An annual publication of the University of San Francisco Center for the Pacific Rim Volume V · Number 1 December · 2004 Copyright 2004

Special Issue: CHURCH, STATE, AND COMMUNITY IN EAST ASIA

Editors Joaquin Gonzalez Introduction John Nelson >>...... Joseph Tse-Hei Lee 1

Editorial Consultants and State-Building in Song China and Goryeo Korea Barbara K. Bundy >>...... Sem Vermeersch 4 Hartmut Fischer Patrick L. Hatcher Richard J. Kozicki A Battle for Minds: Regulating Buddhism in Sixteenth-Century Japan Stephen Uhalley, Jr. Xiaoxin Wu >>...... Ronald K. Frank 12

Editorial Board The Anti-Christian Campaign and Imperial Control in Eighteenth-Century China Yoko Arisaka Bih-hsya Hsieh >>...... Ma, Zhao 18 Uldis Kruze Man-lui Lau Mark Mir The Role of German Missionaries in Post-Boxer North China Noriko Nagata Stephen Roddy >>...... Lydia Gerber 21 Kyoko Suda Bruce Wydick Mission Education as a Community Effort in Early Twentieth-Century North China >>...... John R. Stanley 27

Bible versus Guns: Horace G. Underwood’s Evangelization of Korea >>...... James Jin-Hong Kim 33

Church-State Relations in Post-1997 Hong Kong >>...... Chan, Sze-Chi 38

Religion and Secular Society: A Comparison of Eastern and Western Perspectives >>...... Thomas D. O’Sullivan 45

Asia Pacific: Perspectives Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives is a peer-reviewed journal published at least once a year, usually in April/May. It 2130 Fulton St, LM202 welcomes submissions from all fields of the social sciences and the humanities with relevance to the Asia Pacific San Francisco, CA region.* In keeping with the Jesuit traditions of the University of San Francisco, Asia Pacific: Perspectives 94117-1080 commits itself to the highest standards of learning and scholarship. Tel: (415) 422-6357 Our task is to inform public opinion by a broad hospitality to divergent views and ideas that promote cross- Fax: (415) 422-5933 cultural understanding, tolerance, and the dissemination of knowledge unreservedly. Papers adopting a [email protected] comparative, interdisciplinary approach will be especially welcome. Graduate students are strongly encouraged to submit their work for consideration. * ‘Asia Pacific region’ as used here includes East Asia, Southeast Asia, South Asia, Oceania, and the Russian Far East.

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state ideology and in contributing to the state’s interpretation of legitimate power? How did religious communities respond to the state’s policy of using religion for political control? This Church, State, and collection of papers addresses these questions in the historical Community in East Asia: context of traditional and modern East Asia. The cases under study range from Song China, Goryeo Korea and medieval An Introduction Japan to late imperial China and Korea as well as contempo- rary Hong Kong. All the articles are primarily concerned with by Joseph Tse-Hei Lee, Ph.D. the ways in which the state employed religion to claim legitimacy, established political leadership and expanded into Abstract society, and in which some marginal communities, in turn, In East Asia, the complexity of church-state relations can be better employed religious discourse and resources to strengthen understood if one takes into account the involvement of local community their negotiating position in the competitive arena of politics. in negotiating with the state over sacred and secular matters. This article The findings and insights of the following articles provide the argues that the church, state, and community were not independent readers with a wealth of information on this topic of great variables, but constantly negotiated with each other over the control of importance in the field of East Asian studies. religions, religious institutions and rituals. When the state was strong, the church and community participated in the formation of the state power. Two themes concerning church, state, and community As the state power declined, the church and community reverted to their relations can be discerned in the articles. The first theme original independence and crossed the boundaries between sacred and concerns the state takeover of the church and community. In profane in order to claim political, social and economic influences. Song China, Goryeo Korea and medieval Japan, the powerful state appropriated Buddhism for the purpose of “regulation, control and exploitation.”2 Faced with a mighty state, the This collection of essays, which grew out of a panel Buddhist communities and institutions had no choice but to entitled “Church, State, and Community in Imperial East cooperate with it. As the state used Buddhism as an instru- Asia” at the New England Conference of Asian Studies in 1 ment of political and ideological control, it had transformed 2002, presents several in-depth case studies of the interac- Buddhism into a native religion and integrated it into the tion between church, state, and community in China, Korea existing political and social structures. As a result of this and Japan. These case studies share the same premise that the development, Buddhism played a major role in the state- church-state relationship is an integral part of politics in building process, especially when the dynastic founders traditional and modern East Asian societies. At the centre of sought to use Buddhist ideas to define the legitimacy of the the discussion is the relationship between state power and state, and to regulate, control and exploit the local communi- religion. In recent years, Anthony C. Yu has addressed this ties. Therefore, the Buddhist takeover of China, Korea and complicated relationship between state and religion in China Japan should not be seen only as an example of religious and called for more attention to the state control of religion transmission, but as a major component of the expansion of during the imperial and contemporary eras. Commenting on the state in East Asia. this subject in the 2002 Venerable Master Hsüan Hua Memo- The second theme concerns the ongoing negotiation rial Lecture, Yu states, “there has never been a period in between church, state, and community over sacred and China’s historical past in which the government of the state, secular matters. In East Asia, the church, state, and commu- in imperial and post-imperial form, has pursued a neutral nity were interdependent. When the state was strong, the policy toward religion, let alone encouraged, in terms dear to church and community participated in the formation of the American idealism, its ‘free exercise.’ The impetus to engage state power. But as the state power declined, the church and religion, on the part of the central government, is for the community reverted to their original independence and purpose of regulation, control and exploitation whenever it is crossed the boundaries between sacred and profane in order deemed feasible and beneficial to the state (Yu, 2003).” As in to claim political, social and economic influences. In other other parts of East Asia, the imperial states of the past and words, the church and community were not passive recipients modern states have continuously pursued a policy of engag- of the ideological conformity that state authorities decreed ing religions as long as these religions supported the states. and imposed on them. On the contrary, they were active This special issue expands on Yu’s argument by saying that agents who negotiated with state authorities and thereby the complexity of church-state relations can be better under- contributed to the ideas justifying the state’s claim to legiti- stood if one takes into account the state-society relations and macy. the involvement of local community in negotiating with the At the grassroots level, religious beliefs and rituals that state over sacred and secular matters. It argues that at least in people shared with their neighbors gave them a personified East Asia, the church, state, and community were not inde- image of what their political rulers should be like. What pendent variables, but constantly negotiated with each other further complicated the situation was the impact of pre- over the control of religions, religious institutions and rituals. existing internal conflicts that had shaped the interaction In general, how did the state in East Asia use religion to between church, state, and community. In this framework, the legitimize its rule and regulate religious activities at the role of local agencies lies at the heart of the matter. To illus- grassroots level? What role did religion play in reinforcing trate this point, one should look at the conflicts involving http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives Church, State, and Community in East Asia / Lee · 1 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives · December 2004

Christian missionaries and indigenous converts in late Emperor. Ma argues that Qianlong exploited the anti-Chris- imperial China and Korea. In China, armed with the Bible tian campaign to reinvigorate the imperial bureaucracy at the and the gun, both Catholic and Protestant missionaries not provincial and county levels. Through a study of several anti- only undermined the power of the imperial government but Christian disputes in the post-Boxer era, Lydia Gerber shows also provided Christian converts with additional political that in those peripheral areas where there was little govern- resources with which to struggle against the established elite ment control and Confucian influence, the Chinese elite and at the local level. The Taiping Uprising (1845–1864) is a good local communities did not hesitate to exploit Christian example of a disillusioned Chinese scholar employing missionary resources for political survival. Christian resources to challenge the imperial state and create When the state was weak, incompetent, and could not a Taiping Christian kingdom on Chinese soil (Spence 1996; deal with internal and external crises, the church took 1998). There are many such examples of politically marginal advantage of the situation to advance its religious, social and communities using conversion for protection and self- political agendas. In that context, John R. Stanley and James empowerment, as shown in several recent studies of Chris- Jin-Hong Kim look at the dynamics of the Protestant mission- tianity in rural China (Lee, 2002; 2003; Sweeten, 2001; Lutz ary movements in China and Korea at the turn of the twenti- and Lutz, 1998; Tiedemann, 1991; Laamann, forthcoming in eth century. Focusing on the American Presbyterian mission 2005). This struggle for power is a key to understanding the education in Shandong province, John R. Stanley investigates dynamics of church, state, and community relations in East a number of attempts by Chinese Christian educators to claim Asia. more power and play a more active role in the development By addressing these thematic issues, the first two articles of the Christian mission education. James Jin-Hong Kim apply a top-down approach to investigate the nature of state discusses the career of Horace G. Underwood and his ap- power and religion in imperial East Asia. Sem Vermeersch proach to evangelization and church-state relations in late presents a very insightful comparative study of the state’s nineteenth-century Korea. While Korea was facing the control of Buddhism in Song China and Goryeo Korea. Japanese imperialistic intrusion, Underwood hoped to use Vermeersch argues that Buddhism was an integral part of the Protestant Christianity to reform and modernize Korea, to state-building project because it enabled the Chinese and make the church more important to the Korean state, and to Korean rulers to justify their rise to power and claim to support Korea against the Japanese aggression. His contribu- legitimacy. After emerging from a long period of civil war, the tions made him a legendary figure in the modern history of Chinese and Korean dynastic founders were desperate to Korea. claim legitimacy and gain popular support. As Buddhism was Chan Sze-Chi looks at a totally different world at a a dominant religion in China and Korea at that time, the different time, that of Hong Kong after its return to China on imperial rulers not only subscribed to Buddhist teachings and July 1, 1997. Chan captures the dynamics of church-state rituals but also used Buddhism to define their political relations in Hong Kong by comparing the role of Catholic and images and portray themselves as virtuous Buddhist rulers. Evangelical Christian churches in the popular struggle To further institutionalize Buddhism as the official religion of against the implementation of Article 23 of the Basic Law in the state, the rulers began to control Buddhist institutions. the summer of 2003 (Article 23 of the Basic Law was proposed They oversaw the translation and interpretation of Buddhist to prohibit individuals and political organizations in Hong scriptures and the training of the monks. Even as the Chinese Kong from conducting subversive activities against the and Korean rulers acted pragmatically to use Buddhism as a Chinese central government in Beijing.). Although the Beijing political instrument, their policies advanced the Buddhist leaders and the Chee-hwa Tung administration successfully interests and contributed to the rapid expansion of Buddhism co-opted a significant number of Evangelical church leaders, at the grassroots level. Ronald K. Frank studies the interaction they failed to have the Catholic Church under control, which between different Buddhist groups and independent daimyô has constantly challenged the political Establishment in post- domains in late medieval Japan. By examining a wide range 1997 Hong Kong. The challenges that the Catholic Church of anti-religious policies, Frank argues that repressive mea- currently poses to the Beijing leaders and the Tung adminis- sures employed by Nobunaga, Hideyoshi, and Ieyasu to tration have to do with its alternative interpretations of control religious communities had been presaged by similar political authority and state-society relations, its campaign for policies in the domains of daimyô throughout the sixteenth the poor in society, and its mobilization of ordinary Catholics century. in political struggles. Ma Zhao and Lydia Gerber focus on Qing China in the The concluding essay by Thomas O’Sullivan presents a eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. They employ a socio- critique of the history of church-state relations in the West historical approach in examining relationships between and throws light on the differences between Western ways in church, state, and community. When the power of the which such relations are conceptualized and the ways they Chinese imperial state was declining, the government was are seen in East Asia. By studying the Christian Church’s extremely concerned with the erosion of its imperial authority explanation of its relationship to the secular power, in the face of the Catholic and Protestant expansion into the O’Sullivan stresses that a key to understanding the dynamics interior. Ma Zhao explores the anti-Christian campaign in of church-state relations in Europe and America is the 1784–1785 within the wider contexts of political culture and distinction between religious and secular authorities. This bureaucratic reform in China during the reign of the Qianlong distinction has become one of the most enduring features of http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives Church, State, and Community in East Asia / Lee · 2 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives · December 2004

Western civilization and continued to shape the interaction ENDNOTES between religion and politics in the contemporary world. 1. The research for this project was supported by Pace University This vast array of topics resists easy categorization. through a Summer Research Grant in 2004. Special thanks are due to Considered together, however, they clearly illustrate the Miss Seow Yien Lein (Department of History, University of Michigan) highly complex nature of state power and religion in East for painstaking editorial work, and to Harry A. Cliadakis and Ronald Asia, and vividly portray a world of pragmatism and oppor- K. Frank (Department of History, Pace University) for their helpful comments and suggestions. The panel presenters at the New England tunism in the interaction between church, state, and commu- Conference of Asian Studies in 2002 were Ronald K. Frank, “A Battle nity. One refreshing aspect of this special issue is the efforts of for Minds: Regulating Religion in Sixteenth-Century Japan;” Joseph several contributors to view the subject matter not solely from Tse-Hei Lee, “Conversion for Protection: Feuding Christians in Late the perspectives of the state and religious communities but Nineteenth-century South China;” and Sem Vermeersch, “Buddhism also from the aspect of power struggles within particular in the foundation of Dynasties: Some Comparative Notes for the Cases of Song China and Koryô Korea.” societies. The appropriation of Buddhism by political leaders 2. By definition, the term “state” refers to all forms of actual and aspired in the newly established Song dynasty in China and Goryeo public authority in Song China, Koryô Korea and late medieval dynasty in Korea is a good example. Another strength of this Japan. collection is the balance of national and local concerns. The articles, instead of elaborating on the religious policies of the BIBLIOGRAPHY central governments in China, Korea and Japan, clearly Didion, Joan. 2003. “Mr. Bush and the Divine,” The New York Review of Books elucidate the multiplicity of local experiences and interests L.17 (November 6, 2003), pp.81–86. and their role in determining the course of interaction with Ivekovic, Ivan. 2002. “Nationalism and the Political Use and Abuse of Reli- the state over religious matters. gion: The Politicization of Orthodoxy, Catholicism and Islam in Yugoslav What emerges from this special issue is an East Asian Successor States,” Social Compass, vol.49, no.4 (2002), pp.523–36. world deeply affected by the ambiguous nature of state Laamann, Lars Peter. Forthcoming in 2005. Christian Heretics in Late Imperial power and religion. The church, state and community have China: The Inculturation of Christianity in Eighteenth-and-Nineteenth-Century continuously crossed the socially-constructed boundaries China. London and New York: Routledge Curzon. between sacred and profane to claim power and influence in Lee, Joseph Tse-Hei. 2002. “Christian God and Hostile Communities: Col- the competitive arena of national and local politics. As Ivan lective Violence in Northeast Guangdong,” in Robert J. Antony and Jane Kate Leonard, eds., Dragons, Tigers and Dogs: Qing Crisis Management and Ivekoviç correctly points out in his study of the dynamics of the Boundaries of State Power in Late Imperial China (Ithaca, NY: East Asia church-state relations in the Mediterranean world, religion is Program, Cornell University), pp.213–43. the most enduring instrument for claiming legitimacy and –, 2003. The Bible and the Gun: Christianity in South China, 1860–1900. New popular support and has always been used and abused by York and London: Routledge. ambitious rulers for political ends (Ivekovic, 2002). This, he Lincoln, Bruce. 2002. The Holy Terrors: Thinking about Religion after September claims, is true even in the most liberal democratic countries 11. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. promoting religious tolerance and total separation of church Lutz, Jessie G. and Rolland Ray Lutz. 1998. Hakka Chinese Confront Protes- and state. In the United States of America, since the Septem- tant Christianity, 1850–1900. New York: M.E. Sharpe. ber 11 terrorist attacks, President George W. Bush has reas- Spence, Jonathan D. 1996. God’s Chinese Son: The Taiping Heavenly Kingdom sured his constituents that the War on Terror is firmly rooted of Hong Xiuquan. New York and London: W. W. Norton. in his Christian faith. This use of September 11 as a pretext to –. 1998. The Taiping Vision of a Christian China, 1836–1864. Waco, TX: Markham pursue an aggressive foreign policy and to defend the US Press Fund, Baylor University Press. military interests around the world is a classic example of Sweeten, Alan R. 2001. Christianity in Rural China: Conflict and Accommoda- tion in Jiangxi Province, 1860–1900. Ann Arbor, MI: Center for Chinese Stud- linking the legitimacy of a state to divine will, as supposedly ies, University of Michigan. expressed in a single moment in human history – in this case, Tiedemann, R.G. 1991. “Rural Unrest in North China, 1868–1900: With Par- “the moment history has given us [the Bush administration] ticular Reference to South Shandong,” Ph.D. dissertation, School of Orien- to extend liberty to others around the world (Didion, 2003: tal and African Studies, University of London. 81–86; Lincoln, 2002).” Given the importance of religion in Yu, Anthony C. 2003. “On State and Religion in China: A Brief Historical global politics at the beginning of the twentieth-first century, Reflection.” Religion East and West, vol.3 (2003), pp.1–20. this collection of essays should provide the basis for re- conceptualizing the dynamics of church, state, and commu- nity relations in East Asia from the past to the present.

Joseph Tse-Hei Lee (Ph.D. School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London) is Associate Professor of History at Pace University in New York. He is a specialist in modern Chinese history, and has authored The Bible and the Gun: Christianity in South China, 1860-1900 (New York and London: Routledge, 2003). Address: Department of History, Pace University, 1 Pace Plaza, New York City, NY 10038, USA. Email: [email protected]

http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives Church, State, and Community in East Asia / Lee · 3 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives · December 2004

pened in Goryeo Korea, a state founded forty-two years earlier than the Song. Nonetheless, a comparative study of the state-building process in both countries reveals the impor- Buddhism and State- tance of Buddhism as a political ideology and the nature of Building in Song China and state power and religion in imperial East Asia. Drawing on my extensive research on the history of , Goryeo Korea this article explores the interactions between Buddhism and imperial states in Song China and Goryeo Korea (Vermeersch, by Sem Vermeersch, Ph.D. 2001). How did the Chinese and Korean emperors use Buddhism to define their political images and legitimise their rule in the state-building process? How was Buddhism Abstract gradually integrated into the fabric of the dynastic state? How This article explores the nature of state power and religion in Song China did Buddhist institutions develop and change in both coun- and Goryeo Korea by studying the state appropriation of Buddhism and the integration of Buddhism into the ideological, political and social tries? order. It argues that Buddhism was an integral part of the state-building For a long time, it has been taken for granted that project in that it enabled the Song and Goryeo rulers to justify their rise to Buddhism was more dominant in Goryeo Korea than in Song power and claim to legitimacy. The Chinese and Korean rulers acted China. Yet the early Song emperors were no less fervent in pragmatically to secure the political support of the Buddhist establish- their support of Buddhism than the Goryeo rulers. The lack of ment. However, their pro-Buddhist policies advanced Buddhist interests and contributed to the rapid expansion of Buddhism at the grassroots scholarly attention to the importance of Buddhism in Song level. By examining the development of Buddhist institutions in the China has to do with the widespread misconception that wider contexts of political, social and economic changes in Song China entered a period of continuing decline and Goryeo Korea, this study has probed more deeply into the inner following its apogee in the Tang dynasty. Many scholars like dynamics of Buddhism in imperial East Asia than have many current Peter Gregory, Daniel A. Getz, and Huang Chi-Chiang have studies. It has also gone beyond the dichotomy of Buddhism-versus- Confucianism to explore the negotiation of power between Buddhist corrected this misconception by evaluating the role of Bud- monks and Confucian rulers from a comparative perspective. dhism in Song China, but their works mainly concentrate on Buddhist doctrines rather than its impact on politics, economy and society in the Song period.1 As with other world The founding of the Goryeo dynasty in 918 heralded an religions, Buddhism is a social and political construction that era of stability and new power relations in East Asia. It was has to constantly define itself in relation to specific contexts. one of the first and the longest-lasting (918–1392) states to This article seeks to examine the development of Buddhist emerge from the shadows of the Middle Kingdom after the institutions in the wider contexts of political, social and collapse of the Tang dynasty (617–907). Before the Mongol economic changes in Song China and Goryeo Korea, and to invasions of China and Korea, a relative equilibrium was address the nature of state power and religion at that time. In achieved in which China and her neighbouring countries so doing, this study has probed more deeply into the inner claimed more or less equal status (Rossabi ed., 1983). Yet if dynamics of Buddhism in imperial East Asia than have many one looks at the current stage of scholarship on this period of current studies. It has also gone beyond the dichotomy of East Asian history, one learns that the power of Song China Buddhism-versus-Confucianism to explore the negotiation of far exceeded that of the other states. The Northern (960–1127) power between Buddhist monks () and Confucian and Southern Song (1127–1276) dynasties appeared to be rulers from a comparative perspective. more powerful and advanced in terms of their overall population, cultural accomplishments and economic develop- I. Buddhism versus Imperial Rule ment than the Khitan Liao (947–1125), Tangut Xi-Xia (1038– Historically, the Chinese emperors derived their legiti- 1227) and Goryeo Korea. This interpretation, however, has macy from the Confucian idea of the Mandate of Heaven, but been due to a lack of primary sources concerning the history there were some exceptions. The founder of the Wei dynasty, of these states and a widespread perception that these states a non-Han ruler, used Buddhism to legitimise his authority. were located at the “periphery” of Song China. While these When Empress Wu Zetian was in power from 655 to 705, she states attention in their own right, a closer look at their employed Buddhism to subvert Confucianism. The most history will also throw light on the dynamics of Song China. famous Han Chinese emperor who sought political legitimacy When the Song state was founded in 960, its basis was far through Buddhism would however be Emperor Wu of the from secure. It was only in the next few decades that Song Liang dynasty (r. 502–549), who was severely criticized by China gradually became a regional power. In building the Confucian scholars for ransoming himself to a Buddhist new empire, the founder Song Taizu (r. 960–976) undoubtedly temple, a symbolic gesture showing the superiority of looked to previous Chinese dynasties for inspiration, and he Buddhism to the imperial system. However, Andreas was also most likely inspired by what had worked and failed Janousch argues that the story of Emperor Wu highlights the to work in the neighbouring countries. complexity of Buddhist rulership in imperial China. What Given the lack of references to cultural contacts with appears to be a humble act of submission was not the whole Goryeo Korea in the early Song sources, one does not know story. Emperor Wu tried to mould the Buddhist monks the extent to which Taizu took into account what had hap- according to his needs, and imposed a ordination http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives Buddhism and State-Building / Vermeersch · 4 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives · December 2004 ritual on the monks in which they saw the emperor as a Buddhism from an early age: there are numerous stories bodhisattva and therefore had to be ordained by him about his association with Buddhist monks for some years in (Janousch, 1999). his youth when he wandered around the country.6 Most of Despite his Buddhist fervour, Emperor Wu was also keen these stories are possibly apocryphal, functioning as auguries to revive ancient Chinese customs and institutions. One can that describe how these monks saw in him a future ruler. perceive a distinct blurring of the boundaries between However, it is significant that his mother and wife also Buddhism and Confucianism: the ancient Chinese sage-king happened to be praying in a when the news paradigm became almost interchangeable with the cakravartin, came that he had become the new emperor.7 Clearly, Taizu the ideal Buddhist king who implemented the . welcomed “Buddhist” approval of his new dynasty. Accord- Like Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty, Taizu, the ing to prophecies circulated in 963 and 966, the sixth-century founder of the Song dynasty, showed a strong interest in thaumaturge Baozhi predicted that twenty-one rulers of the Buddhism. Even though the mythologization of Taizu by Zhao clan would reign for 799 years.8 The prophecies were Confucian scholars makes it difficult to discover the man taken seriously. In 980, his successor and younger brother behind the image, his policies indicated a positive disposition Taizong (r. 976–997) founded a new temple in the capital of towards Buddhism. One of his first acts was to rescind the Kaifeng to store the mummified body and silver staff of ban on Buddhist worship issued by the preceding Later Zhou Baozhi, and in 982 he gave a posthumous title to Baozhi after dynasty (951–960) (Huang, 1994, 147). The Later Zhou state seeing Baozhi’s apparition in the palace.9 In this newly had attempted to suppress Buddhism by reducing the established state, then, appealing to Buddhist prophecies to number of monks, confiscating bronze images for recasting, justify their claim to legitimacy and consolidate their power and demolishing temples, but it had been toppled by one of proved an irresistible attraction for the founding emperor and its generals, Zhao Kuangyou, who later became Emperor his brother. Taizu of the Song dynasty. More than tolerant towards Throughout his reign, Taizu spent an impressive amount Buddhism, Taizu went much further than the Tang rulers in of resources on promoting Buddhism. He sent a group of 157 promoting Buddhist interests. Whilst acknowledging and Chinese monks to retrieve more Buddhist scriptures from patronising Buddhism, the Tang rulers had treated it as but India, and set up a government bureau supervising the one religious system amongst others, which they supported translation of these scriptures. Even before the arrival of the only in so far as it conformed to the political rhetoric that scriptures, however, he set in motion the project of carving represented the emperor as the Son of Heaven. Buddhism, in the entire canon of Buddhist scriptures, commentaries and short, had been firmly controlled by the state, and any rules on printing blocks. This grand printing project, known aspirations to independence had been swiftly blocked. The as the Kaibao tripitaka, lasted from 971 to 983. Tang rulers had preferred Taoism to Buddhism, whereas It was the first time such a large-scale printing project Taizu explicitly put Buddhism first and implemented policies was ever undertaken in world history, and it was a milestone favourable to the growth of Buddhism.2 Some pronounce- in the development of the Buddhist canon. Because the ments by his successors suggest that all three teachings emperor had the final say in deciding which scriptures were (Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism) were to be treated as orthodox and which ones were spurious, the printing project equal,3 but in fact until the late eleventh century, all the Song enabled Taizu to establish himself more firmly as purveyor of emperors showed an overwhelming interest in Buddhism.4 the orthodox version of , thereby creating a Taizu probably drew inspiration from the state of Wu-Yue stronger association between emperorship and the ‘right (907–978). Located in present-day Zhejiang and Jiangsu dharma.’ provinces, Wu-Yue was a prosperous state. Many of its In addition to the printing project, Taizu allowed himself emperors were disciples of Buddhist masters and sponsored to be identified with a cakravartin,10 a universal monarch various Buddhist projects (Shih, 1992; Welter, 1993). Eminent whose authority was commensurate with his ability to spread Buddhist priests active at the Wu-Yue court, notably Zanning Buddhist law. Whereas the cakravartin originally referred to (919–1001), played an important role in negotiating the the secular counterpart of the Buddha, who reigns in the surrender of Wu-Yue to the Song government in 978 (Welter, spiritual world, Taizu, and especially his younger brother 1999, 30; Dahlia, 1987, 146–80). In these negotiations, Taizu Taizong, now arrogated some of the power normally reserved had to ensure Zanning that the newly established Song for the Buddha. When Taizu asked Zanning, the leading government was receptive towards Buddhism, and that the priest of the time, whether he should bow to the Buddha, Buddhist institutions could maintain the same status and Zanning is said to have replied, “The present Buddha need influence under the Song. After the end of the Wu-Yue not bow to the Buddha of the past.”11 Taizong displayed the kingdom, Zanning continued his ‘political career’ as an same attitude by writing his own treatises on Buddhism, advisor to the Song emperors, apologist for the religion and stating in one decree that his work could show monks “the administrator in charge of Buddhist affairs nationwide. proper way to enter the Buddhist realm (Huang, 1994, 155).” Although there were strong political motivations behind In Song China, then, religion and politics were closely linked Taizu’s decision to recruit eminent Buddhist monks such as to each other. While employing Buddhism to legitimise their Zanning into the government, it is simplistic to interpret rule, Taizu and Taizong frequently crossed political and Taizu’s pro-Buddhist policies as merely pragmatic as Huang religious boundaries, presenting themselves as guardians of Chi-chiang has argued.5 Taizu was clearly influenced by the Buddhist religion and imperial state. http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives Buddhism and State-Building / Vermeersch · 5 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives · December 2004

The early Song emperors went so far as to control the However, this augury was made on the basis of the environ- Buddhist monks. Taizu, for example, forbade the casting of ment in which Wang Geon was living. Provided that he made new bronze images. He allowed those temples that had not a few alterations, Doseon said, the resident terrestrial force been destroyed by the Later Zhou dynasty to exist, even if was such that it would produce a future ruler (Rogers, 1982– they did not have official status, but forbade the re-construc- 83). It was a Buddhist monk, not a geomancer, who made the tion of those temples that had been demolished. He reinstated prediction on the basis of geomantic principles (fengshui). an examination for postulants to the monk-hood to test their After his accession to the throne, Wang Geon became the quality and reject those not deemed sufficiently serious about dynasty’s founding father (Taejo), but continued to show their vocation (Chikusa, 2000, 367–73). Some Song emperors considerable favour to Buddhism. Unlike Taizu in Song even took it upon themselves to personally examine the China, Taejo did not have to rescind any anti-Buddhist senior Buddhist monks’ knowledge of the scriptures before policies. He actually dampened overzealous support for granting them any important titles and positions.12 Buddhism. In one of the policy injunctions to his successors, While these examples give the impression that the Song Taejo attributed the fall of the Unified Silla kingdom (668–935) emperors acquired their political legitimacy through Bud- in part to excessive temple building. He forbade the construc- dhism, it is important to look at these church-state relations in tion of any new temple and required abbots to be appointed their proper historical context. If one reads the sources with a by the state. This decision was undoubtedly based on eco- Buddhist frame of reference, one will support the notion that nomic and political considerations, and it was also justified in the Song emperors were devoted Buddhist rulers. However, terms of geomantic reasoning – building temples randomly as the dynasty progressed, the main audience for their would affect the harmony of the terrestrial forces, which had legitimising strategies was officialdom. The emperor had to conspired to bring Wang Geon to power. Therefore, the prove himself capable of running the empire, while govern- government only permitted the construction of temples in a ment officials viewed his support for Buddhism as an aberra- limited number of locations selected by Doseon.13 Interest- tion. In the dynastic order, Buddhism constituted just one ingly, Taizu in Song China had applied the same geomantic element to which the emperor directed his attention, albeit an argument to justify the reversal of his predecessor’s anti- important element. As an ideology, Buddhism was a very Buddhist policies. According to one legend, the Later Zhou powerful instrument in spreading the image and power of the dynasty fell because the destruction of images “greatly emperor across the empire. The plaques bestowed on the harmed the blessings of the earth and grain [gods].”14 officially registered monasteries always reminded worship- Although Taejo used Doseon’s geomantic theories to pers of the benevolence of the emperor (Huang, 1989, 302–5). restrict temple construction, this approach proved to be Many temples served as halls of remembrance for the impe- counter-productive in the long run. Soon it was argued that rial and displayed the portraits and sculptures of new temples were needed to replenish and aid (bibo) the deceased emperors and empresses (Ebrey, 1997, 42–92). With dynasty. In that case, the geomantic theory could just as easily the emperor’s blessings, the temples not only allowed be used to justify the construction of more temples. Appar- commoners to worship the Buddha and the emperor but also ently Taejo recognized all existing temples and only built new provided a point of contact between the rulers and the ones in the new capital. He was particularly concerned lest subjects. too many officials and strongmen build their private temples. Let us now shift our focus to the importance of Buddhism By donating land to these private temples, families could get in the state-building process in Goryeo Korea during the reign tax-free status for their land. of Taejo (r. 918–943). Before he usurped the throne, Wang Taejo expressed his devotion to Buddhism in all the Geon, posthumously known as Taejo, was a general in the writings attributed to him. His first injunction attributes the kingdom founded by Gung-ye, one of the three rival king- success of his dynasty to “the power of Buddha.”15 This belief doms on the Korean peninsula following the collapse of the re-emerges in a prayer-text he composed for the completion Silla state in the late ninth-century. Based in the north, Gung- of Gaetaesa, a temple built to commemorate the final victory ye’s state closely identified with the ancient state of over his archenemy Later Baekje in 936. The prayer text was a Goguryeo, and after his rise to power, Wang Geon continued thanksgiving to all the Buddhas, , heavenly this strategy, choosing the name “Goryeo” for his state in kings, sea and water spirits etc, in which Taejo vowed to honour of Goguryeo. recompense their favour by transmitting the Buddhist Wang Geon’s family established a stronghold in teaching and spreading compassion.16 The third and last Gaeseong prefecture. As with many local strongmen in the extant piece of his writings, an epitaph for an eminent monk, last few years of the Silla dynasty, Wang Geon acted almost throws light on his personal relation with the monks. It independently from the centre. Another distinctive feature of expresses the ruler’s sadness at the passing of his Buddhist his political career was his close association with Seon (Chan/ mentor, and records his pledge to cultivate the karmic bond ) Buddhism. Wang Geon grew up in a predominantly between the ruler and his Buddhist preceptor throughout the Buddhist environment. In politics, Gung-ye, Wang Geon’s dynasty.17 Taejo invited many monks to court, and discussed overlord, saw himself as a bodhisattva with supernatural with them how to use Buddhism to strengthen and pacify the power and wrote his own . The most important Bud- country. Through his interactions with monks, he portrayed dhist connection in Wang Geon’s rise to power was the himself as a Buddhist disciple. There is no evidence that Taejo prediction made by the Seon monk, Doseon (827–898). ever arrogated any superior status to himself vis-à-vis the http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives Buddhism and State-Building / Vermeersch · 6 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives · December 2004 monks. Instead, he stuck to a clear distinction between the only demonstrated the wealth and power of the new dynasty secular and religious realms. Taejo was of course more than in Korea but also cultivated a sense of national pride against just a Buddhist disciple. Although he is never explicitly the Khitans, who only printed their own set of the Buddhist identified as a cakravartin or Buddhist ruler, there are clear canon two decades after the Koreans. It is not known whether elements in his policies that appeal to the cakravartin ideol- the Goryeo tripitaka had the same normative power as the ogy.18 Song canon did. In terms of content, the texts that the Koreans In contrast to Song China where the emperor had a final included were the same as those included in the Song canon. say in administrating secular and religious matters, Taejo and Only for the second Goryeo tripitaka, compiled between 1236 his successors in Goryeo Korea were willing to acknowledge and 1247, did Goryeo monk-scholars put together a com- their limited knowledge of Buddhism, their commitment to pletely new edition of the Buddhist texts. Whereas the Song Buddhism, and their gratitude for the Buddha’s intercession court gradually lost interest in Buddhism as a means of in securing the dynasty. This does not mean that their role political propaganda – it relinquished its exclusive rights to was completely passive in this scheme: in fact, they had the print the Buddhist canon in 1071 – the Goryeo court virtually very important task of protecting the religion. Epitaphs for monopolized the reproduction of Buddhist scriptures. eminent monks frequently reminded the reader that in the Because of this state support, the second Goryeo tripitaka “latter days of the law”, the law had been entrusted to the became the standard East Asian edition and was used as the king for protection and safeguarding. In other words, because main source text for modern editions. of the confusion and decadence that were supposed to occur Illustrative of the divergent development of Buddhism in in this period, even within the monastic community, it was up China and Korea after the eleventh-century is the case of the to the king to ensure that the Sangha was pure and practiced Bizang quan, a Buddhist tract written by Emperor Taizong. the true dharma.19 The tract was included in the and One last thing to be mentioned about Taejo’s Buddhist often printed in China, but it was later lost in China. The rulership is its visual expression. Like the Song dynasty, the compilers of the Quan Songwen had to refer to the Goryeo Goryeo rulers sought to give tangible expression of their tripitaka to retrieve this work.22 That this particular tract was devotion to Buddhism by building two types of temples. The preserved in Korea suggests that the legacy of Buddhist first type were the so-called bibo-sa (remedial temples), which kingship remained stronger in Goryeo Korea than in Song were built in reward for the monks’ assistance to the dynasty. China, where after the eleventh-century a Confucian revival The second type were memorial temples, mainly located in or obliterated the Buddhist agenda of early Song emperors. near the capital. Every deceased king was designated a memorial temple, in which a statue or picture of the king was II. State Control of Buddhism placed. His son or another relative who had succeeded him to In China, the official legislation on Buddhism served as a the throne came to this memorial temple to pray for the political instrument to reduce the number of monks. Viewed deceased king on his memorial days and during some specific from a Confucian perspective, Chinese officials regarded festivals. Remarkably, the statue of Taejo was recently discov- conversion to monk-hood as an act of treason against one’s ered near his tomb west of Gaeseong, the capital of the parents, who would lose their bloodline and prospect of care Goryeo dynasty. It had been buried there after the Joseon in their old age, and against the state, which would lose its 20 dynasty abolished the temple. We do not know how exactly subjects and thus tax income and corvée labour. It is against the statue was used, but according to the Song descriptions of this background that the Later Zhou state attempted to imperial statues, the image would have been placed in a impose strict quotas on temples and monks. Initially, Taizu separate hall within the temple precinct as the focus of did not alter these principles but merely refrained from taking veneration. Images of the founder of the dynasty were also any drastic punitive action. Right after his accession and on placed in other temples across the country. Besides these special occasions, Taizu authorised mass ordinations. portraits, statues were also made to illustrate Taejo’s previous Throughout his reign, however, the government tried to lives, including one of his incarnations as a temple attendant. impose strict quotas regarding ordination numbers. In 967, Another way through which T’aejo enforced Buddhist Taizu required those devoted Buddhists wishing to become rulership was to compile a complete collection of the Bud- monks to be tested on the sutras, after which the Board of dhist canon. Following in the footsteps of Wendi of the Sui Sacrifice (sibu) would give them certificates.23 In 973, a firm dynasty in China (r. 581–604), Taejo sought to compile and quota was set on the number of monks to be ordained in each 21 copy a whole set of the canon. His ambition made Goryeo prefecture. When the register of monks reached one hundred, become the first country outside of China to undertake such a the new decree stipulated, one new monk could take the grand printing project. The printing of the so-called first examination to be ordained. That is, the ordination quota was Goryeo tripitaka between 1010 and 1083 should be understood set at one per cent of the total number of the monks in each as an attempt to use Buddhism to legitimise the new dynasty. prefecture.24 In the examination, the candidates had to recite After the failure of King Hyeonjong (r. 1009–1031) to stave off 300 pages of Buddhist texts fluently.25 Local government an invasion by the Khitan forces, the king vowed to the officials rather than Buddhist monks supervised the examina- Buddha to carry out this printing project if the invaders tion procedure. Nonetheless, the examination system was rife withdrew – which they did. The printing project was of great with abuse as the problem of officials selling the certificates to political significance. The ability to undertake the project not raise money soon resurfaced. This problem can be discerned http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives Buddhism and State-Building / Vermeersch · 7 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives · December 2004 in the available census figures. At the beginning of the Song III. The Creation of State Buddhist dynasty, the census counted 67,430 monks, slightly up from Institutions the figure of the Later Zhou dynasty (Chikusa, 2000, 368). By The Song dynasty continued the tradition established by 1021, the figure had increased six-fold to 397,615 monks and preceding dynasties of instating a special bureau to deal with 61,240 nuns. The dramatic increase in the numbers of monks monastic affairs. In theory, the Bureau of Monks’ Registration and nuns suggests that the quota system was not enforced (Zuoyou Senglusi), staffed by monks, was in charge of govern- effectively. What made the situation worse was that the ing “all the monks of the empire” but in practice, it only dealt officials circulated contradictory regulations on the quota with strictly religious matters such as the carrying out of system. Some sources say that 1,000 monks could be ordained religious rituals and organising the printing and translation of every year, but others say as many as 8,000 could be (Chikusa, sutras. The examination of monks and the appointment of 2000, 368). According to Zanning, between 976 and 982 more abbots to state temples were administered by the state. At the than 170,000 new ordinations took place. When the local beginning of the Northern Song dynasty, the supervision of officials were attentive to the pro-Buddhist signals from the monastic affairs was under the Court of State Ceremonies and central government, they probably decided to go with the in the Southern Song, this duty was transferred to the Board flow by issuing as many ordination certificates as possible.26 of Sacrifice. Besides these government institutions, the In Goryeo Korea, the government imposed restrictions on Department of the Secretariat or the Chancellery was respon- the number of ordinations according to different criteria. First, sible for the appointment of abbacies and other important people from certain areas and social sections were excluded religious positions.29 from the monk-hood altogether, such as the border provinces, Three important features of the institutional history of and those villages (hyang) and boroughs (bugok) populated by Buddhism in Song China are worthy of attention. The first base people (cheonmin), the lowest social status group apart feature concerns the complexity of the system. Those monks from slaves. This official policy reflected the existing social working for the Bureau of Monks’ Registration were divided and political structure in Korea. Furthermore, an additional into five ranks, each subdivided into left and right.30 The role restriction was imposed, allowing only the fourth, and in of these monks was largely ceremonial but the ways in which some cases the third, son in each household to become a they were selected and promoted by the state were as compli- monk. In effect, it was a widespread habit among the royal cated as those of officialdom. The second feature concerns the family and Goryeo elites to have the fourth son ordained. The active involvement of the early Song emperors in the appoint- lack of knowledge about the demographics in Goryeo Korea ment of monk-officials. Initially, there was no adequate makes it difficult to assess whether these policies were more system for the selection and promotion of monk-officials. It restrictive than those in Song China. What is known is that was only after the prefect of Kaifeng requested official there were more members of the elite and less commoners permission in 1003 to personally examine a number of monks who became monks in Goryeo Korea than in Song China. about to go on a foreign mission that emperors started to However, it is most likely that the state failed to enforce these examine those monks seeking government positions.31 Of all restrictions: examples can be found of families where more the Song rulers, Zhenzong (r. 997–1022) and Renzong (r. than one in three sons ordained. Towards the end of the 1022–1063) most frequently summoned monks to the palace Goryeo dynasty, some of the lower echelons of the elite for interviews.32 As a result, a system based on seniority and flouted the restriction on the first three sons, and throughout academic accomplishment was created for promoting monks, the dynasty many commoners lived at temples in a half- and a selection test different from the ordination examination monk-half-lay status.27 was instated.33 The Song emperors also controlled the ap- In China, the Song government compiled several vol- pointment of abbots at major state temples. As the bureau- umes of law codes, most of which contain chapters about cracy began wielding more authority in the late eleventh- legislation on Buddhist monks. The purpose of these laws century, the emperors had less input where the selection of was to define the legal status of the monks and their rights, monk-officials was concerned. The final feature concerns the privileges and duties. With detailed information about the importance of the lower level of government. Throughout the official procedures on how to obtain and keep the status of Song dynasty, local authorities played an important role in monk, these laws showed that local officials ought to be recommending monks for official positions, especially informed of all that happened inside temples, and had the abbacies of public temples. Abbacies of public temples right to ‘defrock’ the culprit or mete out other punishments in (shifang siyuan) open to monks of all Buddhist lineages and cases of infractions of the correct procedure, falsification of schools were often determined by the other local temples or documents, and crimes committed by the monks.28 It is not by influential local officials.34 known whether a similar code existed in Goryeo Korea, but The bureaucratic system supervising Buddhist communi- the Treatise on Law from the Goryeosa reveals that laws and ties in Goryeo Korea was similar to the Song system. At the decrees concerning the status of the Buddhist monks were beginning of his reign, Taejo created the Bureau of Monks’ frequently issued by the state. These laws were designed to Registration, but it was not until the end of the tenth century regulate the public behaviour of monks and could be under- that the Bureau began to take shape (Vermeersch, 2001, 228– stood as attempts to impose decorum. Laicisation was 40). By that time, all the monks intending to move beyond the sometimes threatened, but seldom if indeed ever carried out. rank and file had to take a placement test. This was a regular event to be held frequently throughout the dynasty, and as http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives Buddhism and State-Building / Vermeersch · 8 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives · December 2004 such the Goryeo monastic examination was more fully end of the military conquest in 936, Taejo ruled over what was institutionalised than the irregular testing of monks in China. essentially a confederation of local power-holders. Honouring Another difference between Chinese and Korean Bud- influential Buddhist monks and bestowing them with titles dhist institutions was that the selection examination during and abbacies allowed him to establish at least a symbolic the Goryeo dynasty was an oral test or a debate on certain foothold on the central power in those provinces not yet topics. The most skilful and knowledgeable debaters were under his direct control.38 given a rank that qualified them for the abbacy of a temple or In Song China, the Buddhist monk Zanning, whose ideas for a senior position in the Bureau of Monks’ Registration. were very influential at court under the first two emperors, The jury that made the final decision was often though not “argued for a full acceptance of Buddhism within the admin- exclusively chaired by a scholar-official.35 Upon getting the istrative structure of the Chinese government.”39 Although initial qualifying ranking, a monk had the opportunity to be Zanning had the ears of the emperors, his proposals never promoted to five different ranks, and the promotion was fully materialized and the Chinese Buddhist bureaucracy usually made by royal decree or instruction. After attaining remained weak. The system of appointing serious monk- the highest rank, a monk could then be appointed royal aspirants was seriously diluted in the late eleventh-century preceptor and eventually state preceptor. None of these titles because of the sale of ordination certificates. The system of was conferred in Song China. The Goryeo system was more promoting monk-bureaucrats and temple administrators elaborate and comprehensive than the Song system. The Song never developed into a full-fledged working system. In ranks were only relevant to the staff at the Bureau of Monks’ Goryeo, on the other hand, the institutionalisation of Bud- Registration, but the Goryeo ranks were used for any appoint- dhism went much further, as if Zanning’s ideas were whole- ment in Buddhist institutions, which in turn allowed the heartedly carried out. The system enabled the Goryeo Korean rulers to have much more effective control over the dynasty to be closely identified with Buddhist aspirations appointment of abbots than their Chinese counterparts.36 In throughout the country. Korea, almost all the important temples were organised into a Let me end this article with the story of the Goryeo monk system of remedial temples, whose abbots were often ap- Jijong (930–1018). In 968, on a trip to China, Jijong met with pointed by the king or influential officials, although temples Zanning in the capital of the then still independent Wu-Yue sometimes had the right to appeal.37 kingdom.40 Jijong had taken the Goryeo monastic examina- tion in 954 and was known to be the first graduate of the V. Conclusion examination. After his return from China, Jijong became the This article has explored the nature of state power and first monk to have obtained all the ranks of the monastic religion in Song China and Goryeo Korea by studying the bureaucracy in Goryeo Korea. One can only speculate about state appropriation of Buddhism and the integration of what Jijong had told Zanning about the Goryeo monastic Buddhism into the ideological, political and social order. As examination system, and how these two Buddhist thinkers far as Song Taizu and Goryeo Taejo were concerned, Bud- exchanged ideas about the role of monks in their respective dhism was an integral part of the state-building project in that countries. Jijong’s encounter with Zanning was part of the it enabled them, as rulers, to justify their rise to power and wider cross-cultural interaction between Goryeo Korea and claim to legitimacy. On the surface, these two emperors acted Song China. It was through such interaction that Buddhism pragmatically to secure the political support of the Buddhist continued to shape the political, social and religious order in establishment, and their pro-Buddhist policies sought to both countries. regulate Buddhist teaching, practices and institutions. However, no matter how questionable their motives were, ENDNOTES they also advanced Buddhist interests and contributed to the rapid expansion of Buddhism at that time. Even if they were 1. Gregory and Getz, eds., Buddhism in the Sung. The only Western-lan- guage study that addresses the central government policy on Buddhism not genuine Buddhists, they were convinced that only by in the Song dynasty is Huang Chi-chiang, "Imperial Rulership and Bud- defining their leadership within the Buddhist worldview dhism in the Early Northern Sung," in Brandauer and Huang, eds., Im- could they consolidate their power. perial Rulership and Cultural Change in Traditional China, pp.144–87. How- By comparison, Goryeo Taejo went further than Song ever, there is a considerable body of literature on this subject in Chinese Taizu in dedicating the success of his dynastic enterprise to and Japanese. A good example is Chikusa Masaaki, Chûgoku Bukkyô the action of the Buddhas (and other spirits and deities). Taejo shakaishi kenkyû [Studies in the Social History of Chinese Buddhism]. made his own position if not subservient to, at least depen- 2. In 967, Taizu decreed that Buddhist monks should always take prec- edence over Taoist monks at the imperial court. Zhipan, Fozu Tongji dent on the Buddhist religion. The Song emperors, on the [General Account of the Buddha] (hereafter FZTJ), T.2045, vol.49, p.396a. other hand, approached Buddhism from a position of On the Tang preference for Taoism, see Weinstein, Buddhism under the strength. While supporting the construction of temples and T'ang. Of course, some later Tang emperors were fervent patrons of taking instruction in Buddhism, the Song rulers had supreme Buddhism. authority over the Buddhist monks. One explanation lies in 3. "Emperor Zhenzong valued Taoism and Buddhism equally," FZTJ, the circumstances surrounding the establishment of the p.403b. respective dynasties. In Goryeo Korea, winning over influen- 4. In 998, Emperor Zhenzong wrote that Buddhism and Confucianism dif- tial temples was a key to Taejo’s success in integrating the fer in their external trappings, but that the meaning (dao) is the same. FZTJ, p.402a. three rival kingdoms into his new dynastic state. After the http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives Buddhism and State-Building / Vermeersch · 9 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives · December 2004

5. Huang Chi-chiang's view that Taizu's attitude towards Buddhism was every 100 monks, one new monk can be ordained every year. Quan Song half-hearted is not entirely convincing. His argument is based on the wen, vol. 1, p.151 and p.159. story of Taizu's attempt to burn a Buddha relic to see whether or not it 25. FZTJ: 400a. In 986, Taizong set the amount of pages to be recited at 300. changed colour. When it did not, Taizu saw it as a miracle. Yet the story However, this number could fluctuate. In the south, where there were does not indicate why Taizu wanted to burn the relic. Indeed, Taizong more monks already, stricter conditions were imposed. See Huang repeated the very same experiment with the same result. Huang, "Im- Qijiang, Beisong Fojiaoshi lungao [Essays on the in perial Rulership and Buddhism," p.146. the Northern Song], p.36. 6. Chikusa Masaaki, Sô-Gen Bukkyô bunkashi kenkyû [Studies in the His- 26. "Lintan fa," Seng shilüe T. 2126: 252b. tory of Buddhist Culture during the Song and Yuan Dynasties], pp.364– 27. On the Goryeo legislation on monks, see Sem Vermeersch, "The Status 67; FZTJ, p.393a-b. of Monks: State Regulations Concerning Buddhist Monks in the Koryô 7. FZTJ, p.393a. Dynasty," Review vol. 20, no. 2 (2003), pp. 145-168. In 8. FZTJ, p.407a and p.401c. China too there existed a category of people who stayed at monasteries 9. FZTJ, p.398a and p.464b; Fozu lidai tongzai, T. 2036, vol.49, p.659b; Helwig illegally because they could not afford the price of an ordination certifi- Schmidt-Glintzer, "Eine Ehrenrettung für den Süden: Pao-chih (418–514) cate. See Chikusa Masaaki, "Sodai bai choko [Study of the Sale of Ordi- und Fu Hsi (497–569), zwei Heilige aus dem unteren Yangtse Tal," in nation Certificates in the Song]," in Chûgoku Bukkyô shakaishi kenkyû, 65. Gert Naundorf et al., ed., Religion und Philosophie in Osatasien: Festschrift It is not clear whether the sale of ordination certificates also occurred in für Hans Steininger, pp.247–65. Baozhi's mystical power was again in- Goryeo. voked by the founder of the Ming dynasty. See Soper, "Hsiang-kuo-ssu, 28. For the translation of one of these law codes, see W. Eichhorn, Beitrag an Imperial Temple of Northern Sung China," Journal of the American zur rechtlichen Stellung des Buddhismus und Taoismus im Sung-Staat. Oriental Society vol.68 (1948), pp.19–45. Übersetzung der Sektion "Taoismus und Buddhismus" aus dem Ch'ing-yüan 10. FZTJ, p.394c. t'iao-fa shih-lei (Ch. 50 und 51). 11. This statement is problematic because Zanning only joined the Song 29. Xie and Bai, Zhongguo sengguan zhidushi [History of the System of Mo- court after Taizu's death. For a discussion of this problem, see Welter, nastic Offices in China], pp.158–70. "A Buddhist Response," 31. This response is not original because the 30. To be more precise, these were not ranks, but offices. In the Song bu- Northern Wei rulers used the same argument to avoid showing sub- reaucratic system, job titles were often an expression of personal rank, mission to the Buddha or Buddhist monks. Zanning probably quoted a which had to be followed up by a job assignment. If this did not hap- historical precedent rather than making a doctrinal statement. pen, the office (personal rank) was only an empty title. See Xie and Bai, 12. Huang, "Imperial Rulership and Buddhism," p. 161. No sources are Zhongguo sengguan zhidushi, pp.158–70. given. See FZTJ, p.403a. 31. FZTJ, p.402c; Huang, "Imperial Rulership and Buddhism," p.155 and 13. Jeong In-ji et. al. Goryeosa [History of Goryeo] (hereafter GRS). Reprint. p.176, n.56. 2: 15a. 32. Huang, "Imperial Rulership and Buddhism," p.161. 14. FZTJ, p.393b. 33. The only clear reference to this senior exam is an imperial communica- 15. GRS, 2: 15a. tion for 1056, indicating that besides monks who had been ordained more than forty years, younger monks could take an examination in 16. Yang Eun-yong, "Goryeo Taejo chinje Gaetaesa Hwaom peophoe so ui order to be qualified for the office. See Xu Zizhi tongjian changbian [Uni- yeon'gu [Research on the Gaetaesa Hwaom Assembly prayer text writ- versal Mirror to the Aid of Government, Continued and Enlarged], p.109, ten by Taejo]," Han'guk Bulgyo munhwa sasang sa: Gasan Yi Ji-gwan hwagap 4a. However, other evidence suggests that the examination had never kinyeom nonchong [The History, Culture and Thought of Korean Bud- been an effective policy. See Huang, "Imperial Rulership and dhism: Festschrift for Yi Chi-gwan], vol.1, pp.810–22. Buddhism,"p. 182, n.89. 17. "Heungbeopsa Jin'gong Daesa bi [Stele for Jin'gong Daesa]," in Han'guk 34. In theory, the local monks' registry had to convene abbots to decide yeoksa yeon'guhoe [The Society for the Study of Korean History] (ed.), vacant abbacies. See Eichhorn, "Beitrag zur rechtlichen Stellung des Yeokju Namal Yeoch'o geumseongmun [Annotated and Translated Epigra- Buddhismus," p.38. In practice, local magistrates often proposed monks phy from the Late Silla-Early Goryeo Period] (hereafter NYGSM), vol.1, with whom they were familiar. See Huang Chi-chiang, "Elite and Clergy p.85. in Northern Sung Hang-chou," in Gregory and Getz, Jr. (eds.), Buddhism 18. On Taejo's representation through Buddhism, see Sem Vermeersch, "Rep- in the Sung, p.301. resentation of the Ruler in Buddhist Inscriptions of Early Koryô," Ko- 35. Vermeersch, "The Power of Buddha: The Ideological and Institutional rean Studies vol. 26, no. 2 (2002), pp. 216-250. Role of Buddhism in the Koryô Period (918-1392)," pp.213–28. 19. This was of course a contentious issue. The Renwang jing states that the 36. This does not necessarily mean that monks were at the mercy of the scripture is to be entrusted to the king, not the whole dharma. See administration. To the contrary, it helped the pro-Buddhist rulers to make Vermeersch, "Representation of the Ruler," pp. 226-8. sure that eminent monks were not thwarted by local bureaucrats. 20. Sekai bijutsu daizenshu, dai 10-kan: Kôkuri, Kudari, Shiragi, Kôrai [Com- 37. Vermeersch, "The Power of Buddha," p.238. plete Collection of World Art, Vol. 10: Goguryeo, Baekje, Silla, Goryeo], pp.405. 38. Ibid., pp.272–74. 21. Bongam-sa Jeongjin Daesa bi (965) [Stele for Jeongjin Daesa], NYGSM, 39. Welter, "A Buddhist Response," p.42. vol. 1, pp.268–69. 40. "Geodon-sa Weongong Guksa bi, [Stele for Weongong Guksa]," Yi Ji- 22. Although at least one Song offprint (dated 1108, now in the Sackler gwan (ed. and trans.), Gamju gyoyeok yeokdae goseung bimun [Annotated Museum of Harvard University) remains of this text from the first Song and Translated Epitaphs of Eminent Monks], vol. 3, p.216. tripitaka, otherwise it didn't circulate in China. This paragraph is based on my unpublished paper "Ancestor Worship and Buddhist Politics: A New Look at the Origins of the First Goryeo Tripitaka," presented at the BIBLIOGRAPHY Harvard Korea Colloquium on May 17, 2003. 23. FZTJ, p.396b. Anonymous. 1997–2001. Sekai bijutsu daizenshu, dai 10-kan: Kôkuri, Kudari, Shiragi, Kôrai [Complete Collection of World Art, Vol. 10: Goguryeo, Baekje, 24. Chikusa, Sô-Gen Bukkyô bunkashi, p.371. Quoted from Xu zizhi tongjian Silla, Goryeo], Tokyo: Shogakkan. changbian, p.14. According to Zhaoling ji (Quan Song wen), the initial de- cree states vaguely that one [extra?] monk could be "released" for every Chikusa, Masaaki. 1982. Chûgoku Bukkyô shakaishi kenkyû [Studies in the 70 to 138. This is followed by a clearer decree, which stipulates that for Social History of Chinese Buddhism]. Kyoto: Dohosha. http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives Buddhism and State-Building / Vermeersch · 10 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives · December 2004

__. 2000. Sô-Gen Bukkyô bunkashi kenkyû [Studies in the History of Buddhist Schmidt-Glintzer, Helwig. 1985. "Eine Ehrenrettung für den Süden: Pao- Culture during the Song and Yuan Dynasties]. Tokyo: Kyûko Shûin. chih (418–514) und Fu Hsi (497–569), zwei Heilige aus dem unteren Yangtse Dahlia, Albert. 1987. "The ‘Political Career' of the Buddhist Historian Tsan- Tal," in Gert Naundorf et al., ed., Religion und Philosophie in Ostasien: Festschrift ning," in David W. Chappell, ed., Buddhist and Taoist Practice in Medieval für Hans Steininger. Würzburg: Königshausen und Neumann, pp.247–65. Chinese Society. Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press, pp.146–80. Shih, Heng-ching. 1992. The Syncretism of Ch'an and . Ebrey, Patricia. 1997. "Portrait Sculptures in Imperial Ancestral Rites in Song New York: Peter Lang. China," T'oung Pao, vol.83 (1997), pp.42–92. Soper, Alexander. "Hsiang-kuo-ssu, an Imperial Temple of Northern Sung Eichhorn, W. 1968. Beitrag zur rechtlichen Stellung des Buddhismus und Taoismus China," Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol.68 (1948), pp.19–45. im Sung-Staat. Übersetzung der Sektion "Taoismus und Buddhismus" aus dem Vermeersch, Sem. 2001. "The Power of Buddha: The Ideological and Insti- Ch'ing-yüan t'iao-fa shih-lei (Ch. 50 und 51). Leiden: E.J. Brill. tutional Role of Buddhism in the Goryeo Period (918–1392)," Ph.D. disser- Gregory, Peter and Daniel A. Getz, eds., 1999. Buddhism in the Sung. Hono- tation, University of London. lulu: University of Hawaii Press. __. "Representation of the Ruler in Buddhist Inscriptions of Early Goryeo," Huang, Chi-chiang. 1994. "Imperial Rulership and Buddhism in the Early Korean Studies, vol. 26, no.2 (2002), pp.216-250. Northern Sung," in Frederick P. Brandauer and Chun-chieh Huang, eds., __. "The Status of Monks: State Regulations Concerning Buddhist Monks Imperial Rulership and Cultural Change in Traditional China. Seattle, WA: Uni- in the Goryeo Dynasty," Buddhist Studies Review, vol. 20, no. 2 (2003), pp.145- versity of Washington Press, pp.144–87. 168. Huang, Qijiiang. 1997. Beisong Fojiao lungao [Essays on the History of Bud- Weinstein, Stanley. 1987. Buddhism under the T'ang. Cambridge: Cambridge dhism in the Northern Song]. Taibei: Commercial Press. University Press. Huang, Mingzhi. 1989. Songdai Fojiao shehui jingjishi lunji [Collection of Es- Welter, Albert. 1993. The Meaning of Myriad Good Deeds: A Study of Yung- says on the Social and Economic History of Buddhism in Song Dynasty]. ming Yen-shou and the Wan-shou t'ung-kuei. New York: Peter Lang. Taibei: Xuesheng shuju. Xie, Chongguan and Bai Wengu. 1990. Zhongguo sengguan zhidushi [History Han'guk yeoksa yeon'guhoe [The Society for the Study of Korean History], of the System of Monastic Offices in China]. Xining: Qinghai renmin ed., 1996. Yeokju Namal Yeocho geumseongmun [Annotated and Translated chubanshe. Epigraphy from the Late Silla-Early Goryeo Period] (hereafter NYKSM), Yang, Eun-yong. 1992. "Goryeo Taejo chinje Gaetaesa Hwaom peophoe so vol.1. Seoul: Hyean. ui yeon'gu [Research on the Gaetae-sa Hwaom Assembly prayer text writ- Janousch, Andreas. 1999. "The Emperor as Bodhisattva: The Bodhisattva ten by Taejo]," Han'guk Bulgyo munhwa sasang sa: Gasan Yi Ji-gwan hwagap Ordination and Ritual Assemblies of Emperor Wu of the Liang Dynasty," in ginyeom nonchong [The History, Culture and Thought of Korean Buddhism: Joseph McDermott, ed., State and Court Ritual in China. Cambridge: Cam- Festschrift for Yi Ji-gwan], vol.1. Seoul: Gasan Mun'go, 1992, pp. 810-822. bridge University Press, pp.112–49. Yi, Ji-gwan, ed. and trans., 1993. Gamju gyoyeok yeokdae goseung bimun [An- Rogers, Michael C. 1982–83. "P'yeonnyeon T'ongnok: The Foundation Leg- notated and Translated Epitaphs of Eminent Monks], vol.3. Seoul: Kasan end of the Goryeo State," Journal of Korean Studies, vol.4 (1982–1983), pp.3– mun'go. 72. Rossabi, Morris. ed., 1983. China among Equals. Berkeley: University of Cali- fornia Press.

Sem Vermeersch (Ph.D. School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London) is a research associate at Academia Koreana in Keimyung University, South Korea. He is a specialist in Korean history, and has authored several studies on Buddhism in Korea. He was a postdoctoral fellow at the Korean Institute, Harvard University in 2002-2003. Address: Academia Koreana, Keimyung University, 1000, Sindang-dong, Dalseo-Gu, Daegu, 704-701, South Korea. Email: [email protected]

http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives Buddhism and State-Building / Vermeersch · 11 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives · December 2004

economic, administrative, and not least judicial powers not circumscribed by any higher authority.3 A major part of this process, indeed a crucial one, were A Battle for Minds: the legislative efforts of many daimyô which constituted, in Regulating Buddhism in the words of Katsumata Shizuo, “a declaration of indepen- dence”4 from the moribund shogunal government in Kyoto. Sixteenth-Century Japan A characteristic feature of daimyô legislation was the fact that, apart from regulating the behavior of retainers, edicts by Ronald K. Frank, Ph.D. and law codes were designed to apply to all inhabitants of the domain. The daimyô thus laid claim to control over a territory rather than over a group of people defined by status, occupa- Abstract tion, or personal affiliation and vassalage. The article examines some of the idiosyncrasies of church-state relations Needless to say, the power of a daimyô grew to the extent in the Warring States (sengoku) period in Japan. "Church" means the formal and informal organizational structures binding ordained and to which he managed to limit and to circumscribe the free- unordained religious practitioners of various forms of Buddhism, while doms and privileges of individuals, groups and institutions in "state" refers to the more or less formalized administrative apparatus of his domain. Freedom of action was achieved by limiting the independent daimyô domains (rather than the remnants of the old freedom of other potential actors. Of concern in this regard imperial state). It argues that traditional power holders tried to prevent were of course first and foremost fellow warriors, especially any spontaneous large-scale group activities amongst commoners, those with long standing roots in a given locality. However, religious or otherwise. By examining a wide range of anti-religious policies, it shows that repressive measures employed by Nobunaga, challenges could arise from non-warriors as well. Peasants Hideyoshi, and Ieyasu to control religious communities had been and townspeople alike had become accustomed to a measure presaged by similar policies in the domains of daimyô throughout the of self-administration and freedom of spatial as well as social sixteenth century. mobility that resisted incorporation into a rigid administra- tive mechanism. Of all the potential threats to a daimyô’s control that of fellow warriors was perhaps the most tangible. In the temple chronicle of the Myôhôji, a small Buddhist But a more insidious challenge could always come from a temple in the shadow of Mt. Fuji, the entry for the year 1553 different sector, one that we hasten to classify as “elite”, appears to be rather typical at first glance. The abbot recorded namely the Buddhist clergy. Of all potential actors on the an unusual summer draught, and mention was made of the political scene of Sengoku Japan they alone were accustomed fortunes of war affecting this particular corner of eastern to a degree of economic and institutional independence on Japan. Yet the last sentence of the entry for that year deals the national level that could effectively thwart attempts to with a very peculiar edict indeed. In the words of the abbot, incorporate them into regional polities. More importantly Lay priests, Shintô practitioners as well as peasants are all Buddhist sects not only frequently resorted to violent means greatly distraught, since all those who had a master and failed to achieve their own political goals5, they could and fre- to report this fact will have to pay a fine.1 quently did provide an ideology for mass actions by com- An edict to this effect had been issued by the ruler of Kai moners. In fact, perhaps the most important development in province2 where the temple was located earlier that year. medieval Japanese Buddhism was the emergence of religious Although the Myôhôji was part of network of temples communities in which there was little discernible distinction belonging to the prominent sect whose members between lay practitioners and ordained clergy. Buddhist had gained fame as troublemakers throughout the land, monasteries, on the other hand, could be important allies in a technically it was still subject to the laws of Kai. Furthermore, daimyô’s quest for legitimacy, since sponsorship of religious the province was ruled by none other than the great daimyô institutions had been a hallmark of wise and benevolent rule. Takeda Shingen (1521–1573), and he had on many occasions Lastly, many daimyô themselves were devout Buddhists, made it clear to everybody who was listening that no one, Takeda Shingen and his adversary Uesugi Kenshin are the high or low, cleric or layman, could hope to escape the new most famous examples. Thus it is tempting to assume that order he had established in his domain. The abbot of the there were incentives for them to use their power to promote Myôhôji had thus every reason to take note; he must have one sect at the expense of others. However, as we shall see, known only too well that Shingen had the will and the restrictive measures were as a rule not justified on doctrinal resources to actually enforce the laws he made. grounds. All of these factors had an impact on how daimyô In this Shingen was a rather typical representative of the were trying to rein in and regulate Buddhist institutions and class of newly emerging semi-sovereign rulers of many of the practitioners. It should be mentioned that attempts to regulate “Warring States” that made up the political landscape of clergy were made as early as the eighth century. The Taiho sixteenth-century Japan. These sengoku daimyô were in the Code of 702 contains a whole section of “Regulations for process of defining their positions as legitimate bearers of Buddhist Monks and Nuns” consisting of 27 articles. “public authority” (kôgi). As such they were intent on tran- In the following we shall explore some aspects of that scending the limitations of being a mere landed warrior- regulatory process in the domains of Eastern Japan, most aristocrat with a retinue of enfeoffed vassals and becoming notably those of the Takeda, and their neighbors to the north instead the head of a (however miniature) state with political, and south, the Uesugi and the Imagawa, respectively. http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives Regulating Buddhism in 16th c. Japan / Frank · 12 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives · December 2004

I. Regulators and Regulated for the Ikkô (Honganji) sect. In addition, these new sects The Imagawa had been military governors (shugo) of Suruga openly renounced many tenets of monasticism, such as and Tôtômi provinces6 since the early Muromachi period celibacy. Pure Land and Shin Buddhism thus not only blurred (1336–1573). Imagawa Ujichika (1473–1526) issued one of the the line between laity and clergy in general, but openly earliest domain law codes (bunkokuhô), the Imagawa Kana endorsed the maintenance of lineage amongst their leader- 8 Mokuroku in 1526. The house faded into relative obscurity ship. Individual itinerant religious practitioners (hijiri) were after the unsuccessful attempt by Ujichika’s son Yoshimoto part of a movement (known as Yugyô-ha or Jishû) that linked (1519–1560) to occupy Kyoto in 1560 that resulted in the salvation with absolute obedience to the head of the order, partial occupation of the Imagawa domain by Takeda forces. thus imbuing religious authority with very concrete secular The Takeda had been in charge of Kai province for power. These “Protestant” characteristics of late medieval generations when Takeda Harunobu, the future Shingen, Japanese Buddhism, an accessible doctrine based on faith, few ousted his father Nobutora in 1541. Ironically, the rather ethical constraints, and extreme sectarianism made for a obscure Nobutora would outlive his famous son and his dangerous mix in an age where “those below [were] over- equally famous host in exile, Imagawa Yoshimoto. Shingen throwing those above”. Intriguingly followers of both the proceeded to become one of the most successful and famous Lotus and the True Pure Land sect often stressed the concept sengoku daimyô, extending his domain over several prov- of personal effort (jiriki) in trying to overcome the “outside inces and issuing a domain law code, the Kôshû Hatto that was power” (tariki) of their overlords (Berry, 1994, 43–44). Another partially inspired by that of the Imagawa. pun-like irony was perhaps less apparent to contemporary The emergence of the Uesugi as the actual rulers of observers. Just as the idea of the “end of the law” (mappô) was Echigo province7 is a classic case of what has been called central to popular Buddhist doctrine, Buddhist institutions gekokujô – “those below overthrowing those above” – a term and communities of believers where confronted with the used to describe the social upheaval of the Sengoku period. In beginnings of a new kind of law, albeit a very secular one, this particular case, the deputy military governor (shugodai) of designed to limit their independence. Echigo, Nagao Kagetora (1530–1578) “inherited” not only the domain of his former lord but also his illustrious family II. Immunity and Succession name. The last of the shogunal deputies of the East (Kantô Buddhist temples in sixteenth-century Japan were kanrei), Uesugi Norimasa, “bestowed” both upon Kagetora presented with challenges and opportunities that were not (the future Uesugi Kenshin) in 1561. A contemporary and too different from what samurai and commoners were facing famous adversary of Takeda Shingen, Kenshin would become in an “Age of Warring States”. The breakdown of the admin- in the imagination of later generations the peace-loving istrative system centered on the courts of emperor and antidote to his bloodthirsty neighbor Shingen. Although no shogun had led initially to loss of sponsorships for estab- comprehensive law code for the domain was issued, the lished temples. However, daimyô could and frequently did surviving edicts from the Uesugi archives shed some light on support large Buddhist institutions, even outside their the position of Buddhists in a domain ruled by a lay monk. domains. Both the Imagawa and the Takeda, along with many Most practicing Buddhists in sixteenth-century Japan other houses, were acknowledged as patrons of the subscribed to the notion that theirs was the age of mappô, the Myôshinji, an important Rinzai Zen monastery in Kyoto “End of the Law (dharma)”. This eschatological concept (Colcutt, 1981, 128). The Takeda, along with their archenemies about the decline of the teachings of the Buddha and conse- the Uesugi were also on the list of sponsors for the even more quent inability of people to reach enlightenment through their illustrious Daitokuji, head temple of the Rinzai Zen branch own efforts (jiriki) had been widespread since the late Heian school of the same name.9 It would appear that sponsorship period (794–1185). Echoing the tendencies already inherent in of nationally known Buddhist centers became an important the doctrines of both the Tendai and the Shingon school of step in obtaining or maintaining political legitimacy for Buddhism, a succession of great Buddhist masters of the daimyô. Kamakura (1185–1333) and Muromachi (1336-1573) periods On the other hand, large temple networks and individual had emphasized new paths to salvation and created a number temples could potentially capitalize on the political turmoil of schools that would dominate the religious landscape of late by enhancing and consolidating their land holdings and medieval Japan. Even more strongly than the established translating that economic power into military and political schools of Tendai and Shingon, Nichiren (Lotus), Jôdo (Pure might as well. Most temples had enjoyed rights of immunity Land) and Shin (True Pure Land) Buddhism stressed the for centuries and had thus become landlords in their own concept of reliance on an “outside power” (tariki) in order to right, protected at times by large formations of warrior obtain enlightenment. In the age of mappô faith in the saving monks. Furthermore, state support for the established schools grace of the Buddha Amida or the Lotus came to be such as Tendai and Shingon had been diminished since the considered the most reliable path to salvation. fourteenth century, when the shogunate had begun to actively Needless to say, stressing the efficacy of one way over all promote Zen and Shin Buddhism in part to limit the political others held the potential of developing concepts of heresy, power of the established temples and the impact of spiritual intolerance, and sectarian strive. This was especially apparent threats against the capital.10 It is conceivable that especially in Nichiren’s emphasis on the Lotus Sutra and in Rennyô’s Tendai and Shingon temples would try to turn this situation (1415–1499) interpretation of Shin Buddhist doctrine, the basis to their advantage and find the severance of relationships http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives Regulating Buddhism in 16th c. Japan / Frank · 13 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives · December 2004 with a central government beneficial to their aim of consoli- The same was true for the Imagawa domain. The 1526 dating their land holdings.11 A sense of urgency and crisis code had already abolished all immune land within the among the large Buddhist establishments arose from the provincial capital of Sumpu. The Supplementary Code competition from Lotus or Ikkô sectarians, whereas the (Imagawa Kana Mokuroku Tsuika) of 1553 clarified the breakdown of the centralized political order might present an daimyô’s (Imagawa Yoshimoto) position on immunity opportunity to capitalize on long standing privileges. privileges once and for all: Daimyô such as the Imagawa, Takeda, and Uesugi The older regulation about the immunity from the entry of addressed both sets of “Buddhist” issues in their legislation. shugo official was enacted at a time when the house of the One the one hand, they were trying to control established Shogun ruled over the whole realm and shugo were appointed temples and to incorporate them into the fiscal and adminis- to every province. Holding the right of immunity from the entry of shugo officials one could disregard the shugo’s trative structure of the domain. On the other, they were command. Now that by and large the land has been given laws concerned about curbing sectarian violence as a threat to by virtue of our own might and peace and order have been public order and about establishing a working mechanism to restored it cannot be that the shugo’s hand should not reach police the actions of adherents of Buddhist sects. Daimyô every corner. 14 regulations of Buddhist clergy thus had an institutional and Matters of succession to the position of abbot had tradition- fiscal dimension as well as an administrative and penal one. ally been handled either inside the temple or by a superior There were many regulations dealing with issues of temple of the same school. Evidently in order to curb per- immunity from certain forms of taxation and from interference ceived “abuses” of the discretion to appoint temple officials of daimyô officials in matters of internal temple administra- Article 29 of the earlier Imagawa code stated: tion. Article 22 of the Imagawa Kana Mokuroku of 1526 states: It is henceforth forbidden that priest might give temples to As to immune lands, there should be no changes. But the people they claim to be their pupils, without checking the proprietors tend to hinder the punishment [of criminals]. The knowledge and ability of the person in question. However, the lord has to carry out the punishment immediately after being concrete circumstances have to be taken into consideration. 15 informed by the authorities [about the crime]. Although this regulation already exists for several years, some proprietors By the time the second Imagawa code was issued in 1553, continue to be negligent, therefore it is recorded here once there already existed an official for Buddhist temples (tera again.12 bugyô) who appointed qualified candidates as abbots of Although this regulation dealt with all immune lands, the “protection temples” (kiganji) that were supposed to pray for provision specifically applied to temples. Rather than just the well-being of the province. Such a position was appar- confirming existing privileges, however, the law was indeed ently a profitable sinecure, since such temples were endowed trying to circumscribe the discretion of holders of immune with taxable land by the daimyô. It should not be forgotten land by requiring them to take action against criminals who that as landlords temples were of course recipients of taxes as might have taken on their estate. Discretionary judicial well as taxpayers. Article 18 made clear that abbots of such privilege was thus in effect turned into an obligation to temples were little more than civil servants: render justice according to domain standards. It is very high-handed and unlawful for abbots of protection Traditionally, the concept of immunity from official action temples to change their way of life without proper reason and had most commonly implied exemption from assessment give their temple to other people. If a monk neglects his duties and therefore returns to worldly life, the temple is to be through land surveys and thus in effect freedom from land- confiscated and the official for temples shall deal with the based taxation. A document signed by Takeda Nobutora, matter. A qualified abbot shall be appointed. 16 Shingen’s father guarantees the Kôsaiji temple the following privileges: In the Uesugi domain the tendency appears to have been Item: That the samurai chamberlain shall not enter. to charge all established temples with prayers for Item: That the land steward (jitô) and county assessor (daikan) “peace and security of the state” (kokka anzen). When in 1560 shall do likewise. an edict offering tax relief for residents of the provincial Item: Trespassing on mountains and forests shall be punish- capital was published, its first article stated: able. As for the dues from temple and shrine land, even though Item: No correspondence with monks shall be allowed without people from the city are exempted from them, [the temples and consent of the abbot. shrines] shall not be negligent in prayers for the peace of the Item: Foot soldiers shall not enter. state, regular religious ceremonies, repairs, etc. 17 Whosoever violates these regulations shall be punished.13 This regulation is illustrative of yet another measure This regulation affirms all elements of regular immunity designed to subordinate temples to the authority of the privileges (funyûken). Although the date is not recorded, it daimyô. By controlling the temple’s access to dues payable by was clearly issued before its author’s ouster as daimyô in its peasants, the daimyô could effectively control the purse 1541. Communications to temples by his successor Shingen, strings of a hitherto autonomous economic entity in his however, as a rule mentioned only exemption from specific domain. It should not go without mention, however, that in taxes, thus implying that general rights of immunity were no controlling the flow of tax revenue to temples the daimyô was longer recognized by the daimyô. By mid-century all culti- following a precedent established by central authorities since vated land as well as buildings in the domain were subject to the Heian period. Recognition and circumscription of propri- taxes unless specifically exempted. http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives Regulating Buddhism in 16th c. Japan / Frank · 14 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives · December 2004 etary rights of temples had been a point of contention between This edict was issued in Echigo in 1521. The concern with them and the shogunal government, especially with the onset sectarian activities can be explained by the close geographical of the Muromachi period. While secular powers would often proximity of Kaga province, a Honganji stronghold. It should emphasize their desire to protect a temple’s assets and assure be noted that no attempt was made to outlaw membership in receipt of dues, religious institutions quite justifiably saw the a religious order. Rather, the author Nagao Tamekage, Uesugi matter as an encroachment upon immunity rights. Kenshin’s predecessor as de facto daimyô of Echigo, was It would appear, then, that a sengoku daimyô’s policies concerned that potentially dangerous activities and affilia- towards temples closely mirrored the measures directed at tions with popular sects (read: Honganji) should be reported. limiting the independence of vassals. Individually powerful By mid-century the police powers had been better organized, warriors in the Imagawa, Takeda, and Uesugi domains saw as this edict suggests: their autonomy as landlords greatly diminished by limita- Item: On the day of the Buddhist town festival, people crossing tions on their immunity privileges. Land holding became the Eastern small bridge must be reported to the authorities. more and more conditional on the rendering of service, Item: People who shall not cross [bridges and river fords]: All military service in the case of samurai and “prayer service” in sorts of priests, actors, blind singers and outcasts (hinin) shall not be allowed to receive a permit. the case of temples. The daimyô tried to control his vassals’ The above are regulations concerning the passage over bridges, and temples’ access to the wealth their land provided and the number of people crossing these has to be diligently even interfered in matters of succession and inheritance. It reported, and if by any chance there should be an offender could be argued that in doing so a daimyô would enhance his amongst them, he has to be singled out. It is thus ordered.20 legitimacy by following a precedent established by central This regulation clearly seeks to limit the freedom of authorities. movement of those able to exert considerable influence over the minds of a potentially large audience, either by means of III. Mobility and Security preaching a religious doctrine or by performing. No specific As necessary as these measures were with regard to the sect is mentioned, “all sorts of priests” are equally suspicious. administrative and fiscal coherence of the domain, no daimyô While it was obvious that wandering folk might actually be could ignore the considerable threat to internal stability by agents in the service of some neighboring domain, the tone of elements that were notoriously hard to control, namely the edict is indicative of the general tendency to view spatial itinerant religious practitioners and sectarian adherents. mobility as almost as undesirable as social mobility. Itinerant Religious squabbles had the potential to destabilize a domain, priests could perhaps be dangerous agitators or even spies, while individuals with no fixed residence or status posed a but they were definitely not the kind of subject the daimyô very concrete security risk. Measures to control their move- desired: registered taxpayers. Furthermore, a landed aristoc- ment and to curb sectarian violence had to take into consider- racy relies on the labor of peasants. When there is a shortage ation the fact that for the most part they were directed at of working hands as is likely in times of warfare, non- adherents of widely popular beliefs. For the time being, most economic measures are often used to bind peasants to the daimyô lacked the power to deal with manifestations of land. The existence of organizations that would make it easy religious fervor the way Oda Nobunaga and Toyotomi for a peasant to abscond undetected is consequently highly Hideyoshi would towards the close of the Sengoku period. undesirable from the point of view of the lord. Buddhist sects, That the problem was ubiquitous is amply illustrated by especially the Lotus and Honganji schools devoted to a the sheer amount of rules and measures directed at Buddhist doctrine of equality, made it easy for people to shift in and “trouble makers”. The following is an early example: out of the status of clerics and were thus by definition Item: Gatherings are prohibited for all times in accordance with subversive of the existing order. the command of Lord Takaoka.18 As “renouncing worldly life” became a convenient and Item: To revive any particular sect without due cause is a often used escape route for mistreated peasants, debtors, and frivolous act. criminals, the issue caught the attention of daimyô legislators. [...] Item: Those who do not report large gatherings of either lowly Thus the Takeda code of 1547 expands the regular “order to peasants or sect members shall be punished. return people” (hitogaeshi-rei) in the following manner: Item: In case of a religious quarrel or insurrection, those who If somebody incurred debts and wanders around the land after report it shall receive the house of the culprit as a reward. having renounced worldly life or simply absconding, his guilt [...] should not be considered minor. Somebody who gives shelter Item: Negligence by officials in the past has almost led to ruin, to him has to be held responsible for the debts.21 if therefore in the future associations with any sects are not reported and hence not known, this will be detrimental to the Joining a religious order to escape any worldly obligation country (kuni) and against the law. Any official guilty of this was thus in violation of secular law. Furthermore, joining an shall be demoted for his entire life. order did not erase obligations incurred previously. Curiously Item: If a sect is discovered on immune land under official jurisdiction, house and land shall be given to the informer after enough, however, the same code contained provisions that the steward (jitô) has been told of the matter. appear to prohibit the opposite, namely the entering of The above articles shall be followed to the letter by everybody, itinerant priests into relationships of obligation with a secular down to the very last child, nobody may infringe upon these counterpart. Thus article 52 makes it illegal for unaffiliated regulations. Shintô and Buddhist priest to “have a lord”. It states further It is thus ordered. 19 that violators will be prevented from wandering around the http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives Regulating Buddhism in 16th c. Japan / Frank · 15 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives · December 2004 land. The rationale behind this rule is quite obviously two- ENDNOTES fold. It prevents people from switching their allegiance from 1. Myôhôjiki, Tenbun 22. For the original text see Takeda shiryôshû one overlord to another by way of “renunciation”, and it [Collection of Takeda Sources], Shigeo and Harunori, eds., p. 55. prevents lords from acquiring work force or military person- 2. Present day Yamanashi prefecture. nel “off the books”, thus enhancing daimyô control over 3. For the purposes of this article, “Sengoku” refers to the time period samurai and commoners at the same time. This is also the 1467–1590. John W. Hall’s classic typology of the daimyô distin- reason for the curious levying of fines quoted at the outset. guishes three developmental stages for this time period. See John W. Hall, “Foundations of the Modern Japanese Daimyo,” in Hall and This measure was clearly in full accordance with the law of Jansen, eds., Studies in the Institutional History of Early Modern Japan. the land. Shingen did indeed have a propensity for turning While acknowledging the continued validity of Hall’s observations, I security concerns into fiscal benefits. His most ingenious apply the term “sengoku daimyô” to the rulers of independent domains invention was a “marriage tax” for Buddhist clergy. Accord- both prior to and during the unification period in the late sixteenth ing to this regulation, monks who were not celibate, or rather century. people joining a religious order while continuing to be 4. Katsumata Shizuo (with Martin Colcutt), “The Development of married were assessed an annual fine. Needless to say, this Sengoku Law,” in Hall et al., eds., Japan before Tokugawa, p.104. measure was directed primarily against followers of the True 5. The followers of the True Pure Land (or Shin) school distinguished themselves as particularly unruly since their takeover of an entire Pure Land and the Lotus sect, both of which had renounced province in the late 15th century. Their “League of the Single- monasticism. Minded” (Ikkô Ikki) was perhaps the best known mass movement of The Takeda are, however, also renowned for having been pre-modern Japan. early patrons of perhaps the most itinerant order of Pure 6. Present day Shizuoka prefecture. Land Buddhism, the Jishû or Yugyô sect. Its founder Shinkyô 7. Present day Niigata prefecture. (1237–1319) was apparently corresponding with the Takeda 8. See Thornton, Charisma, p. 18. family, among others.22 This sponsorship continued through- 9. The roster of sponsors included even Oda Nobunaga and Toyotomi out the Sengoku period, in part due to the precedent set by Hideyoshi, who would later become known as the great unifiers of the shogunal court and in part due to the location of Zenkôji Japan. For a complete list, see ibid., 127. temple network in Shinano province,23 a territory conquered 10. On the history of religious protests in early medieval Japan, see The by Shingen early in his career. Gates of Power, Adolphson. Buddhist clerics in Sengoku Japan were nevertheless 11. Adolphson sees in the land surveys conducted by Shingon temples in the late fourteenth century a direct precursor of similar daimyô likely to encounter obstacles to their freedom of movement policies 150 years later. See ibid., 326. and restrictions on how, when, where and to whom to preach. 12. Original text in Ishii Susumu et al., eds., Chûsei seiji shakai shisô Daimyô regulations were designed to separate itinerant [Medieval Socio-Political Thought] (hereafter CSS), vol. 1, p.197. practitioners from the rest of their subjects to the extent that 13. The translation is based on the original text in Kôfu shi shi: Shiryô-hen that was enforceable. Although the regulations are outwardly [History of Kôfu City: Sources] vol. 1, Doc. No.226, p.521. directed against the obvious culprits, namely people refusing 14. CSS, 205. to “fit in”, it must have been clear to everyone involved that 15. Ibid., 198. the goal of policing their actions was ultimately unobtainable. 16. Ibid., 204. The real aim of these laws was thus once again a larger 17. Niigata kenshi, Shiryô hen 3, Chûsei 1 [History of Niigata Prefecture: measure of control over both vassals and subjects, whose Sources, vol.3, Middle Ages, Part 1] (hereafter NKS), Doc. No.276. loyalty might be compromised by “dangerous doctrines”. In 18. Nagao Yoshikage (1459–1506) was shugodai of Echigo and ancestor of any event squabbles between adherents of Pure Land Bud- Uesugi Kenshin. dhism and those of “the Nichiren thugs” (in Shingen’s words) 19. NKS, Doc. No.275. would continue for the time being regardless of the laws laid 20. NKS, Doc. No.3387. down by lay priests bent on absolute power. 21. Article 41. For the original text see Satô Shin'ichi, Ikeuchi Yoshisuke and Momose Kesao, eds., Chûsei hôsei shiryôshû, vol. 3, Buke kahô IV. Conclusion [Sources of Medieval Legal History, vol.3, Military House Laws] p.212. The sengoku daimyô present a transitional stage in the 22. See Thornton, Charisma, p. 18. process of establishing state control over religious institu- 23. Present day Nagano prefecture. tions. Policies intended to limit the power of temples were adopted by the Ashikaga shoguns early in the Muromachi BIBLIOGRAPHY period. Some of the measures taken were comparable to what sengoku daimyô would attempt later on. In fact, the most Adolphson, Mikael. 2000. The Gates of Power: Monks, Courtiers, and Warriors in Premodern Japan. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. successful daimyô appear to have copied policies of the Berry, Mary Elizabeth. 1994. The Culture of Civil War in Kyoto. Berkeley: shogunate (e.g. the elimination of toll barriers) as well as University of California Press. those of the temples (land surveys). Consistent implementa- Colcutt, Martin. 1981. Five Mountains: The Rinzai Zen Monastic Institution tion of such measures on the national level remained beyond in Medieval Japan. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. the reach of the likes of Shingen and Kenshin. They shared Hall, John Whitney and Marius B. Jansen, ed. 1968. Studies in the the aspirations of the Ashikaga shoguns regarding Buddhist Institutional History of Early Modern Japan. Princeton: Princeton University religious institutions, which would eventually be realized Press. only by their Tokugawa successors. http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives Regulating Buddhism in 16th c. Japan / Frank · 16 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives · December 2004

Hall, John Whitney et al., ed. 1981. Japan before Tokugawa. Princeton: Satô, Shin'ichi, Ikeuchi Yoshisuke and Momose Kesao, eds., 1965. Chûsei Princeton University Press. hôsei shiryôshû, vol. 3, Buke kahô [Sources of Medieval Legal History, vol.3, Ishii, Susumu et al., eds., 1972. Chûsei seiji shakai shisô [Medieval Socio- Military House Laws]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten. Political Thought] (hereafter CSS), vol. 1. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten. Shimizu, Shigeo and Hattori Harunori, eds. 1968. Takeda shiryôshû Kôfu shi yakusho, comp., 1989. Kôfu shi shi: Shiryô-hen [History of Kôfu [Collection of Takeda Sources]. Tokyo: Shinjinbutsu Ôraisha. City: Sources], vol. 1. Kôfu, Japan. Thornton, S. A. 1999. Charisma and Community Formation in Medieval Japan: Niigata-ken, comp., 1982. Niigata kenshi, Shiryô hen 3, Chûsei 1 [History of The Case of the Yugyô-ha (1300–1700). Ithaca, NY: East Asia Program, Niigata Prefecture: Sources, vol.3, Middle Ages, Part 1] (hereafter NKS). Cornell University. Niigata, Japan.

Ronald K. Frank (Ph.D. Humboldt Universität, Germany) is Assistant Professor of History at Pace University in New York. He is a specialist in Japanese legal history and has authored several articles on laws and institutions in medieval Japan. Address: Depart- ment of History, Pace University, 1 Pace Plaza, New York City, NY 10038, USA. Email: [email protected]

http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives Regulating Buddhism in 16th c. Japan / Frank · 17 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives · December 2004

in the ways in which the state responded to problems facing the upper and lower levels of government.

The Anti-Christian Campaign I. The Anti-Christian Campaign and Imperial Control in On the evening of the twenty-seventh day of the eighth lunar month of, a small boat carrying four Italian Franciscan Eighteenth-Century China missionaries arrived at Baijia Wan near the borders of Hubei by Ma, Zhao and Shaanxi provinces. A quarrel broke out suddenly be- tween the boatmen and people on the shore. An assistant brigade commander (shoubei) and his soldiers passed by this Abstract scene during their routine inspection. When the soldiers This article looks at the anti-Christian campaign in 1784-1785 within the approached, people involved in the quarrel ran away. The wider contexts of political culture and bureaucratic reform in China soldiers were surprised to find four Italian Franciscan during the reign of the Qianlong Emperor. It argues that Qianlong missionaries on the boat (Willeke, 1948, 22). These missionar- exploited the anti-Christian campaign to reinvigorate his ruling machine and to enforce his control over the imperial bureaucracy. The significance ies were sent from Macao to look after the Catholic communi- 1 of this campaign lies not only in the light that it throws on the interac- ties in Shaanxi province, but they were arrested on the way. tions between the Chinese imperial state and Catholic communities in the The four missionaries were immediately taken to eighteenth century, but also in the ways in which the state continued to Wuchang, the provincial capital of Hubei. The officials failed work out new mechanisms in response to problems facing the upper and to extract any information from them because the missionar- lower levels of government. ies could not say a word in Chinese except “China,” “Beijing,” “Christianity” and “we cannot understand Chinese.”2 The language barrier made them look suspicious in the light of By looking at the anti-Christian campaign (1784–1785), the current political climate in China. Three months before the this study explores the dynamics of imperial control in arrival of the missionaries, a Muslim uprising broke out in eighteenth-century China. More than half a century ago, Gansu province and spread to neighboring Shaanxi province. Bernward H. Willeke argued that the fear of foreigners drove Though the uprising was suppressed and most of its leaders the Qianlong Emperor (reign 1735–1796) to launch a two- were executed, the imperial government continued to search month campaign against Catholic missionaries and Chinese for fugitive rebels, believing that some rebels hid themselves converts across the empire (Willeke, 1948). Yet it remains in the mountainous terrain along the provincial borders. That unclear to us why Qianlong extended the campaign for the missionaries were found in Hubei province, a region another eighteen months, long after the missionaries were adjacent to Shaanxi, seemed to be a coincidence, but Qianlong expelled from China. Drawing on unpublished materials at and the governor-generals suspected that “as soon as the the First Historical Archives in Beijing, this research argues Westerners learned about the uprising, they had sent these that the campaign was dictated by Qianlong’s agenda of missionaries to establish contacts and exchange intelligence “preserving peace and sustaining prosperity” (chiying baotai). with the Muslim rebels.”3 This security concern reveals a Qianlong saw the poor performance of the imperial sense of crisis that preoccupied the minds of Qianlong and his officials in the course of the anti-Christian campaign as senior officials (Willeke, 1948, 166). symptoms of bureaucratic demoralization and administrative It is hard to know whether Qianlong and his senior deterioration. Underlying this view of governance was the officials understood the doctrinal, ritual and institutional idea that the state’s commitment to political stability and differences between Islam and Catholicism. The archival economic prosperity was closely linked to effective control materials reveal the Chinese officials’ biases towards these over popular religious activities. As Philip A. Kuhn, Jane Kate two religions. The officials disparaged Islam and Catholicism Leonard, John Watt and Robert J. Anthony point out, the Qing because none of them were native Chinese teachings like government performed a mix of financial, security, and Daoism and Confucianism. Both religions were propagated ideological functions. Put together, these functions defined and practiced either by foreigners (European missionaries the government’s strategic agendas. The maintenance of and merchants) or among the non-Han Chinese (Muslims). By political and social stability was the top priority over other comparison, Islam was considered to be more politically issues (Kuhn, 1990, 30–48; Leonard and Watt, 1992, 1–7; subversive than Catholicism because there had been three Antony and Leonard, 2002, 1–26). While the bureaucratic major Muslim uprisings in the eighteenth century: the Da power of the imperial government was thinly spread across Xiao Hezhuo rebellion in Xinjiang (1756–1760), the Su the empire, Qianlong was concerned about the fact that the Sishisan uprising in Gansu (1781–1783), and the Tianwu country would be jeopardized in the long run by incompetent uprising in Gansu and Shaanxi (1784) (Lipman, 1998).4 After officials. Viewed from this perspective, Qianlong exploited all, the Kangxi Emperor (reign 1662–1722) banned Catholi- the anti-Christian campaign to reinvigorate the government cism as a heterodox religion because of the Rites Controversy institutions and to enforce his control over the bureaucracy. and most of the missionaries were expelled from China in the The significance of this study lies not only in the light that it late seventeenth century. throws on the interactions between the imperial state and Despite the lack of evidence, the investigation of the four Catholic communities in eighteenth-century China, but also missionaries continued. The officials discovered a Chinese http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives The Anti-Christian Campaign in 18th c. China / Ma · 18 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives · December 2004 letter in the missionaries’ luggage and found several Chinese Qianlong wrote, Catholics’ names and their addresses. They immediately went “I will be in my seventies from this year on. … If the empire to look for these Catholics. Amongst those arrested, some under my rulership has not achieved prosperity (quansheng), people had provided the missionaries with food and lodgings the people should at least be well off (xiaokang). My rule is and acted as their travel guides.5 Through interrogations, popular, our territory is expanded, the imperial power is widely recognized and my subjects are enjoying their lives. officials learnt about the background and reasons for the Previous dynasties were troubled by warlords, foreign missionaries’ visit to China. It was reported that in Xi’an, the aggressors, powerful vassals, imperial matrilineal kinsmen, provincial capital of Shaanxi, some Chinese Catholics had eunuchs, treacherous officials...Today we see no sign of these bought several houses from a retired district magistrate in problems… My achievement is truly remarkable.”12 1782 for constructing a church. After the church construction Qianlong maintained a strict control over the imperial in April 1784, two of the converts went to Guangdong bureaucracy. From a reading of his correspondence with the province to ask the missionaries to visit the Catholic commu- 6 provincial officials throughout the anti-Christian campaign, nity. In Guangzhou, they met the Chinese priest Peter Cai. In one gains an impression that the imperial bureaucracy still 1782, the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda in Rome sent operated in an efficient manner. On October 8, 1784 (Qianlong twelve missionaries to Macao. After their arrival at 49.8.24), Qianlong sent an edict to Techeng’e, the Governor- Guangzhou in early 1784, the missionaries stayed with General of Huguang, and ordered him to arrest two Catholics Francesco Giuseppe della Torre, a missionary of the Congre- there.13 Upon receiving the edict on October 15 (Qianlong gation of St. John the Baptist and known to the Chinese as 49.9.2), Techeng’e reported to Qianlong three days later that “Duo Luo” or “Luo Ma Dang Jia”, who was in charge of the he had captured one of the Catholics.14 Eight days later, on correspondence between the European missionaries at the October 26 (Qianlong 49.9.13), Qianlong received another imperial court in Beijing and the Vatican in Rome (Willeke, report and issued another edict to Techeng’e on the same 1948, 19–20). At the request of the two Chinese converts, day.15 No matter how far away the provincial capitals were Francesco Giuseppe della Torre and Peter Cai agreed to send from Beijing, the provincial officials had to respond to the four Italian Franciscan missionaries to Shaanxi province. imperial edict in less than three days. However, Qianlong was When the Chinese officials sought to search for other people not satisfied with the overall performance of the provincial involved in the Catholic mission, another incident took place officials in the campaign and identified a number of adminis- in Shaanxi and drove this campaign to its climax. Bi Yuan, the trative problems in the imperial bureaucracy. provincial governor, successfully captured the Chinese The first problem was the erosion of imperial authority in Catholics who rebuilt the church and invited the foreign 8 the countryside. To effectively control the vast empire, missionaries to visit the area. After arresting two Chinese Qianlong created a complex surveillance system at all levels. Catholic merchants in Hunan province, Bi Yuan ended the Missionaries entering China were subject to the surveillance investigation. Qianlong suspected that more foreigners were of the Hong merchants in Guangzhou. As with the majority of hiding in Shaanxi and ordered Bi Yuan to conduct another 9 the population, Chinese Catholics were put under the mutual investigation. Bi Yuan arrested Bishop Magni, an Italian surveillance system (baojia) (Hua, 1988). The baojia system, missionary living in Shaanxi for twenty years, during the however, failed to control the activities of the missionaries. second investigation. Magni confessed that Francesco Prior to the anti-Christian campaign, Francesco Giuseppe Giuseppe della Torre had sent ten missionaries to different della Torre housed several foreign missionaries in provinces in China. For the first time, Qianlong and his senior Guangzhou. The Chinese Catholics from Xi’an traveled with governors learnt about the Catholic Church hierarchy with 10 the Italian Franciscan missionaries across half of China before several Chinese appointed as “bishops” and “priests.” they were arrested. This extensive Catholic networks indi- Qianlong was alarmed by this extensive Catholic nationwide cated a lack of state control in the countryside. network and called for more arrests of foreign missionaries 11 The other administrative problem was the inefficiency of and Chinese Catholics. Within ten months, the government the provincial governors in arresting the Catholic missionar- arrested nineteen foreign missionaries, several hundred ies and the key Chinese converts. Throughout the anti- Chinese priests, lay leaders and converts in sixteen provinces. Christian campaign, Qianlong had to put pressure on the Most of the missionaries were later released and expelled governors. In late 1784, Qianlong ordered Mingxing), the from China. The Chinese Catholic leaders were exiled to the provincial governor of Shandong, to arrest two foreign frontiers and the ordinary converts were forced to abandon missionaries in that province. After the first two months of their religion. the investigation, Mingxing arrested a handful Chinese Catholics and did not find any missionaries.16 Qianlong II. “Preserving Peace and Sustaining Prosperity” criticized Mingxing for his failure to find the foreigners and Given the small numbers of foreign missionaries and ordered him to conduct another investigation.17 Under the Chinese Catholics, why did Qianlong launch the nationwide imperial pressure, in early 1785, Mingxing arrested Bishop anti-Catholic campaign? The answer lies in the change of Atto Biagini and Bishop Crescenziano Cavalli, both hiding at political climate during the last few decades of Qianlong’s the home of the local Chinese converts.18 On another occa- reign. Qianlong’s reign was characterized by territorial sion, Qianlong ordered Yade, the provincial governor of expansion, rapid economic development and population Fujian, to arrest Peter Cai who allegedly arranged the growth. When reflecting on his accomplishments in 1780, Franciscan missionaries to travel to the interior. After many http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives The Anti-Christian Campaign in 18th c. China / Ma · 19 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives · December 2004 months of investigation, Yade captured another foreign 5. LFZZ, Doc. No. 9258–041, QL 49.8.14. missionary but failed to find Peter Cai, who had fled to 6. ZPZZ, Doc. No. 4–241–4, QL 49.10.8. Macao in September 1784 and gone to India (Willeke, 1948, 7. Among them, seven were Franciscans, three were from the Congrega- 26). tion of St. John the Baptist, and two were Augustinians. Similar problems appear to have prevailed on lower 8. ZPZZ, Doc. No. 4–281–3, QL 49.9.17 and Doc. No. 4–281–4, QL levels of the administrative apparatus. Qianlong never 49.10.8. trusted the yamen runners and continuously warned the 9. Gaozong Shilu [The Veritable Records of Qianlong] (hereafter GZSL), vol. 1216, QL 49.10. provincial governors to beware of these sub-district officials who helped the Catholic missionaries and Chinese converts 10. ZPZZ, Doc. No. 4–262–3, no date given. to escape. Because of the administrative problems, Qianlong 11. GZSL, vol. 1218, QL 49.11. decided to exploit the anti-Christian campaign to reinvigorate 12. Qianlong yu zhi wen [The Imperial Essays by Qianlong], Institute of Qing History, People’s University, Beijing. the government institutions. The more aggressive the cam- 13. QLSY, Doc. No. 717, QL 49.8.24. paign, the more promising outcomes it would yield. 14. ZPZZ, Doc. No. 4 –274–1, QL 49.9.5 III. Conclusion 15. LFZZ, Doc. No. 9258–047, QL 49.9.5. 16. ZPZZ, Doc. No. 4–262–4, QL 49.12.10. At the beginning of the anti-Christian campaign in 1784, the 17. QLSY, Doc. No. 1190, QL 49.12.28. Qianlong Emperor was worried that the European missionar- 18. ZPZZ, Doc. No. 4–262–12, QL 50.3.30. ies had come to support the Muslim rebels in western parts of 19. LFZZ, Doc. No. 9258–001, QL 51.12.16 China. Though there was no connection between the Catholic movement and Muslim rebellions, Qianlong was surprised to discover an extensive Catholic network across the inland BIBLIOGRAPHY provinces. What worried him most was the utter failure of the Antony, Robert J. and Jane Kate Leonard, eds., 2002. Dragons, Tigers, and imperial officials to police and control the Catholic communi- Dogs: Qing Crisis Management and the Boundaries of State Power in Late Imperial China. Ithaca, NY: East Asia Program, Cornell University. ties. He was worried that these incompetent officials could Hua, Li. 1986. “Qingdai baojia zhidu jianlun [An Analysis of the Mutual jeopardize the Manchu Empire in the long run. Because of Surveilience System in the Qing Dynasty],” Qingshi yanjiu ji [Studies on this concern, the anti-Christian campaign quickly evolved Qing History], vol.6 (1986). Beijing: Guangming ribao chubanshe. into a war against the imperial bureaucracy, and those Kuhn, Philip A. 1990. Soulstealers: The Chinese Sorcery Scare of 1768. officials who failed to capture any Catholic missionaries and Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Chinese converts were severely punished. Only by situating Leonard, Jane Kate and John R. Watt, eds., 1992. To Achieve Security and the anti-Christian campaign in the wider context of imperial Wealth: The Qing Imperial State and the Economy, 1644–1911. Ithaca, NY: politics can we understand the complexity of church-state East Asia Program, Cornell University. relations in eighteenth-century China. Lipman, Jonathan. 1998. Familiar Strangers: A History of Muslims in Northwest China. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press. Renmin daxue Qingshi yanjiusuo [Institute of Qing History, People’s ENDNOTES University], comp. Qianlong yu zhi wen [The Imperial Essays by 1. Zhupi zouzhe [Imperial Palace Memorials] (hereafter ZPZZ), First Qianlong], unpublished manuscript. Historical Archives of China, Beijing, Doc. No. 9258–038, QL 49.8.9 Willeke, Bernward H. 1948. Imperial Government and Catholic Missions in (Emperor Qianlong Year. Month. Day). The missionaries were China During the Years 1784–1785. New York: Franciscan Institute. Giovanni da Sassari, Giuseppe Mattei da Bientina, Luigi Landi da Zhongguo diyi lishi dang’anguan [The First Historical Archives of Signa and Giovanni Battista da Mandello, see Willeke, 1948, 22. China], comp., 1986. Gaozong Shilu [The Veritable Records of Qianlong] 2. Lufu zouzhe [Grand Council File Copies of Memorials] (hereafter (hereafter GZSL), vol.1216. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju. LFZZ), First Historical Archives of China, Beijing, Doc. No. 9258–047, __, 1991. Qianlong Shangyu dang [The Imperial Edicts of Qianlong] QL 49.9.5. (hereafter QLSY). Beijing: Dang’an chubanshe. 3. Qianlong Shangyu dang [The Imperial Edicts of Qianlong] (hereafter __, Lufu zouzhe [Grand Council Memorials] (hereafter LFZZ), unpub- QLSY), First Historical Archives of China, Beijing, Doc. No.703, QL lished archival materials. 49.8.2. __, Zhupi zouzhe [Imperial Palace Memorials] (hereafter ZPZZ), unpub- 4. These Muslim rebellions were named after their leaders in the Qing official documents. For details about the Muslin rebellions in lished archival materials. eighteenth-century China, see Lipman, 1998.

Ma, Zhao is a Ph.D. candidate in history at John Hopkins University in Baltimore. He is currently doing research on the urban history of Beijing in the early twentieth century, and has authored several studies on anti-Catholic violence in late imperial China. Address: Ph.D. Candidate, Department of History, John Hopkins University, Gilman Hall 312, 3400 N. Charles Street, Baltimore, Maryland, MD 21218, USA. Email: [email protected]

http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives The Anti-Christian Campaign in 18th c. China / Ma · 20 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives · December 2004

the Chinese elite did not hesitate to use missionary resources for political survival. It was these pragmatic concerns rather than ideological considerations that dictated the interaction The Role of German between Chinese elite and Christian missionaries in Eastern Missionaries in Post-Boxer Shandong during the post-Boxer era. North China I. German Imperialism and Protestant Missions in Eastern Shandong by Lydia Gerber, Ph.D. In November 1897, the German marines seized a small bay in Shandong under the pretext of ensuring that repara- Abstract tions were paid for the murder of two German Catholic Through several case studies of anti-Christian violence in North China, missionaries in the province. In the early 1890s, the German this article examines various patterns of political interaction between government had been considering to occupy the bay for German Protestant missionaries and Chinese local elite during the first building its first marine base in East Asia in order to expand decade of the twentieth century. In these cases, the Chinese officials used the Lutheran Berlin and Weimar missions to empower themselves, which into the interior of Shandong. In the spring of 1898, the in turn, allowed the German missionaries to play an active role in the German government signed the Sino-German Treaty that competitive arena of local politics. This article argues that the anti- allowed the Germans to lease an area of 540 square km for 99 Christian sentiment was highly situational and varied in time and place. years, to construct a railway to Jinan, the capital of Shandong In those peripheral areas where there was little government control and province, and to exploit coalfields along the railroad. The Confucian influence, the Chinese elite did not hesitate to take advantage of missionary resources for political survival. It was these pragmatic leased territory itself consisted of small market towns, fishing concerns rather than ideological considerations that dictated the inter- villages, mountain dwellings, including the famous Daoist action between Chinese elite and Christian missionaries in the post-Boxer temples in the Laoshan Mountains that contained roughly era. 150,000 inhabitants in about 250 individual settlements. Upon their arrival, the Germans built the city of Qingdao and This article examines various patterns of political interac- established a garrison. The treaty also established a 50 km- tion between German Protestant missionaries and Chinese wide belt surrounding the leased territory as a demilitarised local elites during the first decade of the twentieth century. zone. The district cities of Jiaozhou, Gaomi, and Jimo were Drawing on unpublished archival materials from the Berlin located in the zone, from which all Chinese troops had to be and Weimar missionary societies in Germany, it reconstructs withdrawn. In an area deeply affected by the German inva- four incidents of disputes involving German missionaries, sion and the Boxer Uprising, the withdrawal of Chinese Chinese district officials and rural communities around the troops proved to be highly problematic. The German excur- German leased territory of Jiaozhou in Eastern Shandong. In sions into the demilitarised zone and beyond created diplo- these incidents, the Chinese officials used the Lutheran Berlin matic tensions between both countries. Although the German and Weimar missions to empower themselves, which in turn, forces could protect the railway against the Boxers and local allowed the German missionaries to play an active role in the bandits around the zone, they did not protect hundreds of competitive arena of local politics. Chinese civilians who lost their lives in the intense warfare of 1 This analysis of the German Protestant missionary 1900. involvement in local politics departs from the existing After the Japanese victory in the Russo-Japanese War literature on the subject. Previously, scholars like Paul A. (1905), the German government was concerned with the Cohen and Lü Shiqiang have interpreted the outbreak of anti- Japanese military presence in Shandong and the rise of anti- missionary and anti-Christian violence as an ideological foreign sentiment among the Chinese. To avoid confrontation response to cultural imperialism from the West (Cohen, 1978, with the Chinese, the German government dissolved the 543–90, 572f.; 1984, 52–55; Lü, 1966). Popular hostility towards garrisons in the demilitarised zone in 1906 and gave up the Christian communities was often presented as a righteous plan to expand into the interior of Shandong. Instead, the action in defence of Confucian orthodoxy. John King Fairbank Germans created the “model settlement” of Qingdao to once described the tensions and conflicts between Christian promote German influence in northern China. The founding missionaries and Chinese gentry as of such natural animosity of the elementary school system in the German leased as that between “cats and dogs" (Fairbank, 1986, 125). There territory and of the Sino-German University in 1908 was an were plenty of reasons for such animosity. Armed with the important part of this endeavour. The fact that after the 1911 Bible and the gun, the Christian missionaries were perceived Revolution, many of the Manchu government officials fled to by the Chinese scholar-officials and gentry as a threat to their Qingdao and stayed there points to the successful establish- 2 authority. Under the protection of treaty rights, the missionar- ment of the German model-settlement. But the Japanese ies directly challenged the Confucian principle to “guard occupation of Qingdao in 1914 brought an end to this policy. against heretical beliefs” and made the Chinese elite appear to Founded in 1824, the Lutheran Berlin Missionary Society be incompetent in front of the foreigners. This article argues initially began evangelistic work in Guangdong province in that the anti-Christian sentiment was highly situational and 1884 and came to Eastern Shandong after 1898. These German varied in time and place. In those peripheral areas where Lutheran missionaries were motivated “to offer the best the 3 there was little government control and Confucian influence, West has to offer to the Kaiser’s new subjects in China.” http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives German Missionaries in Post-Boxer China / Gerber · 21 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives · December 2004

Their primary goals were to convert Chinese and to establish then went to Qingdao to apply for German citizenship. After Lutheran congregations in Shandong. As time went by, the hearing about the anti-tax riot, the prefectural government in Lutheran mission founded several schools in the area and a Laizhou sent forty soldiers to rescue Magistrate Wang. To small dispensary in Jimo. Financial constraints forced the ensure his safety, Magistrate Wang took four members of the home board in Berlin to confine their work within the leased gentry as hostages but this tactics immediately put him at territory and the demilitarised zone, but the superintendent odds with the local elite and tensions remained unresolved. of the Lutheran mission in Shandong, Voskamp, continuously Magistrate Wang decided to create a religious case expanded the missionary activities into the interior, and at the involving German missionaries and Chinese Christians outbreak of the First World War, the Lutheran mission had (jiao’an). The German diplomats were known to be willing to about 1,000 converts. defend the interests of their citizens and missionaries. As soon Another mission active in Eastern Shandong was the as Wilhelm Lutschewitz of the Berlin Missionary Society in Weimar Missionary Society, a joint Swiss-German missionary Jimo declared himself in danger, Magistrate Wang believed enterprise founded in 1884 by the liberal German Lutherans that the German troops from Qingdao would arrive in a few and members of the Swiss Reformed Church. The main goal days. In the next two days, Magistrate Wang visited of the Weimar Missionary Society was “to spread Christianity Lutschewitz in person, hinting that Lutschewitz was in to the highly civilized nations of the East (i.e. China, Japan danger because of the riot and therefore, he should call for the and India) in appreciation of the elements of truth already German troops. Lutschewitz, however, remained neutral present in their culture.”4 Its German section, particularly its throughout the riot. Having failed to engage the German home board in Berlin, actively supported the German govern- troops, Magistrate Wang released the hostages. He died of ment to move into Qingdao after the Sino-German Treaty of apoplexy shortly after the riot. The district of Jimo paid no 1898. But, under the leadership of Richard Wilhelm, the taxes for another year and the prefectural officials were Weimar mission adopted a totally different mission strategy. grateful that Lutschewitz had not made the Jimo incident a It refrained from baptizing Chinese converts and founding diplomatic crisis by calling in the German troops.8 native congregations. Neither did it hold any religious instruction sessions nor celebrate Christian holidays in the III. Missionaries as Educators in State boys’ school.5 Instead, it actively supported a thorough Schools Confucian training in the mission schools and promoted Local unrest in the demilitarised zone during the Boxer Confucianism in China and Germany.6 Uprising led to the dispatch of the German troops into Though divergent in their evangelistic approaches and Eastern Shandong. The German troops were stationed in the openly critical of each other, the two German missions had a district towns of Jiaozhou and Gaomi until 1906. Even though few things in common. The German missions did not have this was a clear violation of the Sino-German Treaty govern- the financial support that the American and British missions ing the German leased territory, the Qing government failed had in Shandong.7 At a theological level, unlike their Ameri- to get the German troops to withdraw after the Boxer Upris- can and British counterparts, the German missionaries ing. Without the support of the imperial government, the considered a purified Confucianism to be a viable basis for local Chinese could not secure any compensation for damages Christianity and therefore, favoured cross-cultural dialogues caused by the German troops.9 with Chinese scholars. Politically, the two German missions In this volatile situation, the Chinese local government were dissatisfied with the German government’s policies employed the age-old tactic of “using the barbarians against towards China and socially, they did not fully integrate with the barbarians (yiyi ).” All the German Catholic and the German community in Qingdao. It is against this back- Protestant missionary societies in the area were invited to ground that the following incidents of disputes will be teach at the newly established modern district schools.10 One examined in detail. The first two cases took place in the of the Protestant missionaries was Richard Wilhelm of the demilitarised zone. The third case occurred in a village in the Weimar Missionary Society, who had succeeded in persuad- leased territory and the last one took place in a city outside ing the German troops to end their retaliatory incursion into the realm of German influence. Gaomi in November 1900 and earned the respect of the people.11 In October 1902, Wilhelm took over the administra- II. Jimo Incident (1901) tion of the district school in Gaomi.12 The Berlin Missionary In July 1901, an anti-tax riot broke out in Jimo, a district city Society and the Society of the Divine Word (S.V.D.) each in the demilitarised zone surrounding the German leased began teaching “Western subjects” and German language at territory. Yuan Shikai, the provincial governor of Shandong, district schools in Jimo and Jiaozhou at the end of 1903. This increased taxes to raise funds for the Boxer indemnities. The arrangement was in place until the summer of 1912.13 As district of Jimo had not paid taxes to the provincial govern- teachers at these government schools, the missionaries ment for centuries and all of a sudden, tax collectors asked for became quasi employees of the Chinese state and members of an amount of about 10 cents from each family. People refused the local gentry. They were invited to take part in public to pay their dues and protested against the district govern- events and ceremonies commensurate with their status. ment. Within days, more than 100,000 farmers surrounded the To a large extent, this policy of yiyi zhiyi was beneficial to yamen and looted the houses of several tax collectors. They the Chinese local government. The German missionaries were threatened to kill the district magistrate named Wang and no longer seen as dangerous outsiders and potential trouble- http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives German Missionaries in Post-Boxer China / Gerber · 22 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives · December 2004 makers. Bounded by the Confucian rituals, the missionaries the village leader and one farmer were baptized in 1903.18 In had to meet the gentry on a regular basis. Common courtesy the summer of 1905, the Christian village leader died and was required them to discuss any disputes between Christians buried according to the Christian rites. The whole village and non-Christians with the district magistrate before making attended his funeral. At the funeral, the missionaries were any public appeals. While this kind of informal meeting did very impressed by the hospitality of the villagers. When a not guarantee a peaceful settlement of such disputes, it sent a member of the home board from Berlin visited Guye in 1905, powerful message to those Christian adherents in search for all the village elders came to welcome the guest at the church protection. and stayed throughout the lengthy service. Yet no one was The strong missionary presence helped control the baptized in 1905.19 When the Lutheran mission considered German troops in the demilitarised zone. As potential closing the chapel, several villagers came to the evangelist for witnesses with strong ties to the German diplomats and religious instruction. But there was no baptism until the foreign media, the missionaries were the best watchdogs that outbreak of the First World War. In 1909, Adolf Kunze visited the Chinese local government could find to police the German Guye and met the new village leader. The village leader troops.14 Clearly, there was a political consideration behind accompanied Kunze to nearby villages, all of which were the decision to employ the German missionaries to work at under an inter-village alliance with Guye. The leader of Guye the government schools. This point is proved by the fact that was the head of the inter-village alliance. On that occasion, all the local officials never employed the American Presbyterian the other village leaders attended a church service in Guye missionaries in the area and the Chinese graduates from and asked Kunze for special prayers to end the drought in the Dengzhou College, a Presbyterian mission school, near Yantai area. Kunze obliged, asking God for rain and for the conver- because the American missionaries did not have access to the sion of the people in Guye. Nevertheless, even though it German troops or other security forces. actually rained the next day, conversions did not follow.20 The Sino-German cooperation at the district level did not Why did the people in Guye continue to keep the church last for long. Japan’s victory over Russia in 1905 had affected in the village? Why were they so courteous to the German the balance of power between China and the West and the missionaries but refused to be baptised? There are three Chinese perception of Westerners. After 1905, local officials explanations for the non-conversion of villagers in Guye. The were more concerned with the threat of Japan than that of first explanation concerns the community’s intention to Germany. When the German military abandoned its barracks maintain a good relationship with the German administration in Gaomi and Jiaozhou in 1906, the Chinese officials were no in Licun. The German officials made religious neutrality one longer interested in cooperating with the German missions. In of their policies. Though a former missionary himself, Mootz, 1908, the district magistrates of Jimo and Gaomi did not the senior German administrator in Licun, was not in favour employ the German missionaries to teach at the government of the German missionary expansion into the interior. Instead schools.15 The change of political climate in northeast Asia of looking after the German Protestant interests, he donated indeed had an impact on the mission-state relations at the money for rebuilding local temples and holding traditional grassroots level. Chinese festivals.21 Because Licun was very close to Guye, the villagers heard about Mootz’s lack of support for the German IV. Guye Case (1901) missions. The fact that the German judge made a decision After the end of the Boxer Uprising, it was very clear to favourable to non-Christians in a lawsuit involving a Chris- the Chinese in Eastern Shandong that the German troops tian farmer in Guye in 1910 reinforced the popular perception 22 were there to stay. Rural unrest in the hinterlands of Qingdao of Mootz. To keep the Chinese evangelist in Guye was a made it difficult for the German missionaries to travel to the gesture of maintaining some sort of relationship with the countryside. In 1901, large numbers of villagers came to ask German establishment in the area. But, with the decline of the missionaries in Qingdao to establish churches in their German power in Eastern Shandong after 1905, there no communities. The village elders bought stacks of the New longer was any interest in affiliating with the Lutheran Berlin Testament and catechisms and expressed interest in learning Missionary Society. about the Christian message. These villagers sought to be The second explanation concerns the community’s desire affiliated with the Christian missions in order to show that to have an elementary school in the village without financing they were not involved in the Boxer Uprising. a teacher. The villagers were far more interested in helping After purchasing the Christian pamphlets, most of the their children to acquire literary skills at the church school village elders never returned to the German mission com- rather than receiving proper instruction in the Christian pounds. The only exception was the village of Guye, where doctrine. The third explanation has to do with the the Christian sympathisers eventually persuaded Adolf community’s desire to invite the Christian God of those Kunze of the Lutheran Berlin Missionary Society to establish powerful Germans to be the spiritual guardian of Guye, a a mission outpost there. They offered their ancestral hall for manner comparable to worshipping deities at village shrines use as a school and chapel and promised to arrange living and temples. This popular perception of Christianity prob- quarters for the Chinese preacher. Kunze was moved by their ably arose from the close association between the Bible and sincerity and sent a Chinese evangelist to Guye.16 One and the gun in the German missionary movement. half years later, the Chinese evangelist reported that the The final explanation concerns the power relations whole village was about to convert to Christianity.17 But only between Guye and neighbouring villagers. The German http://www.pacificrim.usfca.edu/research/perspectives German Missionaries in Post-Boxer China / Gerber · 23 USF Center for the Pacific Rim Asia Pacific: Perspectives · December 2004 missionaries noted that in many parts of the German leased sible for the Germans to file the document with the district territory, the local Christians liked to be accompanied by a magistrate. The Yang family tried to reclaim the land from the missionary when they marched through the neighbouring missionaries after Yang’s death and it took several years for villages. Each chapel often displayed a German flag and both sides to resolve the problem.26 At the end, the Berlin pictures of the German Imperial family. By displaying a close Mission never gained a permanent foothold in Jingzhi. connection with the Lutheran Berlin Missionary Society, the village leader in Guye could enhance his authority within the VI. Conclusion 23 inter-village alliance. While asking the German missi