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Running head: RAPE MYTHS IN THE NEWSPAPER COVERAGE OF THE BROCK TURNER CASE

RAPE MYTHS IN THE LOCAL AND NATIONAL NEWSPAPER COVERAGE OF THE
BROCK TURNER CASE

by
Juana Campos

A thesis submitted to the Department of Sociology in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS in Sociology

Chair of Committee: Samantha S. Kwan, Ph.D. Committee Member: Amanda Baumle, Ph.D. Committee Member: Jennifer Arney, Ph.D.

University of Houston
December 2020
RAPE MYTHS IN THE NEWSPAPER COVERAGE OF THE BROCK TURNER CASE
Copyright 2020, Juana Campos ii
RAPE MYTHS IN THE NEWSPAPER COVERAGE OF THE BROCK TURNER CASE

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

First, I would like to thank my committee chair, Dr. Samantha Kwan not only for her expertise and feedback but also for her understanding, empathy, and support during rough times. Without her guidance, I don’t think I could have pushed through to finish these last steps in my thesis.

Additionally, I would like to thank Dr. Amanda Baumle and Dr. Jennifer Arney for their time, patience, and feedback.

For funding, I would like to thank the Department of Women and Gender Studies for awarding me the Blanche Epsy Chenoweth Graduate Fellowship. I would also like to the Department of Sociology for awarding me their Department Research Grant. Their funding made it possible for me to fund my education and the additional coder.

Last but certainly not least, I am thankful for the generous support from my friends and family. Thank you for lending me your wifi and your support.

iii
RAPE MYTHS IN THE NEWSPAPER COVERAGE OF THE BROCK TURNER CASE

ABSTRACT

Rape myths are false claims that pardon perpetrators, blame victims, and justify sexual assault. They are invoked when a case of sexual assault deviates from the socially

constructed definition of “real rape,” in which a deranged man attacks an innocent woman

despite her physical resistance. When characteristics or actions by the victim and perpetrator defy this definition, the victim can be held responsible. Rape myths help their endorsers explain and distance themselves from sexual assault. Previous studies focusing on high profile sexual assault cases found rape myths in the print media coverage of such cases. My study focuses on the Brock Turner case. Turner, a white Stanford student athlete, was found guilty of sexually assaulting an intoxicated and unconscious Emily Doe. He successfully

used Doe’s intoxication, sexual history, apparel, and partying history to excuse his behavior.

Because rape myths surfaced during the trial, they may surface in the media coverage of this case. Specifically, I examined rape myths in the reporting of this case in newspapers (n=50). Using a quantitative coding scheme, I documented the prevalence of these myths and how often journalists criticized these myths. Research shows when journalists report on cases of sexual assault, they often frame stories in which the victim is to blame. In the newspaper coverage of the Brock Turner case, 68 percent of articles contained at least one rape myth.

The most prevalent rape myth was “rape is insignificant” (54 percent). The myth to receive the most criticism was “rape is insignificant” (60 percent).

Keywords: content analysis; news media; quantitative; rape myths; sexual assault

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RAPE MYTHS IN THE NEWSPAPER COVERAGE OF THE BROCK TURNER CASE

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgements ...............................................................................................................III Abstract.................................................................................................................................. IV List of Tables ......................................................................................................................... VI

I. Introduction (Rape Myths in the Local and National Newspaper Coverage of the

Brock Turner Case) .................................................................................................................1 II. Literature Review ...............................................................................................................6

Sexual Scripts, Real Rape, and Rape Myths ...................................................................................... 6 Rape Myths in the Media ................................................................................................................. 10

III. Methods............................................................................................................................16

Sample.............................................................................................................................................. 16 Prevalence......................................................................................................................................... 19 Variables Coded ............................................................................................................................... 19
Rape Myths about the Victim ...................................................................................................... 19 Rape Myths about the Perpetrator ............................................................................................... 21 Journalist Endorsement/Condemnation........................................................................................ 21 Measures of Portrayal................................................................................................................... 21 Article Characteristics.................................................................................................................. 22
Coding and Analysis......................................................................................................................... 23
Process of Coding ........................................................................................................................ 23 Reliability .................................................................................................................................... 23 Analysis ....................................................................................................................................... 24 Research Questions ..................................................................................................................... 24

IV. Results...............................................................................................................................25

Information about Journalists........................................................................................................... 25 Prevalence of Rape Myths................................................................................................................ 26
Measures of Portrayal.............................................................................................................. 29
Commentary on Rape Myths............................................................................................................ 29

IV. Discussion.........................................................................................................................32

Limitations........................................................................................................................................ 36 Future Research................................................................................................................................ 37

References...............................................................................................................................40 Appendix Codebook ................................................................................................................................51

Tables ......................................................................................................................................66

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RAPE MYTHS IN THE NEWSPAPER COVERAGE OF THE BROCK TURNER CASE

LIST OF TABLES

I. Prevalence of Rape Myths Across All Variables.............................................................66 II. Measures of Portrayal Across All Articles .....................................................................67 III. Commentary on Rape Myths Across All Articles ........................................................68

vi
RAPE MYTHS IN THE NEWSPAPER COVERAGE OF THE BROCK TURNER CASE Rape Myths in the Local and National Newspaper Coverage of the Brock Turner Case
In the early morning of January 18, 2015, two students found Brock Turner penetrating an unconscious and half naked Emily Doe1 behind a dumpster on the Stanford University campus.2 Turner is a white man in his early twenties with an upper middle-class upbringing. At the time of the incident, he was a Stanford student and an award-winning swimmer. Doe, a white woman3 in her early twenties had recently graduated college and was spending time with her younger sister at the same party Turner attended prior to the assault. When the two students approached the scene, Turner bolted but eventually was restrained by the two students until police arrived and took him into custody. The victim awoke three hours later in a gurney in a hospital hallway, unaware of the sexual assault. On February 2, 2015, Turner was indicted on five charges. Though two charges (one count of sexual penetration by a foreign object of an intoxicated woman and one count of sexual penetration by a foreign object of an unconscious woman) were dropped in October 2015, Turner was found guilty on three charges (one count of rape of an intoxicated person, one count of rape of an unconscious person, and one count of assault with intent to commit rape) on March 30, 2016. Of the recommended maximum 14 years of prison, the judge sentenced Turner to six months

1 In September 2019, Emily Doe revealed her identity as Chanel Miller. Because the study began before she revealed her identity, she will be referenced as Emily Doe (Whittaker 2019). 2 Information about the Brock Turner case comes from newspaper articles (Knowles 2016; Xu 2016). Emily

Doe’s statement (Baker 2016), Brock Turner’s statement (Levin and Wong 2016), Dan Turner’s statement from

court (Kingkade 2016), and published court documents (People v. Turner 2016).

3 In the 2015 police report for the assault, Doe’s race was listed as White. However, Doe addresses the mistake

on the police report stating she identifies as Asian and White (Weiner 2019).

1
RAPE MYTHS IN THE NEWSPAPER COVERAGE OF THE BROCK TURNER CASE in jail, followed by three years of probation4. The court ordered him to attend a rehabilitation program for sex offenders and deemed him a sex offender for life. Due to good behavior, he only served three months in a Santa Clara County jail.
During the trial, Turner’s attorney questioned Doe to cast doubt upon her story.
Despite laboratory tests stating both Turner and Doe were intoxicated, Turner’s attorney used Doe’s memory loss against her, while Turner’s statements were taken seriously even when he exhibited inconsistency. For instance, when he was first questioned by the authorities, he maintained that he was unsure of how he ended up behind a dumpster on the floor with Doe. He also stated he was not intending to take Doe back to his dorm, nor did he run away from the two witnesses. A year later, he changed his story. He then maintained he was taking Doe to his dorm and on their way there, he and Doe somehow fell onto the ground. At this time,

he claimed he received consent. Turner’s attorney stated his story should be trusted over

Doe’s, despite documentation stating he lied about running away and had reconstructed his story of the night a year later.

During the trial Turner’s attorney made various attempts to invalidate Doe’s accounts.

Despite rape shield laws in the United States prohibiting sexual history to be brought up in court the victim’s sexual history, apparel, and partying history were all questioned by Turner’s attorney. His attorney attempted to portray Doe as a promiscuous alcoholic who knew what was coming to her. When the probation officer recommended a sentencing of a

year or less,5 his justification was the victim’s intoxication, as well as Turner’s intoxicated

4 In December 2017, Turner filed for an appeal to overturn the sexual assault charges (Elias 2018; Park 2018). In August 2018, Turner lost the appeal to overturn the convictions (Park 2018). 5 In California, probation officers can make recommendations for sentences (California State Association 2014).

2
RAPE MYTHS IN THE NEWSPAPER COVERAGE OF THE BROCK TURNER CASE state, loss of athletic scholarships, college enrollment, and athletic titles. In both Turner’s and

his father’s, Dan Turner’s, statements, alcohol consumption was used to excuse Turner’s

sexual violence. Moreover, Dan Turner stated that incarceration and registration as a sex

offender was “a steep price to pay for 20 minutes of action out of 20 plus years of his life”

(Kingkade 2016). In justifying his sentence of six months in a Santa Clara county jail, the

judge seemed to express more concern for the defendant’s wellbeing than the victim’s by voicing, “A prison sentence would have a severe impact on him. I think he will not be a danger to others” (Stack 2015).

Statements made by Judge Aaron Pesky, as well as Brock Turner’s attorney, are known as rape myths. Rape myths are claims that pardon perpetrators, blame victims, and justify sexual assault (Brownmiller 1976; Burt 1980; Payne, Lonsway, and Fitzgerald 1999). They are commonly used when a case of sexual assault deviates from a rape script where an innocent young woman is attacked and raped by a strange deranged man despite her attempts to fight him off (Burt 1980; Estrich 1987; Stevenson 2000). Endorsement of rape myths can allow women to distance themselves from victims and feel that they can reduce the possibility of being sexually assaulted (Lonsway and Fitzgerald 1994). Statements such as

“She was dressed promiscuously,” are assigned to victims and aid in building a false idea that

rape only occurs to those who deserve it (Lonsway and Fitzgerald 1994; Kahlor and Morrison 2007). Rape myths place blame onto victims and excuse perpetrators of sexually violent behavior. They are similarly used to distance men away from perpetrators and reduce possibilities of being accused of sexual assault.
Although the Turner case caught the attention of the nation, it is not a unique sexual assault case. Turner represents 24 percent of convicted rapists who receive 11 months or less

3
RAPE MYTHS IN THE NEWSPAPER COVERAGE OF THE BROCK TURNER CASE for their crimes (Senate Judiciary Committee 1993); 57 percent of perpetrators who are white (U.S. Department of Justice 2013); 90 percent of perpetrators who committed sexual assault alone; and .6 percent of sexual perpetrators who are convicted of sexual assault (U.S. Department of Justice 2016). Emily Doe was 22 at the time, representing 54 percent of sexual assaulted victims who were assaulted between ages of 13 and 34 (U.S. Department of Justice 1997, 2014). That Doe consumed alcohol the night of the incident was not rare either; in fact, 68 percent of sexual assault victims consumed alcohol before an assault (Horvath 2006). Despite the case having common statistics of sexual assault, the media coverage may portray the case as an irregular case of sexual assault.
Because the media is an important tool in learning sexual values and behavior (Bryant and Zillman 2002), the exposure of rape myths in the media can be impactful. Rape myths

can be embedded into people’s sexual values and behavior through media. Rape myths were

found in multiple media platforms such as prime time television (Brinson 1992; Kahlor and Morrison 2007), pornography (Allen, D’Alessio, and Brezgel 1995), and print news media (Soothill and Walby 1991; Benedict 1993; Los and Chamard 1997; Meyers 1997; Franiuk et

al. “Rape Myths in Print Journalism” 2008; “Rape Myths in Headlines” 2008). Researchers

focusing on rape myths in the media found victims are discredited in multiple ways,

including justifying the perpetrator’s violent actions as an act of love (Soothill and Walby

1991; Bryant and Zillman 2002); accusing the victim of lying; inferring the victim’s gesture and/or apparel provoked the perpetrator; and arguing that a lack of physical defense does not constitute as rape (Soothill and Walby 1991; Benedict 1993).
Furthermore, the exposure to rape myths was found to be influential. For example,
Franiuk et al. (“Rape Myths in Print Journalism,” 2008) analyzed print news media articles

4
RAPE MYTHS IN THE NEWSPAPER COVERAGE OF THE BROCK TURNER CASE covering the Kobe Bryant case.6 After finding 65 percent of articles containing at least one rape myth, the researchers conducted an experiment. They found that rape myth acceptance was higher in participants who were exposed to rape myths compared to those exposed to

rape myths being challenged (Franiuk et al. “Rape Myths in Print Journalism,” 2008, “Rape Myths in Headlines,” 2008).

The Kobe Bryant and Brock Turner cases are similar in that multiple media platforms highly publicized both cases and the defendants were both athletes. Although class and athlete status come at an advantage for both (Ardovini-Brooker and Caringella-MacDonald 2002; Ash, Sanderson, Kumanyika, and Gramlich 2017), Turner is White and Bryant is Black. The media often frames Black individuals as violent and hostile while the media is

more sympathetic to white individuals (Leonard 2004; Kosse 2007). Turner’s race may help his portrayal in the media unlike Bryant’s race, which contributed to Bryant’s media

portrayal as a sexually aggressive individual (Leonard 2004).
My research attempts to examine the prevalence of rape myths in the newspaper coverage of the Brock Turner case, and the prevalence of comments made by journalists

towards the rape myths. Additionally, I examine whether journalists’ comments challenges or endorse these myths. Investigating the prevalence of rape myths and journalists’ criticism

about these myths will allow us to understand media’s framing of sex crimes. Has media continued to reproduce gender biases? Are they making efforts to reduce the reproduction of

6 In 2003, Kobe Bryant was charged with sexual assault. The media published hundreds of articles on the case

and gained further attention due to Bryant’s celebrity status. During the trial, information about the case was

leaked to the media. Due to this, the alleged victim felt she would be unable to receive a fair trial. She refused to

testify, and the charges were dropped (Franiuk et al. “Rape Myths in Print Journalism,” 2008).

5
RAPE MYTHS IN THE NEWSPAPER COVERAGE OF THE BROCK TURNER CASE gender biases? Before turning to my research methods, I first situate my study in the extant literature on sexual scripts, rape myths, and framing analysis.

LITERATURE REVIEW

Sexual Scripts, Real Rape, and Rape Myths

Sexual scripts are culturally dependent understandings that provide general meaning of sexual interactions based off pre-condition(s), dependent elements, locations, and roles (Schank and Abelson 1977; Simon and Gagnon 1986; Ryan 2011). There are three types of sexual scripts: cultural scenarios, interpersonal scripts, and intrapsychic scripts (Simon and Gagnon 1986). Cultural scenarios shape sexual attitudes and actions based off culturally appropriate views of sexuality. They are involved in both interpersonal and intrapsychic scripts. Interpersonal scripts assist an individual in navigating a sexual interaction based off socially appropriate behavior in terms of sex and relationships. Finally, intrapsychic scripts

are involved in an individual’s personal sexual preferences. While sexual scripts inform

others of sexual interactions in general, rape scripts inform others specifically about the nature of sexual assault (Ryan 2011).
The definition of “real rape” script is a sexual script (Schank and Abelson 1977;
Simon and Gagnon 1986). The “real rape” script involves a deranged stranger attacking an innocent woman who struggled to fight off the man (Burt 1980; Estrich 1987; Stevenson 2000). “Real rape” is a sexual script as it defines how a case of rape should occur based on the sex of the victim and perpetrator(s), the violence done by the perpetrator(s), and the victim’s actions during the assault. The “real rape” script is a cultural scenario that shapes understandings of rape scripts as the script must often be met in order for an assault to be

6
RAPE MYTHS IN THE NEWSPAPER COVERAGE OF THE BROCK TURNER CASE taken seriously (Simon and Gagnon 1986). Oftentimes, when characteristics of sexual assault

deviate from the “real rape” script, individuals turn to other cultural scenarios carried into

sexual interaction or used to interpret a sexual interaction.
Rape myths are false claims that pardon perpetrators, blame victims, and allow the justification of sexual assault (Brownmiller 1976; Burt 1980; Payne, Lonsway, and Fitzgerald 1999). Rape myths are used in multiple ways, but in general, they aid in establishing a false belief in women that rape will never occur to them. They can also be used to help women distance themselves from victims (Lonsway and Fitzgerald 1994; Stevenson 2000; Kahlor and Morrsion 2007; Franiuk et al. “Rape Myths in Headlines,” 2008). With the endorsement of rape myths, a rape myth such as “she asked for it” can help women differentiate themselves from the victim. In other words, when rape myths become a part of a woman’s intrapsychic and interpersonal scripts, they help them construct what they deem are appropriate and safe sexual interactions among others.
Rape myths also help men distance themselves from perpetrators (Lonsway and
Fitzgerald 1994; Franiuk et al. “Rape Myths in Headlines,” 2008). Rape myths such as “a disturbed man commits rape” (Burt 1980) imply that the perpetrator exhibits certain characteristics—for example, he must be mentally unstable or psychotic. When men use rape myths in their intrapsychic and interpersonal scripts, they set boundaries between themselves and a convicted rapist. These boundaries allow men to disassociate themselves from rapists. Another reason why men use rape myths is to eliminate the possibility of being falsely accused of sexual assault. When studying date scripts in college students, Clark and Caroll (2008) found that women wrote more “real rape” scripts, in comparison to men who wrote more about wrong accusation scripts. If men are afraid of false accusations, then they would

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    2021-22 PHILLIPS EXETER ACADEMY OUR MISSION UNITE GOODNESS AND KNOWLEDGE AND INSPIRE YOUTH FROM EVERY QUARTER TO LEAD PURPOSEFUL LIVES OUR VALUES Knowledge and Goodness Youth Is the Important Period “Above all, it is expected that the attention of The “time of youth is the important period” to instill instructors to the disposition of the minds and a lasting capacity to nurture one’s self, develop morals of the youth under their charge will exceed a sense of one’s own potential and consider one’s every other care; well considering that though place in the larger whole. Our residential community goodness without knowledge is weak and feeble, encourages students to explore emerging interests yet knowledge without goodness is dangerous, — academic, artistic, athletic and extracurricular — and that both united form the noblest character, with similarly motivated peers and in the process and lay the surest foundation of usefulness to develop their values and passions and the agency [hu]mankind.” Exeter today continues the needed to carry these forward. commitment to unite knowledge and goodness. The challenges that students meet at Exeter and Non Sibi the support they receive have a common objective: to stimulate their development as individuals Non Sibi, or Not For Oneself, inscribed on Exeter’s and prepare them to lead purposeful lives. seal, attests to the philosophy that wisdom gained here should be used for others as well as for oneself. Exonians are motivated by this philosophy to face Academic Excellence the challenges of their day. Teaching and living Academic excellence is a signature strength of the principles of a just and sustainable society — Phillips Exeter Academy.
  • Book Review Feminist Scripts for Punishment

    Book Review Feminist Scripts for Punishment

    BOOK REVIEW FEMINIST SCRIPTS FOR PUNISHMENT THE FEMINIST WAR ON CRIME: THE UNEXPECTED ROLE OF WOMEN’S LIBERATION IN MASS INCARCERATION. By Aya Gruber. Oakland, C.A.: University of California Press. 2020. Pp. xii, 288. $29.95. ∗ Reviewed by I. India Thusi In her new book, The Feminist War on Crime, Professor Aya Gruber provides a critique of feminists, who have sought political vindication through a governance of punishment.1 Professor Elizabeth Bernstein coined the term “carceral feminism” to describe the feminist commit- ment to “a law and order agenda and . a drift from the welfare state to the carceral state as the enforcement apparatus for feminist goals.”2 While feminist movements have expanded the opportunities available to women and girls, too often their means for achieving these accom- plishments have been paved on a path of the privileges of feminist elites.3 These privileges are immune from the pressures of multiple forms of subordination that form the interstitial web of inequality that many other women encounter.4 These other women are also Other5 ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– ∗ Associate Professor of Law, Delaware Law School. I am grateful to Jamelia N. Morgan and Ngozi Okidegbe for thoughtful comments on an earlier draft, and to Marisa Piccareto for careful research assistance. 1 See Aya Gruber, Rape, Feminism, and the War on Crime, 84 WASH. L. REV. 581, 582 (2009) (“Some feminist scholars have begun to express grave concern that ‘a punitive, retribution-driven agenda’ now constitutes ‘the most publicly accessible face of the women’s movement.’” (quoting Dianne L. Martin, Retribution Revisited: A Reconsideration of Feminist Criminal Law Reform Strategies, 36 OSGOODE HALL L.J.
  • Chanel Miller and Her Desire to Control the Narrative

    Chanel Miller and Her Desire to Control the Narrative

    Arcadia University ScholarWorks@Arcadia Faculty Curated Undergraduate Works Undergraduate Research Fall 11-30-2019 Chanel Miller and Her Desire to Control the Narrative Raymond Ha Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.arcadia.edu/undergrad_works Recommended Citation Ha, Raymond, "Chanel Miller and Her Desire to Control the Narrative" (2019). Faculty Curated Undergraduate Works. 65. https://scholarworks.arcadia.edu/undergrad_works/65 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Research at ScholarWorks@Arcadia. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Curated Undergraduate Works by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@Arcadia. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Running Head: Chanel Miller and Her Desire to Control the Narrative 1 Chanel Miller and Her Desire to Control the Narrative Raymond Ha Backwards and in Heels: Gender Inequity November 30, 2019 Chanel Miller and Her Desire to Control the Narrative 2 Abstract After four years of bitter silence, Emily Doe, a young woman known across media only as the victim of a Stanford sexual assault incident, shed her false persona and reclaimed her true identity as the compelling Chanel Miller in her riveting memoir: Know my name. Though quiet ​ ​ in terms of personality, Miller possesses a tremendous writer’s voice that has allowed her to vividly depict the traumatizing situation that occurred and how she was impacted by the events that followed. Since then, her name has become synonymous with resilience and her figure an upstanding symbol of the #MeToo movement. Her powerful story brought forth waves of support and criticism alike, and continue to evoke response from many today.
  • Impact Statements: Giving a Voice to Sexual Assault Survivors

    Impact Statements: Giving a Voice to Sexual Assault Survivors

    University of Maryland Law Journal of Race, Religion, Gender and Class Volume 19 Issue 2 Article 6 Impact Statements: Giving a Voice to Sexual Assault Survivors Anamika Roy Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/rrgc Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, Law and Gender Commons, Law and Society Commons, and the Sexuality and the Law Commons Recommended Citation Anamika Roy, Impact Statements: Giving a Voice to Sexual Assault Survivors, 19 U. Md. L.J. Race Relig. Gender & Class 370 (2020). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/rrgc/vol19/iss2/6 This Notes & Comments is brought to you for free and open access by the Academic Journals at DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Maryland Law Journal of Race, Religion, Gender and Class by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ROY IMPACT STATEMENTS: GIVING A VOICE TO SEXUAL ASSAULT SURVIVORS * BY ANAMIKA ROY As a result of the #MeToo movement and heightened media at- tention on high-profile sexual assault cases, victims’ voices are being heard outside of a sentencing hearing in a courtroom.1 Victim impact statements (VISs) are being streamed on the internet, circulated online, and helping other victims open up about their own experiences.2 In a criminal proceeding, VISs are often the sole opportunity offered to crime victims to talk about the harm they suffered and can provide a form of healing for victims.3 That opportunity