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by the abundant documentation from Umma,1) and on the other hand by the fact that starting in the year Sulgi 33, the majority of the strategic offices were in the hands of one family that uninterruptedly controlled both provincial and temple households. Furthermore, Dahl proposes a model for understanding the genealogy of the royal family and other Ur III elite families, for which comparable data is not available. In chapters 1 and 2, after a brief introduction to the organization of the Ur III state,2) the author describes the patterns of hereditary succession: lineal, when power is passed from generation to generation, versus non-lineal, or lateral, when power is passed within the same generation. Lineal succession can be matrilineal or patrilineal, the latter can be further divided into succession by primogeniture and seniority. Dahl discusses the historicity of the so-called Sumerian King List and he questions whether the prevailing Mesopotamian system of succession, and in particular that adopted by the Third Dynasty of Ur, was strictly patrilineal primogeniture. Although all of the dynasties following the end of the Ur III reign adopted a lineal primogeniture pattern of succession, Dahl tentatively suggests that a system of seniority prevailed throughout the third millennium (p. 11). In chapter 3 Dahl provides an updated picture of the House of Ur-Namma, which lasted, according to Dahl, three generations, Amar-Suen, Su-Suen and Ibbi-Suen possibly all being sons of Sulgi. Dahl also provides a list of the most important royal princes and princesses that are documented and tries to depict their career and familial ties with high-ranking officials of the empire as well as with foreign kings.3) What seems important to the discussion is that several sons of the kings of Ur never held important military positions or civil offices; in fact many of them are attested just a couple of times in tablets from Puzris-Dagan and Girsu. A parallel situation is found in the ruling family of Umma, where many of the sons of the governors, who never became governors themselves, appear only in a handful of texts. In addition, Dahl gives an account of the cadet branches of the royal family, namely that of the sukkalmah (especially Aradgu/- Nanna), of Abi-simti, who was the wife either of Amar-Suen or Sulgi and the mother of Su-Suen, and of Ea-nisa, one of the concubines (lukur) of Sulgi.4) Chapter 4 represents the core of Dahl’s study. He first ASSYRIOLOGIE investigates the origin of the clan of Ur-nigar and the earli- est Ur III governors of Umma before the year Sulgi 33, when the family of Ur-nigar monopolized power in Umma and DAHL, J. — The ruling family of Ur III Umma. A prosopo- four of his sons simultaneously occupied the four strategic graphical analysis of an elite family in southern Iraq offices of the provincial administration. He then goes on to 4000 years ago. (PIHANS 108). Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, Leiden, 2007. (26,5 cm, XII, 180). ISBN 978-90-6258-319-5. / 28,89. 2) It remains obscure to me why the author does not cite either T.M. The book under review is the revised version of a PhD Sharlach, Provincial Taxation and the Ur III State, Cuneiform Monograph dissertation submitted in 2003 to the University of Califor- 26, Leiden, 2004, or his review article of Sharlach’s volume (J.L. Dahl, “Revisiting Bala”, JAOS 126 [2006]), pp. 77-88), when he gives an account nia, Los Angeles. As is clear from the title, the study aims of the bala contribution of the provinces (p. 3, note 10). to reconstruct the genealogy and the line of succession of 3) One may also add Namnine-hedu, possibly Sulgi’s daughter or his the strategic offices of the Umma provincial administration sister and the daughter of Ur-Namma (see C. Tsouparopoulou, “Namnine- during the Ur III period, by using a prosopographical hedu, Yet another Ur III Princess,” JCS 60 (2008), 12) to the family tree of the royal family (p. 31). approach to the data. This choice is justified on the one hand 4) The important remarks by A. Hattori (“The Return of the Governor,” in A.K. Guinan, et al. (eds.), If a Man Builds a Joyful House. Assyriologi- cal Studies in Honor of Earle Verdun Leichty, Cuneiform Monographs 31, Leiden, 2006, 197-208) should be added to the preliminary survey provided 1) Among the unpublished texts consulted by Dahl, the following have by Dahl (p. 25-26) regarding the power struggle between the House of Ur- now been published: BM 104774 (= Nisaba 11, 39), BM 107994 (= Nis- Meme and the royal family of Ur and the order of the governors of Nippur d d aba 9, 67), BM 108004 (= Nisaba 9, 77), BM 108269 (= Nisaba 9, 323). as well as that of the sabra inanna and ugula e2 inanna offices. 93248_BIOR_2010-1-2_01 08-06-2010 17:26 Pagina 57

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describe the careers of the three well-known governors of economic sector. However, as Dahl correctly remarks, since Umma (Ur-Lisi and his two brothers, Ayakala and Dadaga) no definitive evidence of private economic activity exists and discusses all of the attested consorts and concubines of during the Ur III period, it could also mean that these indi- the ruling family. Dahl convincingly proves that governor- viduals had no career at all. ship succession passed from brother to brother and that Dahl concludes his study with two interesting excursuses. potential heirs to the governorships were chosen from the In the first he takes as a comparative example the modern generation of the sons of Ur-nigar. For that reason many ruling family of Saudi Arabia (the House of Saud) whose sons of the ensuing ensis, as Dahl rightfully suspects, were pattern of succession, largely fratrilineal and based on probably forced to venture into the private sector of the seniority, resembles in many aspects that adhered to by the economy and are therefore poorly attested in texts pertain- royal house of Ur and the clan of Ur-nigar. In the second ing to the state-run administration. Some of them appear excursus the author presents a survey of the fratrilineal kin- only in a few tablets in relation to obligations they still had ship terminology during the Ur III period. As the author to fulfil to the state on special occasions. According to Dahl, points out, people claiming their affiliation to the ruling clan only one member of the younger generation of the ruling through fraternal ties belong to three groups: the brothers family, Gududu, son of Dadaga, the last known governor of (ses) of the king, the brothers of the sukkalmah, and those Umma who held the strategic office of chief household of other high-ranking officials; the brothers or sisters (nin9) administrator, seems to have had the chance of becoming the of the queen or of a concubine to the king and of the wife next governor. Unfortunately, due to the meagre sources for of a provincial governor; the brothers of an (unnamed) lukur Umma during the later part of the Ur III period, this hypoth- (ses lukur). The terms lukur and ses lukur deserve further esis cannot be confirmed. Apart from the chief household remarks. In a recent article Sharlach states that lukur origi- administrator (*sabra e2) which possibly represented a kind nally designated a type of priestess, the concubine of a god, of apprenticeship position for the aspiring governor, both the but during the Ur III period the term also qualified women offices of the chief of the granary (KA-guru7) and chief live- as being royal consorts or consorts of other high-ranking 7 stock administrator (sus3) were closely connected with the officials. ) Dahl states that ses lukur is used as a claim of line of succession to the seat of the Umma governorship. affiliation by persons “without any relation to the ruling However, unlike the ensiship and chief household adminis- group except the marital link of their sister” (p. 155). I am trator office, the chief of the granary and chief livestock somewhat sceptical about this theory. Dahl does not explain administrator positions were inherited lineally, from father what ki ses lukur attested in SAT 1, 112 (-/i/-) means (Table to son.5) Dahl extensively analyses both the titles, focusing 12).8) Does it literally mean “the place of the ses lukur?” especially on the figure of Ur-E’e, the chief livestock admin- Dahl, following Sigrist, reads la-bi-ru-um ki ses lukur mu ki istrator, and his son Lu-Haya, depicting their responsibili- ha-gar gibil-se3, and omits the following a-ab-ba-se3 gen- ties.6) The chapter ends with a discussion of the careers of na. As far as I know a toponym ha-garki is not attested in any the other sons of Ur-nigar who never occupied high ranking other Ur III text, thus it is better to interpret the line as: (food positions in the Umma central administration. allotments for five days) la-bi-ru-um ki ses lukur mu ku6- In the final chapter, the author briefly presents his con- nig2-ki seg6-se3 a-ab-ba-se3 gen-na “Labirum, (who stands) clusion, affirming that no common “law” of succession at the place of the ses lukur, having gone to the sea for the existed in late third millennium Mesopotamian society and, smoked nig2-ki-fish.” This line is very interesting since in as shown by the case of the ruling family of Umma, the rules two other occasions, SAT 1, 151 (-/iii/-) and Szlechter, RA of office inheritance were more complex than the simple 59, FM 56 (-/iii/-), a certain Baba’a, the ses lukur, is con- opposition between frarilineal and non-frarilineal succession. nected with fish:9) (food allotments for six days) ba-ba-a ses Dahl goes further and states that the system of succession lukur mu ku6-se3 tus-a “Baba’a, the ses lukur, who is seated based on seniority adopted by the royal family of Ur was for fish.” In the tablet HSM 6504 1909.5.340 (-/xii/-) (see possibly taken as a model (“mimicked” in Dahl’s words) by note 8) Zanati, the dumu nu-banda3, and Ahua, the ses lukur, the clan of Ur-nigar and probably by other elite provincial both also attested in the messenger text Fish, MCS 5, 27 ki clans. He concludes by stating that the several examples of (-/xii/-) where they are said to go to Gu’abba (gu2-ab-ba - the members of the clan of Ur-Namma or of Ur-nigar that did not play an active role in the “public” administration, seem to demonstrate by contrast the existence of a private 7) T.M. Sharlach, “Priestesses, Concubines, and the Daughters of Men: Disentangling the Meaning of the Word lukur in Ur III Times,” in P. Michalowski (ed.), On the Third Dynasty of Ur: Studies in Honor of Mar- cel Sigrist, JCS Supplemental Series, 1, Boston, 2008, p. 182. 5) The succession pattern in the office of the animal fattener in the Sara 8) Add also SAT 1, 151 (ba-ba-a ses lukur!), SAT 1, 152 (i-ti-isses temple at Umma has been recently studied by M. Widell, “Two Ur III Texts lukur), and Nisaba 13, 90 (u-bar-um ses lukur, su-dUTU ses lukur), HSM from Umma: Observations on Archival Practices and Household Manage- 6407 1909.5.243 (da-a-a ses lukur), HSM 6504 1909.5.340 (a-hu-a ses ment”, CDLJ 2009:6, 5-9. lukur), to be published respectively as No. 102 and No. 155 in P. Notizia, 6) Concerning the three-sided bullae that record the regular provisions I testi dei messaggeri da Girsu-Lagas della Terza Dinastia di Ur, Nisaba for the messengers sealed either by Ur-E’e or one of his sons, as well as 22. In Table 12 the text SAT 1, 138, but not the other texts in the same vol- Ur-Nungal, the archivist, see now R. Laurito — A. Mezzasalma — L. ume, is referenced as TBM 1, 138. However, in the index of the texts ref- Verderame, “Texts and Labels: A Case Study from Neo-Sumerian Umma,” erenced (pp. 172-180) the abbreviation TBM 1 is adopted together with in R.D. Biggs — J. Myers — M.T. Roth (eds.), Proceedings of the 51st SAT 2 and SAT 3 to indicate the first volume of the same series, i.e. Sumer- Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale Held at the Oriental Institute of ian Archival Texts by M. Sigrist. One should not consider the SNAT 333 the University of Chicago, July 18-22, 2005, SAOC 62, Chicago, 2008, 99- entry that was wrongly included in Table 12. The text transliterated on p. 110. Regarding the Ur-E’e’s involvement in the weighing of wool and gar- 153 is SAT 1, 156 (BM 20217) not SAT 1, 157 (BM 21022). Kudanum, ments see also L. Verderame, “Il controllo dei manufatti tessili a Umma,” the ses lukur, is only mentioned in SAT 1, 156 and not in SAT 1, 112 as in M. Perna — F. Pomponio (a cura di), The Management of Agricultural affirmed by Dahl (p. 155). Land and the Production of Textiles in the Mycenaean and Near Eastern 9) The text is reported by Dahl without indicating the mission of the ses Economies, Studi Egei e Vicinorientali 4, Napoli, 2008, pp. 111-133. lukur. 93248_BIOR_2010-1-2_01 08-06-2010 17:26 Pagina 58

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se3 du-ni), receive food allotments for six days and are In conclusion, the author is to be congratulated for his described as “(coming) from Sahar-HAR-Seneg, seated to careful and comprehensive book that sheds new light on the ki ki bring out the fish of Asun” (sahar -HAR-seneg -ka-ta ku6 a2- system of succession in late third millennium Mesopotamia sun2 e3-e3-de3 tus-a). In all of the other occurrences the per- and improves our understanding of the role played by the sons called ses lukur travel to and from several cities, espe- local elite in the administration of a city during the Ur III cially Susa and AdamDUN, and also Kimas, Simaski, period. Sabum, Urua, Ansan and Huh(u)nuri. In many of these trips they do not travel alone, but together with another “mes- Roma, September 2009 Palmiro NOTIZIA senger,” as in the case of Fish, MCS 5, 27 and HSM 6504 1909.5.340. In my opinion the title of ses lukur should be ** compared with that of u -kul. They both are almost only doc- 3 * umented in the corpus of the “messenger texts” from Girsu- Laga and, like the e lukur, persons called u -kul are usu- s s s 3 VEENHOF, K.R. — Letters in the Louvre. Transliterated and ally accompanied by another “messenger” while travelling translated. (Altbabylonische Briefe in Umschrift und to and from the cities of Susa, AdamDUN, Kima , Sabum, s Ubersetzung Heft 14). Brill Academic Publishers, Lei- Urua, Zaul and Huh(u)nuri.10) I would cautiously suggest den, 2005. (24,5 cm, XL, 232). ISBN 90-04-15081-1. that both e lukur and u -kul were professional designations s s 3 ISSN 0065-6593. / 73,-; $99,-. of some sort. The ses lukur could possibly be a kind of “attendant” rather than a “brother” of the lukur. Since the Volume fourteen of the Altbabylonische Briefe series by persons named ses lukur can only hardly be associated with Klaas R. Veenhof is most welcome. The book contains 226 any known royal concubine, as affirmed by Dahl (p. 150), Old Babylonian letters in the collections of the Louvre in and since the term ses lukur is only documented in the cor- transliterations and English translations. Continuing the edi- pus of the “messenger texts” from Girsu-Lagas it is likely torial tradition of previous volumes, this one also includes that these lukurs were the concubines to a god of the a preface and a table with the concordance of museum num- province.11) bers and numbers in texts editions. AbB 14, however, fur- Overall, the author has dealt with a huge number of texts ther introduces valuable additions such as a lengthier intro- with confidence and ability, demonstrating his knowledge of duction with explanations concerning provenance and the economic and administrative practices of the Ur III groups of letters and archival lots, comments about period.12) Dahl successfully reconstructs the responsibilities envelopes and copies, and some notes on the changes in the and the administrative concerns — from farming and animal editorial format. Another new feature that is commendable husbandry to the processing of finished goods — of the is the inclusion of indexes of personal names of senders and members of the ruling family of Umma. For the sake of addressees, of geographical names and of gods and kings, completeness, the reviewer cannot avoid reporting some which facilitates various searches. In addition, there is a sec- minor inaccuracies that affect the present publication. Dahl tion containing lexical notes alphabetically arranged, and a is occasionally inconsistent or imprecise when transcribing list of collations presented as autograph copies at the end of Akkadian personal names.13) In addition to this, several typo- the volume. graphical errors occur throughout the book. One wonders Veenhof explains that AbB 14 and AbB 4 include all of whether these oversights — that in no way compromise the the Old Babylonian letters in the Louvre, with the excep- great value of the study — could be ascribed to the hasty tion of those excavated at Kis by H. de Genouillac in 1912. publication of the volume, which did not allow for appro- The exclusion of the Kis tablets is rightly justified by the priate editing. logical criterion of editing them together with other records from the same archive. The editor also provides information pertaining to the publications where the cuneiform 10) As in the case of SAT 1, 161 (-/i/-) where Su-UTU, the ses lukur, is copies can be found as well as mentions of previous edi- coming from Sabum with Ba’aya, the u3-kul. For the title of u3-kul see also tions. According to him, apart from letters nos. 9-13, exca- P. Michalowski, “Love or Death? Observations on the Role of the Gala in vated by Cros at Tello, the rest comes from the antiquities Ur III Ceremonial Life,” JCS 58 (2006), p. 53. 1 11) For the lukurs of the goddess Ba’u see the text Babyloniaca 8 Pupil market. ) The Louvre bought those tablets on different d 28 (AS 3/iii/-), o. 3: (1 ox and 5 sheep) mu lukur ba-u2-ke4-ne-se3. dates. Observations concerning the origin and date of this 12) Dahl’s transliteration and translation of the term ri-ri-ga “fallen” material rely, therefore, on internal evidence and on asso- (see the Index of terms, p. 171) cannot be accepted. As De Maaijer ciations with other available records. Based on Veenhof’s observes, “RI.RI-ga generally denotes losses accepted by the owner of the animals designated as such” (see R. De Maaijer, review to Ö. Tunca detailed explanations (pp. x-xxvi), I offer here a list of ten- — D. Deheselle, Tablettes et images aux pays de Sumer et d’Akkad: tative provenance and archival connections to provide a cur- Mélanges offerts à Monsieur H. Limet, Liège, 1996, BiOr 57 (2000), sory view of this material: pp. 101-102). Since the basic meaning of de5-g is “to collect, gather, pick up” (Akkadian laqatu) as recently proved by Sallaberger, de5-de5-ga literally means “collected (animals)”, i.e. the animals’ corpses collected by shepherds in order to prove the loss of the animals to the central 1 authority (W. Sallaberger, “The Sumerian verb na de5(-g) ‘To Clear’,” in ) Note, however, that Arnaud includes the letters edited as AbB 14 Y. Sefati, et al. (eds.), An Experienced Scribe Who Neglects Nothing. nos. 220 (=AO 21938), 221 (=AO 21944), 222 (=AO 21965), 223 (=AO Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honor of Jacob Klein, Bethesda, MD, 21962) and 224 (=AO 21963) under the subheading “I.Textes de Tello” 2005, p. 250). and explains “On trouvera ci-dessous le catalogue et les autographies 13) See for example, Abi-simti (p. 17), but Abi-Simti (Figure 2, p. 25) des tablettes babyloniennes anciennes trouvées en fouilles régulières à and Abi-simti (Figure 4, p. 31); Sulgi-simti (p. 17) instead of Sulgi-simti; Tello par l’abbé H. de Genouillac (1929-1931) et déposées au Musée du Taram-Uram (p.17) instead of Taram/Tarâm-Uram; Sarrum-bani (p. 22) Louvre (p. 245). ” See D. Arnaud “Annexe. Textes divers concernant le instead of Sarrum-bani; Su-ili (p. 23) instead of Su-ili (or better Su-ili) royaume de Larsa.” In J.-L. Huot ed. (1983), pp. 245-290. Larsa et etc. ‘Oueili. Travaux de 1978-1981. 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Provenance/Origin Number in AbB 14 Comments and criteria Babylon 1-5, 7-8, 48, 80, 117, 130, 225 Letters of Îammu-rabi and his successors sent from Babylon 94 Sent to Babylon Dilbat 5-6, 30-46 Must have originated from Dilbat, according to Thureau-Dangin TCL 1 fn. 4 Isin 88 Letter from Isin 204-206 Letters of Dadaya no. 206 invokes Damu and Urmasum in the blessings Kisura 73-75 Possibly Kisura. Letters from Ilima-ilum to Iddî. If AbB 2 130 is from the same writer, it could be possible to locate him in Kisura. 211-213 Letters of AÌum may originate from Kisura Kis 19 Sent to the city of Kis 190 Invokes [Istar] and Zababa in the blessings Larsa Because of the Museum numbers Veenhof explains that a substantial number of letters published in TCL 17-18 come from Larsa 1-3, 225 Letters from Îammu-rabi and Samsu-iluna to Sîn-iddinam; part of a larger collection found at Larsa 55-64, 117, 121 Balamu-namÌe family 173 Letter sent by Balamu-namÌe Lower YaÌrurum area Some texts dealing with cultivation and delivery of dates refer to and were prob- (region bordered by Kis, ably written in one of the towns of Lower YaÌrurum (Geographical classifica- Dilbat and Marad) tion criteria) 29 Mentions Tabnuk 30-42 Archive of Lipit-Ea 65-71, 218 Archive of Nur-Samas, possibly from Pi-Kasî 78-80 Archive of YaÌgunnum. He was active in the Lower YaÌrurum area see p. 71 fn. 78 a). 94 Mentions Annû, Ubarum and Itur-asdum, all conveyors of workers in Lower YaÌrurum 97 Mentions AÌusunu and ∑illi-Damkina, supervisors of the date-growers in Lower YaÌrurum 99, 143 Letters from Etel-pi-Marduk to Sîn-samuÌ Nippur 160 Possibly written in Nippur (invokes Enlil and Ninurta in the blessings)

Northern Mesopotamia 141 The use of ÎI for †a3 (ll. 18, 48) and the contraction ia > â (ll. 13, 29) indicates a northern origin

82:25 The use of ÎI for †a3 Sippar 16, 23, 26, 48, 54, 93 Letters sent from Sippar. Written by naditums of Samas. Nos. 16, 23, 26, and 48 (identifiable by their blessings) 25 Letter sent to Sippar (geographic criterion) Southern Mesopotamia 170:5, 175:5, 194:5, 209:1 General provenance based on the use of the word unnedukkum instead of †uppum

14, 110, 115, 139, 148, 161, The use of the sign DU = †u3 (nos. 14:5, 110:5, 115:6, 139:5, 148:5, 163:4, 162, 163, 164 165, 166, 167, 165:6, 166:6, 167:6, 168:5, 169:6) 168, 169 From the archive of Samas-Ìazir (nos. 161, 163 and 165-169. From Samas-Ìazir to his wife Zinû: nos. 162-164; from Zinû to her husband: no. 166, to Zinû from her son Iddin-Sîn: no. 165). The archive of Samas-Ìazir may come from Larsa. 58 Mentions the year Rim-Sîn 3 144 The persons in this letter are known from Southern Babylonia, including the grandson of Balamu-namÌe. 47, 52, 207 zeˆpum-type, which indicates an Ammi-ditana or later date Tello 9-13 Excavated by G. Cros. Letters of Beli-rim-ili nos. 11-12 Girsu/Lagas Umma 211-213 Letters of AÌum. May have been sent from Umma Ur 107 Letter from Ur 93248_BIOR_2010-1-2_01 08-06-2010 17:26 Pagina 60

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The corpus includes four “school exercises” (nos. 128, From Îammu-rabi to Balamu-namÌe’s son Iddin-Ea: 129, 135, 195) and, according to the editor, possibly also no. no. 117 72. Beli-rim-ili (from Girsu, ca. Si 10) Letters sent by kings are as follows: From Damqi-ilisu to Beli-rim-ili: no. 11 From Ea-eribam to Beli-rim-ili: no. 12 Îammu-rabi Belsunu To Sîn-iddinam: nos. 1, 2, 3, 225 From Qurdusa to Belsunu: nos. 81-82 To Iddin-Ea son of Balamu-namÌe: no. 117 Etel-pi-Marduk To Sîn-samuÌ: nos. 99, 143 Samsu-iluna Gurrurum To the son of Ili-kakkabi: no. 4 From Bunene-qardum to Gurrurum: nos. 201-202 To Marduk-naÒir and the field surveyors of the Imgur-Istar- YaÌgunnum (active in the “Lower YaÌrurum”) canal: no. 5 From Belanum to YaÌgunnum: no. 78 To Etel-pi-Marduk: no. 130 (here Samsu-iluna acts as regent, From Nabium-malik to YaÌgunnum: no. 79 possibly because Îammu-rabi was ill) From Inbusa to YaÌgunnum: no. 80 Marduk-dayyan Ammi-ditana From Etel-pi-Marduk to Marduk-dayyan: no. 199 To Summa-ilum son of Iddin-Marduk: no. 7 From Abum-waqar to Marduk-dayyan: no. 200 naditums of Samas letters Samsu-ditana From Belessunu to her brother Erib-Sîn: no. 16 To […]: no. 8 From Belessunu to Arrabu: no. 48 From Iltani to Adi-annitim and Eristi-Aya: no. 23 Veenhof further lists in the introduction groups of letters From Munawwirtum to Lipit-Tispak: no. 26 belonging to the archives of certain individuals. He divides The goddess Ninsiana received a letter from Ur-Nanse: no. 9 these letters into nine groups, which I present here in alpha- Sîn-imguranni: betical order: From Sîn-imguranni to awilum: no. 158, 159 1. AÌum From AÌum to Buttatum and Sîn-kasid: no. 211 List of personal names From AÌum to Ili-nada: no. 212 From AÌum to Lu-Baˆu: no. 213 Since the index of AbB 14 includes only the names of the 2. Dadaya, son of Kubbulum senders (with the names of the addressees indented), I pro- From Dadaya to the PA.PA: no. 204 vide here a full list of personal names to facilitate prosopo- From Sîn-iribam to Dadaya: no. 205 graphical searches. In general I follow the transliteration con- ventions of the editor, with the following exceptions: 1. I use 3. Ilima-ilum subscript for the value of signs, 2. I use the hyphen instead From Ilima-ilum to Iddî: no. 73, 74, 75 of the period to separate signs in Sumerian words, 3. I use /y/ when the editor switches back and forward between /j/ 4. Lipit-Ea: and /y/. From Adad-rabi to Lipit-Ea, son of Mar-erÒetim: nos. 30- 38, 42 Abi-ili 22:2; 164:26 From Gimillum to Lipit-Ea: no. 39 Abi-Samas 215:3 From Adad-sarrum to Lipit-Ea: no. 40 Abiyatum s. Sîn-[…], b. Istar-ilum 1:31 From Aplatum to Lipit-Ea: no. 41 A-bi-zu 156:13,31,36,37 Abum-ili lu2-Ìun-ga2 217:15 5. Nabi-Samas Abu(m)-waqar 90:rev.6’; 192:10; 200:3; 208:4 s. Marduk-nisu From Alammus-naÒir to Nabi-Samas: no. 127 and perhaps no. 200 sealing ugula 225:14 136 Adâ 116:30 Adad-eris PA.PA 36:9 6. Nur-Samas Adad-iddinam 165:19 From Ibni-Marduk to Nur-Samas: no. 65 Adad-rabi 30:3; 31:2; 32:3; 33:3; 34:2; 35:3; 36:3; 37:3; From Samas-naÒir to Nur-Samas: nos. 66-71, 218 38:3; 42:3 Adad-rim-ili 154:2 7. ∑illi-Samas to Balamu-namÌe: nos. 55-64 Adad-sarrum 32:14; 40:3; 142:3,20 Adi-annitim 23:1 8. Samas-Ìazir and his wife Zinû Agûya 142:1 From Lu-Ninurta to Samas-Ìazir: no. 161 AÌam-arsi 176:17 From Samas-Ìazir to Zinû: nos. 162, 163, 164 AÌam-uta 77:3 From Iddin-Sîn to his mother Zinû: no. 165 AÌi-sagis 66:5,12,16; 68:rev.6’ From Zinû to Samas-Ìazir: no. 166 AÌiya s. ™ab-[…], b. Ziyatum 1:12 AÌum 83:12,23; 211:4; 212:3; 213:3 9. Various smaller groups AÌu-†abu i3-du8 112:32 Bali-EraÌ AÌu-waqar 112:4 From Sîn-iqisam to Bali-EraÌ: no. 146 AÌuni 101:10; 133:3; 187:1 From Sîn-muballi† to Bali-EraÌ: no.147 AÌusina 118:3 From ∑issu-nawrat to Bali-EraÌ: no. 148 AÌusunu 97:1 Balamu-namÌe AÌuyatum 179:4; 225:12 From Îariya to Balamu-namÌe: no. 121 Alammus-naÒir 127:3; 136:3 From Balamu-namÌe to Kes-iddinam: no. 173 93248_BIOR_2010-1-2_01 08-06-2010 17:26 Pagina 61

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Ali-abusa 110:51 Eama-ili 205:14 Ali-waqartum 102:1 E-ga-tum 205:5,6,19 Ali-waqrum f. Nidin-Istar, b. Utul-Istar 91:18 EgiÌalki 83:10 Alitum 177:1 Elali 31:13,18,24; 42:rev.6’,13’ Alla-ili 194:rev.4’ Elmesum 159:13 Alla-rapi 149:12,15 EN 28:3 Ammi-ditana 7:4 Enlil-issu 223:1 Anatum 29:2,13 Erib-Sîn 100:3 b. Belessunu 16:1 ra2-gaba 147:10 Annum-pi-Samas 225:13 Eridu-liwwir sag-arad 197:5 Annû 94:2 Eristi-Aya 23:2 Anum-muballi† 107:1 ugula MAR.TU 125:8 Etel-pi-Istar 14:8 Anum-pisa 183:3 Etel-pi-Marduk 99:3; 130:1; 142:17,20,22; 143:3; 199:3 Apil-Amurrim 85:4; 97:14 Etel-pi-Nabium 40:15,17,19; 156:3 Apil-Baˆu 116:5,21 Etel-pi-Samas 196:1 Apil-ilim 167:11 Etellum 220:3 Apil-ilisu 91:11,31; 119:14; 169:3; 170:4 E†irum 30:35; 42:rev.5’,12’ Apil-Kubi f. Sasum 173:9 E†irtum 49:11 Apil-Sîn 115:30; 170:21 Gamil-Marduk 157:4 Aplatum 41:3 Gimil-ilim 124:4 Aplum 108:9; 138:3; 167:19; 177:2 f. Nisi-inisu lukur Ninurta Gimillum 39:3; 62:7; 96:1 160:5 Gullubtum 23:10 Ap-kum?-ma-am 163:5 Gungunum 220:14; 221:1 Appa eren2 sa3-gu4 120:6,8,10 Gurrû f. Pa(n)nigara-seme 143:18 Appâ s. Ea-rabi 173:11 Gurrurtum 141:10 Arad-sigar 81:8; 82:31,37 Gurrurum 199:4; 201:1; 202:1 Ararrum f. Sîn-iqisam 173:14 Îabil-aÌi 29:1,13 Arrabu 48:1 Îabil-kenum f. Ilaba-ÌaÒir, b. […]-Irra 1:28 141:3; 186:7 AtanaÌ-ili 194:3 Îalaliya s. Sîn-rabi 173:8 A-ti-ia-a 118:1 Hammu-rabi 1:2; 2:3; 3:3; 117:4; 225:2 Attasu s. ™ubiya 143:16 Îariya 121:3 Awil-Adad 30:17; 126:18; 181:13 ÎaÒirtum 194:1 Awil-ili 84:5 Îussutum 19:24 Awil-ilisu 190:1 Îuzalum 101:3 Awil-Nabium 80:8 Ib-ba-ia-as 214:18 Awil-Sîn 27:6; 153:rev.7’ Ibbi-Ilabrat 125:3 Awil-Uras 178:18 Ibbi-ili 83:11 Aya-tillati 25:26 Ibbi-Sîn 31:6; 34:rev.16’; 42:1; 195:3 Baˆu-maÌ 114:21 Ibbi-Samas 109:2; 195:6 Ba-ba-a 28:1 Ibbiya 11:4,20 Balamu-namÌe 121:1,9; 149:21,28; 173:3 f. Iddin-Ea 117:2 Ibni-Adad 79:5,12; 128:17 nig2-su Belanum ugula MAR.TU Bal-a 112:7,13; 124:2 5:5,rev.1’; 6:6,17 Bali-EraÌ 146:1; 147:1; 148:1,14; 217:1; 219:1 Ibni-Amurru 18:3; 102:3; 104:1; 105:3 Basi-ilum 157:3 Ibni-Ea 108:3 Beya 18:1 Ibni-Marduk 65:3,17; 81:7; 105:1 mas2-su-gid2-gid2 Belaniya 115:1 156:11,27,35,40 Belanum 78:3; 86:4; 123:1; 187:2 ugula MAR.TU 5:5,rev.3’; Ibni-Sîn 161:6,8,16 6:6,11 Ibni-Uras 190:3 Belessunu 48:3 sister Erib-Sîn 16:3 Iddî 73:1; 74:1; 75:1 Beli-mude ra2-gaba 122:5 Iddin-Adad 105:5,26 lu2-lunga? 176:12 Beli-rim-ili 11:1,15; 12:1 Iddin-Amurru ugula 225:17,20 Beliya 170:9 Iddin-Ea s. Balamu-namÌe 117:1 di-ku5 159:10,16 Beliyatum 54:4,12,16 Iddin-Enlil 188:5 Belsunu 21:3; 81:1; 82:1 Iddin-Marduk 53:3 f. Summa-ilum 7:2 Beltani 25:1 Iddin-Sîn 113:1; 165:3 Belum 24:1 Iddinyatum 188:3 Bitte 52:11 Idnatum 142:18 BI-ir-d[a-am] 18:14 Ilaba-Ìazir s. Îabil-kenum, b. […]-Irra 1:28 Bitû 110:7 Ilabrat-tayyar 29:5,18 Bunene-qardum 201:3; 202:3 I-la-li-ia 134:11 Bunnannûsu 27:3 Ilan-danna 46:1 BuÒiyatum 116:22 Ilan-semea ugula 225:18 Buttatum 211:1 Ili-abi 133:5 Bu-za-zu 52:13,18 Ili-awilim 83:8 Dadaya 76:1; 88:2; 204:4; 205:1 Ili-ayy-abas 143:22 Damqi-ilisu 11:3 Ili-bani 114:1; 169:8 Damu-remeni 206:24 Ili-ibnianni 112:15 Dummuq-Samas 73:16; 104:20 Ili-iddinam 144:3; 225:12 Ea-iribam 12:3 Ili-iribam 180:1 Ea-rabi PA.PA 35:5 f. Appâ 173:11 Ili-ippalsam 64:15; 74:17; 75:9,19 Ea-Òululi 108:29 Ili-iqisam 52:3; 109:1; 172:2 93248_BIOR_2010-1-2_01 08-06-2010 17:26 Pagina 62

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Ili-kakkabi 4:1 Listasim-ili lu2-sa3-gu4 110:10,46 Ili-kimti 185:1 Liwwirassum 24:4 lu2 x[(x)] 24:6 Ili-ma-na-tum 171:3 Lu-Bau 213:1 Ili-mude ra2-gaba 122:5 Lu-dingira 149:3 Ili-nada 212:1 Lu-Enki 124:12 Ili-rabi 129:1 Lu-Lugalbanda 197:3 Ili-sukkal 175:2 Lu-Ninurta 160:2 Ili-seˆi 194:10, 13 Lublu†-ili 103:1 Ili-tappê 10:rev.9’ Lulu-muballi† 182:20 Ili-turam 56:13; 144:24 Lumur-gimil-Samas 181:1 Ili-u-Samas 91:32 Lumur-sa-Marduk 97:4 Ili-wedeku 15:5 Lustammar 120:rev.4’,6’ Ilima-abi 103:12; 104:3 Mannasi 43:14; 140:1 Ilima-ilum 73:3; 74:3; 75:3 Mannum-balum-Samas 27:22 Ilis-ma-ni-a 221:6 Mannum-kima-abi 170:12 Ilsu-bani 30:17,39; 127:17; 169:12 f. Ubar-Samas 173:17 Manum 196:6,10 Ilsu-ibbisu 75:17 Mar-A[murrim] 74:29 Ilsu-ibnisu 76:3 Mar-erÒetim 14:9; 23:7; 30:31; 66:4; 96:3; 118:15 Ilsu-naÒir s. Sîn-[…], b. Inbi-ilisu 1:25 90:rev.22’ Mar-Erua 47:4 Iltani 23:19; 190:6 Marduk-azir ugula MAR.TU 186:12,18,23 Ilum-Ìabil 30:34; 40:14,18 Marduk-dayyan 199:1; 200:1 Ilussu-rama 125:14 Marduk-dumqi 140:35 Imgur-Ninurta 167:3 Marduk-lamassasu 120:4; 152:5 Imgur-Sîn 223:3 s. Nawrum-ili 173:7 Marduk-massu 114:3 Imgur-Samas 136:4; 192:7; 193:1,7 Marduk-muballi† 54:1; 87:20; 153:3’,6’,14’ dumu-e2-dub-ba-a Inanna-dingirmu 119:1,27 54:23 Inbi-ilisu s. Sîn-[…], b. Ilsu-naÒir 1:25 Marduk-musallim f. Sumum-libsi 155:13 Inbusa 80:3 Marduk-naÒir 5:1; 6:4; 87:3; 107:3; 123:24 I-pa-u 221:2 Marduk-nisu 21:1 f. Abum-waqar 200 sealing Ipiq-Adad 129:3 Marduk-Òululi(?) 90:rev.17’ Ipiq-AraÌtum 17:3 MaÒi-ili 170:1 Ipiq?-Samas 89:6 Mattum 119:16,23,30 Ipqu-Nabium 94:6; 120:2 Mitlik-ili s. La-qipum 173:10 Ipqusa f. Lipit-Istar 145:8 MuÌaddûm 64:15; 90:rev.12’ Ipquyatum 109:28,32 Mummidum 78:18 I-ri-is-su-matum 171:5 Munanum 142:24 Issu-kabit 69:4,15 Munawwirtum 26:3,15 Iseˆi-pan-Samas 65:6; 68:rev.3’ Munawwirum 31:15,17; 98:10; 198:le.e. 2 s. Sîn-gamil 173:13 Iskur-mansum 51:3; 156:29,38 Muter-gimillim 31:6 Istar-ilum s. Sîn-[…], b. Abiyatum 1:32 Naˆdusi 49:13 Istar-muballi†at 89:8 Nabi-Enlil 19:3 Itti-Istar-Sippar-naÌrari su-i 155:20 Nabi-Ilabrat 73:21; 104:5,16 Itur-asdum 94:3; 102:7,8,11; 123:2 Nabi-ilisu s. Sîn-iqisam 173:12 Itur-Ìadnû 137:6 Nabi-Samas 127:1 Kaniya 25:29 Nabium-Ìazir 22:1 Kazubtum 46:3 Nabium-malik 79:3; 140:2; 225:15 Kes-iddinam 173:1 Nabium-musallim 36:r4’,5’; 46:15,rev.13’ Ki-iqrû 94:19 Nabium-naÒir 106:3 Ku-ba-sa 221:8 Nabium-sullimanni 102:4,13 Kubbulum 73:16 Na-bu-di-ia 179:3 Kubbutum 11:13 Nakimum 4:4,20 m Kudû 83:9 Na /wram-sarur 23:12; 189:2; 197:1; 203:1 Kukkû 178:1 Namratum 145:1 Kuku-Ìumbal 83:8 Namrum-ili 171:1 Kul-paraÌe 14:1 Nanaya-samÌat 184:5 Kursinni 73:17 Nanna-u2-tu-ni-is 83:4 KUR-tum 18:16,25,28 Nannatum 225:11 LalaÌatum 175:9 Na-an-ni-me-na 140:40 Lamassani lukur dutu, sister Sîn-iqisam 54:30 Napseram-Marduk 76:10 Lamassum 177:4 Naram-Sîn 22:4; 225:13 La-qipum f. Mitlik-ili 173:10 Nawrum-ili f. Imgur-Sîn 173:7 Lipit-Adad 103:13 Nidin-Istar 19:14 s. Ali-waqrum, b. Utul-Istar 91:16 Lipit-Ea 30:1; 31:1; 32:1; 33:1; 34:1; 35:1; 36:1; 37:1; 38:1; Nidnatum 106:1 39:1; 40:1; 41:1; 42:1; 44:2’,5’,6’,12’,16’; 196:3 Nig2-ge-e-i3-ki-ag2-ma 14:3 Lipit-Erra 210:3 Ninsubur-mansum 50:rev.3’ Lipit-Istar 22:10; 74:5; 75:9,14,19; 90:3; 125:1; 148:12; 192:3; Nisi-inisu 177:4 lukur Ninurta, d. Aplum 160:5 213:18 s. Ipqusa 145:8 NuÌâ 42:5 ugula MAR.TU 35:11 Lipit-Sîn 137:3 Nur-dingir-maÌ 144:8,11,18 Lipit-Tispak 26:1 Nur-Ilabrat 163:24 Liqtum 113:3 Nur-Istar 167:23 93248_BIOR_2010-1-2_01 08-06-2010 17:26 Pagina 63

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Nur-Samas 65:1; 66:1; 67:1; 68:1; 69:1; 70:1; 71:1; 122:3; ∑illi-Gula 219:8 140:39; 191:3; 218:1 sipad xxx 1:4,33 ∑illi-Istar 69:27 sipad xxx 1:3,18 u2-tul2 2:9,r5’ Nuratum f. […]-magir, b. […]-magir 1:23 ∑illi-Sîn b. UÒi-nurum 57:17 Paganum 66:5,10 ∑illi-Samas 55:3; 56:3; 57:3; 58:3; 59:3; 60:3; 61:3; 62:3; Pa-Ìi-lumur 194:16 63:3; 64:3; 89:12; 139:1 Palûm 4:4,20 ∑issu-nawrat 148:3 Pana-ilisu 222:1 Sadûni 147:5 Panigara-qarrad 204:9;37 Sallurum(?) 201:11 Pa(n)nigara-seme s. Gurrû 143:17 Samas-abi 163:32 Paridum 15:26,27 Samas-gamil 164:25; 205:7 Qistum 219:3 Samas-Ìazir 1:14; 92:rev.3’; 161:1,15; 162:3; 163:2; 164:2 Qurdi-Istar 93:29 Samas-ili 179:12, 22 Qurdusa 81:3; 82:3 Samas-lamassasu zabardabbû 67:8,14 Qurrudum 132:2 Samas-magir ugula 225:10,19 Raˆimtum 49:3 Samas-musallim 225:21 Rim-Adad 106:18 na-as-par2 120:5 Samas-musezib f. Sîn-eres 86:13 Rim-Sîn-qardum 175:4 Samas-naÒir 66:3; 67:3; 68:3; 69:3; 70:4; 71:3; 94:21,24, 98:2; Ris-ili 143:15 218:3 Ris-Marduk 103:3 Samas-qarrad 83:5 Ris-Subula 189:9 Samas-tappê 69:25, 207:1,14 Samsu-ditana 8:3 Samsiya 160:9 Samsu-iluna 4:3; 5:4; 91:7; 130:3 lugal 109:7 SamuÌtum 52:10 Samum 137:1 Sa-mu-ta-am 194:6 Sasum s. Apil-Kubi 173:9 Sat-Istar 89:3 Simmugra 55:20 Sat-Sîn 110:8 Sîn-aÌam-iddinam 30:31 Sat-Samas 16:22 Sîn-asared 113:8; 138:10; 195:1 Sega-Enlil 144:1 Sîn-ayy-abas 98:1; 112:1 Sep-Sîn 163:32; 225:11 Sîn-damiq 56:9 Serum-ili 110:3,41 Sîn-dayyan f. […] 1:16 Su-Dumuzi 222:3 Sîn-emuqi 126:6 Subula-Ìazir wardum 176:8 Sîn-eres 15:3; 161:6,13 s. Samas-musezib 86:12 Subultum 24:2; 49:12,26 e Sîn- /iribam 126:3; 205:2; 224:1 s. Sîn-nada 173:6 Subarû gala 50:10 Sîn-gamil 6:1; 131:19 f. Munawwirum 173:13 Sumi-aÌiya 13:3; 159:11 Sîn-iddinam 1:1; 2:1; 3:1; 23:6; 91:12; 127:9; 184:3; 225:1 Summa-ilum s. Iddin-Marduk 7:1 lu2-SIM+GAR/lu2-Ìun-ga 157:11,17 Sumum-libsi 203:5 s. Marduk-musallim 155:13 Sîn-ilum 133:1 Sumu-liÒi 25:3 Sîn-imguranni 85:14; 124:1; 158:3; 159:3; 186:3; 203:2; 217:3 Taribatum 30:30; 31:25; 32:11; 34:4; 36:rev.3’; 37:20; 41:5; Sîn-iqisam 29:36; 54:3; 119:3; 146:3 f. Nabi-ilisu 173:12 s. 42:6,rev.1’,10’,14’; 97:13,21; 99:7,11; 141:38, 225:8 Ararrum 173:14 Taribum f. […]: 1:19 30:37, 188:1; 195:5,8 Sîn-iqulam 75:10 Taribusa 27:1 Sîn-ismeanni 50:3; 120:1 Te-mi 93:3 Sîn-kasid 211:2 Tispak-gamil 26:14 Sîn-la-sanan 150:3 Tunanum 172:7 Sîn-magir 19:1; 90:8; 111:35; 164:26 aga3-us2 98:7,8 dub- Tutu-magir 67:6 sar 209:6 f. […]-Istar and […]rum 1:21 lu2-sa3-gu4 110:47 ™ubiya f. Attasu 143:16 s. Warad-erÒetim 135:3 U-balana/i-namÌe 166:8; 225:16 Sîn-muballi† 147:3 Ubar-Sîn 145:2; 208:3,21 Sîn-mustal 135:1; 163:11,14; 166:22 Ubar-Samas 149:18 s. Ilsu-bani 173:17 Sîn-nada f. Sîn-eribam 173:6 Ubarum, Ubarrum 54:1; 94:2; 144:14,20; 158:8 Sîn-nadin-sumi 96:7 UG-da-na 140:17 Sîn-rabi 146:17 s. Halaliya 173:8 U4-um-tum 178:3 Sîn-remeni 26:13; 112:39; 123:28; 126:1; 139:4; 155:3; Unnubtum v74:19 156:18,24 Ur-Nanse 9:3 Sîn-rim-Urim 55:21 Ur-nigin-gara 10:rev.13’ Sîn-samuÌ 99:1; 143:1 Uras-musallim 6:2 Sîn-sarrum 150:6 Urim-seme 15:8 Sîn-tappê-[wedim] 154:18 UÒi-nurum b. ∑illi-Sîn 57:16 Sîn-tayyar sip[ad-ab2-Ìi-a] 2:7,11,rev.4’ Utul-Istar 28:5 s. Ali-waqrum, b. Nidin-Istar 91:17 Sîn-u-Samas 74:24 WA-li-i lu2-elam-ma nig2-su Belanum ugula MAR.TU 5:rev.2’; Sîn-ublam 197:7 6:10,17 Sîn-uÒelli 154:1 Waqrum 116:23 Sînatum 76:14 Warad-Amurrim 193:2 sipad xxx 1:3,30 Sîniya 217:16 Warad-Beletum 54:21 Si-ru-u 180:3 Warad-Bunene 155:18 Sullali 149:1 Warad-erÒetim f. Sîn-magir 135:3 Summatum 183:8,14 Warad-Gula 206:4 Sumu-binasa 208:18 Warad-ilisu gudu4? 51:12 ∑illi-Adad 69:7,14 Warad-Marduk? 60:4 ∑illi-Damkina 97:2 Warad-Sebetti (arad-dimin) 15:1 93248_BIOR_2010-1-2_01 08-06-2010 17:26 Pagina 64

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iri Warad-Sîn 131:3 lu2 Iskun-Sîn 121:4 RÖLLIG, W. — Land- und Viehwirtschaft am unteren Habur Watar-Samas 170:2; 175:1 in mittelassyrischer Zeit. (Berichte der Ausgrabung Tall YaÌgunnum 78:1; 79:1; 80:1 SeÌ Îamad / Dur-Katlimmu, Band 9, Texte 3). Verlag Ya-Ìu-li-a 36:5,7 Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 2008. (35 cm, XLV, YarÌabum 13:1 221). ISBN 978-3-447-05719-6. / 64,-. Zababa-gamil 150:6 Zababa-naÒir 91:4 The splendid book under review (BATSH 9)1) is the third Zababa-qarrad 181:2 volume with cuneiform documentation from Dur-Katlimmu Zabaya 10:rev.10’ (Tell SeÌ Îamad, Syria, hereafter abbreviated to DKL), the Zimru-il-KI 168:31 Assyrian provincial capital on the lower Habur during the Zinû (w. Samas-Ìazir) 162:1; 163:1; 164:1; 165:1; 166:3 2 3 Ziyatum s. ™ab-[…], b. AÌiya 1:13 MA period. ) The 570 texts and fragments ) that make up the Zu-ub/bi-li-tum 205:24 official MA archive from DKL were retrieved by a team of Zuzum 194:9,12 German archaeologists directed by Hartmut Kühne between 1978 and 1984 at Building P of this site,4) which may have been the MA provincial palace of the city.5) These texts are Partially preserved names now stored at the museum of Der ez-Zor (Syria). In BATSH 9, Wolfgang Röllig edits 106 MA texts con- A-⎡x x nu⎤-um 185:9 cerning livestock and agricultural production during the sec- Apil-[…] 224:3 ond half of the reign of Shalmaneser I (1263-1234 BC) and Awil-[…] 39:6; 43:2 Awil-Sîn-[…] (?) 153:7’ the first half of the reign of his son and successor Tukulti- Aya-[…] 110:1 Îa-li-[…] 95:1 Îu-x-rum 101:9 1) The abbreviations used in this review can be found at: http:// Ibni-[…] 141:48 cdli.ucla.edu/wiki/doku.php/abbreviations_for_assyriology. Other abbrevi- Igmil-d[…] 172:4 ations not listed there are following: AEAD S. Parpola, Assyrian-English-Assyrian Dictionary. Ikun-pi-[…] 172:1 Helsinki, 2007. Ilsu-[…] 1:27 Assyria 1995 S. Parpola and R. M. Whiting, Assyria 1995. Proceedings Im-Ìu-[…] 123:18 of the 10th Anniversary Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian In[…] 87:20 Text Corpus Project. Helsinki, 1997. Ipqu-dNE[…] 149:1 FS Parpola M. Luukko et al., Of God(s), Trees, Kings, and Scholars. Irra-[…] s. Îabil-kenum, b. Ilaba-Ìazir 1:28 Helsinki, 2009. Fundstellen D. Bonatz, et al., Fundstellen. Gesammelte Schriften zur I-sum-u2-ZA-x 115:3 Ku-ru-n[a-x] 220:1 Archäologie und Geschichte Altvorderasiens ad honorem Hartmut Kühne. Wiesbaden, 2008. Lipit-[…] 152:1 HANEM History of the Ancient Near East / Monographs, Padova. Lu2-[…] 212:8 Jakob, Chuera S. Jakob, Die mittelassyrischen Texte aus Tell Chuera in Marduk-da-[…] 101:1 Nordost-Syrien mit einem Beitrag von Daniela I. Janisch- Ma-x-num 104:21 Jakob. Wiesbaden 2009. Me-na-[…] 179:30 MARV H. Freydank, et al., Mittelassyrische Rechtsurkunden und N[a-x]-gi-x 215:1 Verwaltungstexte 1-8. Berlin, Saarbrücken, Wiesbaden, NI-[…] 1:17 1976-2008. Rim-S[în-…]-su 111:3 MVA J. Llop, Mittelassyrische Verwaltungsurkunden aus Assur. Texte aus den "großen Speichern" und dem Ubru-Archiv. Sîn-[…] 10:rev.3’; 111:1; 152:3 f. Inbi-ilisu and Ilsu-naÒir Mit einem Beitrag zu den Siegelabrollungen von Barbara 1:25 f. Abiyatum and Istar-ilum 1:31 Feller. Wiesbaden, 2009. ∑illi-[…] 141:15; 179:5; 212:15 OMA C. Saporeti, Onomastica Medio-Assira. Rome, 1970. Samas-[…] 85:14; 123:16 PVA B. Landsberger and O. Gurney, “Practical Vocabulary of Simut-pa-[…] 176:3 Assur”, AfO 18 (1958) 328-341. ™ab-[…] f. AÌiya and Ziyatum 1:12 StAT Studien zu den Assur-Texten, Wiesbaden. Ubar-a-KU/MA-⎡SA/TA-na⎤ 167:19 UGM W. Mayer, Untersuchungen zur Grammatik des Mitte- Warad-i-[li-…] 126:17 lassyrischen. Kevelaer – Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1971. This review was written during my stay in Berlin (summer 2009), I would Zi-tu?-bi-tum lu2-kas4-e 2:4,rev.7’ like to thank Prof. E. C. Cancik-Kirschbaum for allowing me to use the […]-da-a 226:1 library of her Institute. This stay was financed by the project FFI 2008- […]-damiq 46:rev.2’ 2376/FILO of the Spanish Ministry of Science and Technology. […]-Istar s. Sîn-magir, b. […]rum 1:21 2) The MA letters from DKL were published by E. C. Cancik- […]-ki 226:3 Kirschbaum, Die mittelassyrischen Briefe aus Tall SeÌ Îamad (Berichte […]-magir s. Nuratum, b. […]-magir 1:23, 24 der Ausgrabung Tall SeÌ Îamad / Dur-Katlimmu, Band 4, Texte 1) Berlin […]-malik 90:rev.10’ 1996 (BATSH 4); the Neo-Assyrian documentation from this site has been […]-naÒir ra -gaba 111:14 published by K. Radner, Die neuassyrischen Texte aus Tall SeÌ Îamad. 2 Berlin 2002 (BATSH 6). It is not clear whether DKL / Magdala was the […]-rabi 193:5 provincial capital in the NA period, Radner, BATSH 6, pp. 4-6. […]-rum s. Sîn-magir, b. […]-istar 1:22 3) This number is taken from Röllig, BATSH 9, p. 1 f. cf. earlier num- […]-Samas 185:3 bers for example: “625 fragments and complete cuneiform tablets”, Kühne, […]-ur-sa 182:3 AAAS 34 (1984) 166a; “around 600”, Röllig, AAAS 34, 189a; “etwa 550 Texteinheiten”, Kühne and Röllig, FS T Özgüç (1989) 295a; “about 550 Oriental Institute Andrea SERI units”, H. Kühne, Subartu 7 (2000) 271; “rd. 450 texts”, Röllig, ZA 94 (2004) 18. University of Chicago, September 2009 4) Around 30 tablets were found in a survey in 1977: Röllig, Or. 47 (1978) 425; Kühne, AAAS 34 (1984) 160b; Röllig, BATSH 9, p.1a. ** 5) Röllig, AAAS 34 (1984) 190a, 193b; Kühne, DaM 1 (1983) 157, * 162; Kühne, AfO 31 (1984) 168b; H. Pfälzner, BATSH 3 (1995) 106 ff.; Kühne, Subartu 7 (2000) 271. 93248_BIOR_2010-1-2_01 08-06-2010 17:26 Pagina 65

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Ninurta I (1233-1197 BC). The contents of the texts can be In all, 166 MA documents from the regular excavation of briefly summarized as follows.6) The documentation refers DKL have been published (106 in BATSH 9, 46 in BATSH only to the official (royal) sector of the economy. Livestock 4, and the 14 documents noted above). This means that 404 was divided into great herds of cattle (up to hundreds of texts and fragments await publication (ca. 71% of the mate- cows, oxen and donkeys) and sheep and goats (up to roughly rial). According to Röllig, the editions of these unpublished a thousand head), which were kept by specialized herdsmen documents, most of them loans and lists of personnel, are (ra’iu for cattle, naqidu for sheep and goats). Herdsmen had being prepared by E. C. Cancik-Kirschbaum and Saqer Salah to report the growth of their herds at the annual revision respectively.7) (masartu) and were liable for loss of animals. In the case of Thirteen documents from DKL in private collections have death, they had to produce the skin of dead livestock (unless been previously published by different scholars:8) K. Deller the animal had died in a catastrophe like a flood, in which and A. Tsukimoto, BaM 16, 317-326 (1); F. M. Fales, SAAB case the carcass was probably lost). The harvest reports show 3 (1989) 53-59 (1); Arnaud, AuOrS 1 (1991) nos. 102-106 fields of up to 180 ha. in DKL and up to 36 ha. in the neigh- (5); Tsukimoto, WO 23 (1992) 21-38 (4, text A is strangely bouring town of Duara being cultivated for the production of not included in BATSH 9 although it is a list of cattle); G. barley, wheat and sesame. Both irrigated and rainfed land Beckman, HANEM 2 (1996) no. 92 (1); Röllig and Tsuki- were in use. moto, AOAT 267, 428, 440 (1). According to Röllig, a text BATSH 9 can be divided into four main parts. The first in the Louvre (AO 28365) and four other texts in the market one includes the bibliographical listings divided into articles of antiquities are from DKL and are still unpublished.9) and books on DKL (“Zentrale Bibliographie”, pp. XI- Röllig has made available (parts of) the documentation XXVIII) and other bibliography used (pp. XXIX-XXXII), a from DKL to other German scholars, who have referred to or summary of the contents of the book in German and English cited from the texts from DKL that are now published and (p. XXXIII-XXXIV), a catalogue of the published texts (pp. some others that are still unpublished, for example: J. Fincke, XXXV-XLII) and the concordances (pp. XLIII-XLV). A sec- AoF 21 (1994) 339-351; Cancik-Kirschbaum, BATSH 4; ond part contains the description of the archive of DKL and Radner, WO 29 (1998) 33-51 and Jakob, CM 29. Surpris- the information extracted from the texts published (pp. 1-28). ingly, texts described in these or in Röllig’s publications as The third and central part of the book includes the editions being lists of cattle or documents dealing with agricultural of the 106 documents (pp. 29-184). These are presented in production and which would therefore fit thematically in the transliteration, translation, copy (except for nos. 9 and 84, see volume under review are not included in BATSH 9 (for below) and a commentary. Texts are arranged according to example: DeZ 2002, cited by Röllig, ZA 94, 35, a list of cat- their content: nos. 1-59 concern livestock and nos. 60-106 tle; DeZ 2204, cited by Jakob, CM 29, 369 n. 57, a list of deal with agricultural production. The fourth part consists of cattle; DeZ 2215, 3433, 3435, 3440, cited by Jakob, CM 29, the indices of the volume (pp. 185-200, personal and geo- 36 n. 243, lists of people receiving seed; DeZ 2523, cited by graphical names, and words) followed by black and white Röllig, BATSH 9, p. 28b, 153b, a document dealing with fod- photographs of some selected texts: nos. 7, 30, 48, 53, 60, der for horses; DeZ 3337, cited by Röllig, BATSH 9, p. 63, 69, 77, 82, 88, 92, 103 (pp. 201-215). The table of con- 180b, a document dealing with spices, sesame and oil; DeZ tents, summary and prologue are also presented in Arabic (pp. 3389, cited by Jakob, CM 29, 363, a document dealing with 216-221). oxen of the palace; DeZ 3409, cited by Röllig, ZA 94, 33, a Of the 106 texts edited by Röllig in BATSH 9, ten docu- report of agricultural production). Others like DeZ 2211, a ments had already been published elsewhere: no. 9, K. Deller text about wool for a present (Jakob, CM 29, 269 n. 56) are and A. Tsukimoto, BaM 16 (1985) 317-326, with copy by directly related to products from sheep. Hopefully, these doc- Tsukimoto on page 317 and photography on plate 29; no. 83, uments will be edited in future publications from DKL. Röllig, ZA 94 (2004) 29 f., transliteration and translation; no. One of the most important contributions of the texts from 84, D. Arnaud, AuOrS 1 (1991), no. 106, copy; J. Llop, DKL has been to the internal chronology of the reigns of AuOrS 22 (2006) 275-281, transliteration and translation; no. Shalmaneser I and Tukulti-Ninurta I.10) A sequence is pre- 89, Röllig, ZA 94, 28 f., transliteration and translation; nos. sented of 45 eponyms for the second half of the reign of 101-106 were edited by Röllig and Tsukimoto, AOAT 267 Shalmaneser I and the first half of the reign of Tukulti-Nin- (1999) 427-443; the copies in that article are reproduced urta I, which has repercussions for the placement of histor- anew in BASTH 9. ical events in these reigns.11) Although this sequence of Besides the texts above, Röllig has also edited 14 other eponyms could not be implemented for the arrangement of MA texts from the regular excavation of DKL in various arti- the texts in the volume, the tables and conclusions in the ana- cles: an “itinerary”, DeZ 2521, in DaM 1 (1983) 279-284, lytical part of the book (pp. 5-28) follow it. Consequently, copy on page 284; a list of grain quantities, people and cities, Röllig has been able, for example, to record the period of DeZ 3281, in Assyria 1995 (1997) 281-293, copy on page time the herdsmen were active, and also the fact that some 284; and some notes, loans and receipts, DeZ 2517, 2499, of the professions passed from father to son — for example, 2503, 2220, 2495, 4029, 3429, 3329, 3810, 3441, 3848/17, 3307 + 3316, in AOAT 281 (2002) 581-591, only transliterations and translations. Röllig and Kühne have also published 7) Röllig, BATSH 9, p. IXa. the impression of the Shalmaneser I’s seal reconstructed from 8) See already Röllig – Tsukimoto, AOAT 267 (1999) 427 n. 2. 9) Röllig, BATSH 9, p. 2a. eight fragments of envelope found at DKL in FS T Özgüç 10) See Röllig, ZA 94 (2004) 18-51 and the corrections of Freydank, (1989) 295-299. AoF 32 (2005) 45-56 adopted by Röllig, BATSH 9, p. 4a. 11) See Llop in Vidal, J. (ed.) Studies on Warfare in the Ancient Near East, Münter, in press and Llop in P. A. Miglus (ed.) Between the Cultures: 6) See Röllig, BATSH 9, p. XXXIII (summary in German), p. XXXIV The Central Tigris Region in Mesopotamia from the 3rd to the 1st Millen- (summary in English). nium B.C. Heidelberg, in press. 93248_BIOR_2010-1-2_01 08-06-2010 17:26 Pagina 66

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the case of Musallim-Adad, son of Adad-suma-eris, both attested in the texts in BATSH 9. Agricultural products such herdsmen.12) as vegetables, spices, onions, pulses (such as lentils or peas) Jakob, CM 29, 311-382, was able to gather and assess are named in only a few texts of BATSH 9, and no agricul- information from the documentation that is now published in tural techniques are mentioned. BATSH 9. Röllig makes some corrections to Jakob’s attes- DKL was a strategic centre for the control of the recently tations: Haburraru is not an “overseer of the shepherds of the acquired territories in Syria along the Habur (the former king- oxen” rab rai alpi (CM 29, 358 cf. BATSH 9, p. 5b); some dom of Mittanni). The documents published in BATSH 9 herdsmen do not exist: Adad-kette and KI.DIN (CM 29, 358 show primarily the economic side of the Assyrian control of f. cf. BATSH 9, p. 6a). the region which was based on agriculture and livestock In connexion with stockbreeding (in this case only sheep farming in this area. Nevertheless, some very short (and and goats), the article of Ismail and Postgate, Iraq 70 (2008) therefore difficult to interpret) historical notes appear, such 147-178 with the edition of 25 documents from Atmannu as when the “enemy” (nakru) prevents the collection of the (Tell Ali) has recently appeared. The conclusion of Postgate harvest (BATSH 9, 79: 11-12) or takes the wall of the neigh- (Iraq 70, 149) in reference to the naqidu, “flock master“, as bouring city of Duara? (BATSH 9, 80: 18-19, see Röllig, “not simply the person who pastured the sheep and goats day Fundstellen, 192). Unfortunately, this enemy is not specified. in, day out, but one who managed the palace’s stock-breed- Nonetheless, the documentation edited in BATSH 9 not ing enterprise, controlling the provision of animals to meet only expands our knowledge of the chronology, economy and government requirements and organizing the collection and history of the MA period, but makes a sizeable contribution distribution of secondary products, in particular wool” seems to our understanding of the lexicography and morphology of to contrast with the information from the documentation from the MA language. There are some new lexemes which were BATSH 9 (see above). not previously known for the MA, for example: azadu “young The reports of agricultural production from Assur pub- male goat” (Röllig, BATSH 9, pp. 12b-13a; Postgate, Iraq 70, lished by Freydank, AoF 21 (1994) 13-30 (MARV 2, 23; 3, 152), meltu which Röllig translates as “flood” (see commen- 4 and 3, 10) are very similar to those from DKL published tary at page 70a ad 9 ff.), qabuttu “corral, fold” (see already now in BATSH 9. Similar reports are also present in the doc- Llop, MDOG 137, 48), rugbu — if the reading is correct (89: umentation from Tell Huera (Jakob, Chuera, no. 62) and Tell 15, see Röllig, BATSH 9, p. 26a) — which, according to CAD Sabi Abyad (Wiggermann, PIHANS 88, no. 2, TSA T 98- R 402 ff., was not attested at all in Assyrian, cf. AEAD 95b; 115, see esp. p. 179 ff.). Some titles such as the “overseer of sir’u, ser’u (AB.SÍN) which Röllig translates as “irrigated the ploughmen” (rab ikkarate) are also present in Tell Sabi field” (see commentary at page 23a; cf. Jakob, CM 29, 314 Abyad (see Wiggermann, PIHANS 88, nos. 1: 8 and 10: 13). n. 33, “Saatfurche”). Röllig also presents the MA reading for However, some other titles possibly related to agricultural the logogram IGI.NU.TUKU, which, according to a syllabi- administration such as the sa muÌÌi eqli (MARV 4, 106: 10, cally written attestation in an unpublished document from s. Freydank, Grundeigentum, 83 and Jakob, CM 29, 16 f.) are DKL, is la dagilu (LÚ la da-gi-lu, DeZ 3403: 13, BATSH 9, not attested in the texts published in BATSH 9. This may p. 169b, cf. la na†ilu, Radner, SAAS 6, 188 for NA). The suggest that we are dealing only with a part of the docu- logogram SÍG.ÙZ for sartu “hair” is also attested here for the mentation referring to the administration of fields, and that first time (see p. 15a). Other lexemes are only apparently new. more texts are needed in order to obtain an idea of the whole. This is the case of the qualification ikkartu “plough animal”, The publication of these reports from DKL will probably which Röllig sees as terminus technicus for GUD.SU (p. 12a) stimulate studies of agricultural issues, along the lines of in the harvest reports. This qualification was already attested Freydank’s recent work on the city of Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta in in two notes: MARV 1, 31: 3 and Beckman, HANEM 2, no. AoF 36, (2009) 16-84. 92: 1 (cf. Röllig, BATSH 9, p. 86b ad 2). Interestingly, it is Both the texts dealing with stockbreeding and the docu- always written ik-kar-tu/te, regardless of the number of oxen, ments referring to agricultural produce from all these diverse i. e. in apposition (?). Some verbal forms were not attested: sites show that the royal sector of agriculture and stock- i-na-re-se, pret. N of arasu (s. UGM § 72. 4); in-ni-Òi-id, pret. breeding was organized in a uniform way thorough the king- N of eÒadu (s. UGM § 73. 6). dom, or as Postgate has put it, they show the same level of Some Assyrian readings for livestock which are only writ- “bureaucratic standardization” (Iraq 47, 153) throughout the ten as logograms remain obscure: laÌru or gurrutu for U8 MA empire. (Röllig, BATSH 9, p. 12a; Postgate, Iraq 70, 151); immeru The documentation published in BATSH 9 is very useful, or iabilu for UDU.NÍTA (Röllig, BATSH 9, p. 12b; Post- but, as Röllig warns us (for example on pages 2b, 15a, 20a, gate, Iraq 70, 151); enzu (ÙZ) and uniqu (MÍ.ÁS.GÀR) are 23a), a considerable amount of information is missing. The also attested only logographically; talmu a qualification for documents in BATSH 9 centre on cattle and sheep and goats. goats, also remains obscure. Röllig defines Òena (“sheep and Information about horses, pigs (attested mainly through finds goats”) as a “Pseudo-ideogramm” (BATSH 9, p. 11b), of bones, s. Röllig, BATSH 9, p. 13b) and poultry (present whereas Postgate, Iraq 70, 157 sees it as a feminine plural in in Tell Sabi Abyad, s. Wiggermann, PIHANS 88, p. 200) is status absolutus; the latter interpretation appears preferable. scarce, not to say non-existent. There are very few references In a work as large as BATSH 9, the presence of incon- to the produce from these animals such as milk, butter, meat, gruities is inevitable: whereas sa GABA is read as sa sizbi cheese, fat, wool and hair. The crafts and processes which (“of the milk”) on page 10 ff., the attestations for this would transform these farm products, or for example the pelts grapheme are indexed under irtu “breast” (p. 192); see also of the dead animals into leather and other by-products are not Jakob, Chuera, p. 160a, sa irte “Säugling”. In contrast, this reviewer thinks that the grapheme sa GABA, referring to a suckling baby/an unweaned child, is to be read sa zizi in MA, 12) See Tsukimoto, WO 23, 25 ad 13-15. which can be supported by MVA 68 I 28.31.47, IV 7 where 93248_BIOR_2010-1-2_01 08-06-2010 17:26 Pagina 67

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sa zi-zi is written in a position where sa GABA would be 3359, 2492, 3395, 2507, 2520 and 3374 according to Can- expected according to other similar lists of people; for NA cik-Kirschbaum BATSH 4, p. 13 must be attributed to Mas- see B. Faist, StAT 3, p. 22b ad line 7). The word sutu is def- suku, his son, s. BATSH 9 nos. 81, 66, 87, 22, 74, 73 and 92 initely feminine, i. e. sutu labirtu and sutu ÒaÌirtu; instead respectively (s. already Jakob, CM 29, 265). of false s. labiru and s. ÒeÌru, on page 27b, s. CAD S 421, Some writings of personal names are not frequent (under- 2a. No comment is made referring to the choice of the read- lined) in the MA documentation: the writing 1da-sur-[SU]M- ing ripittu instead of talpittu for the grapheme RI-pi-tu: note su-me (no. 42: 25) is relevant as it evidences the reading — that Postgate, AoF 13, 38 f. and F. A. M. Wiggermann, sumi and not — sumati for the third part of this personal PIHANS 88 (2000) 205, T 98-115: 17, chose the last one. name, almost always written logographically — MU.MES Specialists still do not agree on the meaning of ÌuÒannu and (OMA 1, 132 f.). To my knowledge, the writing — su-me is ÌiÒnu, see Röllig, BATSH 9 p. 20b-21a with bibliography attested only once in MA, in a Taban text: Tab T05A-33: 14 and proposing a translation “completely, totally” cf. Jakob, (see D. Shibata apud Postgate, Iraq 70, 158 n. 13). Infrequent Chuera, p. 90 f. ad line 2 and p. 156 “(Getreide) mit writings include i-din-d!we-e[r] 45 u.Rd. 25 (instead of 24); Spelzen”. 1dU+DAR-KÁM* 37: 26 and 1IS-TÚ-10-gab-bu 92: 23 (cf. Röllig’s analysis of the verb form umta††i as a (pret.) Dt 1IS-TE?-10-gab-bu (?), VS 1, 103: 5; s. OMA 1, 269). (p. 16a) seems inappropriate. The Dt-stem has a passive Only two attestations for geographical names in the indices meaning. However, the verb form umta††i does not agree with (p. 188) show irregularities: Duara 68: 11 (instead of 10, its alleged subject Òena/ni, a plural feminine (Òe-na…sa-mu- according to the copy), 80: 17 (instead of 18); paÌutu elittu Ìa-tu, MARV 8, 47: 12; Iraq 70, 157 no. 4: 9-10; BATSH 22: 31 has not been indexed here but under the words paÌutu 9, 25: 19, 29: 9-10). This reviewer would prefer to interpret and eliu, which is not helpful for someone looking for this this verbal form as a perfect D with the herdsman as the sub- specific geographical name. ject, as Postgate, AoF 13, 38 and Tsukimoto, WO 23, 24 ad This reviewer would like to make some general remarks 6-8 have already done. about the index of words of BATSH 9 (pp. 189-200). The The indices of BATSH 9 are quite complete and very help- usefulness of separating the determinatives into words such ful. Some brief, unsystematic remarks on these indexes fol- as Éabullu, Ékarmu, Éasaittu, Érugbu, Étamlû, s. under bitu, is low (this reviewer was not able to check all the entries). Two questionable. It would also have been advisable not to sepa- of the entries in the index of personal names (pp. 185-188) rate some genitive constructions in the indexing, or at least contain attestations for different persons, which it would have to have provided some cross-references to find them easily, been useful to separate: Abattu son of Adad-sumu-lesir and for example at: amat ekalli, bel paÌete, sa ressarri, mar Abattu son of Adad-samsi under the entry Abattu; Assur- sarri, as was cleverly done at rab ikkarate. musabsi son of Anu-musallim, Assur-musabsi son of Iddin- Some attestations are missing in the index of words, or the Mer and Assur-musabsi son of …ia, the three under Assur- line numbers are erroneous: mu ab i. The personal names with the theonym ulm nu (sic) s s S a (better ) 48: 1; erase 82: 26, according to the should have been listed under Salm nu, see Radner, WO 29 abatu abutu a transliteration: + -] . (1998) 33-51. The personal names which carry this theonym i na e ra-a-be irregular instead of 64: 19. are not consistently written in the book: they sometimes akalu e-kul-lu e-ku-lu : instead of at 66: 2.5.8.11, none at 13; appear as ulm nu (in most of the transliterations and the alaku it-tal-ka i-tal-ka S a add 68: 4.14; erase 75: 11 and 80: 1. indices) and sometimes as Salm nu (for example in the table i-tal-ka a in 73: 28. on page 4a and some translations). It would also have been amtu amat ekalli 63: 27 and 67: 32 if the reconstruction is correct (but helpful to add the profession or title of the persons listed in apau the copy does not agree). the indices. Very few attestations have been forgotten: A ur- ss : 84: 7. n din-apli 74: 32; Enlil-a ar d 86: 6; Il -ma-ab , 16: 25. asaittu a s e i i in 101: 14. There are some slight errors in the lines for the attestations: belu bel paÌete 54: 5’, 55 Rs. 10’ (according to the copy, perhaps also Adad-le’i 16 Rs. 24 (instead of 27); Anu-mu allim 44: 14’ ekallu s at line 12’), 82:15; É.GAL. GAL - 73: 28 perhaps (instead of 13’); A ur-b l-il ni 53: 56 (instead of 57); { } lim ss e a better. Assur-musabsi 44 Rd. 13’ (instead of 12’), 45 o. Rd. 24 gamaru 68: 18 (instead of 17); 77: 13 perhaps [sa n (instead of u.Rd. 23), 46: 36 (intead of 37); Erib-Sîn 56 Rs. ITI.U]D.MES instead of the strange writing [ga-a]m?- 12’ (instead of Rs. 22); Haburaru 16: 8 (instead of 10, ; add 78: 32?. according to the copy); Qabbudu 68: 11 (instead of 10, rù Ìalaqu, the writing Ìu-ul-qú does not belong to the D-stem. according to the copy; cf. Qapudi, Röllig, Fundstellen, 192); 73: 26, there is no need for an exclamation mark Qibi-Assur 16: 28 (instead of 31); Sîn-abi 46: 32 (instead of ikkartu according to the copy. 33); Sîn-mu ab i 46: 36 (instead of 35); unu-qard 68: 20 s s S u , all attestations under this entry belong to . (instead 19); Tukult -Adad 3: 20 (instead of 19). The per- ikkaru rab ikkarate i 39: 10, GI .GÀR instead of (according to the sonal name Z r-ketti-l ir 92: 17 (- -) was not indexed: iskaru S is-kàr e es ke-ta copy). nor were some personal names that were damaged or almost not always preceded by É, see Llop, MDOG 137 completely disappeared: d[ ] x- 21: 21; 1[ 48: 1, 52: 28, karmu ia (2005) 43. 56: 10; [ ]x-dIM 58 Rs. 7’. A few otherwise correct readings 106: 8 to be erased (transliteration and copy in the transliteration present small errors in the index: 1 maÌaru la-ma Ìa- ); 16 o.Rd. 26 (instead of 29), 56 Rs. 7’ (instead of 18 Rd. 12 (instead of 1 ); Iddin-Kube 2: za-ru bur-ra-ri Ìa-bu-ra-ri 17); add 54: 5. 10, without divine determinative according to the copy. Sur- see above for the verbal form ; 56 Rs. 11’ prisingly, the personal name †ir-Marduk 22: 25 is written ma†au umta††i E (instead of 21). with the sign KAL (copy) instead of KAR. The attestations masartu 27 Rs. 3’ (instead of 2, according to the copy). of Ber-sumu-lesir as representative (qepu) in DeZ 2489, 93248_BIOR_2010-1-2_01 08-06-2010 17:26 Pagina 68

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nadanu, tadanu, the separation of the attestations into two sa-ra-'e 79: 7 for sir’u (see above); entries should be justified. su-ma-la 69: 30 for sumela; naqidu 48: 38 (reconstructed). iz-za-ru 65: 10, 81: 13, pres. (?) G and i-za-ru-a both for nasau 53: 4 (according to the transliteration). izarrû, forms of the verb zarau; (better ), the ending of SAG DU, SAG.DI qaqqadu qaqqudu . Moreover, the grapheme ZA- (78: 19) remains is a phonetic complement, see Tsukimoto, WO 23, 24 ab-bit-ta still unclassified. 6-8, citing Waetzoldt Deller BaM 16, 338 f. ad apud The publication of BATSH 9 is an example of the wave 56 Rs. 5’.7’ (instead of 15.17); 3: 20 (instead of 19). qatu of new information coming from the “periphery” of the 35: 21 with determinative LÚ. qepu Assyrian kingdom — see the recent publications by Wigger- , 39: 4; 72: 3; 73: 3; 100: 4'. rab ikkarate mann (Tell Sabi Abyad), Jakob (Tell Huera) and Shibata 68: 17 (instead of 16). reÌtu (Tell Taban) — and still more information is expected to “street, main street” 69: 30 to be added. ribitu emerge from these sites. These data will be important for our 78: 31 (see above). ripittu understanding of the official economy and administration of , written three times as (add 22: 20 . sugullu su-ku-lu cf the Middle Assyrian empire. BATSH 9, p. 10 n. 3 and the index); the other attesta- This reviewer would like to congratulate W. Röllig for his tions could be transliterated as (sign value su-kúl-lu kúl model text edition and for the excellent work done. He also also at , s. Deller and Saporetti, OrAnt 9, 49 ff. takultu deserves our thanks for having published the texts which (try- and MZL no. 682) and harmonized with the NA allo- ing to use his words) present information about the life of phone (PVA 327, see Radner, SAAS 6, 294; sakullu long-past people and cultures which are unique and fascinat- entry lacks in ). AEAD ing. We hope that the other editors of the texts from DKL 16: 23? (instead of 26), 56 Rs. 10’ (instead of 20). Òenu will make this important documentation available to the acad- 56 Rs. 6’, copy: (not ) UDU? Òeru a-na si/e-i/er Òi/e- .MES- emie community as soon as possible. su, “corresponding to his sheep”; see KAV 2 III 26, CAD S 320b, 2. Institut del Pròxim Orient Antic Jaume LLOP 52: 21. salamu Universitat de Barcelona (Spain) erase 73: 16. samassammu November 2009 samnu 55 Rs. 12’. sartu SÍG.ÙZ, 56 Rs. 2’. siÌ†u 77: 17. ** siluÌlu 68: 17 (instead of 16). * sipatu (cf. AEAD 112a, saptu) 56 Rs. 1’ (instead of 11’); erase 56 Rs. 2’ (instead of 12), SÍG.ÙZ to sartu. JUSTEL, J.J. — La posición jurídica de la mujer en Siria sumela 75: 30 (?). durante el Bronce Final. Estudio de las estrategias fami- tabaku 78: 21, 86: 14; uncertain 78: 30. liares y de la mujer como sujeto y objeto de derecho. taÌaltu is always written with the determinative NINDA for (Próximo Oriente Antiguo, 4). Instituto Estudios Islámi- types of bread in BATSH 9. cos y del Oriente Próximo, Zaragoza, 2008. (24 cm, tamau 43: 5. 354). ISBN 978-84-95736-74-1. / 25,-. 86: 8 (?); at 91: 5 written with the determinative É. tamliu Ce travail constitue la première synthèse sur la situation 77: 16. †eÌi juridique des femmes en Syrie au Bronze Récent, à partir des 9: 28; 35: 22 (almost completely restored); 56 Rs. tupsarru corpus d’Ugarit, Alalakh niveau IV, Emar et Ekalte. Il y a en 13'; 73: 30 (almost completely restored). effet déjà eu de nombreuses études sur plusieurs de ces cor- S, 21: 18 and 28: 12. uladu pus, mais aucune enquête globale ni comparée; en outre les no differentiation is made between determinative and urÌu textes d’Ekalte, publiés récemment, n’ont pas encore été logogram. beaucoup discutés. 63: 25. zarau L’introduction (chap. 1) présente les documents et la 68: 16 (instead of 15); 79: 23; 85: 1; 86: 5. zeru méthode suivie. Les textes retenus sont de nature juridique; , NÍTA, all attestations already collected under , zikaru alpu comme le souligne l’auteur, le principal risque est, dans ce GUD.NÍTA or , AN E.NÍTA. It does not appear emaru S cas, d’utiliser des sources qui reflètent des cas exceptionnels, independently. les situations habituelles ne donnant que rarement lieu à la We find some infrequent writings for words in BATSH 9: production d’écrits. Le but est d’évaluer la capacité juridique URU 74:25 with the determinative URU, for other a-sa-i-te des femmes, de la comparer à celle des hommes et, si pos- buildings with this determinative, see Llop, MDOG 137, sible, à celle des femmes d’autres endroits du Proche-Orient 43; Donbaz, FS Parpola (2009) 254: 13. ancien ou d’autres époques, bilan qui est réalisé dans le hui- 83:14 (Jakob, CM 29, 328) usually logographically a-bu-li tième et dernier chapitre. L’approche privilégie les différents written (KÁ.GAL). domaines dans lesquels les femmes apparaissent: au moment 80:17 for the infinitive G . a-re-si arasi du mariage (chap. 2), d’une adoption (chap. 3), d’un héritage for IGI.NU.TUKU (see above). la da-gi-lu (chap. 4), d’affaires juridiques (chap. 5) ou d’opérations éco- 85: 9 for as a stative (permansive) G of ma-da-id madid nomiques (chap. 6), optique choisie pour éviter d’étudier les (“Umkehrschreibung”?). madadu femmes en tant que filles, épouses, sœurs ou mères, c’est-à- 37: 10 with regressive vowel assimilation; mu-†u-ú-ni um-ta- dire dans leur relation à un homme. Cependant cet aspect est writing with metathesis of quantity. a-†í évidemment présent (et développé dans le dernier chapitre), 93: 3 for the more common . pi-se-er-ti pi-sèr-ti puisque les femmes sont presque toujours définies ainsi dans [sa-m]u-Ìa-ia-tu 25: 25 for sammuÌatu. 93248_BIOR_2010-1-2_01 08-06-2010 17:26 Pagina 69

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les textes antiques, contrairement aux hommes pour lesquels, droits et pénalités financières. A Emar, l’expression «veuve en général, seul le patronyme est donné; on notera cependant parmi les veuves, divorcée parmi les divorcées» ferait réfé- que, dans RS 16.156, une femme et son frère sont présentés rence à un statut juridique indépendant accordé à la femme comme les enfants de leur mère. Les esclaves font l’objet seule, destiné à la protéger dans une situation économique ou d’un chapitre particulier (chap. 7). En revanche, les femmes sociale difficile. Les adoptions matrimoniales, dans lesquelles ayant un statut d’exception, reines et prêtresses, ne sont pas le mari est adopté par les parents de son épouse et réside chez prises en considération, car de nombreuses études leur ont eux, semblent fréquentes à Emar et Ekalte; le lévirat n’est déjà été consacrées. pas attesté, contrairement au sororat souvent lié à l’adoption Chaque chapitre commence par une présentation systéma- d’un gendre, cette coutume visant à le garder dans sa belle- tique des sources et s’achève par une conclusion générale. famille. Plusieurs tableaux récapitulent les formulaires juridiques et Un autre trait marquant, à Ekalte et Emar, est le statut mas- des schémas aident parfois à mieux comprendre les relations culin accordé, souvent par testatement, à des femmes. Cette complexes entre les personnes. Cela donne à l’ouvrage une pratique ne trouve de parallèles qu’à Nuzi et dans un texte grande clarté qui rend d’autant plus aisée sa consultation – paléo-assyrien; il pourrait donc s’agir d’une coutume du même pour un lecteur qui pratique peu l’espagnol. Les ques- nord, plus que d’une coutume syrienne. Diverses formules tions traitées sont constamment comparées aux situations sont attestées la femme peut recevoir un statut de père et connues pour d’autres époques: paléo-babylonienne (travaux mère, de père (à Ekalte), de femme et homme, ou être consi- de R. Westbrook), paléo-assyrienne, néo-assyrienne et néo- dérée comme un fils (cette dernière possibilité ne s’appliquant babylonienne; elles sont aussi confrontées à la documenta- qu’aux filles). L’expression «père et mère» est employée tion du Bronze Récent provenant d’autres sites, en particu- quand il s’agit de ne pas disperser le patrimoine, surtout à lier celle de Nuzi qui a déjà souvent fait l’objet de propos de la mère qui devient chef de famille. Le statut de comparaisons avec les textes d’Emar. «femme et homme», attribué à l’épouse, à une sœur ou à une Dans les grandes lignes, la situation des femmes en Syrie fille, concerne plutôt le culte familial, qui est habituellement au Bronze Récent est comparable à celle que l’on connaît assuré par les fils. Cette fiction juridique, qui consiste à chan- pour les autres époques et les autres endroits du Proche- ger le genre d’une personne, répond donc à diverses situa- Orient. Si les femmes apparaissent assez fréquemment dans tions: il peut, selon les cas, conférer une protection juridique, la documentation, elles n’agissent par elles-mêmes (sui iuris) donner droit à l’héritage ou permettre de rendre un culte aux que dans des cas assez rares. Par exemple, les femmes ne sont morts. actives que dans 5% des opérations économiques répertoriées Enfin il semble exceptionnel en Syrie qu’une femme soit et surtout lorsqu’il n’y a pas d’homme pour faire une tran- témoin ou possède un sceau: les deux seuls sceaux connus, saction à leur place. Si, dans ces rares cas, elles semblent pou- à Ugarit, sont ceux de reines. voir agir exactement de la même manière que les hommes, Le livre s’achève par 36 pages de bibliographie et des la différence quantitative doit néanmoins être soulignée. Mais index des textes cités, des noms propres (de personnes, de la nature même des opérations peut être différente, la pro- divinités, toponymes), des termes étudiés, des sujets. priété des immeubles étant plutôt réservée aux hommes alors L’ensemble est très complet, les cas concrets sont claire- que les femmes font, plus que les hommes, des transactions ment présentés, avec une attention particulière au contexte sur les esclaves. De nombreux documents montrent aussi des des documents. La tâche était complexe car, d’un point de femmes agissant conjointement avec un époux ou un fils. Les vue formel, il y a souvent plusieurs actes juridiques enregis- femmes qui se comportent de la façon la plus autonome sont trés dans un même texte (dispositions testamentaires, adop- les reines (à Ugarit), les femmes consacrées (à Emar et tions, mariages, manumission…). Le dernier chapitre sou- Ekalte), les veuves et peut-être les divorcées. Les autres appa- ligne bien les différences entre les quatre groupes de raissent davantage dans des documents rédigés à l’initiative documents étudiés. Les archives d’Emar sont celles qui four- d’hommes. Ces derniers cherchent parfois à les protéger, nissent le plus de documents juridiques sur le droit familial notamment dans le domaine économique: des pères dotent et donc le plus d’informations sur la capacité juridique des leurs filles, des maris font des donations à leur femme et des femmes; les textes d’Ekalte, moins nombreux, ressemblent testaments établissent diverses dispositions en faveur des beaucoup à ceux d’Emar. Ces archives de l’Euphrate mon- femmes de la famille; mais ces traits montrent, précisément, trent une présence active des femmes, mais si on les replace la nécessité d’assurer une protection aux femmes dans une dans l’ensemble du corpus, on voit que cette activité se société où elles semblent relativement fragiles. De plus, cer- déploie, comme ailleurs, surtout lorsqu’il n’y a pas taines femmes sont données en gage ou vendues comme d’homme. Le statut masculin accordé à certaines femmes est esclaves en raison de dettes contractées par des membres, une autre caractéristique de cette zone. A Ugarit, le rôle des souvent masculins, de leur famille. femmes de la famille royale est bien documenté; on y trouve Cette documentation syrienne présente toutefois des traits aussi des mentions de femmes dans les tablettes administra- particuliers. Ainsi les noms donnés aux transferts de biens tives (notamment en ugaritique). Alalakh a fourni un corpus liés aux mariages diffèrent de ce que l’on connaît pour la moins abondant, mais important pour le mariage, les dona- période paléo-babylonienne. Comme à cette époque, le terme tions matrimoniales, la polygamie, le divorce (un texte à ajou- terhatu désigne à Alalakh la donation matrimoniale (ou ter au dossier des mariages a été récemment publié par C. contre-don), versée par l’époux à la famille de l’épouse; en Niedorf, Die mittelbabylonischen Rechtsurkunden aus Ala- revanche, à Ugarit, il désigne la dot. A Emar et Ekalte, il a lakh (Schicht IV), AOAT 352, Münster, 2008, no 33.5); on y les deux sens et il faut choisir une traduction en fonction du trouve aussi des textes administratifs, notamment des listes contexte. Les peines qu’encourt la femme en cas de demande d’esclaves. Le problème est donc de savoir si ces diverses de divorce semblent moins lourdes qu’au début du IIe millé- documentations s’éclairent les unes et les autres pour donner naire, puisqu’elles semblent consister surtout en pertes de une image cohérente du statut des femmes en Syrie, ou s’il 93248_BIOR_2010-1-2_01 08-06-2010 17:26 Pagina 70

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existe des particularités locales, la Syrie n’ayant dans ce cas tial gaps in our knowledge still exist. A deluge of informa- pas plus d’unité sur le plan des pratiques juridiques qu’elle tion awaits the researcher walking into unexplored territory n’en a du point de vue politique. in the Ebabbar archive. Pour prolonger les questions intéressantes soulevées par Second, almost all the tablets are administrative texts cet ouvrage, on pourrait tenter d’évaluer le rapport qu’entre- recording intra-temple exchanges and allocations of goods, tiennent femmes avec la documentation écrite qui les audits of those transactions, or memoranda of various sorts. concerne. Si elles n’apparaissent dans les textes que de façon Their brief and formulaic language often relates the barest of passive, le problème ne se pose pas. En revanche lorsqu’elles information, making it difficult to reconstruct the process that sont actives, on aimerait savoir qui conservait les tablettes brought about the exchanges and allocations in any mean- enregistrant leurs transactions, par exemple les achats effec- ingful detail. As a consequence, the reasons behind the allo- tués par des femmes (tableau p. 196-197). A Ugarit, ces cations of goods, problems that stem from the allocation of achats ont été trouvés dans le palais, soit parce qu’ils sont such goods, and other conclusions must be gleaned from faits par la reine, soit parce que la transaction a été faite en detailed compendia and databases. présence du roi; une exception à cette règle est RS 17.149, At times such databases can bring out interesting conclu- provenant de la maison de Rasap-’abu, mais il s’agit alors sions, as, for example, changes in personnel captains, shifts d’un achat fait conjointement par ce dernier et son épouse in payment amounts, and the like. More often, conclusions Pidda. Les cas d’Emar sont difficiles, car l'origine exacte de about the workings of the Ebabbar temple must be proposed plusieurs tablettes demeure incertaine. Restent E6 111 et E6 with extreme caution. The rare text that gives context to the 114, trouvés dans un quartier de maisons (chantier V), mais thousands of administrative texts — for example, BRM 1, le premier de ces textes ne semble pas se rattacher à un lot 101, BBSt 36, and others of the sort — pushes the bound- d’archives connu; le second concerne en fait la revente, par aries of what we can know more than would the addition of une femme, d’un terrain qu’elle avait préalablement acheté hundreds of more administrative texts to a database. et la tablette se trouve parmi les archives de l’acheteur. A Finally, and one cannot stress this point enough, these texts Ugarit, le procès RS 16.245, réglé devant le roi (la tablette are exceptionally difficult to read. Having recently begun to elle-même provient du palais) indique que le litige a été tran- compile my own database of unpublished Neo-Babylonian ché en faveur de Sanantu parce qu’elle a pu produire une texts, I am simply awestruck at the latest generation of Neo- tablette; une autre tablette lui est remise à l’issue du procès. Babylonian scholars. Not only do they demonstrate an excep- La question d’éventuelles archives de femmes est complexe: tional ability to read and understand difficult tablets, they also d’une part, on sait que les archives considérées comme «pri- produce works with insightful conclusions on the socio-eco- vées» sont souvent plutôt des archives familiales; d’autre nomic climate of mid-first millennium BC Babylonia. part, il a été montré, pour l’époque paléo-babylonienne, que Stefan Zawadzki’s Garments of the Gods wades deep into les naditum, femmes très actives sur le plan économique, ne these three challenges; although I cannot find a reference to conservaient pas nécessairement elles-mêmes leur titres de the total number of texts he uses (perhaps he will mention propriété mais pouvaient les confier à des hommes de leur this in his second part, to be published separately [p. VII]), I famille (voir les exemples rassemblés par L. Barberon, «Les estimate from his appendix that the book is based on the documents d’archives des religieuses en Babylonie ancienne: study of over 900 texts. One can reasonably assume that the usage, transmission et conservation», Topoi Supplément 10, actual number of relevant texts — i.e., the ones he does not 2009, p. 273-288). L’enquête mériterait d’être menée pour quote or discuss — is significantly higher. The vast majority les textes du Bronze Récent. of these are administrative texts, although Zawadzki quotes other types (e.g., literary texts) when appropriate. He also has Université François-Rabelais, Tours Brigitte LION a detailed discussion of BBst 36 (Chapter VII). 23/12/2009 The book presents an analysis of texts from the Ebabbar archive that deal with the manufacture and distribution of garments for cultic purposes. This analysis is based mainly on the ** study of unpublished texts from the British Museum, but also * including re-readings and corrections of published ones. Chap- ter II (“Typology of Texts”) reveals the main result of this ZAWADZKI, S. — Garments of the Gods. Studies on the analysis, with chapters III – V being studies of the industry Textile Industry and the Pantheon of Sippar according that produced the texts (Chapter III: Materials for the Manu- to the Texts from the Ebabbar Archive. (Orbis Biblicus facture of the Garments of the Gods; IV: The Textile Crafts- et Orientalis, 218). Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttin- men; and V: Garments and Fabrics). Chapter VI discusses the gen, 2006. (23,5 cm, XXIV, 255). ISBN 3-7278-1555-8 relationship between the administrative texts and BBSt 36 and (Academic Press); 3-525-53017-7 (Vandenhoeck & its associated texts. Finally, Chapter VII is a study of “Gar- Ruprecht). ISSN 1015-1850. Fr. 79,-. ments and the Cult.” As seems to de rigueur of late — and to Texts of the mid-first millennium BC Ebabbar archive pre- my mind unfortunate — the book has no index of subjects or sent a daunting challenge. They are, first of all, vast in num- Akkadian terms. The Preface states (p. VII) that such indices ber; the archive as a whole may be as large as 35,000 will be published in the second volume; until then, the use- tablets.1) Although these texts have been the subject of fulness of this book as a reference tool is limited. intense systematic study for the past fifteen years, substan- Overall, Zawadzki’s findings will help guide those who come across unpublished garment texts; his classifications of texts, prosopography, and discussions of obscure terminol- 1) Michael Jursa, Neo-Babylonian Legal and Administrative Documents: ogy are valuable as well. Moreover, this book is full of inter- Typology, Contents, and Archives, Guides to the Mesopotamian Textual Record, Vol. 1(Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 2005), 116ff. esting observations that can only have come from someone 93248_BIOR_2010-1-2_01 08-06-2010 17:26 Pagina 71

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with deep knowledge of the texts. Putting aside the many Zawadzki argues that Nabû-bel-sumati was a non-preben- inconsistencies in transliteration and translation, I have one dal weaver for Bunene and the Daughters of Ebabbar. One major critique of the book. I cannot imagine anyone outside may argue with his conclusions — among other things, I am of a small circle of Neo-Babylonianists will be able to make certain that sa la hâ†u does not mean “without supply” — much of it. While this is understandable, at least in terms of but this seems to be a clear example where individual agency the aims of the book, it is regrettable as well. The inner sanc- produced a set of outlier texts. That is to say, in attempting tum of a Babylonian temple will be of interest to a variety of to understand why and when the temple drew up certain texts, fields of study, as will more particular aspects of this work deviations from set patterns must be emphasized. What do (inter alia, Babylonian statuary, ritual, and various aspects of such deviations tell us about what the temple needed to know garmentry), but there is little in this book that speaks to an about particular transactions? What about the people audience unversed in the shop talk of a particular sub-set of involved in them? Zawadzki’s approach to the Nabû-bel- cuneiformists. sumati texts is one that can be applied to similar collections For non-specialists interested in these subjects — and I of administrative texts. think they have much to offer — I recommend Chapter VII, The next three chapters of the book are the most informa- Section 4 (“Garments and their Cultic Function. General tive. In Chapter III (“Materials for the Manufacture of the Remarks”). Here Zawadzki ventures into the inner sanctum Garments of the Gods”) Zawadzki challenges many of of the Ebabbar temple, producing detailed lists of the gar- Oppenheim’s conclusions on Mesopotamian garments. His ments used for individual gods and goddesses. On the whole, discussion of the introduction of kitinnû into Babylonia is though, I see this as an opportunity lost. Nobody knows this quite enlightening, although he ultimately eschews its iden- important subject better than the author himself, but I think tification (“we may safely surmise that the new word denoted he has rendered a topic that has much potential for cross-cul- a new weaving material,” p. 29). Certainly a study such as tural, or even intra-Mesopotamian, comparison unreachable this one requires a more detailed etymological survey than for anybody but a few Neo-Babylonian specialists. Might he the one presented here. consider publishing a user-friendly article for non-specialists, Section two of this chapter (“The Organization of Wool one that summarizes his findings, perhaps with reference to Production and its Procurement”) provides a crucial insight. iconographic sources as well? Such an approach would have I have always been struck by the fact that Neo-Babylonian made for an excellent concluding chapter. temple texts about wool rarely differentiate between differ- The component parts of the book are informative. Chapter ent grades of wool; this is especially perplexing in view of II (The Typology of Texts), for example, is a useful, if idio- other wool economies from different places and times, where syncratic, evaluation of the types of texts that make up the quality of wool is often the deciding factor in sheep breed- source material for his study. The chapter divides into four- ing. Even if, as I will argue elsewhere, temples kept sheep teen different sections; the topics of the sections come from primarily for meat (for the reasons Zawadzki mentions on pp. distinctions among the texts themselves, either by terminol- 33f.), they still collected massive amounts of wool from their ogy or their association with a particular individual. The final animals. Yet texts most often reference wool as one undif- section briefly surveys similar texts from the contemporane- ferentiated mass, simply as SÍK.HI.A. ous Eanna temple of Uruk. Certainly we can assume that temples reserved the finest Oddly, though, Zawadzki does not give one complete wool for the god’s garments, so why does no such differen- example of any of his texts sorted by terminology. This is tiation appear in the texts? The answer to this remains largely especially puzzling given his (perhaps unfortunate) catego- unknown, but Zawadzki provides a hint. Two texts he pub- rization of some texts as “classical,” with others then cate- lishes (BM 75503 and BM 82559, pp. 37ff.) mention parts gorized as deviations from the classical form (“earlier” and of a collection of wool set aside specifically for ritual. This “mixed”). If indeed he meant this as a general discussion would suggest — although it is not even intimated in the texts of texts that will be published in later chapters or another — that the temple sorted the wool and took the finest part for volume, then specific cross-references are necessary. I real- the garments of the gods. It further suggests that the temple ize that he plans to publish a full set of transliterations at a had a large amount of wool left over for non-religious pur- later date, but a complete transliteration of a paradigmatic poses. text for each category, incorporated into the discussion, Chapter IV (“The Textile Craftsmen”) goes a long way would have made his distinctions among texts much clearer toward fleshing out, and at times correcting, the observations for the reader. made by Bongenaar in his Prosopography.2) Zawadzki’s dis- That said, Chapter II is exhaustive in its coverage. Future cussion of prebendary remuneration and the material of the researchers who come across similar material will have a use- weavers goes into vast detail, most of which is impossible to ful tool with which to compare and contrast their findings. check without full publication of the texts. At times, though, Moreover, the chapter contains various notes and asides that Zawadzki sketches out details of family history that seem can have general application in the Ebabbar archive. For much to elaborate. That slaves alternatively appear as agents example, section 7 of this chapter discusses an unusual form of different generations of a family of prebendaries strikes of text, which he calls “the mixed dullu peÒû and miÌÒu tenû me as a reflection of the intra-household management of such texts.” There are only two examples of such texts, and prebends; it seems quite unlikely that the older generation of Zawadzki concludes that their exceptionality was due to the the household found the “managing the family business … fact that a Nabû-bel-sumati “was responsible for the issuing of both types of garments [scil. the garments produced by dullu peÒû and miÌÒu tenû], [which were] usually kept sepa- 2) A.C.V.M. Bongenaar, The Neo-Babylonian Ebabbar Temple at Sip- rate in the relevant records.” (p. 10) Zawadzki also gives this par: Its Administration and its Prosopography, Uitgaven van het Neder- lands Historisch-Archeologisch Instituut te Istanbul, Vol. 80 (Leiden: Ned- same Nabû-bel-sumati his own category of texts. erlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, 1997). 93248_BIOR_2010-1-2_01 08-06-2010 17:26 Pagina 72

139 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXVII N° 1-2, januari-april 2010 140

probably too stressful” (p. 70) from time to time. These con- KORTE AANKONDIGINGEN clusions must be approached with caution. I found Chapter V (“Garments and Fabrics”) to be among LUUKO, M., S. SVÄRD, and R. MATTILA — Of god(s), the most helpful. Here, Zawadzki describes in great detail the trees, kings, and scholars. Neo-Assyrian and related stud- composition of individual garment in the cults of various ies in honour of Simo Parpola. (Studia Orientalia, 106). deities, as well as garment weight, accessories, and the like. Finnish Oriental Society, Helsinki, 2009. (25 cm, XXIV, However, the conclusions of Chapter VI (“Regulations from 503). ISBN 978-951-9380-72-8. ISSN 0039-3282. the times of Nabû-apal-iddina: The Stone Tablet of Samas in its Archaeological and Historical Context”) must be weighed This is the Festschrift for the Professor of Assyriology in in view of the study of Christopher Woods, published con- Helsinki, initiator and leader of the project State Archives temporaneously with this book.3) of Assyria. After the “Bibliography of the publications of Finally, Chapter VII (“Garments and the Cult”) serves as Simo Parpola” these contributions follow. a reminder of something that, to my mind, is often buried C. Ambos, “Eunuchen als Thronprätendenten und in studies of temple economic texts. Temples were religious Herrscher im Alten Orient” (p. 1-7), writes on scheming institutions; the movement and utilization of goods through- eunuchs in Assyria and Persia; one, Sîn-sumu-lesir, was out the temple often conformed to religious norms. successful. S. Aro, “The origins of the artistic interactions Zawadzki discusses the relative positions of the Ebabbar’s between the Assyrian empire and North Syria revisited” (p. gods by assessing the type of garments assigned to them in 9-17), offers evidence that as early as in the Late Bronze conjunction with the numbers and types of animals sacri- Age there was interaction in monumental architecture. Z. ficed on their behalf. It is a fruitful approach, recently used Cherry, “Aramaic loanwords in Neo-Assyrian: rejecting with much success by Paul-Alain Beaulieu as well.4) Yet some proposals” (p. 19-25), studies ten words and does not what I think needs to be emphasized is that such an agree with W. von Soden. F.M. Fales, “’To speak kindly approach assumes that the temple drew upon its livestock to him/them’ as item of Assyrian political discourse” (p. managers, shearers, weavers, workers, and religious author- 27-39), discusses dibbi †abuti issisu(nu) dababu. S. Favaro, ities to garner and allocate assets in such a way that they “Osservazioni sull’orticoltura di epoca neo-assira” (p. 41- conformed to a predetermined outcome. Simply put, eco- 50), surveys the gardens and their plants. E. Frahm, nomic incentives and disincentives of various sorts drove “Assurbanipal at Der” (p. 51-64), studies this city and pre- production of garments for the gods. sents a new building inscription. G. Frame, “A ‘new’ That may be a banal statement, but Zawadzki leaves the cylinder inscription of Sargon II of Assyria from Melid” economic door open. This is not a criticism, as he did not list (p. 65-82), publishes two of the three Sargon inscriptions understanding the garment economy among the aims of his found in Arslantepe and studies the historical context and book. Instead, I think this a strength of the book. By sorting parallels. S. Gaspa, “‘Wiping the pot clean’: on cooking through a large number of difficult texts, by recognizing pat- pots and polishing operations in Neo-Assyrian sources” (p. terns in the texts and spelling them out, and finally by focus- 83-98), studies the profession kapir diqari and its context. ing his inquiry on the subject matter of the texts themselves, J. Hämeen-Anttila, “The camels of Tiglath-pileser III and Zawadzki has produced a volume that, while certainly not for the Arabic definite article” (p. 99-101), sees behind the uninitiated, opens up a new chapter in the study of the anaqatu and Arabic naqat (“camel”) the root YNQ. K. Neo-Babylonian Ebabbar temple of Sippar. Kessler, “Informationen aus der assyrischen Provinz Dur- Sarruku im nördlichen Babylonien” (p. 103-109), studies Auburn University Michael KOZUH the implications of post-canonical eponyms in an unpublished group of texts. T. Kwasman, “A Neo-Assyrian royal funerary text” (p. 111-125), gives a new edition of ADD Bibliography 941+, using new fragments. G.B. Lanfranchi, “A happy son of the king of Assyria: Warikas and the Çineköy bilin- Beaulieu, Paul-Alain. The Pantheon of Uruk during the Neo-Baby- gual (Cilicia)” (p. 127-150), sees this as a new example of lonian Period Cuneiform Monographs, Vol. 23. Leiden, the success of the Assyrian policy to befriend subjugated Boston: Brill, Styx, 2003. Bongenaar, A.C.V.M. The Neo-Babylonian Ebabbar Temple at Sip- rulers. A. Livingstone, “Remembrance at Assur: the case par: Its Administration and its Prosopography Uitgaven van of the dated Aramaic memorials” (p. 151-157), is interested het Nederlands Historisch-Archeologisch Instituut te Istanbul, in the days of the months when offerings were brought. R. Vol. 80. Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, Mattila, “The chief singer and other late eponyms” (p. 159- 1997. 166), studies the five new officials who rose to the rank of Jursa, Michael. Neo-Babylonian Legal and Administrative Docu- eponym and the changes in the system. J. Novotny, J. Sin- ments: Typology, Contents, and Archives Guides to the gletary, “Family ties: Assurbanipal’s family revisited” (p. Mesopotamian Textual Record, Vol. 1. Münster: Ugarit-Ver- 167-177), survey the direct and indirect evidence. B.J. lag, 2005. Parker, “Asipâ again: a microhistory of an Assyrian Woods, Christopher E. “The Sun-God Tablet of Nabû-apla-iddina Revisited." Journal of Cuneiform Studies 56 (2004): 23-103. provincial administrator” (p. 179-192), scrutinizes this off- cial in TusÌan, before the conquest of Urartu (714), and the other persons with this name. O. Pedersén, “Neo-Assyrian texts from Nebuchadnezzar’s Babylon: a preliminary 3) Christopher E. Woods, “The Sun-God Tablet of Nabû-apla-iddina report” (p. 193-199), discovered more (with shortened writ- Revisited," Journal of Cuneiform Studies 56 (2004): 23-103. ings of capacity units) and publishes one of them. B.N. 4) Paul-Alain Beaulieu, The Pantheon of Uruk during the Neo-Baby- Porter, “Noseless in Nimrud: more figurative responses to lonian Period, Cuneiform Monographs, Vol. 23 (Leiden, Boston: Brill, Styx, 2003). Assyrian domination” (p. 201-220), studies the mutilations 93248_BIOR_2010-1-2_01 08-06-2010 17:26 Pagina 73

141 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — PERZIË 142

of palace reliefs in Nineveh and Kalah, done by the con- querors. A special case is an Assurnasirpal II relief, where a portrait of the conquering king was added. K. Radner, “The Assyrian king and his scholars: the Syro-Anatolian and the Egyptian schools” (p. 221-238), writes on the presence of Egyptian Ìar†ibis and Syro-Anatolian bird watch- ers, also experts in forecasting and expiating epidemics. J. Reade, “Fez, diadem, turban, chaplet: power-dressing at the Assyrian court” (p. 239-264), on the (Kassite?) fez of kings in Assyria and Babylonia, their colours, the diadem of the crown prince, the turbans of courtiers (eunuchs), later replaced by chaplets (headbands). W. Röllig, “Die Inschriften des Ninurta-belu-uÒur, Statthalters von Kar- Salmanu-asared. Teil I” (p. 265-278), surveys the inscribed lions found in Arslantash. One inscription, bilingual, Assyr- ian-Aramaic, is published here. S. Svärd, M. Luukko, “Who were the ‘Ladies of the House’ in the Assyrian empire?” (p. 279-294), give the backgrounds of the twelve attestations of this title, borne by the wife of the crown prince. G. Van Buylaere, “I feared the snow and turned back” (p. 995-306), describes how the Sargonids experienced severe winters. T. Abusch, “Maqlû III 1-30: internal analysis and manuscript evidence for the revision of an incantation” (p. 307-313), discovered that lines 8-12 are an interpolation. A. Annus, “Some otherworldly journeys in Mesopotamian, Jewish, Mandaean and Yezidi traditions” (p. 315-326), makes more discoveries in Ezekiel 1 and identifies folko- ristic themes in the Gilgamesh epic, also known from later sources. M. Dandamayev, “The diverse enterprises of Sumu-ukin from Babylon” (p. 327-332), studies the career of this well known fermier général in Uruk. M. Dietrich, “’Armer Mann von Nippur’: ein Werk der Krisenliteratur des 8. Jh. v. Chr.” (p. 333-352), assumes that the Poor Man, not being mayor himself, takes revenge on his rival; he is another example of a “sufferer”. V. Donbaz, “Two Middle Assyrian contracts housed in Istanbul” (p. 353- 360), publishes texts with some unusual contents and expressions. M.J. Geller, “Two bilingual incantation fragments” (p. 361-366), when working on Utukku lemnuti, came across related fragments. T. Harviainen, “Wilhelm Lagus: a pioneer of cuneiform research in Finland” (p. 367-376), concentrates on the comparative studies of this scholar (1821-1909) on Sumerian and Turanian. M. Nissi- nen, “Wisdom as mediatrix in Sirach 24: Ben Sira, love lyrics, and prophecy” (p. 377-390), discovers in Ch. 24 influences from Song of Songs which in its turn has a parallel in an Assyrian love lyric. A. Panaino, “A Mesopotamian omen in the cycle of Cyrus the Great” (p. 391-398), looks at the traditions behind the story of Oibaras, told by Ktesias. S. Ponchia, “Some reflections on metaphor, ambiguity and literary tradition” (p. 399-407), writes on the Sumerian tale “Gilgamesh and the Bull of Heaven”. B. Pongratz-Leisten, “Reflections on the trans- latability of the notion Holiness” (p. 409-427), discusses modern opinions on the pair pure-impure (rather than holy- profane) and explains Sumerian dadag (ebbu) as “clean”, the result of a transformation, in contrast to kù (ellu), “bright”, an inherent quality. R. Rollinger, “Altorientalis- ches im Buch Judith” (p. 429-443), traces its first chapter back to (rescripts of) the Behistun inscription and identifies Nebuchadnezzar with Darius and Arphaxad with Fravartis. Both sources have the place-name Raga/Ragau in common.