Numbers and Acrostics: Two Notes on Jason's Prayer at Pagasae In

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Brian D. McPhee* Numbers and Acrostics: Two Notes on Jason’s Prayer at Pagasae in Apollonius’ Argonautica

This paper presents two notes relating to Jason’s prayer to Apollo at Pagasae before the launch of the Argo in Apollonius’ Argonautica (1.415–419). In both cases, I examine what may be termed the “subtextual” facets of the passage: textual data that are significant—productive of meaningful interpretation—and yet hardly apparent on an initial, surface-level reading of the poem. The first note concerns the changing total number of crewmembers aboard the Argo as the expedition pro- gresses, an evolving figure which Apollonius encourages the reader to trace through the course of the narrative. The second proposes a new acrostic that “completes” the ΑΚΤΙΑ acrostic that Selina Stewart recently discovered in Jason’s prayer.1 In each case, I draw different conclusions from these subliminal data, which have ramifica- tions for questions of gender and inclusivity in Jason’s crew and the role of the gods in the poem. Both readings, however, are a testament to the careful design and uni- ty of purpose that runs through the epic.

I. The Number of Argonauts The existence of numerous catalogues of Argonauts in ancient sources attests to the fact that the exact number and makeup of Jason’s legendary crew was a site of some fascination for ancient readers, poets, and mythographers.2 Indeed, the third prole- gomenon to the Argonautica printed in Wendel’s scholia is a list of the Argonauts abstracted from Apollonius’ catalogue (Ὅσοι ἔρχονται Ἀργοναῦται εἰς τὴν ναῦν μετὰ Ἰάσονος), with numbers affixed in the G manuscript. The Apollonian narrator -him self encourages this procedure by beginning his Catalogue of Argonauts, “First then let us mention Orpheus” (πρῶτά νυν Ὀρφῆος μνησώμεθα, 1.23), and ending

* Department of Classics, University of North Carolina, [email protected] 1 Stewart 2010. 2 For ancient lists of Argonauts, both extant and lost, see Pearson 1917 ad fr. 38, Carspecken 1952: 42–43, Zissos 2008 ad 1.350–483. Some authors suggest the size of the crew indirectly by specifying the number of the Argo’s benches or oars (e.g., Theoc. Id. 13.74). 112 Brian D. McPhee it, “Such then is the number of advisers who assembled to aid Jason” (τόσσοι ἄρ᾿ Αἰσονίδῃ συμμήστορες ἠγερέθοντο, 1.228).3 But in a further development, Jason’s prayer to Apollo before the departure from Pagasae invites the reader to track the evolving numbers of the Argonauts over the course of the voyage (1.415–419): αὐτὸς νῦν ἄγε νῆα σὺν ἀρτεμέεσσιν ἑταίροις κεῖσέ τε καὶ παλίνορσον ἐς Ἑλλάδα· σοὶ ᾿δ ἂν ὀπίσσω τόσσων, ὅσσοι κεν νοστήσομεν, ἀγλαὰ ταύρων ἱρὰ πάλιν βωμῷ ἐπιθήσομεν· ἄλλα δὲ Πυθοῖ, ἄλλα ᾿δ ἐς Ὀρτυγίην ἀπερείσια δῶρα κομίσσω. Now, you yourself guide the ship there and back again to Hel- las with my comrades safe and sound, and thereafter in your honor we will again place on this altar glorious sacrifices of as many bulls as the number of us who return, and I shall bring countless other gifts to Pytho and to Ortygia. Jason’s repetition of a similar prayer near the very end of the journey (4.1701– 1705) recalls this passage, as if to remind the reader to take stock of how the crew’s numbers have fared in the interim.4 And indeed, this question interested at least some ancient readers, since Hyginus ends his Catalogue of Argonauts (Fab. 14), which is closely based on Apollonius’, with an addendum listing all those who were lost along the way and all those who joined the crew as the voyage was in progress.5 Keeping track of the changing total number of Argonauts in Apollonius yields a striking final result. The Argonauts leave Pagasae fifty-five men strong—the- fif ty-four named in the Catalogue plus Jason. Along the way, they lose eight crewmates: --Hylas, Heracles, and Polyphemus in Mysia (1.1283); --Idmon and Tiphys in Acherusia (2.834, 856); --Butes at Anthemoessa (4.912–919); and -- Canthus and Mopsus in Libya (1.78–81; 4.1485–1536). -- Simultaneously, eight additions to the crew balance out these losses: -- the three sons of Deimachus in Sinope (2.955–961);6

3 Text and translation of Apollonius are taken from Race 2008. 4 On the connection between these passages as well as with Callim. fr. 18, see Hutchinson 1988: 87–88, Clauss 1993: 77–79, Albis 1995. 5 For Apollonius’ part, two prolepses in the catalogue (1.78–85, 140) do reveal that not all of the Argonauts listed there will make it back to Iolcus. 6 Cf. Clare 2002: 102: “In rescuing this trio the Argonauts are to some extent engaged in ex- piation of their previous misdemeanour, and the sequence of events which began at Mysia is here brought to a symmetrical conclusion. Three comrades were abandoned by the Argonauts at Mysia; at Sinope three replacements are taken on board, subsumed into the Argo quest.” Indeed, since the Deimachids were themselves left behind at Sinope by Heracles (2.957), that hero’s abandonment at Mysia might be viewed retrospectively as a sort of poetic justice. Numbers and Acrostics: Two Notes on Jason’s Prayer at Pagasae in Apollonius’ Argonautica 113

-- the four sons of Phrixus on the island of Ares (2.1155–1156, 1169); and --Medea in Colchis (4.5).7 Finally, one Argonaut, Dascylus, has no effect on the total, joining the Argo- nauts at Acherusia (2.802–805, 814) and leaving to return home before they sail up the Ister (4.298).8 The final tally of fifty-five means that despite the loss -of al most fifteen percent of the original crew, the same number of Argonauts return to Pagasae as had left. This finding leads to two significant conclusions. First, the apparent coinci- dence of fifty-five Argonauts at the beginning and end of the journey points to divine influence. Certain Argonauts are destined not to complete the journey by the decree of fate or the gods,9 but it appears that Apollo, perhaps in tandem with other gods, does answer Jason’s prayer (1.417) by seeing to the replacement of as many crewmembers as are lost over the course of the voyage. The gods are probably behind the addition of the Phrixides to the crew (cf. 2.1092, 1166–1167; 3.323– 328) and certainly behind that of Medea (3.1134–1136, 4.241–243). The fact that the wind dies down and forces the Argonauts to row before they stop at Sin- ope (2.943–945) but picks back up once the sons of Deimachus join their party (2.960–961) lends credence to the idea that the gods orchestrate the Argonauts’ stop there in order to recruit the trio.10 In the second note in this paper, I expand on the idea that throughout the narrative, Apollo lends subtle aid of this sort to the Argonauts in answer to Jason’s prayer. Second, it is notable that in order to make up for the loss of eight men on the journey, Medea must be counted as one of the Argonauts when she joins the crew. Her inclusion makes a good deal of sense given the integral role that she plays in the quest; she even has her very own aristeia on the return trip when she dispatches Talos on Crete, in parallel to Polydeuces in Bebrycia, the Boreads in Thynia, and Orpheus at Anthemoessa.11 There is no a priori reason why a wom-

7 In addition, Arete gives twelve slaves to Medea on Phaeacia (4.1221–1222), but I doubt that they should be counted as “Argonauts” for the purposes of this study. They are rather conceived of as prop- erty, part of the guest-gifts given by Alcinous and Arete (4.1219–1222) in answer to those given by the Phaeacians to Odysseus in Homer (Od. 8.389–395, 13.10–14; Knight 1995: 254–255). We may con- trast the active role thatt Medea plays on the voyage. On these slaves, see also Fränkel 1968: 586–587. 8 For a running tally of the number of Argonauts (as opposed to the synchronic count offered here), see Fränkel 1968 ad 1.228. 9 1.79–81, 140, 443–444, 1315, 1322–1323, 1345–1348; 2.154, 2.815–817, 855; 4.1468– 1469, 1503. 10 Thus Levin 1971: 182 interprets a similar incident earlier in Book 2, though in neither case is divine intervention explicitly signaled. For winds as instruments of the divine will in the poem, see Williams 1991: 213–214. 11 Cf. Dyck 1989: 455, 468, on Medea’s heroic stature. 114 Brian D. McPhee an could not be an Argonaut, and in fact Apollonius appears to acknowledge the tradition of Atalanta’s participation in the quest by referencing her offer to join Jason (1.769–773).12 Nevertheless, as Suzanne Lye has noted, Jason had rejected her offer for fear that her presence would excite “bitter rivalries provoked by love” (ἀργαλέας ἔριδας φιλότητος ἕκητι, 1.773),13 an objection that might equally apply to Medea.14 Moreover, Idas (3.556–566, 1170, 1252) and, to a lesser extent, Ja- son himself (3.487–488; cf. 475) had resented the resort to a woman’s magic to accomplish Aeetes’ trial.15 Idas even laments that doing so has revealed the Argo- nauts as “shipmates of women” (γυναιξὶν ὁμόστολοι, 3.558). What is more, in the broader tradition, Medea appears in none of the ancient catalogues of the Argo- nauts, including Hyginus’ list of those Argonauts who joined the quest while it was already underway (Fab. 14).16 In the event, however, Medea’s aid is indispensable, her integration into the crew is marked in several passages in Book 4,17 and she more than earns her place among the fifty-five Argonauts. If the inclusion of a woman had been objectionable to Apollonius, he could have avoided this difficulty easily enough by adding another brother to the sons of Deimachus or Phrixus, of whom only Argus is an important character in the narrative. In fact, Apollonius may have actually done the oppo- site by eliminating a fifth son of Phrixus given in some sources, thus making Medea

12 Vian 1976: 86 n. 1. Atalanta is singled out as one of the most prominent crewmembers in Di- odorus Siculus’ list of famous Argonauts (4.41.2); she also appears in the catalogue of Pseudo-Apol- lodorus (Bib. 1.9.16). 13 The principle “bitter rivalr[y] provoked by love” that Apollonius likely has in mind here is Meleager’s fatal conflict with his uncles, which is, after all, partly motivated by the hero’s love for Ata- lanta (Gantz 1993: 331–332)—though helped along by a healthy dose of male chauvinism and inse- curity, too. For other interpretations, see the scholiast ad loc. The Boeotian Atalanta, often identified with the Arcadian huntress (see Gantz 1993: 335–339), famously inspired many suitors as well. 14 Cf. Levin 1971: 68 n. 2. Dyck 1989: 458 n. 18, however, notes that by promising to marry Medea himself as soon as she boards the Argo, Jason heads off the sort of conflicts he had feared a woman’s presence might have caused. 15 Lye 2012: 235. Lye emphasizes the role of Medea’s religious expertise in facilitating her integration into the crew: “Through Medea, Hecate joins Apollo as an important divine patron of the Argonauts; therefore, by means of a religious action, Medea asserts her role as an Argonaut and resolves the problem of having a female among the all-male crew.” 16 Medea is omitted also by Levin 1971: 30 n. 1, in a list of “latecomers” to the Argonautic crew. Modern scholarship often distinguishes Medea from the Argonauts; e.g., Clauss 1997: 150: “Moreover, the poem concludes with a farewell to the Argonauts—there is no mention of Medea (4.773–81).” But Medea disembarks at Pagasae, too—can she not be comprehended as part of the subject of the second person plural verb that ends the poem (εἰσαπέβητε)? 17 Medea directs the Argo to the grove where the fleece is kept (100–101); she takes up a place at the stern, next to Jason (188, 209–210); she directs the Argonauts in religious rites, just like Orpheus (246–247; cf. 1217–1219); and she participates in general deliberation at 493–494, after having been excluded from earlier planning (cf. 350–356, 395; Hunter 2015 ad 493–494). Numbers and Acrostics: Two Notes on Jason’s Prayer at Pagasae in Apollonius’ Argonautica 115 necessary to balance out the eight lost crewmembers.18 The fact that she is necessary to do so constitutes further evidence for an ar- gument that Simon Goldhill and others have made concerning the opening lines of the poem: “Beginning with you, Phoebus, I shall recall the famous deeds of men born long ago” (Ἀρχόμενος σέο, Φοῖβε, παλαιγενέων κλέα φωτῶν | μνήσομαι, 1.1–2).19 The word φωτῶν is often translated as “men,” as in William Race’s translation, quot- ed here, and Apollonius’ formulation has been regarded as typical of the male bias inherent in the epic tradition.20 But in fact, φώς can also be used in a gender-neutral fashion to denote a “person,” much like ἄνθρωπος.21 The evidence presented here sup- ports the idea that Apollonius’ κλέα φωτῶν is specially chosen to take distance from Homer’s masculinized κλέα ἀνδρῶν (Il. 9.189, 524; Od. 8.73) and echo more gender-inclusive conceptions of the subject of epos found elsewhere in archaic hexame- ter poetry.22 κλέα φωτῶν embraces Medea as well as the rest of the crew and announc- es that the poet’s theme is the famous deeds of all the Argonauts, male and female. II. Ακτια (1.415–419) and Another Possible Acrostic (4.1718–1720) Before departing from the shore of Pagasae, the Argonauts make sacrifices to Apol- lo, appropriately enough, under his titles Actius (“of the shore”) and Embasius (“of embarkation”).23 The former title receives particular emphasis here, in two ways. First, as James O’Hara notes, Apollonius glosses “Actius” by the adjective he ap- plies to the Argonauts’ altar: “[they] raised an altar there on the shore to Apol- lo in his titles of Actius and Embasius” (νήεον αὐτόθι βωμὸν ἐπάκτιον Ἀπόλλωνος | Ἀκτίου Ἐμβασίοιό τ᾿ ἐπώνυμον, 1.403–404).24 ἐπώνυμον is an “etymological sign- post” that serves to call attention to the name and its significance.25 Second, “Ac-

18 In addition to the four names given in Apollonius (2.1155–1156), the genealogical poetry at- tributed to Epimenides added Presbon as a fifth (Σ AR 2.1122a). Pausanias, too, mentions Presbon as a son of Phrixus and king of Orchomenus (9.34.8, 37.1, 4). Apollonius may also suppress Presbon (“elder”) out of a desire to make Argus the eldest son of Phrixus (2.1122). Hyginus Fab. 14 lists four alternative names for the Phrixides, three of which correspond to those of the sons of Deimachus. This confusion could be interpreted as evidence of a tradition for four sons of Deimachus, but more likely the passage has become lacunose and different lists of names have been collapsed; see Trzaskoma 2008: 262–263. 19 Goldhill 1991: 288, DeForest 1994: 39, Albis 1996: 41. 20 E.g., Keith 1999: 214 with n. 1, Ziogas 2013: 186. 21 LSJ s.v. φώς II cites Eur. Hel. 1094 and AP 5.248.5 as examples of this usage. 22 With Apollonius’ formulation, cf. esp. Hom. Hymn 3.160 (μνησάμεναι ἀνδρῶν τε παλαιῶν ἠδὲ γυναικῶν, compared by Albis 1996: 41) and Hes. Th.100 (κλέεα προτέρων ἀνθρώπων). 23 For Apollo’s role as a god of seafaring, see Albis 1996: 44–47. 24 O’Hara 1990: 373. Levin 1971: 88 n. 3 sees “a hint of the aetiological” at work here. 25 Ibid. 370. For a fuller overview of the concept of etymological signposting, see O’Hara 2017: 75–79. 116 Brian D. McPhee tius” is highlighted because it is unexpected; Jason had originally planned only to “build an altar on the shore for Apollo Embasius” (βωμὸν ἐπάκτιον Ἐμβασίοιο | θείομεν Ἀπόλλωνος, 1.359–360), not necessarily an altar to Apollo of the shore. This emphasis on Apollo’s Actian title prepares for the acrostic ΑΚΤΙΑ in Jason’s prayer to Apollo during the sacrificial ritual, recently identified by Stewart (1.415–419):26 αὐτὸς νῦν ἄγε νῆα σὺν ἀρτεμέεσσιν ἑταίροις κεῖσέ τε καὶ παλίνορσον ἐς Ἑλλάδα· σοὶ δ᾿ ἂν ὀπίσσω τόσσων, ὅσσοι κεν νοστήσομεν, ἀγλαὰ ταύρων ἱρὰ πάλιν βωμῷ ἐπιθήσομεν· ἄλλα δὲ Πυθοῖ, ἄλλα δ᾿ ἐς Ὀρτυγίην ἀπερείσια δῶρα κομίσσω. Now, you yourself guide the ship there and back again to Hel- las with my comrades safe and sound, and thereafter in your honor we will again place on this altar glorious sacrifices of as many bulls as the number of us who return, and I shall bring countless other gifts to Pytho and to Ortygia. Favorable omens and prophecy after the sacrifice indicate Apollo’s acceptance of the offering (1.436–449),27 and indeed, in the final line of the poem, it appears that Apollo Actius has fulfilled Jason’s prayer as the crew at last disembarks onto “the shores of Pagasae” (ἀκτὰς Παγασηίδας, 4.1781).28 Presumably, Jason’s execu- tion of his promised thanksgiving sacrifice at Pagasae follows next, but the narrative ends before we can find out.29 Not one hundred lines earlier, however, the Ar- gonauts do make closely-related thanksgiving sacrifices to Apollo on the island of Anaphe in gratitude for his rescuing them from the darkness on the sea (4.1713– 1727).30 This episode provides the etiology for the ritual ribaldry incorporated into Apollo’s worship on the island: low on supplies, the Argonauts make libations using water, a risible sight that provokes jesting among Medea’s Phaeacian maidens and, in turn, the men (4.1727–1730). But this episode, as the Argonauts’ final trial in the poem,31 also serves to mark Apollo’s fulfillment of Jason’s pre-departure prayer.32 In- deed, parts of that prayer are reiterated in this episode in indirect speech, as if to remind the reader of Jason’s original request that Apollo is about to grant: “Many gifts

26 Stewart 2010. On acrostics in Apollonius, see also Danielewicz 2005: 330–332. The bibliogra- phy on acrostics in Greek poetry can be traced in both of these articles, as well as Hanses 2014: 609 n. 2. 27 Cf. Knight 1995: 53. 28 Wray 2000: 251–252. 29 Cf. Ovid Met. 7.159–162. 30 That the sacrifice is to Apollo Aegletes, as the context implies, is proved by 4.1729–1730. 31 Cf., e.g., Clauss 1993: 77: “This will be the climactic obstacle to the completion of their νόστος.” Sistakou 2012: 60 considers this episode, along with Euphemus’ episode (4.1731–1764), twin climactic scenes suggestive of a happy ending, or eucatastrophe. 32 Cf. Hunter 1993: 85, Albis 1996: 45–47. Numbers and Acrostics: Two Notes on Jason’s Prayer at Pagasae in Apollonius’ Argonautica 117 he [Jason] promised to bring to Pytho, many to Amyclae, and many to Ortygia— countless gifts” (πολλὰ δὲ Πυθοῖ ὑπέσχετο, πολλὰ δ᾿ Ἀμύκλαις, | πολλὰ δ᾿ ἐς Ὀρτυγίην ἀπερείσια δῶρα κομίσσειν, 4.1704–1705).33 Apollo’s salvific intervention vividly ex- emplifies the aid that he has been subtly lending the Argonauts all along,34 while the sacrifices at Anaphe, in a technique borrowed from Homer, stand in for the thanksgiving sacrifices that fall beyond the scope of the narrative.35 As confirmation of this view, I point to an acrostic in the passage that, while small enough to be coincidental, is corroborated by a number of supporting fac- tors.36 The acrostic suits the content of the lines well and can connect the Anaphe sacrifices to those promised at Pagasae (4.1717–1720): Ἀνάφην δέ τε λισσάδα νῆσον ἴσκον, ὃ δὴ Φοῖβός μιν ἀτυζομένοις ἀνέφηνεν. ῥέζον δ᾿ οἷά κεν ἄνδρες ἐρημαίῃ ἐνὶ ῥέζειν ἀκτῇ ἐφοπλίσσειαν. They called the barren island Anaphe, because Phoebus made it appear to them when they were distraught with terror. They sacrificed such things as men on a deserted shore could provide to sacrifice. ΙΡΑ can be interpreted as ἱρά, perhaps “rites,” such as those being founded in this passage, but more likely “sacrifices” or “offerings.” This meaning is suggested by the forms of ῥέζειν flanking 4.1719 and, indeed, contributing the rho to the acrostic, since ἱερὰ ῥέζειν is a regular formula for “perform sacrifices.”37 Moreover, the neuter plural form matches that of οἷα, the direct object of the verb for sacrificing.

33 Cf. Clauss 1993: 79, Clare 2002: 161–162, 165. 34 Although the Argonauts especially revere Apollo, sacrificing specifically to him eight times throughout the poem (Mori 2007: 463 with n. 21), his aid to the Argonauts is much less prominent in the narrative than the proceedings at Pagasae would initially lead one to expect. His mysterious epiphany on Thynias does not aid the Argonauts in any tangible way (cf. Feeney 1991: 77), although the Argonauts’ religious celebration afterwards does reaffirm their bond (cf. Hunter 1986: 53–54, Lye 2012: 234). Arguably, the Argonauts do receive guidance from the god indirectly. Most importantly, the Argonauts are guided by the prophecy of Phineus, whose power derives from Apol- lo (Clare 2002: 75). The language that Jason uses at 2.411–412 (cf. 310) after receiving the seer’s instructions suggests that Apollo’s promise of guidance is being fulfilled; cf. the sacrifices made to Apollo Manteius at 2.493. In addition, the Argonauts twice use talismanic tripods, Apollo’s gifts to Jason from before the mission, to secure guidance, first from the Hylleans (4.526–536) and then from Triton (4.1547–1550). 35 For Homer’s use of analogical events in the Iliad to evoke events outside the timeframe of his poem, see Davies 1986: 71–73. Cf. Clare 2002: 238 on the Argonauts’ shoreside sacrifice to Apollo on Thynias. 36 Cf. Clauss 2003: 296 on a possible three-letter acrostic that he discovered in Theoc.Id . 7. 37 LSJ A.II s.v. ῥέζειν. Cf. 2.485–486 (ῥέξαι … | ἱερά), 523 (ἱερά … ἔρρεξεν). 118 Brian D. McPhee

But most remarkably, while the form ἱερά occurs several times in the Argo- nautica (1.433; 2.486, 523, 532, 1175, 1268; 4.651), the Ionic form ἱρά occurs only once: in Jason’s promise of “glorious sacrifices of … bulls” (ἀγλαὰ ταύρων | ἱρά, 1.417–418) in his pre-departure prayer to Apollo.38 In fact, ἱρά there contributes the iota to the ΑΚΤΙΑ acrostic, while the word that provides the alpha for ΙΡΑ is none other than ἀκτῇ (4.1720): the Argonauts make their thank-offerings to Apol- lo Aegletes, as to Apollo Actius and Embasius, on the shore. These cross-references provide strong reassurances that both of these acrostics are more than mere coinci- dence. Moreover, their interlinkage suggests that ΑΚΤΙΑ and ΙΡΑ are to be taken together as a pair: both episodes concern ἄκτια ἱρά, “sacrifices on the shore.” If so, then a peculiarity in the form of the ΑΚΤΙΑ acrostic may be explained. In the context of a prayer to Apollo Actius, ΑΚΤΙΟΣ or ΑΚΤΙΩ(Ι) is the form such an acrostic would be expected to take, whereas ΑΚΤΙΑ appears to be a neuter plural nominative (or accusative) form. It is difficult to discern why this grammatical number and case would be appropriate for the acrostic within the context of Arg. 1.415–419.39 The form makes sense, however, if the adjective anticipates a substantive that is also neuter plural nominative. I will conclude by noting two effects produced by the acrostic link between these two passages. First, it considerably elevates the status of the Argonauts’ make- shift sacrifices on Anaphe. On the surface, they are not quite theglorious “ sacrifices of … bulls” (ἀγλαὰ ταύρων | ἱρά, 1.417–418) that Jason had promised to make at Apollo’s principal cult sites.40 Nevertheless, be they ever so humble, these sacrifices to Apollo Αἰγλήτης have a glory of their own,41 because they inaugurate rites and es- tablish a new cult site to Apollo that Jason could have never anticipated in Book 1. Anaphe thus joins the venerable ranks of Pagasae, Pytho, Amyclae, and Ortygia. Sec- ond, scholars have long recognized that Apollo’s aid to the Argonauts figures into the narrative far less than the early parts of the poem, including Apollo’s favorable re-

38 Cf. Reich and Maehler 1991: 451. 39 Stewart 2010: 404 takes ΑΚΤΙΑ as a reference to the Actian games on the strength of the passage’s other allusions to Callimachus and of Suda s.v. Ἄκτια, according to which Callimachus treated the Actian games in a lost monograph, On Games. But the other allusions to Callimachus in this passage are to the Aetia (see Albis 1995). An allusion to a different, prose work likeOn Games seems out-of-place here, especially because athletics do not figure into the passage at all (for example, the narrative does not posit an etiology for the Actian games in the Argonautic myth here). 40 Although the Argonauts appear to have run out of wine, Hunter 2015 ad 4.1719–1720 notes that they probably have sheep to sacrifice. Still, these are no “glorious bulls.” 41 Cf. the “glorious precinct for Apollo” (ἀγλαὸν Ἀπόλλωνι | … τέμενος, 4.1714–1715) that the Argonauts build, “invoking Phoebus as Aegletes because of his far-seen gleam” (Αἰγλήτην μὲν ἐυσκόπου εἵνεκεν αἴγλης | Φοῖβον κεκλόμενοι, 4.1716–1717). The etymological wordplay is noted by Hunter 2015 ad 1714. Numbers and Acrostics: Two Notes on Jason’s Prayer at Pagasae in Apollonius’ Argonautica 119 sponse to Jason’s prayer (1.436–449), might lead one to expect; other gods, especially Hera, play a much more prominent role in the plot.42 Nevertheless, by bookending the Argonauts’ voyage, this pair of acrostics gives assurance of the Far-Worker’s prov- idential care behind the scenes. Even as Jason promises requital for the god’s aid, his words, with the adjective ΑΚΤΙΑ hidden within them, ominously look forward to their fulfillment in the matching substantiveΙΡ Α at the other end of his quest.

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42 See n. 34 above. That scholars recognize the problem, though it is only occasionally articu- lated explicitly (e.g., Phinney 1963: 41–43), is shown by the lengths to which many have gone to demonstrate the appropriateness of Apollo’s invocation by the poet at the beginning of the poem and by Jason at the beginning of the voyage (e.g., see Williams 1991: ch. 13). 120 Brian D. McPhee

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