Decoding the Wagner Group: Analyzing the Role of Private Military Security Contractors in Russian Proxy Warfare
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Russian Private Military Companies: Continuity and Evolution of the Model
Russia Foreign Policy Papers Anna Borshchevskaya All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Author: Anna Borshchevskaya Eurasia Program Leadership Director: Chris Miller Deputy Director: Maia Otarashvili Edited by: Thomas J. Shattuck Designed by: Natalia Kopytnik © 2019 by the Foreign Policy Research Institute December 2019 COVER: Designed by Natalia Kopytnik. Our Mission The Foreign Policy Research Institute is dedicated to bringing the insights of scholarship to bear on the foreign policy and national security challenges facing the United States. It seeks to educate the public, teach teachers, train students, and offer ideas to advance U.S. national interests based on a nonpartisan, geopolitical perspective that illuminates contemporary international affairs through the lens of history, geography, and culture. Offering Ideas In an increasingly polarized world, we pride ourselves on our tradition of nonpartisan scholarship. We count among our ranks over 100 affiliated scholars located throughout the nation and the world who appear regularly in national and international media, testify on Capitol Hill, and are consulted by U.S. government agencies. Educating the American Public FPRI was founded on the premise that an informed and educated citizenry is paramount for the U.S. to conduct a coherent foreign policy. Through in-depth research and events on issues spanning the geopolitical spectrum, FPRI offers insights to help the public understand our volatile world. Championing Civic Literacy We believe that a robust civic education is a national imperative. -
The Russia You Never Met
The Russia You Never Met MATT BIVENS AND JONAS BERNSTEIN fter staggering to reelection in summer 1996, President Boris Yeltsin A announced what had long been obvious: that he had a bad heart and needed surgery. Then he disappeared from view, leaving his prime minister, Viktor Cher- nomyrdin, and his chief of staff, Anatoly Chubais, to mind the Kremlin. For the next few months, Russians would tune in the morning news to learn if the presi- dent was still alive. Evenings they would tune in Chubais and Chernomyrdin to hear about a national emergency—no one was paying their taxes. Summer turned to autumn, but as Yeltsin’s by-pass operation approached, strange things began to happen. Chubais and Chernomyrdin suddenly announced the creation of a new body, the Cheka, to help the government collect taxes. In Lenin’s day, the Cheka was the secret police force—the forerunner of the KGB— that, among other things, forcibly wrested food and money from the peasantry and drove some of them into collective farms or concentration camps. Chubais made no apologies, saying that he had chosen such a historically weighted name to communicate the seriousness of the tax emergency.1 Western governments nod- ded their collective heads in solemn agreement. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank both confirmed that Russia was experiencing a tax collec- tion emergency and insisted that serious steps be taken.2 Never mind that the Russian government had been granting enormous tax breaks to the politically connected, including billions to Chernomyrdin’s favorite, Gazprom, the natural gas monopoly,3 and around $1 billion to Chubais’s favorite, Uneximbank,4 never mind the horrendous corruption that had been bleeding the treasury dry for years, or the nihilistic and pointless (and expensive) destruction of Chechnya. -
Crimea: Anatomy of a Decision
Crimea: Anatomy of a decision Daniel Treisman President Vladimir Putin’s decision to seize the Crimean peninsula from Ukraine and incorporate it into Russia was the most consequential of his first 15 years in power.1 It had profound implications for both foreign and domestic policy as well as for how Russia was viewed around the world. The intervention also took most observers—both in Russia and in the West—by surprise. For these reasons, it is a promising case from which to seek insight into the concerns and processes that drive Kremlin decision-making on high-stakes issues. One can distinguish two key questions: why Putin chose to do what he did, and how the decision was made. In fact, as will become clear, the answer to the second question helps one choose among different possible answers to the first. Why did Putin order his military intelligence commandos to take control of the peninsula? In the immediate aftermath, four explanations dominated discussion in the Western media and academic circles. A first image—call this “Putin the defender”—saw the Russian intervention as a desperate response to the perceived threat of NATO enlargement. Fearing that with President Viktor Yanukovych gone Ukraine’s new government would quickly join the Western military alliance, so the argument goes, Putin struck preemptively to prevent such a major strategic loss and to break the momentum of NATO’s eastward drive (see, e.g., Mearsheimer 2014). 1 This chapter draws heavily on “Why Putin Took Crimea,” Foreign Affairs, May/June, 2016. A second image—“Putin the imperialist”—cast Crimea as the climax of a gradually unfolding, systematic project on the part of the Kremlin to recapture the lost lands of the Soviet Union. -
Russia's Hardest Working Oligarch Takes Talents to Africa
Russia’s Hardest Working Oligarch Takes Talents to Africa PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 672 September 2020 Matt Maldonado1 The University of Texas at Austin In September 2019, Russian oligarch Konstantin Malofeev sat down for an interview with the Russian news outlet RBC and announced the launch of the International Agency of Sovereign Development (IASD). It was to be a brand-new Russian investment group set to make its public debut at the Russia-Africa Summit in Sochi later that year. Malofeev has been sanctioned by both the United States and the EU for his role in the Russian annexation of Crimea. He is the same “God’s Oligarch” whose ultra-conservative Tsargrad news network was banned from YouTube for “violation of legislation on sanctions and trade rules.” Now, IASD is positioning itself to be instrumental in a Russian effort to “Pivot back to Africa” after withdrawing during more than a decade of internal strife and international decline in the aftermath of the fall of the Soviet Union. Moscow recognizes the importance of Africa for trade and industry, and IASD’s Soviet nostalgia, anti-Western sentiment, and development funds would find consumers on the continent. It has the potential to be an influential alternative to Western and Chinese interests while attracting significantly less attention than, for example, the African operations of Evgeni Prigozhin and the Wagner Group. Organizational Debut, Outreach, and “Unworldly Connections” IASD presents itself as a global consultancy firm, assisting both African governments and Russian -
Resort to Private Military Companies to Fight the Insurgency in Cabo Delgado: Without Transparency and with Disastrous Results
Resort to private military companies to fight the insurgency in Cabo Delgado: without transparency and with disastrous results Introduction Obscure contracts: from Russians The Mozambican Government is going to prolong, for the second to South Africans time, its contract with the Dyck Advisory Group (DAG), a South Under cover of the law which defines direct awarding of contracts African private military company (PMC), which, since April of as the applicable regime, “if the object of the contract concerns this year, has been assisting the Defence and Security Forces defence and national security”2, the Government has, since in combatting the insurgency in Cabo Delgado. In addition to September 2019, resorted to hiring foreign private military extending the contract with DAG, the government has hired companies, without informing Mozambicans about the purpose another South African PMC, Paramount, according to reports in of the contracts, the sums involved and other contract conditions. 1 the international press this week . Although we recognize the need to protect sensitive information such as that concerning defence and security, this does not mean Under the cover of State secrets, the Government has been resorting, that the government is exempt from accountability. But the since September 2019, to hiring PMCs to help fight the insurgency Government has not provided any account about these contracts, in Cabo Delgado, without accountability to Mozambican citizens, and in a context where defence expenditure has increased either in terms of expenditure or of the benefits obtained by significantly, by about 80% between 2017 and 2020, from 8.304 resorting to private soldiers. billion meticais in 2017 to 14.957 billion by September 20203. -
The North Caucasus: the Challenges of Integration (III), Governance, Elections, Rule of Law
The North Caucasus: The Challenges of Integration (III), Governance, Elections, Rule of Law Europe Report N°226 | 6 September 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Russia between Decentralisation and the “Vertical of Power” ....................................... 3 A. Federative Relations Today ....................................................................................... 4 B. Local Government ...................................................................................................... 6 C. Funding and budgets ................................................................................................. 6 III. Elections ........................................................................................................................... 9 A. State Duma Elections 2011 ........................................................................................ 9 B. Presidential Elections 2012 ...................................................................................... -
Organized Crime 1.1 Gaizer’S Criminal Group
INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................... 4 CHAPTER I. ORGANIZED CRIME 1.1 Gaizer’s Criminal Group ..................................................................................6 1.2 Bandits in St. Petersburg ............................................................................ 10 1.3 The Tsapok Gang .......................................................................................... 14 Chapter II.CThe Corrupt Officials 2.1 «I Fell in Love with a Criminal» ................................................................20 2.2 Female Thief with a Birkin Bag ...............................................................24 2.3 «Moscow Crime Boss».................................................................................29 CONTENTS CHAPTER III. THE BRibE-TAKERS 3.1 Governor Khoroshavin’s medal «THE CRIMINAL RUSSIA PARTY», AN INDEPENDENT EXPERT REPORT «For Merit to the Fatherland» ..................................................................32 PUBLISHED IN MOSCOW, AUGUST 2016 3.2 The Astrakhan Brigade ...............................................................................36 AUTHOR: ILYA YASHIN 3.3 A Character from the 1990s ......................................................................39 MATERiaL COMPILING: VERONIKA SHULGINA HAPTER HE ROOKS TRANSLATION: C 4. T C EVGENia KARA-MURZA 4.1 Governor Nicknamed Hans .......................................................................42 GRAPHICS: PavEL YELIZAROV 4.2 The Party -
Social Media and Civil Society in the Russian Protests, December 2011
Department of Informatics and Media Social Science – major in Media and Communication Studies Fall 2013 Master Two Years Thesis Social Media and Civil Society in the Russian Protests, December 2011 The role of social media in engagement of people in the protests and their self- identification with civil society Daria Dmitrieva Fall 2013 Supervisor: Dr. Gregory Simons Researcher at Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies 1 2 ABSTRACT The study examines the phenomenon of the December protests in Russia when thousands of citizens were involved in the protest movement after the frauds during the Parliamentary elections. There was a popular opinion in the Internet media that at that moment Russia experienced establishment of civil society, since so many people were ready to express their discontent publically for the first time in 20 years. The focus of this study is made on the analysis of the roles that social media played in the protest movement. As it could be observed at the first glance, recruiting and mobilising individuals to participation in the rallies were mainly conducted via social media. The research analyses the concept of civil society and its relevance to the protest rhetoric and investigates, whether there was a phenomenon of civil society indeed and how it was connected to individuals‘ motivation for joining the protest. The concept of civil society is discussed through the social capital, social and political trust, e- democracy and mediatisation frameworks. The study provides a comprehensive description of the events, based on mainstream and new media sources, in order to depict the nature and the development of the movement. -
ON the EFFECTIVE USE of PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 © 2021 Andrew Peek All Rights Reserved
ON THE EFFECTIVE USE OF PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 2021 Andrew Peek All rights reserved Abstract This dissertation asks a simple question: how are states most effectively conducting proxy warfare in the modern international system? It answers this question by conducting a comparative study of the sponsorship of proxy forces. It uses process tracing to examine five cases of proxy warfare and predicts that the differentiation in support for each proxy impacts their utility. In particular, it proposes that increasing the principal-agent distance between sponsors and proxies might correlate with strategic effectiveness. That is, the less directly a proxy is supported and controlled by a sponsor, the more effective the proxy becomes. Strategic effectiveness here is conceptualized as consisting of two key parts: a proxy’s operational capability and a sponsor’s plausible deniability. These should be in inverse relation to each other: the greater and more overt a sponsor’s support is to a proxy, the more capable – better armed, better trained – its proxies should be on the battlefield. However, this close support to such proxies should also make the sponsor’s influence less deniable, and thus incur strategic costs against both it and the proxy. These costs primarily consist of external balancing by rival states, the same way such states would balance against conventional aggression. Conversely, the more deniable such support is – the more indirect and less overt – the less balancing occurs. -
International Crimes in Crimea
International Crimes in Crimea: An Assessment of Two and a Half Years of Russian Occupation SEPTEMBER 2016 Contents I. Introduction 6 A. Executive summary 6 B. The authors 7 C. Sources of information and methodology of documentation 7 II. Factual Background 8 A. A brief history of the Crimean Peninsula 8 B. Euromaidan 12 C. The invasion of Crimea 15 D. Two and a half years of occupation and the war in Donbas 23 III. Jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court 27 IV. Contextual elements of international crimes 28 A. War crimes 28 B. Crimes against humanity 34 V. Willful killing, murder and enforced disappearances 38 A. Overview 38 B. The law 38 C. Summary of the evidence 39 D. Documented cases 41 E. Analysis 45 F. Conclusion 45 VI. Torture and other forms of inhuman treatment 46 A. Overview 46 B. The law 46 C. Summary of the evidence 47 D. Documented cases of torture and other forms of inhuman treatment 50 E. Analysis 59 F. Conclusion 59 VII. Illegal detention 60 A. Overview 60 B. The law 60 C. Summary of the evidence 62 D. Documented cases of illegal detention 66 E. Analysis 87 F. Conclusion 87 VIII. Forced displacement 88 A. Overview 88 B. The law 88 C. Summary of evidence 90 D. Analysis 93 E. Conclusion 93 IX. Crimes against public, private and cultural property 94 A. Overview 94 B. The law 94 C. Summary of evidence 96 D. Documented cases 99 E. Analysis 110 F. Conclusion 110 X. Persecution and collective punishment 111 A. Overview 111 B. -
Vulnerabilities to Russian Influence in Montenegro
KREMLIN WATCH REPORT VULNERABILITIES TO RUSSIAN INFLUENCE IN MONTENEGRO Kremlin Watch Program 2019 EUROPEAN VALUES CENTER FOR SECURITY POLICY European Values Center for Security Policy is a non-governmental, non-partisan institute defending freedom and sovereignty. We protect liberal democracy, the rule of law, and the transatlantic alliance of the Czech Republic. We help defend Europe especially from the malign influences of Russia, China, and Islamic extrem- ists. We envision a free, safe, and prosperous Czechia within a vibrant Central Europe that is an integral part of the transatlantic community and is based on a firm alliance with the USA. Our work is based on individual donors. Use the form at: http://www.europeanvalues.net/o-nas/support- us/, or send your donation directly to our transparent account: CZ69 2010 0000 0022 0125 8162. www.europeanvalues.net [email protected] www.facebook.com/Evropskehodnoty KREMLIN WATCH PROGRAM Kremlin Watch is a strategic program of the European Values Center for Security Policy which aims to ex- pose and confront instruments of Russian influence and disinformation operations focused against West- ern democracies. Author Mgr. Liz Anderson, student of Security and Strategic Studies at Masaryk University and Kremlin Watch Intern Editor Veronika Víchová, Head of Kremlin Watch Program, European Values Center for Security Policy Image Copyright: Page 1, 4, 12: NATO 2 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY With a population of a little more than 650,000 citizens, levels of Montenegrin society, but most prominently in Montenegro is NATO’s newest and smallest member. It the economic, political, civil society, media, and religious joined the Alliance controversially and without a realms. -
Current Issues of Military Spec
CURRENT ISSUES OF MILITARY SPECIALISTS TRAINING IN THE SECURITY AND DEFENCE SECTOR UNDER CONDITIONS OF HYBRID THREATS Instytut Bezpieczeństwa i Rozwoju Międzynarodowego Boguslaw Pacek, Hennadii Pievtsov, Anatolii Syrotenko CURRENT ISSUES OF MILITARY SPECIALISTS TRAINING IN THE SECURITY AND DEFENCE SECTOR UNDER CONDITIONS OF HYBRID THREATS Warsaw 2021 Reviewer Prof. dr hab. Andrzej Glen Scientific editors: Boguslaw Pacek – Jagiellonian University in Krakow, Poland Hennadii Pievtsov – Ivan Kozhedub Kharkiv National Air Force University, Ukraine Anatolii Syrotenko – National Defence University of Ukraine named after Ivan Cherniakhovskyi, Ukraine Language editing and proofreading Foreign Languages Scientific and Research Centre of National Defence University of Ukraine named after Ivan Cherniakhovskyi Computer typing Valeriya Kirvas © Copyright by Instytut Bezpieczeństwa i Rozwoju Międzynarodowego, 2021 ISBN 978-83-66676-10-7 Wydawnictwo Instytutu Bezpieczeństwa i Rozwoju Międzynarodowego https://instytutbirm.pl 1st Edition CONTENTS Preface ............................................................................................... 10 Military Scientific Aspects of Counteracting Hybrid Aggression: the Experience of Ukraine Victor Bocharnikov, Sergey Sveshnikov Systemic features of military-political situation in Ukraine during 2012-2018 ............................................................ 14 Volodymyr Bohdanovych, Oleksandr Dublian, Oleksandr Peredrii, Valerii Dobrohurskyi Comprehensive model of counteracting hybrid aggression process