly very youthful participants in punk dress; PM Gallery, a mixed arts and leisure crowd from the suburbs;

Spirit Gallery, a lot of out-of-towners and first timers. And the major commercial gallery on High St., Spangler Cummings attracts mostly socially elite patrons, civic leaders, and members of the ant community,

(routinely referred to by arts informants as the "yuppie crowd").

Artreach does seem to attract a broad range of participants, with no particular groups standing out. One sees members of minorities, middle class people, young punk types, a few members of the established arts community, poets, and lots of initiates (all diverse groups who have just started gallery going as a result of the hops). Most participants don a wide variety of dress which defies any attempts at classification.

One sees long black capes and chartreuse spiked hair combs, kids with obscene messages printed on their tee shirts. These folks may well be looking at art standing next to men in kelly green knit shirts and plaid pants, who look like they came directly from the suburban golf club, and women wearing Indian saris.

The Artreach membership (mostly artists) does not make up the majority of the audience. There are too few of them. Although Artreach organizers tend to view their audience as primarily being made up of the 232 arts community, this perception is not compatible with my data

(observation, documentation, and informants). In comparing guest book pages from both the commercial gallery and Artreach, as well as observation at both sites, I found a greater majority of arts community members participating at the commercial gallery. They did not visit

Artreach on the same night. Further key recognizable art patrons and civic leaders also noted as participants at the commercial gallery did not participate in the Artreach openings. Since the commercial gallery is a large space, and located next door to the major restaurant in the area, it tends to produce a group of people who linger for a relatively long period of time, thus limiting gallery hopping, as culture watcher B suggests (1-28-87).

Exception

The only exception to the types of participants present at an

Artreach opening occurs with the Every Member Show in April and the

Metro at Artreach series over the summer. The former does produce a large audience from the arts community, as each exhibiting artist (52 this year) brings their own support from friends. Metro at Artreach this year produced a completely different crowd which largely displaced the more ususal one. It was primarily an art student crowd from Ohio state University and the Columbus College for Art and Design. This was to be expected since the three exhibitions primarily focused on student work. As I observed, I saw for the only time this year in the Short

North, a feeling of self-consciousness on the part of usual participants, who largely felt that they were invading an art student only affair.

(Field Notes, 8-2-86) 233

Participant Motivation. Experience, and Expectancies

If Artreach openings cannot provide a deep art experience, due to the mass activity of the large surrounding event, what they do provide is the most accessible and open experience for the ever growing number of its initiate participants. The motivations and expectancies of the organizers and exhibiting artists are largely compatible with those found in the other settings.

The Outsiders Point of View There were people who appeared from the general crowd, those I'd consider previously unknown to Artreach. Of assumed couples, women sauntered comfortably through the gallery U-shape; the men for the most part looked disoriented and self-conscious. They peered towards others, especially groups engaged in conversation. I can tell the artists, and their friends from the general public. Members of the public march towards canvases, moving the lower part of their bodies to the right or left while the upper portion still faces the art. Artists and friends staying in one spot seemed to digest the room with a graceful sweep, immediate attention going towards people. I know (the publics) behavior/movement. It stems from the notion that the unknown is intimidating. One attempts to appear sufficiently involved and attuned as one’s brain matter boils. A food ritual was pointed out to me. According to my source, placement of the refreshment table is of great importance. It signals conversation and fosters guacamole molding. In the case of Artreach, the starving second half of the gallery was silent. My source claimed this room a great challenge, struck several conversations, and confused countless individuals. I spoke with a man while standing in front of Bennett’s "Major Detour— Women Not Working". He turned to me as I disengaged from a pleasant conversation with the program director. "What’s this supposed to be?" he asked. I was shocked to be considered for his art attention. (Perhaps he was just talking aloud to himself) "What do you think it is?" I finally replied, "See this right here" (pointing ) "It looks like a swimming pool or a backyard" (pointing some more) "see they didn’t mix the colors— look, somebody got there finger on it". My turn: "I wonder how she arranged the four canvases as she did". "What?, see", he was not only pointing, but touching the canvas, "there’s nothing there". "Yes there is" I said, "black paint". An ancient memory springs from my head; the memorization of a hand out for test regurgitation. It was titled, "The Funeral Oration of Pericles". I am reminded of one sentence, one I now reproduce after a long search. "Our city is thrown open to the 234

world, and we never expel a foreigner or prevent him from seeing or learning anything of which the secret, if revealed to an enemy, might profit him" Such is true of these gallery folk. People share information, not competition, or squirming when questions were asked. This was an extremely congenial crowd. There was instant fellowship (better than most churches I ’ve experienced). People looked into your eyes, with no immediate scan of your clothing. (Outside Informant, 11-1-86)

The Organizers Point of View The Program Director: Our audience primarily is drawn from the Gallery hop. Most attenders at openings come out of curiosity or to be part of it, whatever "it" is. But we have a nice core of regulars, a lot of poets come. The word of mouth that spreads during the gallery hop is important. People get caught up in the excitement. We wish, of course, that these openings would increase our membership. The avowed reasons for our openings are to support the artists. Its very important for artists to meet their audience. It’s a high, and good time for them. Artists need this encouragement. They need the external validation to go on. Because materially things are hard for them. They need to feel the mass applause and hear the feedback. There are practical reasons too. Artreach receives wider recognition which sometimes leads to more media coverage. People will come back to the gallery again. If the exhibiting artists are satisfied with the reception they’ve received, they will recommend it to others and that enhances our reputation (Key Informant, 9-23-86).

The President of the Board Our attendance during regular hours has dramatically increased since the beginnings of the gallery hop. We're averaging about 200 visitors a month, not including the openings. Openings are special times. They’re fun for all of us. they’re educational and informative gatherings— parties really, that maximize educational exchange and socializing. With the artist present, they represent and opportunity both for the artist and the audience. We would like to see our sales and memberships increase through all the exposure the gallery hop is giving our openings. We realize we need people to work on this. Right now, everyone is so busy taking care of everything else. We want to promote our private pre-openings as a membership benefit, since the board voted to cut back on the food for the openings. We are definitely getting a different crowd since the gallery hops. Bexley is one of the big zip codes in the guestbook (upper middle class, suburb). I see some of the same faces at a number of our openings. People who aren’t our members. But there are just so many people coming now, that I sincerely don’t know who they are (Key Informant, 9-16-86). 235

The Exhibiting Artists Point of View

Since Artreach exhibits the works of artists from all over the region, I have chosen the viewpoints of artists from out of town as well as local artists to express their feelings.

Out of town Artist As an artist, I want to emotionally move people with my work. I am interested in the audience’s reaction to it. Artreach is the quietest reception I ever had. When I exhibited and performed this work in Chicago, there were strong reactions and it was emotional. My audience here did not register any reaction. This is disappointing to me. (Key Informant, 9-6-86)

In regard to this artist’s statements, there are a number of factors at play here which will be discussed in the event analysis. Since

Artreach does try to include in its exhibition schedule every year some installations, performances, and other experimental artforms, I felt it important to include an artist’s view representing this type of work.

It should be noted in general, that most of the gallery hop audience is largely unfamiliar with this type of work. The audience’s silence in reaction to this artists performance piece, stems from people

"not knowing exactly what to do and a feeling of self consciousness".

(Key Informant, 9-16-86)

Local Artist This is exciting for me. It represents a year of work and a goal. The opening is a completion, the ending part of the story. The works are now performing on their own. I watch the people react to them. Sometimes it’s painful if they react unfavorably, but I need to see that too. It’s important. I know tomorrow I am going to feel this big let down, becuase it’s all over. An opening is the performance— the crescendo. It’s for the people— the audience— it’s theatre, show biz. I have needed to get here (the opening ) so it can be finished and I can go on to the next step. I had the strangest feeling when I was hanging these works in the gallery Thursday night. I felt strangely separate from them 236

for the first time. I was thinking about the opening and how I would come in and be enjoying myself with everyone else. I said "you’re on your own, kids"— like giving up my babies to the public domain. So it’s a rite of separation as well as a rite of completion. This represents’ a'whole year of my life! Artreach is wonderful— so supportive. I cannot believe the dedication of these people who are only volunteers. They give everyone a chance here and don’t ask for your pedigree. I know that sales are not good here, but this exposure is important for my reputation. They have a hard time marketing Artreach. Patrons are more impressed with the prestige of commercial galleries, where they assume that the gallery director has good credentials. But I like the size of this space. And I like the idea that it is slightly off the beaten path (from the gallery hop). I sense that people come because they want to find out (Key Informant, 11-1-86).

The Audience Point of View

Frequent Attender # 1 The first gallery hop literally blew me away. The idea and crowd for Columbus! Crowded sidewalks in Columbus? I confess I don’t look at the art too much when I go. I go to people watch and the people are the art down here. I go because I want to have a good time and connect with people I know in the community. Also it’s a part of my professional function. I ’m an enthusiastic ant supporter. I’m also a media person. It’s important for me to have access to information and people can also find me here to tell me things. Some of the early Artreach openings were the most memorable for me personally, of any I can recall. Artreach now is totally changed and there is no carry over from before. The staff doesn’t knowthe old Artreach at all. It’s a whole new ball game. But I ’m still supportive, I drop in during every gallery hop and I haven’t missed even one of them. I support Artreach because it’s not commercial and its usually pretty daring and cutting edge type of art, especially the performances and the installations. Some people are critical about the quality, and even the lack of consistant quality in many of the establishments throughout the Short North. I think we have to give it a chance. There’s a wonderful thing happening down there and we have to continue to show our support for it by going. I may not personally like every thing that Artreach shows, but I ’m glad their showing it. People in Columbus need to be more exposed to all kinds of art. I do miss the old comraderie of Artreach. I know the names of the people running Artreach now, but the names escape me. I don’t feel like I belong there the way I once did. They (organizers) always treat me as a stranger, even though I always come and I write about them. It sometimes makes me nervous. They’re stiff, not sociable or open. When I go to Artreach now, I don’t see people in the art community very much. I don’t know who the people involved are. (Culture Watcher B, 1-28-87) 237

Frequent Attender # 2 At openings there’s both that internal celebration and that external audience development— the outreach bringing a lot of people together. I think a lot of people just go for the fun and that’s particularly true of the gallery hops. But maybe some of the people that experience that will see something that attracts them and come back again. You have to make a real effort to see the art at the gallery hops. But these openings are a good way to overcome the intimidation of art, because they substitute the "religious experience" of art for the "entertainment experience" of art. They are rituals. And they’re rituals in which people have different roles to play, like any ritual. My role is to be supportive, try to get a review and to show that the arts media does care. These openings are a time to catch up on what’s happening. That function has dropped off at Artreach, since the change in Artreach and the gallery hop. The place to do that now is either Spangler’s (the commercial gallery) or on the street. The old Artreach was a place where real artists showed and it was an important gathering place. (Culture Watcher A, 1-30-87)

Culture watchers A & B define their segments of the art community in their statements. For culture watcher A, "real artists" means primarily those critically accepted by her peer group , the young and up and coming artists emmanating from the OSU sector, but not generally students.

"Their work has a sense of honesty about it." Culture watcher B looks for members of the arts community from his sector to be present. They are community activists and influential members from the community sector of the arts , the civic arts sector, the CCAD sector and members of the

Ohio Designer Craftsman.

Infrequent Attenders When I do go (to the gallery hop) I like going to Artreach because it’s crowded and friendly.The poets are always there. And I know a lot of the poets. Artreach opens its arms to newcomers and I like that. (Culture Watcher D, 1-24-87)

I’m glad I went to see what was going on (at the gallery hop). I enjoyed seeing all the people and talking with a lot of folks I don’t see very often. Artreach is different than it used to be. I’m not sure what to make of it yet, so I’m not going to give you an 238

opinion. I have to think about it for a little while. I enjoyed it but I don't think I ’d want to go again real soon. It’s too much, I prefer the quieter type (openings). (Culture Watcher C, 9-28-86)

Initiates

Since initiates and new gallery goers are the primary audience for the gallery hop and thus, the Artreach openings, I wanted to include some of their perceptions. Two of these are recorded on p. 104. There were problems in interviewing this group. Many were surprised that I would ask for their opinions, became self-conscious about it, and declined to verbalize their feelings about the opening. My mode of operation, throughout this field study was to be completely open about the fact that I was engaged in a study. It was a matter of ethics.

However being recorded in a study seemed intimidating to most of the initiates I approached, in light of their newness to the situation. "How do I feel about it? You’re asking me? I'm new at this game. I don’t know yet" (Ancillary Informant, 8-2-86).

Those few that agreed to discuss it were pretty taciturn. They directly answered my questions, but neither elaborated on their answers or volunteered additional information. Since I did not want to pull teeth or lead my informants answers, I did not pursue the questioning.

However, in answering the question, "why did you come here tonight?", most revealed that they had heard about the gallery hop and wanted to see what it was all about. Those that attended before said that they had had a good time the last time, so they wanted to come down again.

Most agreed that they didn't know what to expect and were just open to any experience. A couple, beyond stating that the event was "fun", said that they were enjoying looking at all the art for the first time. They 239 liked the atmosphere because it was non-threatening and not what they thought an art atmosphere would be.

(Field Notes, 8-2-86, 9-6-86, 11-1-86)

In the cases of Gallery 200 and the museum, it was noted that the directors of both organizations were prominent individuals in their sectors of the community. Their own personalities were strongly reflected in the institutions that they served. The museum director’s role in civic affairs and his prominance in the community enhanced the museums image and brought participants into the openings. In the case of Gallery 200 the identity of the director is totally synonymous with the gallery. The motivation for attendance here was to recognize the director and the gallery at the same time and also to pay their respects to the exhibiting artists.

The example of Artreach seems to be very different. Most people in attendance are brought into the experience through the larger surrounding event. Some members of the arts community will attend to p>ay their repects to the space or the exhibiting artist. Civic arts people or major patrons do not generally attend. Attendance from segments of the arts community is (generally) higher when local artists are exhibiting. However the presence of Artreach organizers does not form a significant motivation for attendance as it does for the museum or Gallery 200. Some analysis of this situation will follow in the

Event and Community Relations section

It is fair to say that the program director is responsible for bringing in one small segment of the community— the poets. A core of about seven are regulars. The program director who is not familiar to 240 the influential circles of the arts community is well know in poetry circles and is a poet herself. She has been instrumental in augmenting

Artreach programs with poetry readings and other special events which feature poetry. Thus the poet members of Artreach support the organization and express their appreciation to the program director by their presence at Artreach openings (Ancillary Informants, 9-6-86, 10-4-86)

Actions, and Setting Influence on Actions

The atmosphere of the gallery hop and its colorful, massive array of participants, sets the tone for the Artreach openings. Inverse behaviors

(the play frame) dominates both events. The accentuated dress and roles that participants take on during these events is echoed in their behaviors. While there is a patterned ritual flow and specific things one should do (let us believe and uphold the sacred) people feel quite free to subvert this ritual frame. (What if?, and lets pretend). These occasions are usually loud, boisterous, festive, and sometimes even crass. There is lots of clowning going on. It seems quite natural in the atmosphere of these events.

One of the unusual patterns that I noted during the course of fieldwork is that initiates seems to take this whole thing more seriously than members of the arts community (artists, patrons, art lovers, and arts professionals). They seem more conscious about trying to do the proper thing (after all, one is supposed to venerate art)

(Field Notes, 2-1-86, 5-6-86, 9-6-86, 10-4-86).

The program director of Artreach backs up these observations. 241

Everybody does walk around and look at the art. The more newly initiated gallery goers do it a lot more because that’s what you’re supposed to do. They’re not jaded enough to be irreverent. New people are basically intimidated people. They don’t know quite what to do, so they watch others and mimic their actions. (Key Informant, 9-23-86)

During every Artreach opening you can see initiates peering through the storefront windows studying the activities before they enter. On one occasion I stood among a group at the window. One woman spoke, not addressing anyone in particular, "boy, I sure am glad all of these places have windows, you can really see just what you’re getting yourself into". (Field Notes, 12-6-86)

It is most often seasoned members of the community knowing the ropes, who will not study the situation and will enter Artreach by using the "wrong" door. They will then commence to disrupt the ritual flow of the pilgrimage route, by moving against the prevailing tide of people, often joking as they proceed "why do I feel like a salmon struggling upstream to spawn?" (Field Notes, 10-4-86)

However, in contrast to the museum and Gallery 200, all deviants are tolerated, and to a certain extent, even expected by the prevailing chaotic and overtly festive ambiance of the event. As culture watcher B has noted:

that’s the fun part about these events. They’re a great equalizer whether you know how to act around art or not. You can be who you are. You can even be who you’re not. You can be a fool or play it straight. It’s whatever you want to do. People can overcome their art intimidation because it's like a carnival. If you make a social mistake nobody even knows you’ve made one. (1-28-87)

In this light, it can be noted that initiates tend to take the roles of art lovers, through a more serious and studied pattern of behavior, while more seasoned gallery goers exchange their usual roles and act 242 like initiates and non-art lovers with their irreverence and joking.

These are traditional inverse behaviors associated with festivals

(Turner, 1982; Babcock, 1978)

Artists exhibiting in the space do not, by and large, meet and greet viewers and discuss their works. They stay in one spot with their circle of supporters and people watch like other participants. Artists watch closely all of the people in their room as they view their works.

The audience’s activity in regard to the artists works, makes up the major portion of conversations between artists, and their friends (Field

Notes, 2-1-86, 5-3-86, 9-6-86, 11-1-86). Since there are so many people in the space, the artists generally only converse with those they already know or meet through a mutual friend. Artists I interviewed seem to thoroughly enjoy this spectator role.

You get to see how people really react to your work, and not all the superficial, "I really enjoyed your work", kind of stuff you get when you’re constantly involved meeting new people. I much prefer it this way, to be invisible and just watch the people. It’s like candid camera". (Key Informant, 9-6-86)

Since the predominant emphasis on behavior is inverse, which in the other sites was limited to the feasting areas, it is harder to discern any difference between the realm of the sacred and the feasting area of the Artreach space due to the overall somewhat loud activity of the large audience. However, there are some subtle distinctions. As my outsider informant observed on p. 233, the second gallery where the feasting table is, is much noisier than the the first gallery. While I wouldn’t describe it as "silent" I would say that the first gallery is definitely more meditative and it is here that the most studied scrutiny of art work occurs, providing that there isn’t too much of a crowd 243 pushing through.

The presence of the feasting area is announced by the wine nook at the threshhold of the doorway into the second gallery. In the second gallery, most people are eating and drinking. They cannot just confine this activity to the area around the feasting table in the rear of this gallery. There are far too many people in the space. So they will view the second gallery while feasting. The mood in this room is always more jovial, looser and more free. Initiates begin to relax a bit more here, their behavior less studied, and less self-conscious. It is also within this room that more integration between audience members occur. People introduce themselves to each other. The common thread that seems to bind this very mixed crowd, is conversation about the advent of the gallery hop and the rebirth of the Short North.

(Field Notes, 2-1-86, 5-3-86, 10-4-86, 11-1-86)

Exceptions

There were two shows this year at Artreach during which the setting in the gallery and its usual pattern was radically transformed. In both of these instances the openings for these shows produced decidedly different actions and reactions from the norm. One of these shows was the target of my event analysis and will be considered in that section.

The other is worth noting here.

The December show featured large and very bold abstract paintings by an artist from the Cleveland area in the first gallery. The entire second gallery was taken up by a formidable site specific installation sculpture by a local artist. This was the opening night at Artreach when each of its two doors bore a sign saying "other door". Potential 244

participants viewing the dominating installation inside simply chose not

to enter at all. The sculptural forms in the second room were overtly

intimidating. There were three massive, looking forms, all of which were

tipped as if about to fall over. The largest of the three was directly

by the door and looked as if it would fall over and crush any visitor

that entered. Adding to the intimidating quality of the piece a

pulsing laser traced a rakish red line around the walls of the gallery

which seemed to deny its normally rectangular shape. Federal law also

required the posting of a warning in the gallery concerning the hazards

of the laser. This occurred in the gallery where feasting most often

occurs. Throughout the course of the evening Artreach had very few

visitors, I counted only a total of 35, most of whom were either

Artreach members and volunteers, and some friends of the artist.

The few people in attendance were very quiet in the second gallery,

mostly huddled in the small sheltered area of the feasting area, where

they could avoid the penetration of the laser. In conversing with the

artist it became clear that he had another perception of the situation,

"I think my work is too sophisticated for Columbus" (Key Informant, 12-

7-86). He also vocalized his feelings that the arts community was not

supportive of his work. He was disappointed that few members of the

arts community attended his opening. His defintiton of arts community

in this sense refers to its influential members, leaders of the major

four segments and Columbus Art League members. It has been noted

elsewhere that these same individuals are not routinely Artreach attenders, although some occasionally attend to show their support for particular artists. He did not feel that the work’s intimidating qualities 245 were a problem for initiates.

The board president assumed that the gallery hop was slow that night due to the fact that the temperature was in the 30’s. As a host of this event and unable to leave the space, she could not see that High St. was just as packed with people as it usually is. While in the gallery I watched as many potential participants peered in the window, none of them subsequently entered.

The gallery was almost deserted by 8:30 pm when it is usually filled until at least 11 pm. I left at that time. The small gallery next door had many people in it. I stopped to chat with some of the people who had walked by Artreach. All expressed a wariness of entering, "it doesn't exactly look inviting", but apparently there was also an additional factor at play that I had not recognized. This was early

December and gallery hop participants had come down to the area this time with a more focused motivation. The purpose was gift buying. Most of the galleries were featuring saleable works, in a broad price range with lots of small art items. These facilites seemed more aware of the realities of their audience and market than Artreach. (Field Notes, 12-6-86)

The Event and Community Relations

At this point in time Artreach openings are riding on the coattails of the Short North Gallery Hop. While Artreach organizers played a role in community development and are active in the Short North Business

Association, Artreach is no longer the focal point of the Short North area. It exists today as an organization still much in transition. It has not yet fully come to grips with its new audience and how best to 246 serve that audience. Membership is still largely geared to artists rather than to a wider community orientation which better represents the major portion of this new audience. It attracts mainly new and emerging artists, both to its membership and its shows. The key organizers of

Artreach are volunteers, fully employed in other fields. This has made it difficult for them to develop public relations with diverse segments of the community, which promotes recognition of, and gains validity for their organization. It is a central part of successful arts administration.

Culture watcher B who has done much research in the Short North notes the fact that the fallout from the gallery hop has been very good for business during regular hours. People who did not want to purchase an art work during the gallery hop (and be burdened with those purchases) have returned and made contact with the directors and proprietors they met during the hops, and subsequently purchased art. At Artreach, that does not happen as much. In the first place there is a dependance on volunteer help with limited hours of operation, and secondly, a former opening participant is most likely to encounter a gallery sitter rather than the program director or board president. Arts informants, as well as my own experience, during regular hours have thus noted a distance and indifference to the visitor (Field Notes, Ancillary Informants, 10-

12-86). The gallery sitter usually is not familiar with the artists work, or open to discussing it, the way the key personnel are. There isn’t that important sense of renewing an acquaintance.

As one gallery director in the Short North notes, 247

the key to building a following and establishing patronage is developing a relationship of trust and information sharing with the visitor. People buy art when they come to know the director or personnel. They feel they can trust them and respect them as professionals in the field. They know exactly who they are dealing with. (Ancillary Informant, 10-4-86)

Artreach is also currently victimized by the legacy of the "Old

Artreach" as well as some of the detrimental We-They mentality which permeates the arts community.

In regard to the former, it has been interesting to note that these perceptions of the golden age of Artreach are viewed through a lens much

colored by the distance of the past and what human memory chooses to

recall. Those who view it as the best of times, were not the ones burdened with the criticisms and problems and have chosen to forget them.

In reference to the latter, the Art Community section (p. 92) attempts

to explain some of the complex dynamics of this segment of the community. The conflict with Artreach falls within the "influential arts people" vs. "unknown arts" people of the We-They continuum. By

influential arts people I am talking about the influential members of each of the four major sectors of the Arts Community (OSU, CCAD,

Community, and Civic Arts people). These are people who are acknowledged leaders within their sectors, wielding either power or

influence that is also respected in the other sectors. Influential artspeople are also defined on the basis of status, recognition and validation from points of contact in the arts community, (see Table 5)

For an artist to be considered a good or an influential artist, that artist would have to be juried into an annual Columbus Art League show or an Ohio Designer Craftsman Show, or receive a city or state arts 248 council individual artist fellowship or other types of prestiguious a- wards. For an arts professional to be influential they need to be quoted substantially in the media, visibly prominent, serve on important com­ mittees, or be the recipient of numerous arts or community recognitions.

If all of this seems quite snobbish, it is. But it is part of the way that the Columbus arts community has worked out its class and status system based on validations. This is also how the arts community deals with some of the thornier issues revolving around the question of quality in types of art (Kelm, 1986). These snobbish perceptions of what constitutes "good art" and "good artists" are not just limited to the Columbus arts community. As Leo Steinberg (1962) has reminded us in his now classic essay, artists have always been rougher on their emerging fellow artists than the phillistine public.

Artreach, in opening its arms to everyone, in terms of audience, the majority of artists who are Artreach members, and the artists exhibiting, accept both the unvalidated and the largely unknown, to the higher elite segments of the arts community. Thus arts people who take their hard won validations seriously, do not involve themselves with Artreach very much.

Two informants, who are long time members of this organization acknowledge that the membership is largely made up of unknown artists (newly emerged students, and community artists) who have no other immediate outlet for their work in any other setting of the city (Ancillary Informants, 10-12-

86, 2-23-87). Other arts informants from influential circles of the four segments state that the organizers of Artreach are unknown to them.

(Ancillary Informants, (2-23-87, 1-24-87, 12-13-86, 10-13-86). 249

When Artreach had its grand reopening in 1984 with the "Creative

Lines" show, a number of influential artists in the community participated "to lend their support for the space and what it has been through" (Ancillary Informant, 12-13-86). However since that time there has been a drop in that support.

I am still a member, (but) there are few other artists I know that are. I have competed in the Contemporary Artists Series, but I will no longer show in the Annual Member’s Show becuase so much of it is so weak and amateurish that it is not in my best interest to show with that group. They (the organizers) do not know enough to be selective". (Ancillary Informant, 1-24-87)

In this regard, like Gallery 200 and the Columbus Museum, the Artreach setting also has created insiders and outsiders. The Artreach supporters

(organizers, members, artists exhibiting and other audience members) are all initiates, in terms of overall community recognition and arts community validations. As such they are largely outsiders to the other two research sites.

As a key informant for this study, I can say after researching much past material, as well as my own participation in Artreach, that this has always been the situation for this organization. The difference is that in the time Artreach has developed over the years, so has the generation of artists that began with it. In that process those artists have gained entry to other more prestigious circles of insiders and have forgotten that when they began, they were also unknown and initiates to the more influential networks of the arts community. However, in the old days of Artreach, due to the nature of the setting at the time, their only audience was other initiate artists, thus forming Secret-

Society types of openings. It was a time when: 250

we celebrated ourselves, we celebrated our friends, we^celebrated our lives. It was a statement about who we were and what we were doing by bringing art to the community (Culture Watcher B, 1-28-87).

Now in the Short North the celebration is wider, for it includes a new audience of initiate gallery goers to celebrate with the initiate artists, and arts professionals. Thus the phenomenon of the Short North

Gallery Hop can provide the most appropriate and opportunistic forum for

Artreach and its future development by continuing to transform outsiders into insiders within the realm of the arts.

Event Analysis

The September opening at Artreach, featured a number of dramatic changes in terms of regularly established patterns and expectancies within the setting which resulted in confusion, chaos, and even annoyance on the part of participants. This show was the annual

Invitational Show in which artists exhibit through an invitation by board members. The artist featured in the first gallery exhibited small paintings with surrealist subject matter. The second gallery was completely taken up with Zita Sodeika’s work "The Wall" which was billed as a "multi media experience".

Setting the stage for this experience, the room was filled with a large panoramic murual which completely covered all four walls of the gallery from floor to ceiling. The second entrance to Artreach was completely sealed. The doorway connecting the two galleries was blocked by a large curtain of canvas, and the feasting area was removed completely. 251

Notice went out on the invitations that this multi-media experience would only accomodate a maximum of 20 participants at a time, and would last approximately 15 minutes. The essence of this piece was a ritual performance. The artist led 20 viewers into the totally darkened second gallery. "Participants were only aware of each other as phantom-like forms". An audio tape began to play music, and child-like voices chanted two poems written by the artist. As the audio began, the artist with a flashlight, "spotlighted the successive protagonist and perpetrators of the piece (on the mural) and convinced the audience to experience them as images from some half forgotten nightmare" (Kelm

1987, p. 30).

Thus in terms of ritual, this performance was very formal (ritual frame). It held up a particular kind of belief, it had definite limits and rules to be followed in order to work. This ritual form proved highly incompatible with both the flow and pattern of the larger sur­ rounding festival ritual permeating the gallery hop, and the accustomed

Artreach opening. The first performance, at exactly 6pm, was successful.

Not many other participants had arrived at the gallery. The second, and third performances however, did not work well at all. There was too much disruption and noise coming from the first gallery. People lifted the canvas in the doorway and the board president kept trying to keep people from entering while the performance was in progress. Participants voiced annoyance at being denied access to the second gallery.

Conversations became louder and disruptions increased to such an extent

"that Sodieka became tired of the whole thing" (Key Informant, 9-10-86) and the performance ceased to be a part of the rest of the opening. 252

The ritual did not work with the heavy flow of festive people entering the gallery. Denial of access to the second gallery disrupted the expected flow of the pilgrimage route as well as the usual place for the feasting area, where the most sociability takes place. After the performances ceased, and participants could enter that gallery freely, they were in for two other surprises. They discovered that they couldn’t exit the gallery in the usual way, and also that there was no feasting table in that room.

The feasting area had been moved outside behind Artreach, to an enclosed courtyard which was entered through the office area. The

September opening had also marked the unsuccessful beginning of the private member’s previews. The food had been moved outside not only to provide room for the event in the second gallery, but also in order to provide a special area for the member’s preview. Thinking that the food would be gone after the preview, they were not prepared to deal with the masses attempting to gain access to the abundance of food that remained when very few people showed up for the preview. The remainder of the opening was marked by the total chaos of people doubling back to the first gallery in order to leave, and large numbers of people trying to funnel through the small office pathway to the feasting table outside, and then back through again.

One of the most intriguing observations of the evening was how the specific tenor of different types of ritual create radically different reactions within the same setting. When the first group of 20 participants had completed the performed ritual with the artist, which was brought to a moving climax, she turned on all the lights and left the 253 room, "people slowly walked around the room to study each panel of the mural. No one spoke a word until they were on the other side of the canvas in the first gallery" (Kelm, 1987a, p. 30).

The second gallery had quite literally been rendered sacred through that ritual. Later on, entering the second gallery was quite a different experience. Clearly, people were quite taken with the mysterious symbolism and monstrous images in the mural on their own terms. However, heavy, and very vocal discussions, debates, and questions among participant groups reigned supreme. This had become again, the most socially active of the two galleries. In this case it should be noted that most conversations were directed to the artwork. Whether the sheer magnetism of the work, or the absence of the feasting table (the social prop which signals more playful behaviors) was most responsible for this change I cannot say, since there was nothing similar available for comparison. CHAPTER SIX Part One

ART OPENINGS AS CELEBRATORY TRIBAL RITUALS

A Rationale for Viewing Openings as Rituals

Throughout this study it has been noted that numerous participant informants have referred to openings as "rites", "ritual", and "celebra­ tions". As noted in the introduction to this study, the label alone is not enough. To be considered a ritual, an event must be endowed with personal and communal meanings or significance. Research of the three study sites have revealed that openings do convey these messages.

They are expressions of particular aspects of their community. Art openings provide the context for how and why an arts facility fits into the pattern of that community. Moore and Myerhoff (1977) state, that secular rituals are designed to "present and structure a specific interpretation of social reality in a way that endows it with legitimacy" and additionally, that they act as a dramatic way of emphasizing, reshaping, or even creating social ideas. They can also be viewed as an attempt to structure the way people think about social life

(p. 16). Each of the openings at the three research sites have shared these motives and through celebration have emphasized their own particular values and structured the events in a way which highlights specific viewpoints and activity.

According to Turner (1982), a celebratory ritual

254 255

attempts to manifest in symbolic form what it conceives to be its essential life, at once the distillation and typification of its corporate existence. All cultures commemorate what makes them distinctive and worthy in their own eyes (p. 16).

Thus an opening at the museum, celebrates the bastion of culture in the city. It honors the treasury which stores and brings the world of important art to the community. And it acknowledges the supporters

(members and patrons) responsible for its development and continuance.

As the cult house type, the community also pays homage to its cultural heritage.

Gallery 200, sis the secret society type, celebrates the arts family.

It is a ritual of kinship renewal which worships art as a profession and affirms the values of a special interest sub-group in the community. As a consciousness-raising ceremonial occasion, it heightens the concepts of specialness, distinction, and expertise among its group members.

Artreach openings present us with the joyous themes of survival, perserverence, and resurrection. They are rituals of initiation into the creative realm of community and of communal realities. As celebrations of transformation and change, they take on the rites of festivity and carnival best suited to express this theme. The communal celebration of rebirth and renovation in the neighborhood, has been ritually adopted by the Artreach opening, as it shares a similar history and transformation. As my outsider informant’s commentaries reveal, the symbolic message of what each of these facilities are about becomes readily apparent to any observant attender. 256

Openings as Tribal Occasions

1 As Oldenquist (1982) suggests, the term tribal refers to a process of identification, association, and belonging which promotes group loyalties. Implicit in this term is being subjected to a set of rules, a shared responsibility and group interaction.

In our present pluralistic society, individuals often seek membership in groups with which they share common bonds. The art openings studied in this sense do provide the criteria necessary for the establishment of tribal holism. Each revealed diversity in their associational ties to the community. The museum is associated with civic pride and responsibility, Gallery 200 with the central concerns of artists and collectors, and Artreach with community development, grass roots participation, and neighborhood. The vast majority of people attending these events have some initial connection or identification with the opening celebrations. They are members of the organization or are accompanied by members or regulars. They are friends, family, or acquaintences of the exhibiting artists, or organizers of the event.

They are contributors, donors, or patrons. They have been tied to the event through professional or civic obligation, neighborhood, or other communal associations.

Whatever the reason, there exists an initial identification or association which is ultimately transformed into tribal loyalty through the human interaction of group celebration,. Through these openings participants come to perceive the events as partly theirs through their own individual verbal and non-verbal contributions. They are a large part of the event. 257

In addition to ritualized behaviors and actions, and a dress code for each of the three major types of openings, there is also a sense of responsibility attached to an individuals attendance at these events.

Similar to members of religious congregations, they feel compelled and expected to attend for various reasons connected with the above stated initial identification ("to support my group", "to be a part of it").

Their participation is marked by observance and following the rules of how one should act indicated by a variety of cues in the structured setting. But beyond the material motives lies the human motive. The sheer evocative power of being in a group gathering and celebration with its cacophony of actions and conversations. Ultimately art openings satisfy the need for a context in which to integrate self and society.

Carpenter (1970) referring specifically to the arts, defined tribal holism as:

the melding of art and life through group dynamics. It is something so fundamental as to constitute a way of being in relation to life. I refer to that form of sensory programming best known in the primitive world but characteristic of the electronic world as well, where the senses interpenetrate and interplay, creating a sensory concert or orchestration, (p. 23)

To be present at an opening is a very different experience from viewing an exhibition the following day. It is to be part of an historic moment, a social marker in time. To be enveloped in a multi-sensory mix. To be part of a tribe in a shared and special celebration, where both ritualized behavior and spontaneity mingle, producing an air of expectancy and creating a heightened awareness of the setting and one’s role within it. 258

Openings also establish a communal context through which to view art and a forum for discussion and the sharing and exchange of information through which other levels of meaning can be obtained. Such initial experiences also provide foundations for further exploration and discovery. This has been documented in all three settings. People do return to the sites after the openings. As Greene (1978) has stated:

We all learn to become human.. .within a community of some kind or through a social medium. The more fully engaged we are, the more we can look through others eyes, the more richly human we become. The activities that compose learning not only engage us in our own quest for answers and for meanings, they also serve to initiate us into the communities of scholarship and...into the human community in its largest and richest sense (p. 3).

Characteristics of Opening and Celebratory Rituals

Despite the many differences that exist among the three types of openings researched, there are also many overriding similarities that they share. These characteristics are compatible with the formal qualities that mark secular rituals as cited by Moore and Myerhoff (1977, pp. 7-8).

1. Repetition— either of occasion, content, or form.

All three sites repeat their openings on regularly scheduled cycles throughout the calendar year. They are expected. There is a format to the pattern of these events, which is generally repeated in the same way for every opening. A number of consequences result when the expected patterned format is changed.

2. Special Behavior or Stylization— setting the event apart from the mundane, actions and symbols that are special for the occasion, or ordinary ones used in special ways. 259

Each event takes place in a special after hours atmosphere; they do not occur during regularly scheduled hours of general operation. People dress in ways befitting the nature of these events. Participants take on a variety of roles, actions, and behaviors, which accentuate their positions in relation to the event. They are stylized in comparison to everyday normal and random interactions. The setting itself becomes special. Its space divided into:

the realm of the sacred, where people should view and discuss the art,

the pilgrimage route, the path people should follow through the event, and

the feasting area, where people can cut loose from the mandates of the formalized, and be social.

As Dorson (1982) has noted, material components play a key role in celebratory rituals, and consist of artifacts, cultural props, organization, and setting which all contribute to the complex phenomena of a celebration. From the seven types of celebrations that he describes, the material components of art openings can be derived.

Central to celebrations are the Sacred Images, in this case the art works which are the cause and focus of the festivity. Some form of Validation or testimonial is provided to attest to the importance of the art work.

At openings these are the relics: the signing of one’s name in the guestbook, and the documentation (catalogue, program, price list, and exhibition information). Costume which at once honors the event being celebrated, and at the same time acknowledges the unique individuality, social status, or occupation, is emphasized. As has been noted by study at the three research sites, costuming does not always simply accentuate 260 one’s normal social position. There can also be role-reversals, but they are always in accordance to the overall setting and the roles most appropriate for participants to play. Celebratory activities, that directly provide the vivacity of the event, at the art openings studied include the multi-leveled sensory mix of the group gathering itself

(auditory, visual, tactile, and spatial elements) laughter, story and joke telling, debates and discussions as well as role playing, all of which have their counterparts in tribal celebrations. Enhancements to this festive occasion can include music, performance, special props and features in the installation of the art work, and a set of tabus and cues which govern behaviors. Finally, in the mode of all ritual celebrations, there is Feasting. At opening receptions, as has been noted this can range from an obligatory glass of sherry, to a full buffet and a cash or donation bar.

3. Order— an organized event, both of persons and cultural elements, moments of spontaneity and chaos, but at prescribed times and in prescribed spaces.

As noted previously, the type of ritual that art openings exemplify are celebrations. As Turner (1982) has noted, celebrations are marked by two different frames of behavior. Framing identifies clearly marked times and spaces, which are enclosed physically or figuratively within a boundary such as a museum, gallery, or neighborhood. Framing creates a set of expectations regarding permissable types of behavior which should govern the demarcated place and time. The ritual frame espouses the premise "let us believe" and relates to traditions, institutions authority, and liturgy. The play frame, on the other hand utilizes the supposition "Let’s pretend", or "what if?", and allows participants to 261 escape from the mandated behavior characteristic of the ritual frame.

They thus become open to a wide range of possibilities (p. 28). Since there is a wide range of celebratory rituals encompassing somewhat serious ceremonial occasions at one end of the spectrum, and carnivals and festivals at the other, there is also variation in the degree to which the ritual and play frames appear in different celebrations.

Leach (1968) has stated these two types of behavior in different terms.

Any form of secular activity, whether practical or recreational, can be stylized into dramatic performance and made the focus of a ritual sequence. Such stylization tends to distort the secular norm in either of two directions: the emphasis may be ascetic, representing the intensification of formal restraint, or ecstatic, signifying the elimination of restraint. Ascetic and ecstatic elements are present in most ceremonial sequences, and the contrast may be part of the communication code (p. 526).

Study at the three research sites has revealed differences in the levels of ritual and play frame structure in operation during opening events. The emphasis on particular combinations of these two frames of behavior is determined by a combination of elements: the nature of the physical setting itself, the organization of space within the setting, the types of participants present, and the number of people in attendance.

The museum as a large, impressive structure has an equal and completely separate division of space for its exhibition and feasting areas. The purpose of the opening is the civic upholding of culture in which formality dominates in the realm of the sacred (the ritual frame).

Given the large space of the feasting area, and the type of participants

(civicly minded), equal space is provided for socializing and discussion of current affairs (play frame). The museum provides a physical 262 distinction of space for both the sacred and the profane. It should be noted however that when the museum reaches beyond the saturation point as with the American Folk Art exhibition this year, and other shows in 1983,

1984, an 1985, these intentions are subverted by the sheer numbers of people in the exhibit area, and behavior becomes governed by the play frame and inverse behavior, as chaos disrupts the ritual flow and meditative atmosphere of this space.

In the case of Gallery 200 with no overt physical divisions of space, a formalized arts atmosphere (ritual frame) prevails throughout the setting. The meditative quiet and studied activity is emphasized by the small number of participants in attendance. The idea is to lend legitimacy to the profession of art and the liturgy of the knowledgeable is most dominant. Due to the fact that the feasting areas (reserved in two small locations) are surrounded by the realm of the sacred, and the relative quiet of the space, the play frame can be discerned, but is subtle and subdued, until (as noted) near the end of the opening.

On the other hand, Artreach as another relatively small space, takes its cue from the carnival atmosphere of the surrounding gallery hop and the play frame dominates this space. It is more evidenced in the second gallery where the feasting area is located. However the large, colorfully dressed, diverse crowd flooding into the space produces an overall casual and sociable atmosphere. This is enhanced by the denial of exclusivity in the space. It is not "members only" either literally or figuratively. As has been noted, inverse behaviors in overtly festive occasions Eire often marked by role reversals. Here we most often encounter initiates trying to be pious, and those with more arts 263 knowledge acting irreverent.

4. Evocative presentational style— staging, and. manipulation of symbols and. sensory stimuli.

Each of the organizers at the three types of openings plan and. stage their events to their desired, ends as was evidenced through informant interviews and participant observation. All the elements of the opening from the reception desk or guest book podium, the distribution of the relics, the directions of the personnel, the placement of the feasting area, and the flow of the pilgrimage route, were all worked out within the constraints of the physical space. Each plans the event in terms of the number of participants they expect and attempts to direct the desired actions. Key personnel involved in the setting have specific roles that they play. In two of the three spaces, exhibiting artists also have roles and actions reserved for them. Documentation sheets in all three settings become important visible symbols of participation and are carried in the way that pilgrims display the relics of a pilgrimage.

They are complusively referred to as a way of showing their veneration.

It is here that Grimes* (1982) definition of ritualizing comes most into play. "Ritualizing transpires as animated persons enact formative gestures in the face of receptivity during crucial times in founded places." (p, 15)

If art openings, as secular rituals, are a constructed and compacted view of social reality as Moore and Myerhoff (1977) suggest, then such ceremonial behavior would bring out our best and our worst, sometimes simultaneously, as Abrahams notes (1982). Thus, at the museum, people can be worshipful and crassly materialistic; at Gallery 200, pure of 264 heart and elitist and snobbish; and at Artreach, both interested and irreverent. According to Babcock, (1978) all forms of symbolic inversions (inverse behaviors and creative negations) are at once "self- critical and creative". She notes "that it is through various forms of symbolic inversions that a culture frees itself from the limitations of the 'thou shalt nots', enriches itself with subject matter without which it could not work efficiently, and enables it to speak for itself" (p. 21).

Along this line, Geertz maintains that excessive behaviors are interpretive, a type of reading of experience. "They are stories we tell ourselves about ourselves" (Babcock, 1978, p. 265). These inversions serve to define, question, or clarify the orders by which we live, and during events such as openings serve as a purging element allowing us a freedom and transcendance to be open to many possibilities. They also enable us to see the qualities of that order more clearly since they have been turned inside out (p. 29).

Man both orders and disorders his environment and experience. Classification is a prerequisite of the intelligible ordering of experience, but if conceptual categories are reified, they become obstacles rather than means to understanding and control of both physical and social reality...creative negations remind us of our need to reinvest the clean with the filthy, the rational with the animalistic, the ceremonial with the camivalesque in order to maintain cultural vitality. And they confirm the endless potentiality of dirt and the pure possibility of liminality. (pp. 31-32)

5. The Collective dimension— occasions endowed with social meaning, whose very occurance contains a social message.

Why is it that people will make the effort to attend an opening reception, when they might more easily be able to view an exhibition the next day or later in the week? They attend because these events provide a comforting enclave for our distinctly human paradox. As Michael 265

Newton has stated, these events "remind us of the paradox of our species; that man can only fulfill his private passions, ideas, and dreams by sharing them with others". (Von Ekardt 1982, p. 97)

Turner elaborates further:

Perhaps paradoxically we confront our own singular depths more fully in collective forms than we do through introspection, for they arise from a heightened sense of our shared humanity even if they clothe themselves in the guises of a thousand different cultures. Whether laid down or crystalized in durable images and structures or expressed in the immediacy of social 'peak experiences’, a celebratory performance rejoices in the key values of the society that produces it and in a history whose high points of success and conquest (even noble failure) exemplify qualities of moral and aesthetic excellence, (p. 14)

Art openings incorporate the key characteristics of two different types of ritual celebrations in tribal societies; seasonal festivals, and rites of passage. Seasonal festivals are a celebrations of completion and achievement, and the beginnings of a new cycle. They are social markers which culminate a period of frenzied activity. They represent festive occasions during which the fruits of labor are enjoyed.

As plateaus, they usher in a lull in the cycle of production of the resources which create continuity and are prized by the community

(Abrahams 1982). Key informants, both exhibiting artists and event organizers have noted, that openings are ceremonies of completion for them, a time to celebrate the hard work and activity that brought the exhibition to fruition. But it is not simply completion alone that an opening represents. It also represents new beginnings. While the audience joins together to celebrate with key personnel the completion of achievement, they also acknowledge in a ceremonial way, the announcement of the emergence of this body of work into communal life, 266 the beginnings of its public viewing. Likewise, key informants have all intimated during interviews, that at the very time the event is taking place, their minds are already preoccupied with what will come next.

Thus the opening like seasonal festivals, juxtaposes the themes of ending and beginning. Such festive occasions in American society as

Abrahams (1982) notes have become important to our "community of spirit"

(p. 163).

For though we are predominantly a highly mobile city people, we have maintained innumerable occasions for celebration from our country past. To be sure, we have changed them a great deal, and they fit into our lives very differently from the way they did in simpler times. Moreover, we have developed new forms of celebration, ones which reflect alternative ways of proclaiming and maintaining our relationship with others and with the world around us. But in certain respects, these festivities, and the spirit of life enhancement that has always been their source of inspiration, are of greater importance to us. Our calendar has become more rigid as we schedule in our weekends, holidays and vacations; but the festival, the fair, and other public celebrations that are reinacted each year have become the high points of our collective lives, events we plan for, and look forward to. Moreover, we sneak all kinds of other festive occasions onto our calendars...If any cultural practice most strongly marks American life today, it must be the events that celebrate nothing less than the continuity and vitality of humans in groups (p. 177).

Rites of passage refer to personal initiation, identity, and movement across social boundaries from one social status to another.

Art opening events functioning as interval markers in the progression of social time, also become passages of individuals through the life cycle as participants in these events. In rites of passage, individuals move from one stage, role, and social position to another in a way that integrates cultural experience and human condition. As Myerhoff (1982) notes, individuals are "made" by such ceremonies (p. 109). They represent moments "when society seeks to make the individual most fully 267 its own, weaving group values and understanding into the private psyche so that internally provided individual motivation replaces external controls" (p. 112). It has already been noted, that motivations for attendance are signaled by personal associations or identifications. For the participant at an art opening, the event reveals special objects

(artworks) in a sacred manner elucidating their meaning within the communal context. It is the imparting of special cultural knowledge within a ritualized atmosphere, that is a key element of initiative rites of passage in tribal societies.

Also pertinent in this regard are the varying roles participants take on during these opening receptions, through mode of dress, actions and behaviors. Some participants seek to accentuate their perceived social status, others take on role reversals, still others adopt new social roles in relation to the event.

Artists exhibiting, orgainzers of the event, the exhibition itself, and audience members, all undergo the full tripartite experience of Rites of passage originally formulated by van Gennep (1960) in his classic study of the subject. These phases are separation, transition, and reincorporation. The first phase, separation, is marked by the installation of the exhibit. Artists, organizers and the space itself is physically separated from the usual pattern of audience attendance.

The space is locked, sealed off, or otherwise conveys the message of no trespassing. It can be recalled that one artist informant had noted she began to feel a separation from her work while she installed it (Key

Informant, 11-1-86). Another artist informant noted that the opening provided him with the first chance to see his work installed (Key 268

Informant, 9-7-86). In this case the work was physically separated from him during the installation. Organizers are completely absorbed during this process, separating themselves from mundane and routine activities.

The second phase, transition, is marked by the opening celebration itself announcing the transition from the private to the communal. The art is exhibited, recognized, and celebration marks the completed passage of initiation and reunion. The community proclaims the rightful placement of all elements through the roles they take during the event. Finally, the third stage is the reincorporation of all the elements within the communal setting. The celebration has validated reincorporation through communal participation. Reincorporation marks the beginning of the exhibitions public viewing.

The transitional phase marks the liminal period as noted by

Turner, thus participants are open to a wide range of feelings and possibilities. Myerhoff (1982) notes somewhat paradoxically, that.while individuals in these rites are enveloped and urged toward group incorporation, they are most often aroused to self-awareness and self­ questioning by the play of forms and experience a sense of uniqueness and freedom. Rites of Passage announce separateness and individuality "and at the same time remind us most firmly that we belong to our group and cannot conceive of an existence apart from it" (pjp. 113-15). This view of the importance of rites of passage relates directly to Greene’s (1978) view in

Landscapes of Learning:

People are more likely to ask their own questions and seek their own transcendence when they feel themselves to be grounded in their personal histories, their lived lives...The life of reason develops against a background of perceived realities, that to remain in touch 269 with one's original perceptions is to be present to one’s self. A human being lives in two orders, one created by his or her relations with the perceptual fields that are given in experience, the other created by his or her relations with a human and social environment (p. 2). 270

Conclusions

Greene refers to works of art as "constructed social realities"

(p. 181). It will be recalled that Moore and Myerhoff (1977) also regard

secular rituals as constructed social realities which compact, reshape,

distill, and interpret cultural experience (p. 5). Works of art

perceived during the moments of an opening reception are in essence

being viewed in an atmosphere that imitates the creative beginnings of

art.

To expand upon this concept, it is appropriate that in retrospect I

refer the reader back to my experience in the primitive wing of the

Metropolitan which served as the initial point of inquiry in this

research study. Whenever I walk through those sanctified rooms and view

a piece of tribal art, I remind myself that I am only looking at the

shape of it, and what I am seeing is nothing more than its afterlife.

Its real life was the moment in which it took part in a ceremony, .

ritual, or celebration. That precise moment represented the time in

which that object became a "powerful metaphoric map and tool that people

carried with them when they stepped out of secular space and time to

explore heightened celebratory consciousness" (Turner 1982, p. 7). It

was a time when participation and belief so embuea the artifacts form with communal meanings, that it was not complete but always in a state

of becoming. Similarly when viewing works of art in a contemporary

exhibition, I am cognizant that the real magic and life of these

artforms was their moment of emergence from the creative process and hand that produced them. These lives and moments can never be

replicated or relived in their original form. But perhaps as 271

anthropologists suggest, there is a human and social need to try to

repeat the experience in symbolic form, where art again becomes a key

symbolic object which represents the message and motives to be reinacted

through the emergent character of ritual.

I recognize that there are distinctions between tribal artforms and

contemporary art. The culturally valued moment of art in contemporary western societies is the creative act of the individual artist. Whereas

in tribal societies it is the holistic integration of the art object

through rite. Thus as Armstrong (1981) has noted, where tribal art has meaning through the "powers of invocation", contemporary art derives most of its meaning through the "powers of virtuosity". It is these respective powers which give art objects their presence. However, as this author notes, the powers of invocation do come into play, in contemporary culture, during museum and gallery openings where art is enriched with communal significance and validation. Building upon.

Durkheimian models, in our culture we significantly add to the things we basically value, or should value by the way that we treat them. We honor, ceremonialize and validate all that we prize through secular rituals. This is one of the ways that we prepetuate such values as virtuousity and excellence, by awarding it, praising it, libating it, and celebrating it in a communal way, acknowledging to all through ceremonial gestures that go beyond conscious thought that this is a deeply held expression of our culture.

A number of years ago I witnessed and reviewed a contemporary performance piece by Ohio artist Jane Tumas Serna (Kelm 1981). The work was entitled "In the End is the Beginning or Revolution". The 272 performance depicted the struggles of an artist to bring an end to a series of works and find a place to begin anew. The struggle to bring about that emergence was only resolved through the invocation of ritual.

Openings are rituals which celebrate the completion of work for artists and gallery organizers who have begun to think about the work that lies ahead. For the audience, they are announcements of a beginning, a social marker in time in which the work is brought forth from the hands that created it and delivered into the public domain.

Somewhere within the continuum of beginnings and endings all participants play their roles. If we cannot speak of art’s creative emergence here, certainly we speak of its emergence into that humanly populated cultural system of the arts in our society. 273

Part Two

Problems

The completion of this study was difficult not only because I had. to spread myself too thin in attempting to research three very diverse sites, but also due to the nature of the study itself. It has proved to be a phenomenon that few people have consciously or seriously thought about. My own dual role as researcher and native of the setting, brought about additional difficulty that was not sufficiently alieviated. by anticipating the problems I knew I would face. They still plagued me.

The most serious of these, as noted previously, was my attempt to record observations during opening events. Since many people at the openings knew who I was, there was not the slightest hesitancy for numerous people to repeatedly ask me what I was doing. My response, that I was engaged in a study, was greeted with decided changes in behavioral patterns, a sense of self-consciousness, and in some cases, a disruption of the very patterns I was trying to record. As mentioned.,

I did begin to adopt some more covert means of recording, which led to other problems of faithful translation afterwards. Photographic documentation which I desired as an aid to recollections of observations, caused other problems. Key personnel in two of my three sites regarded this to be an invasion of the social occasion. At the museum, I had to be accompanied by staff personnel, show them the exact scene that I wanted, to document and get clearance before I could take a photograph.

At Gallery 200, I was told, that I needed to have the permission of each of the exhibiting artists prior to taking any pictures. At both of these sites, the necessary protocol proved, to be such a disruption of 274 the setting that photographic documentation ceased to be really useful, other than for describing the physical setting itself.

The problem I regard as being central to the issues of this research study however, was the reliability of participant perceptions of the event. Here I am not referring to my key informants, culture watchers, or outsider informants, all of whom I feel were honest, open, and gave the questions a good deal of thought. I am specifically referring to random ancillary informants engaged during the course of opening events.

It was my hope that these informants would give added dimension to the account. Of the 52 that I approached during the course of field work, only a few commentaries were usable for the purposes of the study. Many were reluctant to make comments that would be used for such a study.

Others seemingly did not want to take the time during the festivity of an opening event to answer my questions. They were involved with other participants, and the event itself. Still others gave self-imaging answers, or answered my questions with questions in trying to ascertain what the "right" answers might be.

The museum director had noted during his interview "that there is a danger in doing surveys about cultural matters or affairs beyond demographics, because pjeople are seldom truthful about such things. They give what sounds like self-imaging answers" (Key Informant, 9-16-86).

That is one of the reasons I chose to do a qualitative study of this nature. However, through my experience, I have learned that often it also is true with face to face interviewing activity. The difference is that through participant-observation techniques you can also observe what people actually do, beyond what they say. You can consult with 275 other informants who know that participant to confirm or deny a given statement. As a result, there were a number of participant comments that had to be excluded from the accounts, since I became aware through further observation, and other informants, that these perceptions were not accurate. As an example, there was a participant who told me how much he loved art, how he never missed a museum opening, and how much he enjoyed viewing the exhibitions. During the whole two-hour period of the reception, however, he never left the feasting area and did not attend any of the other receptions I observed.

Not all of these informants were merely being deceitful. Some honestly had problems verbalizing their feelings about the matter.

Leach (1982) has noted the complexity of describing such a ritual sequence:

What actually happens is that participants in a ritual are sharing communicative experiences through many different sensory channels simultaneously; they are acting out an ordered sequence of metaphoric events within a territorial space which has itself been ordered to provide a metaphoric context for the play acting. Verbal, musical, choreographic, and visual-aesthetic dimensions are all likely to form components of the total message. When we take part in such a ritual we pick up all these messages at the same time and condense them into a single experience which we describe as "attending a wedding" or "attending a funeral", and so on. But the analyst must take each dimension by itself, one at a time, and it becomes almost impossible to give a really convincing account of how the different superimposed dimensions fit together to provide a single combined message (p. 41)

I see, in retrospect, that what I was attempting to do amounted to asking these informants to analyze their experience of the event while they were still participating in it. The experience of an opening ritual does provide its own particular type of information, but it is not easily expressed through language alone. Perhaps the nature of this study was 276 one better left to observation and those seasoned informants with critically reflective eyes who had studied or thoroughly experienced the prevailing atmosphere. I do believe, as a consequence of this study, that much of the experience of such events strikes the sub-conscious or expressive level of experience and is therefore not easily verbalized.

(Goffman, 1959) 277

Observations

Contrary to prevalent social opinions, this study revealed that participants are selective in choosing to attend a particular opening event. They do not merely attend for "the fun of it". A complex combination of elements comes into play in the decision of whether or not various participants will attend an opening event. Such elements consist of the placement of the site itself in relation to the community, and the types of affiliation or association the participant has to the setting, the art work displayed, or a combination of both.

When I began initial research on this project I learned that key personnel at all three sites believed there to be seasonal peaks of attendance at their events. Summer was slow due to vacations, and outdoor activities. Winter was slow due to inclement weather. Fall and spring were believed to be the "peak" seasons for attendance at opening receptions. This view was enhanced by the amount of media coverage generated about arts activities during the fall and spring.

These seasons are perceived to be the social seasons in the city, punctuated by a variety of sporting events, festivals, and special weekend celebrations. As a gallery director, I too, generally subscribed to this theory and had expected to find it validated through the course of this study. However I did not find this to be the case.

I believe that organizers of opening events are cued into this theory by the media. During the fall and spring, media in the city directs more attention to the arts. As the museum director has summed up the situation, a view largely compatible with other organizers: "In a city like ours, attendance at opening receptions is directly related to the 278 amount of advance publicity generated about a particular show" (Key

Informant, 9-16-86).

If this was true, then the December show at Artreach, and the

November shows at Gallery 200 and the museum, should have had their record attendance for the year at each of these three openings, especially since any advance publicity about exhibitions (except at the museum) is a rarity in the city.

However I did not find this to be reflected in my data. Gallery 200 had its peak attendance for openings on January 19 (100), and at Artreach on February 2 (870). In both of these cases, the drawing power of particular area artists overcame the winter slump of attendance. The record attendance at the museum for the year also occurred with the

February 2nd opening for the American Folk art and two other exhibits.

In this instance, the broad appeal of the theme of the show (type of art work) overcame the anticipated attendance for that month. On the other hand, the shows which should have had "peak" attendance (as noted above) based on advance publicity, did not realize their expected attendance in terms of numbers. All three of these shows and the problems with atten­ dance have been discussed within the descriptive accounts of each site.

At Gallery 200, despite advance publicity, the delay of personal invitations to the November opening prevented the expected attendance.

At Artreach, the intimidating quality of the art work, and its incompatibility with the holiday season in December barred the expected participation. And at the museum, the November opening featured work that had already been seen, and the ceremonial occasion for the departing director was diluted by other civic ceremonies in his honor. 279

The discrimination of participants and their selectivity of attendance proves that opening events are not merely social occasions.

They do not simply follow the social seasons of the city, nor seemingly, are participants totally influenced by advanced media promotion. To be a part of a celebratory ritual, participants need to have something that relates to their "lived lives" (Greene 1978, p. 2). That is the essence of true participation. 280

Implications for Further Study

At each of the three research sites key informants indicated that they felt openings to be important ways of "spreading the word" about a particular exhibition. Further observations revealed that not only do opening attenders return to the site to view exhibitions, but often they bring with them others who had not attended. Since these observations were somewhat out of the realm of the central premise of this study (to research openings as rituals), I did not pursue this line of inquiry very far. However in analyzing my own participations in the arts of this community over the course of field study, I have become very much aware of how such word of mouth influences my own visits to specific exhibition sites. The informal networking activity of people whose opinions I respect are far more persuasive in compelling me to view an exhibition than any amount of media promotion.

A study which would concentrate on understanding the dynamics of word of mouth spread as the result of an art opening would have significant inplications for audience development. As Becker (1982) has noted, word of mouth spread should not be underestimated:

large groups of gallery goers, who attend openings, come to see shows, and generally diffuse interest in the gallery’s artists by talking about them and recommending shows to others, (p. 11)

However, as this author acknowledges:

we know little about how critical assessments of art are passed around among various audience segments and, we need studies which tell us how, in specific art worlds, assessments of styles, genres, innovations, artists, and particular works are circulated...concretely, how does the word spread from those who see something new that it is worth seeing? Why does anyone believe them? (p 55) 281

There are other questions in regards to attendance patterns at opening events which would be equally interesting to pursue. Culture watcher A, and an ancillary informant at the museum both suggested that art openings make art experiences accessible to working people who might not otherwise be willing or able to take an hour or so off from work in order to view an exhibition during regular hours. Would the experience of the opening for this particular segment of people also urge them towards further exploration of the art that they have viewed?

All of us make choices about the things we will pay attention to, be interested in, and have time for, based upon its pertinence to our lives. We may be curious about a field or area with which we are not familiar, and may even have the inclination to learn more about it.

However, we generally do not take the actual initial steps to do so without sufficient stimulation or impetus. We tend to rationalize the usage of our time in terms of its relevance to our lives. As Stolinitz

(1969) suggests, attention is selective.

what we single out for attention is dictated by the purposes we have at the time. Our actions are generally pointed towards some goal. In order to achieve its goal, the organism watches keenly to learn what in the environment will help, and what will be detrimental (p. 17).

To which we can add Hall’s (1977) remarks:

The rules governing what one perceives and is blind to during the course of living are not simple: at least five sets of disparate categories of events must be taken into account. They are: the subject or activity, the situation, one’s status in the social system, past experience, and culture (p. 87).

Art openings can provide a context that connects the values of an arts experience with what is relevant to individual’s lives by conveying a sense of community pertinence, importance and validation, as well as 282 stimulating a sense of group loyalty. But do these factors provide enough impetus for participants with limited time and diverse backgrounds to seek out other arts experiences?

My inclination, based on knowledge of participants at my own gallery as well as my outsider informants experience, would be to say that they often do. However, this is an area I believe to be well worth researching, because it has a bearing on audience development.

In regards to my outsider informant, it should be noted that she observed five openings at my request, rather than just the three that were the focus of this study. Additional sites observed were the opening of works by Ohio artists at the governors mansion and an opening at my own university gallery. In her concluding commentary as a result of observing these opening events, she seemed to be most pleased with her new orientation to artists, the aspect of openings she found most intimidating during her Gallery 200 experience. She further was able to ground and relate her new experience into her own personal lifestyle:

I loved being surrounded by artists. There is a universal individuality about them; it’s not simply a matter of dressing "differently", although there is a wonderful array of visual styles. There is an aura of gentle confidence about these people. It’s infectious; one feels welcome to inquire or comment or share a laugh. Artists are the most open and refreshing members of our society. I have been comparing them with groups I am familiar with- -students, business people, physicians, grieving families, lawyers, and old, old secretaries. Undoubtedly, there are conflicts and political maneuvers within all groups and all people. But the artist opens him/herself to others, and genuinely seeks all humanity. Isn’t that what art is about? Other groups stick tightly together, regardless of the extent of their dealings with "outsiders". Members of our society should be required to incorporate art into their lives before they are allowed to run an office, buy a computer, marry, attend college, move away from home— ideally before they learn to tie their shoes. (Outsider Informant, 11-12-86) 283

There are additional aspects of this research project which could form the focus of several related studies. When I began researching this question, I held the belief that the three categories of art openings (museum, commercial gallery, and non-profit or artist run gallery) are basically generic events throughout our society no matter where one was likely to find them. This view point was largely shared by key informants at both the museum and Gallery 200. The museum director believed that museum openings "are pretty much the same all over outside the major markets" (New York, Washington, and Los Angeles)

(Key Informant, 9-16-86). An exhibiting artist at Gallery 200 who has exhibited widely throughout the country stated that from his experience, opening receptions at commercial galleries were fairly standard wherever he has exhibited (Key Informant, 9-7-86)•

Despite the fact that both of these individuals, like myself, have experienced openings in other parts of the country, as a result of this research I have come to believe that essentially this in not an accurate view.

In comparing specific categories of openings, often we think of them only in terms of overt symbols and format. However, when one observes specific patterns such as distinguishing features of the setting, types of participants present, and actions and behaviors displayed, one is likely to encounter diversity. Each of the examples provided by the three descriptive accounts in this study I feel to be community specific, in that each category of site (museum, commercial gallery, non-profit of artist run gallery) is married to a specific type of opening (cult-house, secret society, ritual adoption). These types were 284 given descriptive names by the researcher in compatibility with the features of the facility and its relation to the community, the types of participants compelled to attend, and the behaviors and actions which become operative as a result of the former two factors. So that in the case of this specific community; museum = cult-house type, Gallery 200 = secret society type, and Artreach = ritual adoption type.

Taking this one step further, what I am saying, is that a museum opening is not necessarily always a cult-house type, a commercial gallery not always a secret society type, and non-profit gallery not always a ritual adoption type. The types are based on salient features of specific settings, and a particular pattern that becomes operative due to those features. Whereas the categories of facilities are based on the way the organization itself functions. In southern Ohio for example, there is a museum in a renovated bank building which has a ritual adoption type of opening due to the fact that it is a part of the neighborhood and all segments of the community feel free to participate.

One can attend openings at other non-profit galleries in Columbus and find that they are the secret society type, as Artreach once was, in that few people other than artists attend them. Further, a commercial gallery close to the museum in this city, also is marked by the cult house type of opening, with its formality and air of importance, it essentially draws the same type of participants that the museum does.

On the other hand, the commercial gallery in Short North area is marked by the characteristics of the ritual adoption type of opening and the gallery hop.

Thus comparative studies of openings in one category of facility in 285 different cities, or even in the same city, if it had a number of the same categories available would be exceedingly interesting. For such studies would reveal the underlying relationship of these facilities within their communities. How the community perceived each facility would be revealed by the types of participants who attended and how they acted and behaved within the setting.

Lastly, another area of study which might logically spring from this study involves another type of celebratory ritual closely allied to the concept of openings. I had thought about including it at the onset of this research, but abandoned the idea when it was realized how broad the focus of the study would become. However it was brought to mind again in conjunction with the curr'&rit' research on openings during my interview with Culture Watcher C. This artist and community person told me that although openings were once very important to her as an exhibiting artist, they no longer performed the same function for her that they once did. This is because her recent work over the past two years has taken off in a different direction. She is now substantially involved with artist in residency programs (AIR) and site specific public art projects. Throughout the course of these projects an audience is actually allowed to witness the process of creating an artform and participate in that process by sharing with the artist all along the way, rather than just upon the completion of the work.

This artist therefore regards the creation of her work as "the performance of that ritual in itself". The work no longer needs the ritual of the opening for validation, sharing, or mass applause. Many of her works directly involve public participation in that members of .... 286 the audience contribute to these works by adding elements to them or leaving written messages on them. Although the conclusion of these projects is often marked by opening type festivities, as the artist states "by that time we have all found out who we are, what we’re about, and where we are in the world. We’ve become kindred spirits" (9-18-86).

Are AIR programs a more direct participatory extention of the roles people symbolically play out in openings? What are the implications for audience members? Can such projects play even a greater role than openings in gaining accessibility to the realm of the arts, in stimulating group loyalty, a sense of community pertinence and belonging?

In 1983 I researched and observed an AIR project in this city which subsequently was documented by two articles (Kelm 1984, 1985). The project initiated by Cardinal Industries brought New York artist Jackie

Ferarra to work in a company factory, creating a piece of sculpture with the assistance of Cardinal employees. The basic premise for Cardinal’s involvement with the arts was simply that traditionally art has had no effect in changing the quality of life among workers in a corporation, even though the corporation may contribute to the arts. Workers are not usually museum or gallery goers, and furthermore are often intimidated by such places. However, the Vice President of Cardinal Industries,

David Baker, "believed that art could contribute to and expand the lives of workers if it was experienced close at hand, and grounded in their own personal environment, history, and work" (Kelm, 1985, p. 21). The immediate affiliation and identification between the artist and the employees, who are builders, was the common medium of wood. 2 87

The initial idea grew from Baker’s determination to find a way to involve Cardinal employees in the the experience of the company’s contribution to the community. Instead of just giving a check to the Columbus Museum of Art, Cardinal commissioned Jackie Ferrara to design a work that could be assembled by Cardinal workers under the artists supervision and subsequently donated to the museum, (p. 21)

In 1984, the sculpture entitled "Breaktower" was installed in the, museum’s sculpture garden and dedicated during a reception with some

200 Cardinal employees in attendance. It should be noted that the employees took the roles of exhibiting artists during the festivities.

Over the course of creating the sculpture, a bond of admiration, respect, and friendship developed between the artist and the Cardinal workers.

In Baker’s words, the employees were:

having the purest of love affairs with Jackie Ferrara— truly coming to love a person for what she is and that, in a way, the artist represented a type of translation of who they are and what they do. They look at art and artists in a different way now (p. 22).

Although the project was completed, the bond has lasted. In the summer of 1984, when Ferrara had an exhibition in New York, Cardinal employees chartered a bus to be on hand for her opening reception. In

1985, a number of Cardinal workers volunteered their time to assist

Ferrara with a public art project that she was executing in Norwalk,

Ohio. Recently Ferrara executed another piece for Cardinal at one of the factories in Florida.

Based on the experience of this project, I believe that AIR celebratory rituals may in fact be a profound way of incorporating art experiences into the lives of working people who are not sufficiently motivated to attend an opening or an arts festival. It may be an experience that establishes a vital tribal ritual framework within their own realities and environments. REFERENCES.

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