Transatlantic Relations: a European Perspective the Regent’S Report 2014 2 Transatlantic Relations: a European Perspective the Regent’S Report 2014
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Sac's Kissing Cousins
Ground crewmen bring a British RAF Bomber Command Vulcan V-bomber to a high state of readiness. In case of nuclear war bombers of the British V-force would likely spearhead any retaliatory attack. Vuleans, the world's largest delta. wing bombers, carry either conventional or nuclear bombs internally and one Blue Steel standoff weapon externally. Although there are some misgivings about the future, today's British RAF Bomber Command is decidedly a viable force for the 1960s. Here is a report on the powerful capabilities of the United Kingdom's nuclear aerospace force . SAC'S KISSING COUSINS HE officer commanding, seated in the War Room of his operational control center, reached for the T red phone and spoke an order into it which ener- gized his widely dispersed command. The order was a single word—Scramble! A small but superbly trained band of men sprang into action. With machine precision, they raced By Richard Clayton Peet through prescribed checkout procedures, preparing their planes for flight. Jet engines began their roar. Seconds later, hundreds of aircraft were on the roll. In less than two minutes, a giant nuclear retaliatory armada was airborne. Most Americans would immediately conclude that the situation described was taking place in our own Strategic Air Command. We have become accustomed 28 AIR FORCE Magazine • January 1964 Sir John Grandy, Bomber Commander CinC, credits Valiant, first V-bomber, today is used primarily as a tanker. technical innovation and high crew proficiency with Here a Valiant refuels one of the Vulcans that made the first keeping Bomber Command a viable force in the 1960s. -
The Nuclear Question
The nuclear question Source: Martins, Véronica. The nuclear question. Translation CVCE. Copyright: (c) CVCE.EU by UNI.LU All rights of reproduction, of public communication, of adaptation, of distribution or of dissemination via Internet, internal network or any other means are strictly reserved in all countries. Consult the legal notice and the terms and conditions of use regarding this site. URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/the_nuclear_question-en-d3dae17d-f438-475e-b396- 63654c2c350a.html Last updated: 25/10/2016 1/6 The nuclear question The dropping of atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki on 6 and 9 August 1945 began a new era in international relations. For more than four years, the United States imposed itself as the only nuclear power capable of producing and deploying weapons of mass destruction. The Soviet Union exploded its first A-bomb in Kazakhstan on 29 August 1949. The United Kingdom joined the nuclear club on 3 October 1952 after its first nuclear test off the coast of Australia. France, meanwhile, joined the ranks of the nuclear powers on 13 February 1960 after successfully exploding its first atomic bomb in the Algerian Sahara.[1] Against the international background of the developing Cold War, nuclear deterrence became the main organising principle behind the national security policy of the western bloc states and the Soviet Union.[2] It was the United States and the Soviet Union, however, which set the pace for discussions in this area. The United States’ influence was particularly marked in the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). In the early 1950s, British views on the attitude to be adopted towards Soviet threats were taken up by NATO: NATO’s MC/48 strategy of November 1945, which developed out of the Global Strategy Paper adopted by the United Kingdom in June 1952,[3] advocated a principle of massive retaliation against the Soviet Union. -
CONFLICTS to COME | 15 SCENARIOS for 2030 European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS)
CHAILLOT PAPER / PAPER CHAILLOT 161 CONFLICTS TO COME 15 scenarios for 2030 CONFLICTS TO COME COME TO CONFLICTS Edited by Florence Gaub With contributions from Natasha E. Bajema, Lotje Boswinkel, Daniel Fiott, | Franz-Stefan Gady, Zoe Stanley-Lockman, Kathleen 15 SCENARIOS FOR 2030 J. McInnis, Nicolas Minvielle, Andrew Monaghan, Katariina Mustasilta, Ali Fathollah-Nejad, Patryk Pawlak, Tobias Pietz, Sinikukka Saari, Stanislav Secrieru, Simona R. Soare, Bruno Tertrais and Olivier Wathelet CHAILLOT PAPER / 161 December 2020 European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS) 100, avenue de Suffren 75015 Paris http://www.iss.europa.eu Director: Gustav Lindstrom © EU Institute for Security Studies, 2020. Reproduction is authorised, provided the source is acknowledged, save where otherwise stated. The views expressed in this publication are solely those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union. print ISBN 978-92-9198-973-7 online ISBN 978-92-9198-972-0 CATALOGUE NUMBER QN-AA-20-005-EN-C CATALOGUE NUMBER QN-AA-20-005-EN-N ISSN 1017-7566 ISSN 1683-4917 DOI 10.2815/101723 DOI 10.2815/966219 Published by the EU Institute for Security Studies and printed in Belgium by Bietlot. Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2020. Cover image credit: Daniel Cheung/unsplash CONFLICTS TO COME 15 scenarios for 2030 Edited by Florence Gaub With contributions from Natasha E. Bajema, Lotje Boswinkel, Daniel Fiott, Franz-Stefan Gady, Zoe Stanley-Lockman, Kathleen J. McInnis, Nicolas Minvielle, Andrew Monaghan, Katariina Mustasilta, Ali Fathollah-Nejad, Patryk Pawlak, Tobias Pietz, Sinikukka Saari, Stanislav Secrieru, Simona R. Soare, Bruno Tertrais and Olivier Wathelet CHAILLOT PAPER / 161 December 2020 The editor Florence Gaub is the Deputy Director of the EUISS. -
Soviet National Security Decision Making Kurt M
University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Political Science Faculty Publications Political Science 1990 Soviet National Security Decision Making Kurt M. Campbell Jeffrey W. Legro University of Richmond, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.richmond.edu/polisci-faculty-publications Part of the Political Theory Commons Recommended Citation Campbell, Kurt, and Jeffrey W. Legro. "Soviet National Security Decision Making." In A Primer for the Nuclear Age, edited by Graham T. Allison, Jr., et. al., 107-116. Lanham: University Press of America, 1990. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Chapter 12 SOVIET NATIONAL SECURITY DECISION MAKING by Kurt Campbell and Jeffrey W. Legro Winston Churchill's characterization of the Soviet Un ion as a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma may overstate Western understanding of the USSR's national security decision-making. The evidence in this domain is sparse, and what we do have is incomplete. Indeed, the Soviets have taken extraordinary steps to maintain the black box that shields how and why their decisions are made. With these caveats in mind, knowl edge of Soviet decision-making can be summed up in a few general statements. First, the Soviet leadership is an integrated political-military body, where political au thority is dominant, but where the professional military retains an important influence. Second, the role of institutions and individuals varies within and between leaderships, according to the issue under consideration (e.g., doctrine, procurement, etc.), and between times of peace and war. -
Pdf, Accessed 10 August 2013
Notes Introduction 1 . Kristan Stoddart, Losing an Empire and Finding a Role: Britain, the USA, NATO and Nuclear Weapons, 1964–1970 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012) and Kristan Stoddart, The Sword and the Shield: Britain, the USA, NATO and Nuclear Weapons, 1970–1976 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014). 2 . He eventually defeated Michael Foot in the leadership run-off. Foot would succeed Callaghan as leader in 1980, defeating Denis Healey. 3 . James Callaghan, Time and Chance (London: Fontana, 1988), pp. 385–408. 4 . David McKie, ‘Lord Callaghan Labour prime minister who, uniquely, held all four of the great offices of state, but whose consensus politics were washed away in the late 1970s’, The Guardian , 28 March 2005. 5 . ‘Why grass roots protests are now a “Must”’, The Guardian , 4 March 2010. 6 . Callaghan, Time and Chance , p. 400. 7 . Ibid. p. 448. 8 . Denis Healey, The Time of My Life (London: Penguin, 1990), pp. 388–464. 9 . Ibid. pp. 381, 393, 422–424, 429–435 and Callaghan, Time and Chance , pp. 413–447, 478, 498, 515. 10 . For a comprehensive synopsis see Richard Vinen, Thatcher’s Britain: The Politics and Social Upheaval of the 1980s (London: Simon and Schuster, 2009). 11 . Andy McSmith, ‘Margaret Thatcher obituary: the most divisive political leader of modern times’, The Independent , 8 April 2013. 12 . Quoted in Peter Hennessy, The Prime Minister: The Office and Its Holders Since 1945 (London: Allen Lane, 2000), pp. 408, 397–436. 13 . www.chu.cam.ac.uk/archives/collections/BDOHP/Coles.pdf, accessed 10 August 2013. 14 . John Nott, Here Today, Gone Tomorrow: Recollections of an Errant Politician (London: Politico’s, 2002), p. -
At Cold War's End: Complexity, Causes, and Counterfactuals
THE LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE At Cold War’s End: Complexity, Causes, and Counterfactuals Benjamin Mueller A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. London, 1 October 2015 DECLARATION I certify that the thesis I present for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work, except where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out by any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 99,864 words. 2 ABSTRACT What caused the Cold War to end? In the following I examine the puzzle of the fast and peaceful conclusion of the bipolar superpower standoff, and point out the problems this creates for the study of International Relations (IR). I discuss prevailing explanations and point out their gaps, and offer the framework of complexity theory as a suitable complement to overcome the blind spots in IR’s reductionist methodologies. I argue that uncertainty and unpredictability are rooted in an international system that is best viewed as non-linear. -
Quinn's Being Soid to Arthur's
mulmtn ) Manchester - A City o( Village Charm Hrralft Saturday, Sept. 5,1987 30 Cents THE WEST IS ON RRE Troops taking crash courses to battle blazes By The Associated Press The lightning strikes that ignited the West tapered off Friday but exhausted firefighters had their hands full with nearly half a million acres of brush and forest fires, including a blaze within Yosemite National Park. Up to 1,000 Army troops and even a small number of federal survey* ors and secretaries prepared Fri day for crash firefighting courses that would enable them to Join nearly 20,000 firefighters, some from as far away as tte East Coast, who were trying to contain the worst rash of fires in a decade. Most of the scorched earth was in California, where 375,000 acres were blackened, and Oregon, where the total reached 75,000 acres. “We’ve got a lot of tired people out in the hills," said Ray Naddy, a spokesman for firefighters in Oregon. About 16,000 people were forced to flee the flames, all but 1,000 of them in California. The Pentagon said Friday even ing that nearly 1,000 soldiers from Fort Ord, near Monterey, Calif., would be trained Saturday and be deployed Sunday, said Maj. Larry Icenogle, a Pentagon spokesman. “They will be deployed to mop-up operations to free regular firefigh ters to hit the hot spots,” said Tom MacKensle, an Army spokesman in San Francisco. Dick Thomas, a spokesman for the Bureau of Land Management in Phoenix, Ariz., photo said the agency gave physical examinations to secretaries, sur- SENTENCED — West German Mathias Rust faces that he landed in Red Square. -
The Trident Commission an Independent, Cross-Party Inquiry to Examine UK Nuclear Weapons Policy
The Trident Commission An independent, cross-party inquiry to examine UK nuclear weapons policy Concluding Report Sir Malcolm Rifkind MP Lord Browne of Ladyton Sir Menzies Campbell MP Professor Alyson Bailes Sir Jeremy Greenstock Lord Guthrie of Craigiebank Professor Lord Hennessy of Nympsfield Lord Rees of Ludlow July 2014 Published by British American Security Information Council (BASIC) July 2014 BASIC in London BASIC in Washington 3 Whitehall Court 1725 DeSales St., NW, Ste. 600, London SW1A 2EL Washington, DC 20036 Tel: +44 (0) 207 766 3461 / 65 Tel: +1 202 546 8055 www.basicint.org Acknowledgements BASIC and the Trident Commission are grateful to Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust, Polden Puckham Charitable Foundation, the Mulberry Trust, Marmot Charitable Trust, Allan and Nesta Ferguson Charitable Trust, Ploughshares Fund and Nuclear Education Trust for their financial support of the work of the Commission. We would also like to thank all those who have contributed to the work of the Commission by submitting evidence and otherwise engaging in our activities. BASIC would also like to thank the Trident Commissioners for their unpaid involvement in this enterprise. Members of the Commission Lord Browne of Ladyton, (co-chair) former Labour Secretary of State for Defence; Sir Malcolm Rifkind, (co-chair) former Conservative Defence and Foreign Secretary; Sir Menzies Campbell, (co-chair) former leader of the Liberal Democrats and Shadow Foreign Secretary; Professor Alyson Bailes, Former Head of FCO Security Policy Department and member of the WMD Commission; Sir Jeremy Greenstock, former UK Ambassador to the United Nations; Lord Guthrie of Craigiebank, former Chief of the Defence Staff; Professor Lord Hennessy of Nympsfield, Queen Mary, University of London; and, Lord Rees of Ludlow, Astronomer Royal and recent President of the Royal Society. -
De Gaulle Between Grain and Grandeur : the Political Economy of French EC Policy, 1958–1970 (Part 2)
De Gaulle Between Grain and Grandeur : The Political Economy of French EC Policy, 1958–1970 (Part 2) ✣ Andrew Moravcsik [This is the concluding part of the article; for the first part, see the previ- ous issue of the Journal. This part continues the analysis of four case studies of de Gaulle’s diplomacy, turning to the third and fourth of them: the rejection of British membership in the EEC, and the “empty chair” crisis of 1956–1966. It then offers an extended discussion of the implica- tions of the four cases for our understanding of French policy in Europe during this crucial phase of the Cold War.] British Membership: “For France to maintain its agriculture with England as a member, England would have to stop being England” From 1958 through early 1969, Gaullist France remained implacably opposed to British membership in or association with the European Economic Commu- nity (EEC). In December 1958, after gaining West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer’s support, French President Charles de Gaulle vetoed British pro- posals for a free trade area (FTA) outright. He called on the British, disingenu- ously, to join the EEC and to accept the obligations adopted by the other Community partners, particularly regarding the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), external tariffs, and social harmonization. In early 1960, Britain orga- nized the European Free Trade Area (EFTA) with Denmark, Portugal, Switzer- land, Sweden, Norway, Austria, and Ireland—a move designed almost exclusively to exert greater pressure on France—and called for an EFTA-EEC agreement. Uncompromising French obstruction again scuttled the negotia- tions. -
The Dilemma of NATO Strategy, 1949-1968 a Dissertation Presented
The Dilemma of NATO Strategy, 1949-1968 A dissertation presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy Robert Thomas Davis II August 2008 © 2008 Robert Thomas Davis II All Rights Reserved ii This dissertation titled The Dilemma of NATO Strategy, 1949-1968 by ROBERT THOMAS DAVIS II has been approved for the Department of History and the College of Arts and Sciences by ______________________________ Peter John Brobst Associate Professor of History ______________________________ Benjamin M. Ogles Dean, College of Arts and Sciences iii Abstract DAVIS, ROBERT THOMAS II, Ph.D., August 2008, History The Dilemma of NATO Strategy, 1949-1968 (422 pp.) Director of Dissertation: Peter John Brobst This study is a reappraisal of the strategic dilemma of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in the Cold War. This dilemma revolves around the problem of articulating a strategic concept for a military alliance in the nuclear era. NATO was born of a perceived need to defend Western Europe from a Soviet onslaught. It was an imperative of the early alliance to develop a military strategy and force posture to defend Western Europe should such a war break out. It was not long after the first iteration of strategy took shape than the imperative for a military defense of Europe receded under the looming threat of thermonuclear war. The advent of thermonuclear arsenals in both the United States and Soviet Union brought with it the potential destruction of civilization should war break out. This realization made statesmen on both sides of the Iron Curtain undergo what has been referred to as an ongoing process of nuclear learning. -
Decoding the Wagner Group: Analyzing the Role of Private Military Security Contractors in Russian Proxy Warfare
November 2019 Decoding the Wagner Group: Analyzing the Role of Private Military Security Contractors in Russian Proxy Warfare Candace Rondeaux Last edited on November 05, 2019 at 11:41 a.m. EST Acknowledgments The author would like to thank Peter Bergen and It is worth noting that some of the best research Daniel Rothenberg, co-directors of the New America/ produced about the Wagner Group and Russian Arizona State University Future of War project for private military security contractors has been their support throughout the production of this paper. produced by anonymous open source intelligence A deep debt of gratitude is owed to David Sterman researchers, human rights activists and investigative for applying his sharp editorial eye to the text and journalists in Ukraine, Russia, Syria, and elsewhere. sharing his analytical intuition throughout the This paper would not be what it is without their brave research for this report. I also benefited greatly efforts to hold power to account and the extensive Sergey Sukhankin’s research on Russian military advice and help of so many people, many of whom affairs and the Wagner Group and his direct could not be named here due to security concerns. contributions to the historical sections of this report All errors of fact or interpretation are, of course, the covering Moscow’s Cold War strategy in the Middle author’s alone. East elevated the analysis greatly. Navvar Saban’s research on private security contractors and pro- Assad militias likewise helped answer critical questions about Russia’s influence over local proxy forces in Syria. Christopher Miller, Mike Eckel, and many other long-time Russia hands who have spent time living and covering the Kremlin and the conflict in Ukraine were essential sounding boards and critical pillars of support throughout. -
Chronology End of the Cold War in Europe
Chronology End of the Cold War in Europe (This chronology was compiled by the National Security Archive staff in April 1998 for the conference “The End of the Cold War in Europe, 1989: ‘New Thinking’ and New Evidence) 1987 January 12 - Jaruzelski meets with Pope John Paul II in Italy, Jaruzelski's first official visit to the West since the imposition of martial law in Poland. (Dawisha, p. 283, Foreign, p. 300) January 20 - The USSR stops jamming the BBC. (Garthoff, 304) January 21 - The CPSU Politburo discusses withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan. Foreign Minister Shevardnadze advocates only a partial withdrawal and massive support of the Najib regime. Prime Minister Nikolai Ryzhkov categorically demands a complete withdrawal. Gorbachev proposes "to pull it off within two years." (The Archive of Gorbachev Foundation) January 22 - The CPSU Politburo discusses "acceleration" in upgrading the machine- building industries. (The Archive of the Gorbachev Foundation) January 27 - At a meeting of the Central Committee Gorbachev surprises members with his description of the country as being one of "developing socialism," rather than the stock phrase, "developed socialism," and with approvals of "real elections" and secret ballots. This provides an opening wedge for the introduction of democratic procedure. (Matlock, 64; Garthoff, 303) January 29 - The CPSU Politburo holds discussions on the results of the Warsaw conference of CC secretaries of Comecon countries. The participants point at the growing pro-Western orientation of Eastern Europe. Anatoly Dobrynin argues against "over dramatizing the nuances in the behavior of Honecker." Gorbachev agrees that "they should remain friends." (The Archive of the Gorbachev Foundation) February 10 - The USSR announces that it has pardoned 140 prisoners convicted of subversive activities.