Chronology End of the Cold War in Europe
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Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia
Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia Geographically, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam are situated in the fastest growing region in the world, positioned alongside the dynamic economies of neighboring China and Thailand. Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia compares the postwar political economies of these three countries in the context of their individual and collective impact on recent efforts at regional integration. Based on research carried out over three decades, Ronald Bruce St John highlights the different paths to reform taken by these countries and the effect this has had on regional plans for economic development. Through its comparative analysis of the reforms implemented by Cam- bodia, Laos and Vietnam over the last 30 years, the book draws attention to parallel themes of continuity and change. St John discusses how these countries have demonstrated related characteristics whilst at the same time making different modifications in order to exploit the strengths of their individual cultures. The book contributes to the contemporary debate over the role of democratic reform in promoting economic devel- opment and provides academics with a unique insight into the political economies of three countries at the heart of Southeast Asia. Ronald Bruce St John earned a Ph.D. in International Relations at the University of Denver before serving as a military intelligence officer in Vietnam. He is now an independent scholar and has published more than 300 books, articles and reviews with a focus on Southeast Asia, -
H-Diplo Roundtable, Vol
2018 H-Diplo Roundtable Editors: Thomas Maddux and Diane Labrosse @HDiplo Roundtable and Web Production Editor: George Fujii Introduction by Artemy M. Kalinovsky, University of Roundtable Review Amsterdam Volume XIX, No. 29 (2018) 9 April 2018 Chris Miller. The Struggle to Save the Soviet Economy: Mikhail Gorbachev and the Collapse of the USSR. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2016. ISBN: 978-1- 4696-3017-5 (hardcover, $29.95). URL: http://www.tiny.cc/Roundtable-XIX-29 Contents Introduction by Artemy M. Kalinovsky, University of Amsterdam ...................................................2 Review by James Cameron, Fundação Getulio Vargas .........................................................................5 Review by Yakov Feygin, The University of Pennsylvania ...................................................................8 Review by Michelle Getchell, U.S. Naval War College ......................................................................... 14 Review by Kristy Ironside, McGill University .......................................................................................... 16 Review by Vladislav Zubok, London School of Economics and Political Science .................... 20 Author’s Response by Chris Miller, Tufts University ............................................................................ 25 © 2018 The Authors. Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 United States License. H-Diplo Roundtable Review, Vol. XIX, No. 29 (2018) Introduction by Artemy M. Kalinovsky, University -
The Constitutive Discourse of the Khmer Rouge
Henri Locard. Pol Pot's Little Red Book: The Sayings of Angkar. Chang Mai: Silkworm Books, 2005. xvi +336 pp. $18.95, paper, ISBN 978-974-9575-56-7. Reviewed by Jason Edwards Published on H-Genocide (August, 2005) The Khmer Rouge governed Cambodia from life. Constitutive rhetoric, therefore, is the discur‐ April 1975 to January 1979 and can be truly called sive background of social life for a particular peo‐ one of the most brutal regimes of the twentieth ple. The slogans used by the Khmer Rouge provide century. However, understanding Khmer Rouge a form of constitutive discourse. These slogans ideology and its impact on Cambodian society is were rooted in Maoist ideology and Cambodian often difficult to discern because the regime's cultural mythology. However, until now they were leaders did not create any major manifestos.[1] never compiled into a specific text for the people That is why Henri Locard's book, Pol Pot's Little to study en masse. Rather, since Cambodia is an Red Book: The Sayings of Angkar, is such an im‐ oral culture, the Khmer leadership and their sur‐ portant text for understanding the political rogates spoke them on a daily basis. The Khmer thought of the Khmer Rouge. Rouge interpellated ordinary Cambodians Locard provides the reader with a group of through continuous rote instruction. sayings and slogans that he collected over four Locard's book is composed of an introduction, years, 1991-1995, from survivors of the Khmer six chapters, and an epilogue. The introduction Rouge's regime, as well as snippets from speeches provides an understanding and a justification for by Khmer leadership. -
From Old Thinking to New Thinking in Qualitative Research
Dartmouth College Dartmouth Digital Commons Open Dartmouth: Published works by Dartmouth faculty Faculty Work Spring 2002 From Old Thinking to New Thinking in Qualitative Research Stephen G. Brooks Dartmouth College, [email protected] William C. Wohlforth Dartmouth College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.dartmouth.edu/facoa Part of the International Relations Commons Dartmouth Digital Commons Citation Brooks, Stephen G. and Wohlforth, William C., "From Old Thinking to New Thinking in Qualitative Research" (2002). Open Dartmouth: Published works by Dartmouth faculty. 2641. https://digitalcommons.dartmouth.edu/facoa/2641 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Work at Dartmouth Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Open Dartmouth: Published works by Dartmouth faculty by an authorized administrator of Dartmouth Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. New versus Old Thinking in Qualitative Research From Old Thinking Stephen G. Brooks and William C. to New Thinking in Wohlforth Qualitative Research Robert English has provided a strongly written critique of our article “Power, Globalization, and the End of the Cold War.”1 Unfortunately, his reply may have the unintended consequence of reinforcing a pernicious but popular view among political sci- entists that qualitative research—especially on single cases—cannot generate progress. Here we have a case of seminal importance that has attracted the sus- tained attention of dozens of international relations scholars for more than a decade, and yet it appears that scholars are still involved in what looks like an interminable historians’ debate over causes. -
Raisa Gorbacheva, the Soviet Union’S Only First Lady
Outraging the People by Stepping out of the Shadows Gender roles, the ‘feminine ideal’ and gender discourse in the Soviet Union and Raisa Gorbacheva, the Soviet Union’s only First Lady. Noraly Terbijhe Master Thesis MA Russian & Eurasian Studies Leiden University January 2020, Leiden Everywhere in the civilised world, the position, the rights and obligations of a wife of the head of state are more or less determined. For instance, I found out that the President’s wife in the White House has special staff to assist her in preforming her duties. She even has her own ‘territory’ and office in one wing of the White House. As it turns out, I as the First Lady had only one tradition to be proud of, the lack of any right to an official public existence.1 Raisa Maximovna Gorbacheva (1991) 1 Translated into English from Russian. From: Raisa Gorbacheva, Ya Nadeyus’ (Moscow 1991) 162. 1 Table of contents 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 3 2. Literature review ........................................................................................................................... 9 3. Gender roles and discourse in Russia and the USSR ................................................................. 17 The supportive comrade ................................................................................................................. 19 The hardworking mother ............................................................................................................... -
Essential Questions and Answers… Cold War Crises and the End of the Cold War, 1958-1991
Essential Questions and Answers… Cold War Crises and the end of the Cold War, 1958-1991 QUESTION ANSWER 1. What was the Berlin Khrushchev’s demands to the Western allies (USA, France, GB) to leave West Berlin. Ultimatum of 1958? 2. What did the Berlin That the Western allies had 6 months to leave West Berlin and that it should be a Ultimatum say? free city (with its own independent government). 3. What was discussed at How Berlin should be run. No agreement was reached. the Geneva summit meeting in May 1959? 4. Who met at Camp Khrushchev and Eisenhower. They could not agree on a way forward for Berlin but David (in the USA) in the USSR did withdraw the Berlin Ultimatum. September 1959? 5. What was a U2? An American spy plane. It could fly at 70,000 feet and take photographs of Soviet bomber plane bases and missile sites. 6. When was Gary 1 May 1960. It was shot down by a SAM (surface to air missile). Power’s spy plane shot down by the USSR? 7. Who was the leader of Nikita Khrushchev. the USSR at this time? 8. What did Khrushchev He said the USSR had shot down a plane (but did not say it was a spy plane). do about the U2? 9. How did the American He said it was a weather plane. president, Eisenhower, respond? 10. What did Khrushchev He showed the photos Gary Powers had taken, proving it was a spy plane and that do next? Eisenhower was lying. 11. How did the U2 crisis Khrushchev walked out of the Paris Peace Summit meeting because Eisenhower make the Cold War refused to apologise for spying on the USSR. -
The End of the Cold War Housekeeping
The End of the Cold War Housekeeping Paper due tonight. Can turn it in later to me via email Final: QUESTIONS: THE END OF THE COLD WAR REVIEW: 1979-1985: The End of Détente The Invasion into Afghanistan Solidarity Reagan elected, calls USSR an “evil empire” and pushes buildup with changed strategy Gas prices go down Strategic Defense Initiative (Star Wars) Computer weapons technology at all levels The new social contract in Soviet bloc wears thin Soviet leaders start dying off Gorbachev Comes To Power Committed Communist “Child of the 1960s”/ Knows something has to change DOMESTIC POLITICs “Acceleration”= Discipline, anti-alcohol “Perestroika”= Reform “Glasnost”—Ability to criticize Very uneven: Moscow and Leningrad in 1987 “Demokratizatsiia” Gorbachev’s Foreign Policy “The New Thinking” Abandons the position of strength argument Calls for mutual interdependence, peace: Europe from Vancouver to Vladivostok Wants to ”deprive the United States of its image of the USSR as an enemy” Unilateral concessions for arms control talks Reykjavik Summit, 1986 The Zero-Zero Option in Europe in 1987 The unilateral arms concession in 1988 Eastern Europe: Rejects Brezhnev Doctrine in March 1988 in Yugoslavia In October, 1989: The ”Sinatra Doctrine” • https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ielyVJUgXK8 Reagan’s Role Defense spending and getting Saudi Arabia to lower oil prices– a little Strategic Defense Spending—no Gorbachev was most important Reagan recognized an opportunity Eastern Europe Roundtables in Poland, Hungary Poland: Stalemate between regime and society -
Lukyanov Doctrine: Conceptual Origins of Russia's Hybrid Foreign Policy—The Case of Ukraine
Saint Louis University Law Journal Volume 64 Number 1 Internationalism and Sovereignty Article 3 (Fall 2019) 4-23-2020 Lukyanov Doctrine: Conceptual Origins of Russia’s Hybrid Foreign Policy—The Case of Ukraine. Igor Gretskiy [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/lj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Igor Gretskiy, Lukyanov Doctrine: Conceptual Origins of Russia’s Hybrid Foreign Policy—The Case of Ukraine., 64 St. Louis U. L.J. (2020). Available at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/lj/vol64/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Saint Louis University Law Journal by an authorized editor of Scholarship Commons. For more information, please contact Susie Lee. SAINT LOUIS UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF LAW LUKYANOV DOCTRINE: CONCEPTUAL ORIGINS OF RUSSIA’S HYBRID FOREIGN POLICY—THE CASE OF UKRAINE. IGOR GRETSKIY* Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Kremlin’s assertiveness and unpredictability on the international arena has always provoked enormous attention to its foreign policy tools and tactics. Although there was no shortage of publications on topics related to different aspects of Moscow’s foreign policy varying from non-proliferation of nuclear weapons to soft power diplomacy, Russian studies as a discipline found itself deadlocked within the limited number of old dichotomies, (e.g., West/non-West, authoritarianism/democracy, Europe/non-Europe), initially proposed to understand the logic of Russia’s domestic and foreign policy transformations.1 Furthermore, as the decision- making process in Moscow was getting further from being transparent due to the increasingly centralized character of its political system, the emergence of new theoretical frameworks with greater explanatory power was an even more difficult task. -
The Evolution of Russian Grand Strategy - Implications for Europe’S North
THE EVOLUTION OF RUSSIAN GRAND STRATEGY - IMPLICATIONS FOR EUROPE’S NORTH Henrikki Heikka POLSIS, University of Birmingham Programme on the Northern Dimension of the CFSP, Ulkopoliittinen Instituutti & Institut für Europäische Politik 2 The ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed the world is ruled by little else. Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual influence, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist. Madmen in authority, who hear voices in the air, are distilling their frenzy from some academic scribblers of a few years back. I am sure that the power of vested interests is vastly exaggerated compared with the gradual encroachments of ideas. - John Maynard Keynes Without a theory, the facts are silent. - F.A. Hayek 3 1 Introduction A study about Russian grand strategy is certain to raise more than a few eyebrows among observers of Russian foreign policy. How can one possibly assume that in a country with constantly changing prime ministers and an economy on the verge of bankruptcy there could be a commonly accepted Grand Plan about anything? Moreover, the record of post-cold war Russian foreign policy is so full of reckless moves and unpredictable u-turns, that it seems rather far-fetched to suggest that there could be, even in theory, a common logic behind it. Judging by the steady flow of publications on the role of self-interested politicians, parties, business elites, and organizational and bureaucratic actors in the formation of Russian foreign policy, it does indeed seem that most scholars see Russia’s external policy driven by the day- to-day power struggles of various groups within the Russian political elite rather than by a common national strategy. -
The Role of Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia in Trying Khmer Rouge Human Rights Offender in Cambodia
The Role of Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia in trying Khmer Rouge Human Rights Offender in Cambodia Ahza Arzanul Haq, Dea Putri Krisanti, Zein Ibnu Wiguna Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences Universitas Sebelas Maret Surakarta, Indonesia [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] Article Abstract Information Submitted : February 3, 2020 Conflict often occurs when two or more interests are in contradiction and no Revised : May 18, 2020 Accepted : June 30, 2020 one wants to concede. We know a variety of conflicts today, from the conflict preexisting since a long time ago such as intertribal conflict to more modern conflict Keywords : such as a state’s tapping over another. The way of resolving conflict is also varying Khmer Rouge; Cambodia; according to the types of conflict, big conflict such as interstate conflict or the one ECCC; Humanity Crime; attracting the world’s attention, using more complex resolution and usually using the Human Right Violation third party. Therefore, a special organization will be founded to solve a conflict. One of organizations created to solve a conflict is the Extraordinary Chambers in The Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) aiming to try the war criminals during Khmer Rouge humanity crime incidence in 1975-1979. Humanity crime occurring in Cambodia is one of largest humanity tragedies in modern era post 2nd World War. This ECCC was founded because at that time Cambodia’s National Justice Institution could not try the perpetrator of humanity crime. Cambodian government along with UN then agreed to found a justice institution specifically aiming to deal with and to resolve Khmer Rouge case. -
The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev 1986
The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev 1986 Donated by A.S. Chernyaev to The National Security Archive Translated by Anna Melyakova Edited by Svetlana Savranskaya http://www.nsarchive.org Translation © The National Security Archive, 2007 The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev, 1986 http://www.nsarchive.org January 1st, 1986. At the department1 everyone wished each other to celebrate the New Year 1987 “in the same positions.” And it is true, at the last session of the CC (Central Committee) Secretariat on December 30th, five people were replaced: heads of CC departments, obkom [Oblast Committee] secretaries, heads of executive committees. The Politizdat2 director Belyaev was confirmed as editor of Soviet Culture. [Yegor] Ligachev3 addressed him as one would address a person, who is getting promoted and entrusted with a very crucial position. He said something like this: we hope that you will make the newspaper truly an organ of the Central Committee, that you won’t squander your time on petty matters, but will carry out state and party policies... In other words, culture and its most important control lever were entrusted to a Stalinist pain-in-the neck dullard. What is that supposed to mean? Menshikov’s case is also shocking to me. It is clear that he is a bastard in general. I was never favorably disposed to him; he was tacked on [to our team] without my approval. I had to treat him roughly to make sure no extraterritoriality and privileges were allowed in relation to other consultants, and even in relation to me (which could have been done through [Vadim] Zagladin,4 with whom they are dear friends). -
Read Book Lenins Tomb: the Last Days of the Soviet Empire
LENINS TOMB: THE LAST DAYS OF THE SOVIET EMPIRE PDF, EPUB, EBOOK David Remnick | 22 pages | 01 Oct 2001 | Random House USA Inc | 9780679751250 | English | New York, United States Lenins Tomb: the Last Days of the Soviet Empire PDF Book Remnick writes after lunching with Ms. The crowds were so dense and chaotic that some people were trampled underfoot, others rammed against traffic lights, and still others choked to death. Mikhail Kalinin tomb. The body lies in a glass case with dim lights. Khrushchev followed by reading a decree ordering the removal of Stalin's remains. Stalin's own grandson, Yevgeny Djugashvili, asked Mr. It's as if the regime were guilty of two crimes on a massive scale: murder and the unending assault against memory. After years of blind obedience and misery, the Soviet people seem to awaken from a miserable dream in the late s and early s. Konstantin Chernenko tomb. It's an absolutely unprecedented, wacky, counterproductive request. Yet even the brief minute or so that visitors are allotted with Lenin leaves a lasting impression. The bodies of Kim and Mao do not look mach different from Lenin although they were embalmed years later. Here is Nina Andreyeva, the famous Stalinist of Leningrad still unrepentant , whose article in the hard-line newspaper Sovetskaya Rossiya, "I Cannot Betray My Principles," seemed a harbinger of a reaction against perestroika. Remnick intrudes a little too much for my taste. Pyongyang is build as a showcase for the North Korean regime, this guide lists many of the giant communist monuments and architecture.