The Perception of Progressive Bloc Party-List Members on Whether to Scrap Or Reform the Party-List System

The Perception of Progressive Bloc Party-list Members on Whether to Scrap or Reform the Party-list System

―Reforming the Scraps of what is Left‖

A Qualitative Research Thesis

Joshua Nathaniel C. Reyes

2013-71414

May 26, 2017

University of the Philippines, Manila

Prof. Josefina G. Tayag, DPA

Approval Sheet

In partial fulfillment of the course requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts Major in Political Science, this thesis paper entitled “Reforming the Scraps of what is Left: The Perception of Progressive Bloc Party-list Members on Whether to Scrap or Reform the Party-list System” is presented by Mr. Joshua Nathaniel C. Reyes to the Political Science Program under the Department of Social Sciences of the College of Arts and Sciences – University of the Philippines Manila.

This thesis paper has been examined and is recommended for acceptance and approval in partial fulfillemt of the course requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts Major in Political Science.

______Prof. Josefina G. Tayag, DPA Thesis Adviser University of the Philippines, Manila

Wherefore, this thesis paper written by Mr. Joshua Nathaniel C. Reyes entitled “Reforming the Scraps of what is Left: The Perception of Progressive Bloc Party-list Members on Whether to Scrap or Reform the Party-list System” is hereby accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the course requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts Major in Political Science of the University of the Philippines, Manila.

______Prof. Jerome A. Ong Chairperson – Department of Social Science University of the Philippines, Manila

Acknowledgement

I would first like to thank my thesis adviser Prof. Josefina G. Tayag, DPA of the University of the Philippines-Manila as she consistently allowed this paper to be my own work and for steering me in the right direction in pursuing my topic. I would also like to thank and commend my adviser in swiftly and meticoulously reading and correcting my drafts leading to a smooth process in finishing this paper.

Besides my thesis adviser, I would also like to thank my previous research professors, Prof. Clarinda L. Berja and Prof. Sophia Francesca Lu, in guiding me on how to conceive my topic in a qualitative and quantitative perspective.

I would like to show my gratitude to Prof. Carl Marc L. Ramota, as I first encountered my topic as a report in my Political Science 14 class. My interest on Party-List System of the Philippines was first conceived in the said class as I saw the potential of the system in having systematic change in Philippine politics.

I thank Sam Bautista of Bayan Muna Party-List, Marinello Alcantara of Anakpawis Party-List, Mark Quinto of Kabataan Party-List, Jolly of Alliance of Concerned Teachers, Malou of Gabriela Women‘s Party, and Nica of National Union of People‘s Lawyers for being my contact persons of their organizations and in identifying and providing the interviewees of my study. Of course, I would also like to thank all of the interviewees and Atty. Neri Colmenares as my Key Informant, for their time and effort in providing their knowledge and perception on the Party-List System of the Philippines.

Lastly, I would like to thank my mother, Belina C. Reyes, for supporting me in my study.

Abstract

The study will examine the perceptions of the progressive party-lists members on the Party-list System that influence their view whether to scrap or reform the Party-List System as it is perceived to be „bastardized‟. The Party-list System has been subjected into a lot of interpretation by the Supreme Court on how to implement the law. The study would be an evaluative qualitative study on the current implementation of the Party-list System. The need for immediate attention to assess the system is imperative with the pronouncement of the current President Duterte to scrap the system as he plans to amend the Constitution through a Constitutional Assembly. Through in-depth interviews and a key informant interview, the perception of the members from the progressive party-lists on the Party-list system will be evaluated. The opinions and evaluations of the progressive party-lists members will provide points for reform, or if the system is already deemed to be unsalvageable, suggestions of another system for the representation of the marginalized and underrepresented.

Table of Contents

Page

Chapter I…………………………………………………………………………………………………….9

Introduction…..…….……………………………………………………………………………………….9

Research Question………………………………………………………………………………..10

Tentative Answer….……………………………………………………………………………...10

Objectives……………...…………………………………………………………………………10

Review of Related Literature………….…...……………………………………………………………...12

Theoretical Framework……………………….……………...……………………………………………20

Conceptual Frameworks..………………………………………………………………………...22

Definition of Terms……………………………………………………………………………….24

Research Design…...………………………………………………………………………………………25

Methodology………………………………………………………………………………………………25

Data Gathering…...……………………………………………………………………………….25

Data Collection Tools…………………………………………………………………………….27

Setting of the Study……………………………………………………………………………….27

Sampling Strategy………………………………………………………………………………...28

Ethical Considerations……………………………………………………………………………28

Data Analysis Method…………………………………………………………………………….29

Chapter II…………………………………………………………………………………….……………31

The Philippine Party-List System ………………………………………………………………………...31

Philippine Political Parties: Dynastic in Nature…………………………………………………………...31

Background of the Party-List System……………………………………………………………………..33

The Constitution on the Party-List System……………………………………………………….33

The Party-List System Act………………………………………………………………………..34

Purpose of the Party-List System…………………………………………………………………34

Supreme Court Decisions………………………………………………………………………...35

Formulae Proposed and/or Used from 1998-2016 Elections for the Party-list System…………..42

Chapter III…………………………………………………………………………………………………46

Bastardization of the Party-List System…………………………………………………………………...46

Negation of the Party-List System Law on the Principle of Proportional Representation…...…..46

Glitches in Screening of Accredited Party-Lists …………………………………….…………...47

Entry of Non-marginalized and Overrepresented………………………………………………...48

Lower Voter Turnout.……………………………………………………………..……………...49

Power Grid in the Congress………………………………………………………………………49

Chapter IV…………………………………………………………………………………………………53

Progressive Party-Lists Background and Track Record…………………………………………………..53

Bayan Muna Party-List…………………………………………………………………………...53

Anakpawis Party-List……………………………………………………………………………..55

Kabataan Party-List………………………………………………………………………………58

ACT-Teachers Party-List…………………………………………………………………………60

Gabriela Women‘s Party………………………………………………………………………….63

Chapter V………………………………………………………………………………………………….70

Discussion of Interviews…………………………………………………………………………………..70

Membership……………………………………………………………………………………………….70

On understanding the concept of the Party-list System…………………………………..……………….70

Definition of the Party-List System………………………….…………………………….……..70

Duty of a Party-List Member…………………………………..…………………………………71

Exclusivity to the Marginalized and Underrepresented…………………………………………..71

Identity of the Represented and the Representative………………..……………………………..72

On the principle of ‗representation‘ and on the evaluation of the Party-list System……………………...73

Principle of Representation……………………………………………………………………….73

Ensuring the Representation of the Marginalized Sectors………………………………………..73

Legislations of the Party-List……………………………………………………………………..74

Positive Impacts in Being a Party-List Member………………………………………………….74

Bastardization of the Party-List System………………………………………………………….75

Evaluation the Implementation of the Commission on Elections………………………………...75

Perception on Other Party-lists………………………………………………………………...... 76

On whether to scrap or reform the Party-list System……………………………………………………...77

Stand on Pres. Duterte in Abolishing the System………………………………………………...77

Losses in Abolishing the System…………………………………………………………………77

Pursuing to Abolish the System…………………………………………………………………..77

Recommendation………………………………………………………………………………………….78

Key Informant Interview…………………………………………………………………………………..78

Chapter VI…………………………………………………………………………………………………80

Analysis, Conclusion, and Recommendation……………………………………………………………..80

References…………………………………………………………………………………………………84

Appendixes………………………………………………………………………………………….……..86 Appendix A: Interview Guide for the Researcher ……………………………………………….87

Appendix B: Recruitment Letter………………………………………………………………….89

Appendix C: Informed Consent Form……………………………………………………………90

Appendix D: Genuine Party-List Group and Nominee Bill………………………………………92

Appendix E: Coding for Themes and Subthemes………………………………………………...99

Appendix F: Interview Transcript……………………………………………………………….147

List of Figures

Page

Figure 1. Conceptual Framework on the Current Situation of the Party-list System ………………….…22 Figure 2. Conceptual Framework on the Ideal Situation of the Party-list System………………………..23

List of Tables

Page

Table 1. Data Matrix………………………………………………………………………………………25

Table 2. Positioned Member of Bayan Muna Party-List Themes…………………………………………99

Table 3. Ordinary Members of Bayan Muna Party-List Themes………………………………………..107

Table 4. Positioned Member of Anakpawis Party-List Themes…………………………………………112

Table 5. Ordinary Members of Anakpawis Party-List Themes………………………………………….118

Table 6. Positioned Member of Kabataan Party-List Themes…………………………………………...125

Table 7. Ordinary Members of Kabataan Party-List Themes……………………………………………132

Table 8. Positioned Member of ACT-Teachers Party-List Themes……………………………………..137

Table 9. Key Informant Themes…………………………………………………………………………141

CHAPTER I

Introduction

The Party-list System of the Philippines has already been instituted for 19 years in the Philippine Government. Changes have been implemented throughout the years on its formulae in allocating seats, the interpretation on who can run as a representative, and what type of party-lists may compete in elections. Prior to the Atong Paglaum v. COMELEC case decision of the Supreme Court of the Philippines (2013), party-list representatives must be part of the marginalized and underrepresented sector that he/she wishes to represent in able to compete for elections as a sectoral party in the Party-list System. Exclusivity and priority to the marginalized and underrepresented sectors were even implemented for three consecutive terms after the ratification of the Constitution, where seats for the sectors were reserved. The Atong Paglaum v. COMELEC case decision opened-up the system to any individual that represents any region, political party, or sector (except government funded parties, foreign funded parties, and religious sectors) in being able to promote plurality of interests in the legislative arena. With this, traditional elite politicians permeated freely in the party-list system that ‗bastardized‘ the system.

The Party-list System was proposed in the 1987 Constitution because it was meant to plant the seeds for sectoral representation so that the sectors will take root and be part of legislation. Limiting the system to the marginalized and underrepresented is aligned to reducing inequalities by equitably diffusing wealth and political power for the common good. The sectors of labor, peasant, fisher folk, urban poor, indigenous cultural communities, elderly, handicapped, women, youth, veterans, and overseas workers are important to the country, these are the people who are needed in decision-making for they know and experience the true conditions of the country, enabling genuine grassroots consultation. With a population of over 100 million and an estimated 60 million voters in the Philippines, there should be a mechanism to represent these marginalized sectors in the government, especially in a country where the majority are poor and marginalized.

With the proliferation of the elite in the Party-list system, a system for the marginalized and underrepresented, the genuine sectoral representatives are still marginalized within that system. This study then asks the question whether to scrap or reform the Party-list System in the Philippines. Currently, it is put into picture because of the pronouncement of the current president Rodrigo Duterte ( 2016 July 29) as he suggests scrapping the system as his administration plans to amend the Philippine Constitution, saying ―With a new Constitution, I will insist: no party-list‖ during a press conference in Davao City, after the feud between the NPA and the military 2 days before he declared a ceasefire between the CPP-NPA-NDF. His antagonism to the Party-list System was rooted on the notion that the

Party-list system is already bastardized and his allegation that the funds from the progressive bloc in the Party-list System are used to finance the buying of new arms for the New People‘s Army. With the unpredictability of the decision-making of the President, whether he will pursue the abolition of the system or not, the Party-list system is never the less put into conversation in the Philippine political sphere.

The research study then seeks to conduct an evaluative qualitative study on the present implementation of the Party-list System. Previous studies on the party-list system were still before the Supreme Court Decision in the Atong Paglaum v COMELEC case in 2013 that ruled that the system is not exclusively for the marginalized and underrepresented. Therefore, there is a need for further study on the Party-list System especially after the Supreme Court decision whether the principle of representation of the sectors was fulfilled in the system. Knowing the perceptions of the members of sectoral party-lists is imperative to evaluate if representation of the people through the Party-list System has improved or worsened throughout the 19-year period of its active implementation as it is always the scholars, constitutionalists, and judges who are in the discourse of the Party-list System. The perception and evaluation of the sectors that practice in the system itself must be consulted.

Research Question:

What is the perception of the progressive bloc party-list members on whether to scrap or reform the Party- list System?

Tentative Answer:

It is expected that members of the party-lists to be interviewed would consider reforms rather than scrapping the Party-list System. The Party-list System still serves the marginalized and underrepresented sector despite the continuing dominance of the elite in the system, a system for what was supposed to be for the marginalized and underrepresented. Reforming the system to be exclusive for the marginalized and underrepresented sectors would be the preeminent supposition on how the respondents would answer. Party-lists would rather struggle to raise their voice in the elite dominated arena of the Congress, than having none.

General Objectives:

To assess the perceptions of the progressive bloc party-list members on whether to scrap or reform the Party-list System.

Specific Objectives:

1. To discuss the rationale of having a Party-list System in relation to the situation of Philippine political parties.

2. To analyze the Supreme Court decisions and implementation policies of the Comelec over the years.

3. To determine the understanding of the progressive sectoral party-list members on the concept of Party- list System.

4. To discuss if the principle of 'representation' is accomplished with the Party-list System and their evaluation on the implementation of the Party-list System according to the party-list members to be interviewed.

5. To give recommendations based on the evaluation of the sectoral party-list members on the implementation of the Party-list System.

Review of Related Literature

Overview

The books of Arao et al. (2007) and Simbulan (2005) gave a historical background of the ruling elite in the Philippine government and how they function and maneuver in the Philippine Political System. It was then introduced in Arao et al (2007) that the Party-list System is a social justice tool designed not only give more law to the great masses of our people who have less in life, but also enable them to become veritable lawmakers themselves. As Supreme Court decisions form part of the law of the land, the Court‘s interpretation on the Constitution and the Party-list Law affects the implementation of the System but the Court had different interpretations since the execution of the system. Different Supreme Court Decisions are provided in this section. With the different Supreme Court decisions, different formulae were implemented in giving seats to winning party-lists that was studied by Kimura (2013) in his journal article.

Moreover, the literature review will also include the role of the Comelec as the executor of the Party-list System, which has poorly implemented the system due to the flaws in formulating a proper formula for giving seats, in conducting information drives, and in screening the party-lists, which was discussed by Arao et al. (2007) and by Clemente et al. (2011) in their comprehensive report of years of implementation of the Party-list System. Genuine and progressive party-lists for the marginalized and underrepresented were not only challenged in winning seats, but also in their stay in their legislative positions because of the elite-dominated Congress as discussed by Lopez & Wui (1997) and Clemente et al. (2011).

The most recent attack on the progressive party-lists and on the Party-list System in general, is the pronouncement of the current President Duterte on abolishing or scrapping the Party-list System in his plan to amend the Constitution because the System is already deemed as ―bastardized‖ due to flaws in its implementation. The statements of selected party-lists are offered in this section.

Background on Philippine Political Parties

The Philippine Congress still has a large bloc of agricultural land owners. They monopolize both political office and economical power in their communities. (Coronel, 2007) Even though agricultural land is the foundation of power in Philippine politics, its leverage is declining by other sources of wealth, including manufacturing, services, and trade. According to Simbulan (2005), the dominance of political dynasties creates the traditional imbalance between social groups that result in the enjoyment of the dominant group of most of the benefits of the country. This is the effect when political advancement is

12 not accompanied by similar progress in other aspects of society, when liberal institutions and political democracy are transplanted over old patterns of social and economic relations where the Philippine economic and political elites are coterminous.

Philippine politics has produced many weak and unstable parties due to its being not rooted in ideology but rather on mainly getting seats and winning elections. (Hutchcroft & Rocamora, 2003) The family, not political parties, became the training ground and recruitment of Filipino politicians. Likewise, the resources for contesting elections like money, patronage, electoral machine, and even reputation is concentrated in the family. Politicians accumulate these resources not for the gain of the parties, their causes, or ideologies but primarily for their family to maintain and advance their power. Political succession took place within the family and political coalitions through marriage and family alliances. (Coronel, S., 2007)

The two-party system in the post-war Philippine republic made turncoatism something common for political families thus there are little incentives to build a stable party. Instead, the families build a political network of leaders from barangays and up.

Brief Historical Background of the Party-List System

The origin of actually having a party-list system, or having representatives for the poor and marginalized was due to the events of 1986 people power and the framing of a new Constitution where the principle of peaceful change was upheld, and it was hoped that the election of such representatives will help keep the different sectors empowered. It can also be seen as a means of turning away of the marginalized from taking radical actions that can take away their ―rage‖ on the government. (Manalansan, Jr., 2007) The Party-List System was included in the 1987 Constitution and the RA 7941 put it into law in 1995.

Supreme Court Decisions

The first party-list elections was held on the 1998 presidential elections, and since then, party-lists have filed cases against the Commission on Elections on how the Constitutional provision and the Party- List System Law are implemented. There are two prominent issues with the interpretation of the Party- List System. First is the allocation of seats based on votes garnered. Second is who or what party-lists may run for elections. With several cases filed by party-lists through the years, the Veterans Federation Party v. COMELEC case in year 2000 was the legal basis of the Party-list System until the 2007 elections. This case provided the rules and formula in allocating seats and ruled that major political parties may not run in the Party-list System. (Veterans Federation Party et al v. Commission on Elections,

13 et al., 2000). The Ang Bagong Bayani v. COMELEC decision the next year strengthened the interpretation that the system is for the marginalized and underrepresented as representatives was required to champion these sectors. (Ang Bagong Bayani-OFW Labor Party v. Commission on Elections, 2001).

The BANAT v. COMELEC case in 2009 gave the greatest argument that the system is not exclusive for the marginalized and underrepresented as the arguments and interpretation of the framers of the Constitution themselves said that the goal of the system was plurality and not exclusivity as indicated in the Constitution and the Party-List System Law. Nevertheless, the court still ruled in accordance to Veterans v. COMELEC but gave a new formula in giving seats that filled up the 20% requirement of the number seats given to the party-lists. (Barangay Association for National Advancement and Transparency (BANAT) v. Commission on Elections, 2009)

The Atong Paglaum v. COMELEC Supreme Court decision adopted new parameters for the Comelec to adhere in determining who may participate in the elections of the party-lists. First, national, regional, and sectoral parties or organizations are the three types of groups that may participate in the party-list system. Second, national and regional parties do not need to organize on sectoral lines. Third, if political parties wish to contest the party-list system, such parties can participate only through their sectoral wing. Fourth, sectoral parties may be marginalized and underrepresented or lacking in well- defined political constituencies. Fifth, majority of the members of sectoral parties must belong to that sector, and their candidates must be a member or an advocate of that sector. Lastly, if a nominee of a party-list is disqualified, it does not mean that the whole party is disqualified. (Atong Paglaum, Inc v. Commission on Elections, 2013).

Formulae for the Party-list System

Different formulae were explained and discussed in A journal article of Kimura (2013) entitled ―Toward a More Workable Philippine Party-List System: Addressing Problems of Sectoral and Proportional Representation‖ in relation to the Philippine Party-List System. Kimura (2013) stated that there is a trend of reforms in electoral systems towards proportionality. In relation to this issue, the Philippines promulgated the Party-list System. Other than the electoral system or electoral formulae, Kimura also studied the interpretation of the Party-List System regarding on what parties can run for elections in the system. It was indicated that there were 5 formulae proposed to be implemented to the allocation of seats in the Party-List System but only 3 were used. The article also included proposals to reform the system in relation to the issues and problems on the implementation of the formulae and in relation to comparisons with other electoral systems. (Kimura, 2013).

Bastardization of the Party-list System

With the inconsistencies of the Comelec in implementing the Party-list System, in allocating proper formulae in securing the principle of proportional representation, in screening party-list representatives on who can run according to Supreme Court decisions, and in conducting information drives about the Party-List System, the system had been considered to be bastardized according to its constituents. The system for the poor and the marginalized was infiltrated by the elite and used by political clans to gain congressional seats while party-lists of the marginalized and underrepresented were deprived of seats due to the Comelec formulae.

The Negation of the Party-List System Law on the Principle of Proportional Representation

The principle of proportional representation in the part-list system observes that no vote will be wasted and every vote counts. According to Republic Act 7941, a party list who gained 2% of all total votes in party-lists shall be granted a seat, parties who obtained more than 2% of the votes are entitled to an additional seat in proportion to its total votes, and a party-list can only have a maximum of 3 seats. The fact that the RA 7941 does not provide a concrete seat allocation formula has left enough room for various interpretations. According to Muga II (2007), the principle of proportional representation is negated for it must assert that the percent share of seats is equal to its percent share of votes, but this was not the case during the 1998-2007 elections where party-lists were deprived of their seats. (Muga II, 2007) . Glitches in Screening of Accredited Party-Lists and the Entry of Non-marginalized and Overrepresented

According to Clemente et al. (2011), in his book that evaluated the 12 years implementation of the Party-List System, party-list representatives are not really ―representative‖ of their sector as these representatives can be considered from the elite. Before the Atong Paglaum v. Comelec ruling, elites were prohibited from running as party-list representatives. Manalansan, Jr., (2007) provided examples of party-lists and party-list representatives that were allowed and even won elections that should have been disqualified. While after the Atong Paglaum v. Comelec court decision, reports shows the dominance of the elite in the Party-List System. The desire of political families to enter the Congress through the party- list system boosted the increase of the average wealth of party-list representatives to 31,937,004.33 pesos in the 16th Congress compared to the 9,303,259.19 pesos of the 13th Congress party-list representatives. (Padilla, 2013)

Low Voter Turnout

The citizens now have the chance to be represented but many issues concern them. The most obvious reason is the confusion on what a party-list really is, adding to that confusion is the ever- changing process on how to allocate votes. The Party-list System is a big challenge for the Philippine political culture which is rooted on personality politics because one votes for a party, not an individual. (Kimura, 2013) It was observed that during the previous elections especially in 1998 and 2001, the Comelec did not have an effective voter education. Comelec had more than 10 years from the ratification of the Constitution to conduct a voters‘ drive about this innovation of the legislature. The neglect of Comelec turned to additional costs in election campaigning by party-list groups. (Clemente et al., 2011)

Challenges in the Party-list System

It is already a struggle to win seats in elections, but it is also a struggle to stay and be heard in Congress for the progressive party-lists. The Party-List is already considered to be bastardized due to the decision of the Supreme Court that the system was not only for the marginalized and underrepresented and due to the lack of success and consistency on the Comelec‘s implementation. With the system already dominated by the elites, the system that was supposed to promulgate reforms, is now in need for reforms, and now, even threatened to be abolished.

Power Grid in the Congress: Doing Battle in the Legislative Arena by Progressive Party-Lists

The book of Lopez, M. & Wui, M. (1997) discusses the state-civil society relations in policy- making after the transition from authoritarian to democratic rule in the Philippines where the elite dominated and inefficient state did not eventually change after the revolution. Even though, the transition opened up new avenues where the civil society can act and influence directly on how the state governs and what programs on governance the state will adopt where the state‘s role is to promote social transformation and democratic consolidation among the civil society. It discusses, for that reason, the civil society as being the guardian and advocate of the state where it must practice to permeate, access, and engage the state. It is only prerequisite that the civil society to be equipped with the understanding of the dynamics and processes in carrying out multiple functions in criticizing, guiding, supporting, and opposing the state in the process. It also contained a description of the Party-list representatives where it is described as a system to ensure the representation of the marginalized and the under-represented sectors that embodies the civil society‘s right to choose legislators, to oversee and directly participate in legislation, and to make and repeal laws. Though the marginalized are already allowed in the legislative arena, there are still obstacles that they face.

Party-lists‟ Reaction to Pres. Duterte‟s Pronouncement

Some former and current party-list representatives have responded to the pronouncement of Pres. Duterte on his plan to abolish the system as he pushed for the amendment of the Constitution. According to Albay Representative Edcel Lagman, one of the authors of the Party-list System Act, he and his party are against the abolition of the system. Rather, what must be done is to make the law more perfect by assuring that only the marginalized are represented. He also added that political dynasties and parties are taking advantage of the system to perpetuate in power themselves and this is the task of the Comelec to ensure the dignity of the System. ACT Teachers Party-list Representative Antonio Tinio affirmed that the system is indeed abused by vested interest but abolishing the system would lead Congress to be wholly in the hand of the political elites. With this, he also agrees that reforms must be made and one approach is to make sure that the system would be reserved for the marginalized and underrepresented sectors.

The opinions and evaluations of the progressive party-lists members will provide points for reform or if the system is already deemed to be unsalvageable, then suggestions of another system for the representation of the marginalized and underrepresented can be made. (―'Party-list system should not be among the victims of killings'‖, 3 August 2016) For Magdalo Party-list Representative Gary Alejano, in reaction to the president‘s pronouncements, a review or investigation is needed whether the system is being implemented in its proper context. While for Kabayan Party-list Representative Harry Roque, the abolition of the system would jeopardize the plan of Duterte to convene the Congress into a Constituent Assembly to amend the Constitution. (Naguit, 2 August 2016) Lastly, according to Risa Hontiveros, former representative of Akbayan Party-list, even though there are problems in implementation, the appropriate approach is to reform and strengthen the Party-list system. It is better to reform the system as it is a seed of a genuine political party system. (Ager, 12 August 2016)

Summary

The issue in the Party-list System is rooted in the Constitution and in the RA7941 (Party-List System Act). Before implementation, interpretation of the Constitutional Provision regarding the Party- list System and the Party-list Law must be regarded as clear, precise, and unambiguous but this is not the case. Even the framers of the Constitution themselves had debates on the intent of the Party-list System. The section of Supreme Court Decisions is a matter of arguments between ‗the letter of the law‘ and ‗the spirit of the law‘. The framers of the Constitution, especially Mr. Monsod, regards the interpretation of the system according to the letter of the law or how it was written (verba legis), while the petitioners support the interpretation of the provision and law based on the spirit of the law that the Party-list System is for the marginalized and underrepresented sectors. The Constitution left an elastic clause on the provision of the Party-list System which allowed lawmakers to carry out the system. With the passing of

17 the RA 7941 into law, rules regarding the implementation of the system are still unclear and not precise, thus, leaving the interpretation of the system to the Comelec.

The ―bastardization‖ of the Party-list System was coined by the people due to the discrepancies in the implementation of the Comelec in screening party-lists, formulation of suitable formulae in giving additional seats, and in the lack of information campaigns about the system. What truly bastardized the Party-list System are the political and economic elites who abused the system and ran for Congress under a Party-list. This was mentioned also by President Duterte during his press conference in Davao. (Duterte, 2016 July 30) Senator Ping Lacson agreed with the President and also used the term ‗bastardized‘ in describing the Party-list System because it does not truly represent the marginalized sectors. (Ager, 2016 August 1) Party-list groups are not in favor of scrapping the Party-list System but are for reforms and urging the Supreme Court to review its ruling on the party-list representation. On the other hand, House Speaker Pantaleon Alvarez said that the Filipino people will have the final say on whether the system should be abolished if and when a new Constitution is ratified in a plebiscite. (Arcangel, 2016 August 1)

This study will examine the perception of the progressive party-lists members on what is the Party-list System that influences their view whether to scrap or reform the Party-list System. The opinions and evaluations of the progressive party-lists members will provide points for reform, or if the system is already deemed to be unsalvageable, suggestions of another system for the representation of the marginalized and underrepresented. The research study then seeks to conduct an evaluative qualitative study on the present implementation of the Party-list System. Previous studies on the party-list system were still before the Supreme Court Decision in the Atong Paglaum v COMELEC case in 2013. Therefore, there is a need for further study on the Party-list System especially after the Supreme Court decision whether the principle of representation of the sectors was fulfilled in the system.

The study aspires to benefit the party-list system as a whole as the study will try to evaluate the current situation of the Party-list System which may influence reforms for the betterment of the system. The progressive party-lists, as target informants, may benefit from the study as their stance on the scrapping of the Party-list System will be advocated in the study.

The study will likewise add to the literature on the topic of the Party-list System and update the evaluations on the system especially after the Supreme Court decision allowing the elite to run as representatives. A perceived gap of the study is the lack of other systems of sectoral representation in other countries, for sectoral sentiments are usually under a political party‘s agenda. The distinct characteristic of a separate party-list system is due to the shallow political parties of the Philippines. It begs for an arena for the voice of the marginalized and represented sectors that the traditional political

18 parties cannot provide. Another is the lack of publications of the supporters of the status quo of the system as all sentiments are for the change of the system either to crap or reform but none for the maintenance of it.

Theoretical Framework

The manipulation by the Philippine elite of the Party-list System and the faulty implementation of the system WAS tackled by Arao, D. et al. (2007) in the book ―Oligarchic Politics: Elections and the Party-list System in the Philippines‖ and by Clemente et al. (2011) on ―12 Years of the Party-list System: Marginalizing People‟s Representation‖. It was suggested by these authors that the Party-list System started the struggle of the people vis-a-vis the elite dominated society of the Philippines.

In the textbook of Michael Drake‘s (2010) “Political Sociology for a Globalizing World‖, the institutional elite theory explained a phenomenon where regime change is just a circulation of elites that are mediated by an electoral process. In this theory, elite domination is always inevitable through a cycle of elites with each successive party of power being led by an elite which gradually loses its grip, to be overthrown by its rivals of other parties and even internal rivals. According to Drake (2010), this can take form in ideological alignments or from a dynastic basis. In the Philippine context, elite dominance is best described as oligarchic, or a political struggle between political families.

The institutional elite theory then will be tested as to whether it explains the oligarchic framework of the Philippine political system in relation to the party-list system where their entry is based on gaining seats rather than genuine representation that ‗bastardizes‘ the system. A legislative seat can manipulate legal processes in not supporting bills that may affect their assets negatively and those that can lessen a legislator‘s power and privileges, if not voting a bill out; legislators can make the implementation of a law a stalemate. (Coronel, 2007) Despite the entry of the party-lists that are representatives of the marginalized and the poor in Congress, the percentage of representatives that came from political clans are still in high, and with the decision of the Supreme Court, even the congressional arena for the marginalized and represented is dominated by the elite.

Another theory to be used will be Michel Foucault‘s authoritative expert knowledge as power (as cited in Drake, 2010) where the Supreme Court‘s power in meaning-making to define and interpret the RA 7941 exemplifies what is best for the interests of the ruling elite, and such technocratic knowledge increasingly influenced the implementation of the Party-list as interpreted by the Supreme Court and the framers of the Constitution. The importance of meanings, especially in determining who are really the marginalized and what does marginalized really mean as power is portrayed by the Supreme Court, it embodies that language does not simply name social constructs, it makes a sense of it and orders it in relation to Foucault‘s theory of ―discourse‖ (as cited in Nash, 2010). The Foucauldian Theory of Power then will be used in understanding the power of the Supreme Court and the framers of the Constitution over the interpretation of the people.

In analyzing the individual opinions and evaluations of the interviewees, a constructivist approach would be used in understanding how the party-list system affects the marginalized, with their experiences and their perceptions of themselves, still being marginalize even being part of a party-list group. In Constructivism, as interpreted by Uwe Flick (2009) in his book ―An Introduction to Qualitative Research”, reality is accepted as a construct of human mind, therefore reality is perceived to be subjective. Subjectivity of the interviewees then is essential as individual experiences determine the meanings that the people have as they practice being part of the party-list group differentiating from the given meanings and studies provided by scholars.

In answering the main research question, whether to scrap or reform the party-list system, it will be the concern of the researcher on how the concept of the party-list system is constructed or absorbed by the members that determines their practice and stance on the issue. For in scrapping or reforming the system, the members and the constituents of such sectors are most affected with the change or loss of representation in the Congress. Starting from how they identify themselves as marginalized in their knowledge of their everyday understanding of their situation, to how they perceived that they needed to join a party-list to further their interest in the political arena. Their perception on the party-list system on why they think that the system must be preserved for the marginalized and underrepresented sectors is best identified by their narratives through interview as they create their own version of the party-list system based on their experiences and beliefs in contrast to the textualized version of the Party-list System. Their perceptions will explain why there is a disagreement on what, or for whom is the party-list system for. With this disagreement, views on reforming or scrapping the party-list system come forth.

Conceptual Framework

Figure 1. Conceptual Framework on the Current Situation of the Party-list System

Figure 1 shows the current situation of the Party-list System as seen in this study. With the Comelec policies and the decisions of the Supreme Court, elite party-list representatives have entered the policy system. Indicators of such flaws in the implementation of the Comelec are seen in the lack of consistency in screening party-lists and their representatives, the lack of a permanent formula in giving additional seats to party-lists, and the lack of information drives regarding the Party-list System. The Supreme Court decisions, and interpreted as law of the land, changed its previous rulings that the system is only for the marginalized and underrepresented. These factors led to the entry of the elite in the system inducing the intention of having representation of the marginalized be defeated. The genuine representatives of the marginalized are still marginalized in the system that was supposed to be for them. With this, there is a growing perception that the Party-list System is bastardized and must be scrapped especially when Pres. Duterte shared that he wants to remove the Party-list System in the amendment of the Constitution for federalism.

Figure 2. Conceptual Framework on the Ideal Situation of the Party-list System

Figure 2 shows the ideal implementation of the Party-list System. The Supreme Court must have a final decision on the interpretation on the Party-list System that favors the Marginalized and underrepresented sectors. In addition to that, the Comelec must have ready-made policies in the implementation of the system, and a continuous information drives regarding the Party-list System. Representation of the marginalized and underrepresented sectors breeds an equality mechanism that opposes the elite-dominated Congress of the Philippines. With genuine representation of the sectors, pro- people legislations will be enacted for the welfare of the many and there would be recognition and support that a party-list system is vital in Philippine politics.

Definition of Terms

Sectoral Party-List : an organized group of citizens belonging to the sectors of labor, peasant, fisherfolk, urban poor, indigenous cultural communities, elderly, handicapped, women, youth, veterans, overseas workers, and professionals whose principal advocacy pertains to the special interests and concerns of their sector. (Republic Act No. 7941, Party-List System Act)

Regional Party-List: an organization or group of citizens that belongs and represents the interests of a geographical and cultural region that is not necessarily those that do not belong to a major political party. ((Atong Paglaum, Inc v. Commission on Elections, 2013)

Marginalized and Underrepresented Sectors: sectors consists of the labor, peasant, fisherfolk, urban poor, indigenous cultural communities, elderly, handicapped, women, youth, veterans, overseas workers, and professionals. These are the sectors traditionally and historically marginalized and deprived of an opportunity to participate in the formulation of national policy although their sectoral interests are also traditionally and historically regarded as vital to the national interest. (Ang Ladlad LGBT Party v. Commission on Elections, 2010)

Bastardize: to the lowering of quality or character; to corrupt (TheFreeDictionary.com, n.d.)

Progressive Party-lists: refers to the party-lists under the Makabayang Koalisyon ng Mamamayan (MAKABAYAN or Patriotic Coalition) that are mass-based and advocate for social reforms from different marginalized and underrepresented sectors. (Arao,et al., 2007)

Verba Legis: or the plain meaning rule, refers in statutory construction is that if the statute is clear, plain and free from ambiguity, it must be given its literal meaning and applied without interpretation. (Republic of the Philippines v. Carlito Lacap, 2007)

Research Design

Methodology

The researcher will gather data by studying secondary materials and by utilizing in-depth semi- structured interviews. During the interview, the researcher will be guided by a questionnaire but will not be limited by it. (See Appendix A.) An audio recording device would be used during interviews as well as field notes to guide the researcher on the main points and highlights of the recording that would make the transcription of data efficient.

The researcher contacted the party-lists‘ offices or headquarters and will be given an Invitation Letter to propose the study and invite the party-list to participate in the study. (See Appendix B) Snowball sampling method would be used by the researcher as he will approach the offices of the party-lists first to interview ‗positioned‘ staffs specifically. These staffs may identify or refer possible interviewees that can be identified as ‗ordinary‘ members of the party-list group. A minimum of 3 members of every party would be interviewed, consisting of 1 ‗positioned‘ and 2 ‗ordinary‘ members. Considering that 5 party- lists are targeted for interview, a minimum total of 15 interviewees would be invited based on the principle of theoretical saturation. In terms of ethical considerations, every interviewee would be given an Informed Consent Form to explain the purpose of the study and to protect and secure the interviewees‘ rights. (see Appendix C for the Informed Consent Form) A framework analysis approach will be used in analyzing the gathered data.

Data Gathering

DATA NEEDED SOURCE HOW ANALYZED ETHICAL ASPECTS Rationale of having a Secondary Materials Search for the historical Acknowledgment of Party-list System in background of borrowed data relation to the situation Philippine politics and of Philippine political relate it to the rationale parties. of the Party-list System and its implications. Discussion of Supreme Supreme Court Cases Search for arguments Acknowledgment of Court decisions that given in the cases on borrowed data guides the how the Party-list implementation of the System should be Comelec. interpreted and

implemented. To determine the In-depth semi-structured Search for themes and Informed Consent Form understanding of the interviews of party list sub themes and relate it progressive sectoral members. (Bayan-muna, to the main research party-list members on Anakpawis, ACT- question the concept of Party-list Teachers, Kabataan, System. Gabriela) To discuss if the In-depth semi-structured Search for themes and Informed Consent Form principle of interviews of party list sub themes and relate it 'representation' is members. (Bayan-muna, to the main research Acknowledgment of accomplished with the Anakpawis, ACT- question. borrowed data Party-list System and Teachers, Kabataan, their evaluation on the Gabriela) Gather data regarding implementation of the the contributed Party-list System. Secondary Materials legislations of the progressive party-lists. To discuss the In-depth semi-structured Search for themes and Informed Consent Form perceptions of the interviews of party list sub themes. progressive bloc party- members. (Bayan-muna, list members on whether Anakpawis, ACT- to scrap or reform the Teachers, Kabataan, Party-list System. Gabriela)

To give In-depth semi-structured Congregate and Informed Consent Form recommendation based interviews of party list incorporate the on the evaluation of the members. (Bayan-muna, recommendations given sectoral party-list Anakpawis, ACT- by the interviewees. members on the Teachers, Kabataan, implementation of the Gabriela) Party-list System. Table 1. Data Matrix

The researcher will gather data by studying secondary materials and by utilizing in-depth semi- structured interview and a key informant interview. Gathering data from secondary materials is for the

26 study of the background of the Party-lists System and the Supreme Court decisions. There will also be a data check on the contributions of the progressive party-lists on legislation. The data gathered from the secondary materials will be used to support the arguments on whether to scrap or reform the system. Members of the Bayan-muna, Anakpawis, ACT- Teachers, Kabataan, Gabriela Party-Lists will be interviewed to gather data about their perception and evaluation of the Party-List System. Data gathered from the interviews will be transcribed and organized according to main themes and sub themes. In terms of ethical considerations, every interviewee would be given an Informed Consent Form Letter to explain the purpose of the study and to protect and secure the interviewees‘ rights (Please see the appendix for the informed consent form and the interviewees signature of such).

Data Collection Tools

The study will involve the use of a semi-structured questionnaire as an interview guide for the researcher. Certain questions will be prepared to guide the researcher to an organized flow of data collection towards the satisfaction of the study‘s objectives. Since the framework of the interview is semi- structured, the researcher can ask additional questions if needed. The main questions to be answered are indicated in the Research Questions section of this proposal. (A detailed form of the interview guide is presented in Appendix A) The guide questions for the researcher will be translated into Filipino or Filipino-English for the interviewee. During interviews, an audio recording instrument would be used. The use of field notes will help the researcher highlight important points of the interviewee to make the transcribing of the audio recording efficient.

Setting of the Study

The location of the interviews would be in the offices of the party-lists, namely, Bayan Muna Party-list in 20C Malusog Street, Barangay UP Village, Quezon City; Kabataan Party-list in 25C Mabuhay Street, Barangay Central, Quezon City; Gabriela Party-list in No. 25 K-10th Street West Kamias, Quezon City; Anakpawis Party-list in No 1 Maaralin cor Matatag, Brgy, Central 1100, Quezon City; and ACT-Teachers Party-list in Teacher Center Building, Mines St. cor. Dipolog St., Vasra, Quezon City. The researcher will contact the party-lists‘ offices or headquarters and will be given a Recruitment Letter to propose the study and invite the party-list to participate in the study. (See Appendix C) Possible interviewees in the party-lists offices that are available for interviews may be considered having an advantage in knowledge in party-list dynamics where the perspective of being part of the sector maybe altered as they are not anymore practicing the occupation of the sector represented by the party-list as they are living as part of the party-machinery. The perception of the sectors as the main objective of the

27 study will be better catered by members of the party-lists who are outside the staffing of the party, thus interviews of the members outside the staffing of the party may take place in another venue.

Sampling Strategy

The study being a qualitative research, intends to develop an in-depth evaluation of the Party-list System according to the perception of the members of the sectoral party-lists from the progressive bloc, therefore, it is not the intention of the study to generate a representative sample of the members of all party-lists, and then generalize the results as the evaluation of the population. The progressive bloc is chosen as the party-lists within this bloc are recognized to be genuinely organized with the masses, or sectors that they serve, and assert legislations on the basis of their constituents.

The study will utilize the snowball sampling method. An objective of the interview is not to limit the data to be gathered from ‗positioned‘ staffs in the headquarters in the party-lists are well entrenched to the affairs of party-list dynamics than the affairs of a member belonging to the sector they are representing. Therefore, the first sample group would be the staffs, officers, and leaders of the party-lists. The second sample group that the study targets are the ‗ordinary‘ members of the party-lists, specifically, these are the members who belong to the sector that the party-list represents, the members who do not have any position in the party, do not receive allowances or salaries from the party, and are not part of the advisory, core group, or founders of the party.

The purpose of the planned sampling method is to seek both objective evaluations on the specific aspects in the mechanics of the Party-list System and to gather the evaluation of the members from the sectors on how they perceive the Party-list System. The snowball effect will be advantageous in the study to find possible informants especially ‗ordinary‘ members of the party-lists as they are not usually found in the offices of the party-lists. Such referrals from the ‗positioned‘ group will better identify which members can be considered as ‗ordinary members‘. In terms of the sample size to be used in the study, it will be determined on the basis of theoretical saturation, or the point where new data no longer bring new insights to the study. (Mack, et al., 2005)

The target minimal number of informants is 3 persons for every party-list, and within the 3 persons, 1 informant will be from the ‗positioned‘ sample and 2 informants for the ‗ordinary‘ member sample. Therefore, with 5 party-lists to be interviewed, the minimal number of total interviewees is 15.

Ethical Considerations

The study would require human intervention as the method of the study to be used is through in- depth interview. All participants will have to submit their written acceptance regarding their participation in the study through a signed Informed Consent Form prepared by the researcher. The Informed Consent Form is to reassure that the participants voluntary agreed to be interviewed and well-informed regarding the objectives of the study. The data that will be gathered will be used for academic purposes only for this particular study. It will also provide reassurance that all interviewees were free to withdraw at any point of the interview for any reason.

The researcher will brief all interviewees that their participation in the study would have minimal risks as the questions to be answered are only based on their opinion and evaluation on the Party-list System. Interviewees will be briefed that in taking part of the study, there will be no direct benefits or compensation for them. Rather, it is hoped that the research will benefit the party-list system as a whole as the study will try to evaluate the current situation of the Party-list System that may influence reforms for the betterment of the system and add to current literature. (see Appendix C for the Informed Consent Form)

Data Analysis Method

A framework analysis approach will be used in analyzing the gathered data. Using field notes, highlights and main points of the interview will be easily determined in transcribing the audio recordings. After transcription of data, familiarizing and re-reading of the data in its entirety which aims to condense all information to key themes and topics in line with the study‘s research questions. The coding process of data will be guided by a semi-fixed framework following the researcher‘s guide questionnaire as it is organized according to the key themes of the study. Since the framework is semi-fixed, the researcher has the freedom to add new topics or themes given by the interviewees that is not part of the pre-determined framework that will contribute to achieve the objectives of the study.

The codes will be grouped together to represent common and significant ‗basic themes‘. The ‗basic themes‘ will be equivalent to the theme of the individual questions provided by the researcher in his questionnaire. (See Appendix A) These basic themes will then also be grouped to ‗organizing themes‘ which will be equivalent to the themes of the 4 research objectives in need for interviews. The 4 ‗organizing themes‘ will then comprise the ‗global theme‘ which is the evaluation of the Party-list System. The 2 sample groups, which is the ‗positioned‘ members group and the ‗ordinary‘ members group, will be coded separately, as well as the 5 target party-lists to be interviewed. Therefore, there would be 10 groups for coding of data.

The final stage of analysis is the interpretation of the data, making conclusions and recommendations. Triangulation of perspectives from the 10 groups will be conducted to compare and contrast the data and to bring strength to the conclusion and the interpretation of the data. A Discussion Section will examine whether the findings emerged from the study either corroborate, contradict, or has furthered the data on existing evidences.

CHAPTER II

The Philippine Party-List System

Philippine Political Parties: Dynastic in Nature

The most enduring feature of Philippine politics is that seats are passed from one generation to another in a family and that families remain the most enduring feature of the Philippine government, not parties, that are rooted since the Malolos Congress. According to Coronel (2007), regimes come and go but families remain. Political parties are formed and disbanded but the clans that they make remain; families survive wars, dictatorships and uprisings. Because the representatives came from political clans, they didn‘t need to muscle their way to Congress unlike their grandfathers or fathers. The descendents inherited the political base and the electoral machine put in place by their forefathers. Because of the legacy of the family name, people will vote for it again and again. When in crunch time, when a voter needs to put a name in the ballot, most likely the prominent family name will be voted. The family wealth that their grandfathers or fathers accumulated from office in the previous generation provided for the electoral success of current representatives and this seat ensures that this family wealth is kept secured.

The Philippines has a predatory elite that abuses the feeble state or country. Because of the lack of services instituted in the country, people tend to their families, this phenomena legitimates that the strength of the family is a reflection of the weakness of the state. The core political organization in the Philippine oligarchy is made by the kinship network that makes up the political clans. Political succession took place within the family and political coalitions through marriage and family alliances. (Coronel, S., 2007)

A legislature filled with political clans will legislate in favor of their own interest rather than of the majority. Many times, Congress has blocked progressive legislation that would allow the decline of privileges of the elite and the powerful. Traditionally, clans have used the Congress posts to entrench themselves in power, this makes it more difficult for new contenders who do not have support from political families and from the influential to win. Despite the provision of the 1987 Constitution that prohibits the existence of political dynasties in the government, The Congress has not enacted an enabling law about it. According to Coronel, ―The strategies for familial success in politics includes wealth accumulation, the use of violence, expansion of influence through marriages, alliances with national politicians, patronage, diversification of economic interests, and propagation of popular myths to justify a family‘s continued rule.‖ (2007, p. 50)

Votes today are no longer won solely by intimidation and loyalty to a family or patronage. The ability to capture the hearts of the masses by entertaining them, appealing to them, or articulating their deepest aspirations is more compelling than buying or threatening them. Filipinos living in rural areas are no more confined in the village, and are more aware of the world of power in which there are actors other than their landlords, employers or bosses because of the wider spread of mass media.

In consonance with Coronel, families thrived in Philippine politics because political parties and state institutions were so feeble. The two-party system in the post-war Philippine republic was a pro- American, pro-landlord, and pro-big business and these two parties are almost interchangeable. This made turncoatism something common for it doesn‘t matter which party a politician belonged to. Because of the dominance of the ―family system‖ rather than the party system, families see parties as merely flags of convenience. Party leaders have a difficulty of reining their members on matters in voting controversial bills for individual legislators decide based on their own inclinations or on the deals that the individual may gain votes.

For political families, there are little incentives to build a stable party. Instead, the families build a political network of leaders from barangays and up. Party conventions are held merely to confirm what the leading or ruling family has privately agreed on. Ordinary members have no say in it; they are just expected to applaud the choices.

According to Simbulan (2005), the dominance of political dynasties creates the traditional imbalance between social groups that result in the enjoyment of the dominant group of most of the benefits of the country. This is the effect when political advance is not accompanied by similar progress in other aspects of society, when liberal institutions and political democracy are transplanted over old patterNs of social and economic relations or where the Philippine economic and political elites are coterminous. Traditional Philippine political science references or textbooks are centered on the Constitution, treated in a straight descriptive-historical manner which is a way of promoting the elite maintenance by giving the image that the democratic constitution tells all. Formal structure and the mechanics of power are very well studied, but the persons exercising power have not received the attention that they deserve that the people should know.

According to Hutchcroft & Rocamora (2003), personalities rather than programs still dominate the electoral process. The legislative branch is dominated by old political clans and trapos, and public service, through representation of the people in Congress is still driven by pork and patronage. The challenge therefore, is the creation of stronger parties which would make the Philippine democracy more responsive to the citizenry as a whole through more programmatic political parties that will respond more

32 effectively to the demands or pressures of different groups or sectors whose interests have long been marginalized.

Background of the Party-List System

The term ―sectoral representatives‖ was already known in the 1973 Constitution as it was amended in 1976 which included reserved seats for the labor sector to be able to resolve labor disputes. While in the 1978 Election Code, representatives from the farmers and the youth were added in the Batasang Pambansa. The Party-List System was included in the 1987 Constitution and the RA 7941 put it into law in 1995 but Was to be implemented only after 3 consecutive terms after the ratification of the Constitution. The disparity of the implementation to the ratification of the Constitutions was justified by the notion that the coalition and sectoral-based parties need time to be organized but these parties are already organized before the EDSA Revolution for these parties are the ones who massed in the event. (Manalansan, Jr., 2007)

With a population of 100 million and an estimated 60 million voters in the Philippines, there should be a mechanism to represent these citizens in the government, especially in a country where the majority are poor and marginalized. These marginalized Filipinos can be divided into different sectors; peasants, youth, women, OFW‘s, indigenous people, senior citizens, handicapped, and students. According to Manalansan, Jr. (2007), despite the potentially massive power during the elections of these sectors, they remain underrepresented in the different functions of the government and their votes have hardly changed their lives through the programs and policies enacted by the government.

Article VI, Section. 5, Paragraphs 1 & 2 of the 1987 Constitution

The Party-List System was incorporated in the 1987 Constitution in Art. VI, Sec. 5, Par. 1& 2 which decreed:

Section 5. (1) The House of Representatives shall be composed of not more than two hundred and fifty members, unless otherwise fixed by law, who shall be elected from legislative districts apportioned among the provinces, cities, and the Metropolitan Manila area in accordance with the number of their respective inhabitants, and on the basis of a uniform and progressive ratio, and those who, as provided by law, shall be elected through a party-list system of registered national, regional, and sectoral parties or organizations.

(2) The party-list representatives shall constitute twenty per centum of the total number of representatives including those under the party list. For three consecutive terms after the

ratification of this Constitution, one-half of the seats allocated to party-list representatives shall be filled, as provided by law, by selection or election from the labor, peasant, urban poor, indigenous cultural communities, women, youth, and such other sectors as may be provided by law, except the religious sector.

The Party List Law, R.A. 7941

In March 3, 1995, the Party-List System Act was approved. The Party-List System Act (1995) decreed the mechanics of the party-list system:

Section 2. Declaration of Policy. - The State shall promote proportional representation in the election of representatives to the House of Representatives through a party-list system of registered national, regional and sectoral parties or organizations or coalitions thereof, which will enable Filipino citizens belonging to marginalized and under-represented sectors, organizations and parties, and who lack well-defined political constituencies but who could contribute to the formulation and enactment of appropriate legislation that will benefit the nation as a whole, to become members of the House of Representatives. Towards this end, the State shall develop and guarantee a full, free and open party system in order to attain the broadcast possible representation of party, sectoral or group interests in the House of Representatives by enhancing their chances to compete for and win seats in the legislature, and shall provide the simplest scheme possible.

The Party-List System Act (1995) also ruled the grounds of disqualification:

(1) It is a religious sect or denomination, organization or association, organized for religious purposes;

(2) It advocates violence or unlawful means to seek its goal;

(3) It is a foreign party or organization;

(4) It is receiving support from any foreign government, foreign political party, foundation, organization, whether directly or through any of its officers or members or indirectly through third parties for partisan election purposes;

(5) It violates or fails to comply with laws, rules or regulations relating to elections;

(6) It declares untruthful statements in its petition;

(7) It has ceased to exist for at least one (1) year; or

(8) It fails to participate in the last two (2) preceding elections or fails to obtain at least two per centum (2%) of the votes cast under the party-list system in the two (2) preceding elections for the constituency in which it has registered.

In its early implementation, it became controversial for the law contained many loopholes and imperfections that it was flooded with complaints and protests because of the existence of the 2% vote threshold, three-seat limit, the manner of computation of additional seats for those who exceed 2% of the total vote cast for party-lists, and inconsistencies in screening party-lists that can run for elections. (Manalansan, Jr., 2007)

Purpose of the Party-List System

The poor and the marginalized have been given the opportunity to be represented in 1998. This is through the party-list system election in which they elect one from their sector. Manalansan, Jr. defined party-lists as ―political parties and organizations formed independently by marginalized sectors or coalition sectors in order to have these parties voted upon during the national elections to qualify for limited seats in the lower chamber of Congress - House of Representatives‖ (2007, pp. 47-48). The principle of proportional representation is used in the party-list system in which voters choose a party rather than a candidate. The designation of seats or the number of seats given among the winning parties is according to the proportion of the total votes party-lists receive. The selection of the representative/s of a party-list is voted among its members. (Manalansan, Jr., 2007)

The purpose of the party-list system is to open the system so that the poor and the marginalized will gain a voice in the Congress and a legislation that is pro-poor. Former Supreme Court Chief Justice Artemio Panganiban claimed that the party-list system is intended as ―a social justice tool designed not only to give more law to the great masses of our people who have less in life, but also enable them to become veritable lawmakers themselves, empowered to participate directly in the enactment of laws designed to benefit them.‖ (as cited in Arao et al, 2007, pp. 48-49) According to De Leon, ―The basic aim of representative government is to attain the broadest possible representation of all interests in its law and policy-making body. It becomes necessary to give an opportunity to the various social, economic, cultural, geographical and other groups or sectors of our society to have their voices to be heard.‖ (1999, p. 147) This will cultivate the rise of non-traditional political parties and greater participation from interest groups.

Supreme Court Decisions on the Interpretation of the Party-List System

Veterans Federation Party v. COMELEC (2000)

The Veterans Federation Party (VFP) versus COMELEC case, G.R. No. 136786, dated October 6, 2000, ordered the proclamation of the thirty-eight additional party-list representatives to complete the full complement of 52 seats in the House of Representatives as provided under Section 5, Article VI of the 1987 Constitution, and R.A. 7941 or the Party-list Law. The election and selection of party-list representatives was enacted through R.A. 7941 by the Congress in compliance with their constitutional duty to provide such a law. It was stated that a party-list system of registered national, regional and sectoral parties or organizations or coalitions will enable Filipino citizens belonging to marginalized and underrepresented sectors, organizations and parties, and those who lack well-defined political constituencies to enable them to contribute to the formulation and enactment of appropriate legislation that will benefit the nation as a whole.

The requirements for entitlement to a party-list seat in the House were prescribed in the R.A. 7941. Twenty percent of the total number of the members in the House of Representatives including those under the party-list is reserved for the party-list representatives. During the May 1998 elections, which is the first party-list elections, the first five major political parties are not entitled to participate in the system. The parties, organizations, and coalitions who garnered at least two percent of the total votes cast for the party-list system shall be entitled one seat; those who garnered more than two percent shall have additional seats in proportion to their total number of votes which is limited to not more than 3 seats .

During the 1998 elections, one hundred twenty-three parties, organizations, and coalitions participated. Out of that one hundred twenty-three, only thirteen parties garnered seats, having fourteen party-list representatives. COCOFED was entitled to one seat after the passing upon the results of the special elections thus completing the fourteenth seat.

On July 6, 1998, PAG-ASA (Peoples Progressive Alliance for Peace and Good government Towards Alleviation of Poverty and Social Advancement) filed a petition to fill up the twenty percent membership of the party-list representative. They also claimed that the literal application of the two percent threshold and the three-seat cap under the Party-list Law would defeat the constitutional provision because the declared winners was short of the 52 party-list representatives who should actually sit in the House. Nine other party-list organizations also filed their respective Motions of intervention where they held that at all times, the total number of congressional seats must be filled up by eighty percent district representatives and twenty percent party-list representatives. In allocating the fifty-two seats, COMELEC disregarded the two percent threshold under the R.A. 7941. In line with this, thirty-eight party-lists were proclaimed in order to fill the fifty-two seats together with the initial fourteen.

There were three issues in the party-list elections that need to be fully settled. First, the issue whether the twenty percent constitutional allocation is mandatory was debated. Given the constitutional prerogative in declaring a policy of proportional representation in the elections of the party-lists, considering the statutory requirements, the twenty percent is not mandatory but provides a ceiling. The task of COMELEC then is to craft an innovative mathematical formula that can implement such policies.

The second is the two percent requirement in granting seats. The two percent threshold is to ensure that parties who have a sufficient number of constituents or voters be actually represented in Congress. In the Senate discussions, it was said that the two percent was patterned after Germany‘s Bundestag in having a minimum vote requirement. The framers were trying to avoid a reserve seat system. They believed that people should organize, work hard, and earn seats within the system. It was believed that the two percent threshold was consistent. Elected representatives must have the mandate of people. Proliferation of small groups who are incapable of contributing significant legislations is a threat to the stability of the Congress. That is why even the legislative districts are apportioned according to the number of their constituents.

The rationale on the three seat cap was to promote and encourage a multiparty system of representation. According to the framers of the Constitution, they wanted to open up the political system to a pluralistic society where there is no single group, no matter how large, which would have the opportunity to dominate the party-list seats.

The third issue is the problem on how to distribute additional seats proportionally. The Niemeyer Formula used in the Bundestag was one of the suggestions considered by the court. This formula violates the principle of proportional representation therefore finds no application in the Philippine setting. In the Bundestag, there are no seat limitations as they discourage the proliferation of small parties which is contrary to the Philippine Party-list System. The COMELEC then chose to use the first party ratio where the seats of the highest party determine the multiplier in the equation of getting additional seats.

COMELEC was found to have gravely abused its discretion in ruling that the thirty-eight parties as they were granted seats as they violated the two percent threshold and proportional representation criteria. The fourteen seating party-list representatives which was two for APEC (the top party with one additional seat) and one for the remaining twelve qualified parties then composes the qualified party-list representatives. The assailed Resolutions of the COMELEC in proclaiming the thirty- eight and previous rules and formula are set aside and nullified. (Veterans Federation Party et al v. Commission on Elections, et al., 2000)

Ang Bagong Bayani v. COMELEC (2001)

The Party-list System was seen as a social justice tool designed to give more law to the great masses but also to enable them to become veritable lawmakers themselves. The system intends to make the marginalized and the underrepresented to be not merely passive recipients of the State‘s benevolence, but to be active participants in the mainstream of representative democracy. Therefore, according to former Chief Justice Panganiban, ―allowing all individuals and groups, including those which now dominate district elections, to have the same opportunity to participate in party-list elections would desecrate this lofty objective and mongrelize the social justice mechanism into an atrocious veneer for traditional politics". (Ang Bagong Bayani-OFW Labor Party v. Commission on Elections, 2001).

The petitioners of the case sought the disqualification of private respondents with the argument that the system is for the marginalized and underrepresented, and not for mainstream political parties, the non-marginalized and the overrepresented.

The issues tackled in the case were whether or not political parties may participate in the party- list elections, and whether or not the party-list system is exclusive for the marginalized and underrepresented sector and organizations. As the petitioners objected to the participation of major political parties, under the Constitution and the R.A.7941, political parties were allowed to participate as it is open to all registered national, regional, and sectoral parties or organizations. According to the framers of the Constitution, the purpose of the party-list provision was to open up the system for the parties or organizations that cannot gain seats in legislative districts but can gain seats in the national elections.

On the other hand, a member of the Constitutional Commission declared that the purpose of the party list provision was to give genuine power to the people through the party-list system in giving genuine power to our people in the legislature.

The role of the COMELEC is to assure that only those Filipinos who belong to the marginalized and the underrepresented become members of Congress under the Filipino-style party-list system. It was said that the intent of the Constitution was clear, which was to give genuine power to the people to become members of the House of representatives. The marginalized and underrepresented sectors to be represented under the party-list system are enumerated in Section 5 of RA 7941. While the enumeration of the marginalized and underrepresented sectors is not exclusive, it was clear that the intent of such provision in the RA 7941 is that not all sectors can be represented under the party-list system.

During the Case, the Office of the Solicitor General submitted that the party-list system is not limited only to those who are marginalized and underrepresented sectors of society. It claimed that even the rich and overrepresented can participate, which desecrates the spirit of the party-list system. An example given was the business moguls and the mega-rich, which are neither marginalized nor underrepresented but is a minority. Traditionally, political power does not necessarily emanate from the size of one‘s constituency but from the amount of one‘s bank account. It was for the marginalized and underrepresented which are not able to win congressional district elections, normally dominated by traditional politicians, that the party-list system was enacted; the State cannot disappoint and frustrate them by desecrating this social justice vehicle.

It was said that the one purpose of the party-list system was to open up the system, therefore, it is illogical to open the system to those who have long been within it; namely those who are from the privileged sectors.

Constructed refutations on the point that the party-list system is exclusive for the marginalized and the underrepresented was anchored mainly on the supposed intent of the framers of the Constitution. They account that verba legis still prevails where the views of the individual members of the Constitutional Commission shed light and could ascertain the true intent and purpose of the provision.

The counter argument of the supporters of a marginalized and underrepresented exclusive party- list system is that the proper interpretation depends more on how it was understood by the people adopting it than the framers understanding for it is the view of the large majority on whom the system is intended for.

The Court ordered that nominees in the party-list system must represent the marginalized and underrepresented through its constitution, incorporation, bylaws, history, platform of government and track record. These nominees must likewise be able to contribute to the formulation and enactment of appropriate legislation that will benefit the nation as a whole. It also ruled that majority of its members must be should belong to the marginalized and underrepresented. Parties will not be disqualified because they are political parties, they must show then that they represent the interests of the marginalized and underrepresented.

The Court did not accept that the party-list system is open to all. It stated that arguments for opening the system to the not marginalized and overrepresented is ―a play on dubious words, a mockery of the noble intentions, an empty offering on the altar of people empowerment, this could not have been

39 the intention of the framers of the Constitution and the makers of the RA 7941. (Ang Bagong Bayani- OFW Labor Party v. Commission on Elections, 2001)

BANAT v. COMELEC (2009)

In this Case, the issue oF allowing political parties to participate in the party-list elections was again opened-up for argument. It was again stated that the Constitutional Commission wanted to open up the political system to a pluralistic society through a multiparty system. This was the reason why the framers put a ceiling on the number of representatives from a single party. Political parties may field candidates for the Senate and the House of Representatives, likewise, they could also field sectoral candidates under the party-list system. Political parties may represent a broad base of citizens but in contesting in the party-list system, one must prove that they are organized along sectoral lines. It is argued that there is no reason why political parties not be able to make common goals with mass organizations so that the very leadership of these parties can be transformed through the participation of mass organization. Therefore, there is no reason why political parties and mass parties or organizations should not combine.

Neither the Constitution nor the RA 7941 prohibits major political parties from participating in the party-list system. On the contrary, the framers of the Constitution intended that major political parties to participate in the party-list elections through sectoral wings. The intention of having permanent reserved seats for sectoral parties was even voted down, that resulted to a 19-22 vote. Excluding the major political parties in the party-list system is manifestly against the Constitution, the intent of the Constitutional Commission, and the RA 7941. Under the Section 9 of RA 7941, it is not necessary and explicitly stated that nominees in the party-list elections must wallow in poverty, destitution, and infirmity because there is no financial status required in the law. It is enough that the nominee belongs to the marginalized and underrepresented sector he/she wish to represent. However, the Court decided to continue the ruling in Veterans v. COMELEC in disallowing major political parties from participating in the party-list elections.

In the concurring opinion of former Chief Justice Puno, in interpreting the Constitution and the RA 7941, it is the intent of the sovereign people that matters in interpreting the Constitution, as in Civil Liberties v. Executive Security. In the Transitory Provision in Article VI, Section 5 in the 1987 Constitution, seats are reserved for the sectoral representation through the appointment of the President. This is to plant the seeds for sectoral representation so that the sectors will take roots and be part of legislation. Limiting the system to the marginalized and underrepresented is aligned to reducing inequalities by equitably diffusing wealth and political power for the common good. It is recognized by the former chief justice that party-list parties are no match to traditional political parties.

In the 2001 elections, it was observed that the seven major political parties would contribute to the disproportionate distribution of votes since the major political parties garnered 1.36% on the average each while others only garnered 0.58% in average. It showed that 3 out of 7 major political parties may garner seats while only 8 out of 155 parties garnered more than 2%. This is the systemic dilemma where the interests of the poor and powerless can be frustrated by the traditional political elites as they have the machinery to dominate our political institutions. (Barangay Association for National Advancement and Transparency (BANAT) v. Commission on Elections, 2009)

Atong Paglaum v. COMELEC (2013)

In this Case, the party-list system WAS intended to democratize political power by giving political parties that cannot win in legislative district elections a chance to win seats in the House of Representatives. 52 party-lists petitioned as they assailed the resolution disqualifying them prior to the 2013 Elections, either by denial of their petitions for registration or cancellation of their registration.

The Comelec did not commit the grave abuse of discretion but the Court adopted new parameters in the qualification of national, regional, and sectoral parties. The Court therefore ruled that the COMELEC COULD determine the qualified party-lists under the new parameters from the Case.

Framers of the Constitution believed that the party-list system was not synonymous with sectoral representation, especially Mr. Monsod, the main sponsor of the party-list system. Reserved seats for the sectors would be problematic on how the seats would be divided among the different sectors. The problem was whether to stop in including other sectors. The more the limiting the law becomes because of its enumeration of sectors, the higher the possibility that other sectors would be excluded. With the exclusion of a sector in party-list system, an individual will ―lose‖ one vote in the House of Representative for there is no party-list that may represent him/her. Therefore, there is no reason to limit the party-list system to the sectors. The dynamics of a party-list system must be seen as parties with a national constituency or sectoral constituency will get a chance to have a seat in the House of Representatives; as they may not have a constituency to win a seat on a legislative arena, but surely will have votes on a nationwide basis which is prone to form coalitions. This is what is believed to be the purpose and objective of the system.

Thus, the party-list system is composed of three different groups which are parties or organizations of national, regional, and sectoral groups. National and regional parties or organizations does not need to be along sectoral lines and do not need to represent any sector. This clearly shows that the system is not reserved for the sectors. The framers who believed that the system is not only for the

41 marginalized and underrepresented sectors argued that if the system was strict that it is only for the marginalized and the underrepresented, exclusion of ideology based and cause-oriented parties would be prevented from joining the parliamentary struggle; leaving them the only option which is armed struggle.

Allowing ideology-based and cause oriented parties who lack well-defined political constituencies would give rise to a multi-party system that would make it honest and transparent. The provision on Section 11 of RA 7941 where the first five major parties were prohibited to contest in the party-list elections was only for the elections in 1998. The entry of major political parties to participate in party-list elections encouraged such parties to work and extend their constituencies to the marginalized and underrepresented.

The Court thus adopted new parameters for the COMELEC to adhere in determining who may participate in the elections of the party-lists. First, national, regional, and sectoral parties or organizations are the three types of groups that may participate in the party-list system. Second, National and regional parties do not need to organize on sectoral lines and do not need to represent the marginalized and the underrepresented. Third, if political parties wish to contest the party-list system and field candidates in legislative districts, such parties can participate only through its sectoral wing. Fourth, sectoral parties may be marginalized and underrepresented or lacking in well-defined political constituencies. Fifth majority of the members of sectoral parties or organizations must belong to that sector, and their candidates must be a member or an advocate of that sector while for national and regional parties, candidates must be members of such. Lastly, if a nominee of a party-list is disqualified, it does not mean that the whole party is disqualified. (Atong Paglaum, Inc v. Commission on Elections, 2013)

Formulae Proposed and/or Used from 1998-2013 Elections for the Party-list System

1996 COMELEC Formula

In 1996, the Comelec promulgated rules and regulations for the party-list elections. The formula is practically the same as with the Hare quota when the total number of seats is 50. The formula suggests that parties garnering more than 2 percent of the total votes were given a seat for every 2 percent while the remaining seats are allocated to the parties with the largest remainders after subtracted 2 or 4, provided that the three-seat cap will be followed. (Kimura, 2013)

Simplified COMELEC Formula

The Comelec chose this formula to be used in the 1998 elections than the 1996 formula. This formula used the literal requirement that one seat will be allocated to 2 percenters, 2 seats for 4 percenters, and 3 seats for 6 percenters. It followed that the percentages garnered by the parties must not be rounded-up. Using this formula made it improbable in filling all the seats in Congress. (Kimura, 2013)

COMELEC Second Division Formula

The People‘s Progressive Alliance for Peace and Good Government Towards Alleviation of Poverty and Social Advancement (PAG-ASA), petitioned that the 20 percent of the seats in the House of Representatives must be filled up. PAG-ASA suggested that an additional seat would be given to the party-list groups who exceeded that 2 percent requirement while the remaining seats would be allocated down to the other party-lists according to their ranking until the 52 seats have been allocated. (Kimura, 2013)

Panganiban Formula

This formula is in reaction to the formula suggested by PAG-ASA. This formula is premised on the 20 percent allocation is a mere ceiling and not mandatory and that the 2 percent requirement and the three-seat cap must be followed. First, each 2 percenters are awarded one seat. The highest party who garnered the most votes was given more importance as it is the first party who can garner an additional seat according to the literal allocation of seats where it receives one if it reached 4 percent and 2 additional seats if it reached 6 percent. The number of additional seats each of the other parties can get equals the integer value of the number of votes of the concerned party divided by the number of votes of the first party multiplied by the number of additional seats allotted to the first party. (Kimura, 2013)

Carpio Formula

The Carpio Formula recognized that the 20 percent allocation must be followed while the 2 percent threshold is considered as unconstitutional for it unable the filling of the 20 percent allocation. In this formula, parties who garnered more than 2 percent receive a guaranteed seat. The product of the percentage of votes multiplied by the number of remaining seats determines how many additional seats the top parties may receive, which also excludes rounding-up of the percentages. Starting from highest ranking party whose products are less than one receives a seat down to all parties unless all the seats are allocated. (Kimura, 2013)

Summary

This chapter provided a brief background on the dynastic characteristic of Philippine Politics where the family is the center of political and economic power. This leads to the weak and unstable political parties in the country. With this political structure, a system was implemented for the marginalized and underrepresented sectors‘ participation and representation in Congress. The rationale or purpose of the Party-List System was give an opportunity to the various social, economic, cultural, geographical and other groups or sectors of our society to be participate and be represented in Congress.

The intent of the system is discussed and was argued in the presented court cases. The main issue presented is whether the Party-List System is reserved for the marginalized and underrepresented or not. The first 3 Supreme Court decisions resolved the issue that, yes, it is reserved for the marginalized and underrepresented sectors. The last Supreme Court decision overturned the recent decisions where it ruled that the system is not only for the marginalized and underrepresented, but it is open to all on the intention of plurality. This decision is a landmark decision on the way how the Party-List System is seen and implemented.

From the first case of Veterans v. Comelec to the BANAT v. Comelec, and others (not mentioned in this study) in between, the Supreme Court ruled in favor that the Party-List System is for the marginalized and underrepresented sectors. In BANAT v. Comelec, the case established that the system was made to open-up Congress and not specifically for the marginalized, but court still decided in favor for the marginalized. The Atong Paglaum v. Comelec case was the landmark case in enabling elites to enter and compete in the system.

The interpretation of the Supreme Court being the highest arbiter in interpreting the Constitution and laws of the land highly affects the implementation of the Comelec with its interpretation. The issues on the formula whether the 20% is just a ceiling, must the 2% must strictly followed, the 3-seat cap, and what is proportional, are subject to the Supreme Court‘s interpretation. With the changing interpretation of the Court, the formula in giving seats also changes.

From the five proposed formulae, only 3 were used, the Simplified Comelec Formula, the Panganiban Formula, and the Carpio Formula. The Simplified Comelec Formula and Panganiban Formula disabled filling up all of the 20% of seats in Congress reserved for the Party-List System. The formulae implied that the 20% is just a ceiling and not required to be filled up. The Carpio Formula, which was used in 2010 up to 2016, implied that the 20% must be filled up, thus increasing the number of

44 representatives for the Party-List System. Even if all of the seats are filled, the Carpio Formula does not still impose proportional representation due to the 3-seat cap.

CHAPTER III

Bastardization of the Party-List System

The Negation of the Party-List System Law on the Principle of Proportional Representation

The principle of proportional representation in the part-list system observes that no vote will be wasted and every vote counts. In an election, a voter is entitled to two votes for the House of Representatives, one for his/her congressional district and one for the party list of his/her choice. According to Act 7941, a party list which gained 2% of all total votes in party-lists shall be granted a seat, parties who obtained more than 2% of the votes are entitled to an additional seat in proportion to its total votes, and a party-list can only have a maximum of 3 seats. From 1998 to 2013, there were 3 formulae that the Comelec USED in allocating seats in the party-list system.

According to Muga II (2007), The principle of proportional representation is negated for it must assert that the percent share of seats is equal to its percent share of votes. For example, Bayan Muna obtained 1,203,305 votes or 9.458% of votes and was awarded 3 seats in 2004. To calculate its seat allocation error, the formula is:

푆푒푎푡 퐴푙푙표푐푎푡푖표푛 퐸푟푟표푟 = 푎푣푎푖푙푎푏푙푒 푠푒푎푡푠 % 표푓 푝푎푟푡푦 − 푙푖푠푡 − 푆푒푎푡푠 퐴푤푎푟푑푒푑

푆푒푎푡 퐴푙푙표푐푎푡푖표푛 퐸푟푟표푟 = 53 . 09458493 − 3 = 2.01300154

The seat allocation error formula shows that the Bayan Muna was deprived of 2 additional seats in the 2004 elections in accordance with the principle of proportional representation that the seats are equal to the share of votes. The 3 seat cap inhibited the additional 2 seats that the Bayan Muna Party-list was supposed to have obtained, thus, the Comelec Formula denied them the seats.

The total number of party-list voters in 2004 was 12,721,952, with this, the deprivation of the additional 2(12,721,952) two seats, led to wasted votes of their supporters. The 2 seat negation means that ≈ 480,073 53 voters were denied of representation. Allocation of power is also an issue in the Comelec formula.

In the 2016 elections, the Gabriela Women‘s Party was said to be deprived of one seat due to a mathematical error when, instead of using 59.5 (as Gabriela garnered 4.2245 percent of the total votes multiplied by 59.5 less 12 guaranteed seats for party-list groups that garnered at least two percent of the total party-list votes equals to 2.0066375), used 59 in the formula to allocate the 20 percent Constitutional requirement of the total number of representatives in the Lower House, thus arriving at 1. 985515 instead of 2.0066375. The party-list claimed that in following the rules in mathematical

46 calculations and the Banat vs Comelec case, only the ultimate result is allowed to be rounded off to ensure and to achieve accuracy and precision. Therefore in the calculation of the Comelec, the Gabriela Women‘s had one guaranteed seat and only one additional seat. (Torres-Tupas, 11 July 2016)

The Republic Act 7941 declares that the party-list system will enable citizens who are marginalized and poor to represent themselves in the Congress. These sectors in the party-list system are the coalition, labor, peasant, fisher folk, urban poor, indigenous cultural communities, elderly, Handicapped, Women, Youth, Veterans, Overseas Workers, and Professionals. There is a lack in the equality of number of parties to represent their stakeholders. For example in 2004, there were 22 coalition parties, only 1 for the youth which is 35% of our population is considerably underrepresented, and 11 for fisher folk, peasant and urban poor communities which are the poorest of the poor in our country. (Muga II, 2007)

Glitches in Screening of Accredited Party- Lists

Despite the disqualifications set by the high court as party lists to traditional political parties and some groups recognized with sections in business, religion and the government, there were still some who were able to fashion themselves into party-lists that gained entry and even won seats in the Congress. There is a distinct infirmity in the interpretation of the COMELEC to the law against the prohibition of party-lists with direct links and indirect to government officials and foreign support.

According to Esmaquel II (2012), the Ako Bicol Party-list, which won the biggest margin in the 2010 elections, is disqualified in the 2013 elections because the group is registered as a ―political party‖ not As a marginalized people‘s representative. Ako Bicol also had a disqualification case in 2010 alleging the party-list did not represent the marginalized and the underrepresented because the prominent Co family in Albay formed and funded the party through their companies. Their chairman, Elizaldy Co headed the Sunwest Group of Companies, Tektone Global Technologies Foundation, Embarcardero de Legaspi and other construction firms, malls, resorts, real estate development, energy projects, aviation, and mining.

Another party-list seated in 2010 who was disqualified in the 2013 elections was the Ang Galing Pinoy (AGP) represented by Mikey Arroyo. According to Cayabyab (2012), the party-list had been criticized for having Mikey Arroyo as their representative for the AGP sector which is composed of tricycle drivers and security guards and disqualified by this notion because their representative does not belong to the marginalized; the AGP had also no track record in representing its sector.

Manalansan, Jr., (2007) gave Aksyon Sambayanan (AKSA) as an example of a party-list which received foreign support. AKSA accredited for the 2004 and 2007 elections, was a party-list organization of the political party Partido Demokratiko Sosyalista ng Pilipinas (PDSP) which is supported by Socialist International, a worldwide organization of social democratic, socialist, and labor parties.

Meanwhile, the Veterans Federation of the Philippines (VFP) was disqualified in the 2001 party- list elections because they were not independent from the government because of the Republic Act 2640 that created the organization; it also directly funded by the government. It later changed its name to Veteran‘s Freedom Party and gained a seat in 2004.

Alagad, a party-list publicly supported by the Iglesia ni Cristo, was able to gain a seat in the Congress, which claims to be an urban poor advocate.

Entry of Non-marginalized and Overrepresented

The Atong Paglaum v. COMELEC case legitimized the entry of the non marginalized and overrepresented. Of 57 nominees from 43 party-list groups in the 15th Congress, 12 were from political clans, and 9 were affiliated with religious groups. Twenty five (25) out of these 57 nominees were considered millionaires or multi-millionaires who were claiming to represent the different marginalized sectors.

In all, 34 of the nominees or 79% of the party-lists can be classified as ―traditional‖, having links with traditional political forces, big businesses, and emerging religious dynasties. On the other hand, progressive party-lists suffered from this entry of the traditional politicians with the decrease from 8 to 7 seats and resulting to the decrease in total votes as a whole. (Clemente et al., 2011)

While according to Padilla (2013), Comelec proclaimed that 32 out of 58 party-list representatives in the 16th Congress are from political dynasties, former government officials or multi- millionaires which is more than half the seats allocated for representatives of marginalized and underrepresented groups in Congress were in this case, those who genuinely represent their sector, are still marginalized. There is also an increase net worth among the party-list representatives.

From the 11th Congress, the average wealth of party-list representatives was 8,599,529.34 pesos, to 8,847,860.63 pesos in the 12th, 8,620,121.18 pesos in the 13th, 14,957,234.86 pesos in the 14th , then rocketed to 22,935,261.82 pesos in the 15th Congress.

In the 16th Congress, the net worth of the representatives jumped even higher to 54,471,106.70 pesos while for the party-lists, the average net worth is 31,937,004.33 compared to the 13th Congress

Party-list Representatives of 9,303,259.19 pesos. The desire of political families to enter the Congress through the party-list system boosted the increase of the average wealth of party-list representatives to 22 million.

Low Voter Turnout

Low turn-out of votes is a dilemma of the party-list system. The citizens now have the chance to be represented but many issues concern them. The most obvious reason is the confusion on what a party- list really is, especially that in a party-list election, citizens vote groups not individual candidates, adding to that confusion is the ever-changing process on how to allocate votes that already had 3 formulae in a span of 7 elections and the issue on the 2% threshold and the 3 seat limit.

It is also the burden of a party-list representative to let the people know what they do in making themselves evident in representing his/her sector in the Congress. The previous elections on party-list representatives had shown no significant increase in the number of registered voters casting their ballot for the Party-list System causing no significant voting response in its first 4 terms compared to traditional presidential, senatorial, and local government races despite the chance of policy-making representation for marginalized sectors.

In 1995, the Comelec was supposed to have an information campaign but less was achieved especially in the less informed sectors of the Philippine society. This is a very big challenge for Philippine political culture is rooted on personality politics which is contrary to the Party-list system where the party chooses its representatives and the electorate chooses which party-list group to vote. (Kimura, 2013) It is observed that during the previous elections especially in 1998 and 2001, the Comelec did not have an effective voter education campaign where civil society groups such as the PPCRV tried to step in to inform the voters. Barangay captains also played an important role in providing voters some information. Comelec had more than 20 years from the ratification of the Constitution to conduct a voter‘s drive about this innovation of the legislature. The neglect of Comelec turned to additional costs in election campaigning by party-list groups. According to Clemente et al. (2011), newspapers, television and radio networks only allotted 4.9 percent of their space for party-list contest on the election day. In the 2010 elections, public awareness on the Party-list system remained at 35 percent, indicating that there is still no significant change since its first contest in 1998.

Power Grid in the Congress: Doing Battle in the Legislative Arena by Progressive Party-Lists

In the bill-drafting phase, being a party-list representative has an advantage in grassroots consultation for while legislators have their own perspective, they normally derive their insights and proposals from outside the halls of Congress.

The first obstacle of a party-list representative in bill-making is the presentation for other legislators for sponsorship because it should pass the test of rigorous scrutiny and arguments presented should able to withstand intensive grilling by legislators, considering that there is a large bloc of family dynasties in Congress that may block progressive bills especially if it affects their holdings and power. After clearing out areas of conflict among bills covering the same subject, to cure legal or constitutional infirmities by technical working groups, the report is transmitted to the Committee on Rules.

The Second Reading is the period of debates and amendments. A party-list must increase their combat-readiness by lining up a battery of facts, figures and statistics in favor of the bill.

The Third Reading is the final voting of a bill. Building alliances is the key strategy in this period, which is always difficult for progressive party-lists in an oligarchic and conservative government. Party- lists must also have the support of the Senators during the Third Chamber or the Bicameral Conference Committee. The president can sign or veto a bill, if a bill has been vetoed; a vote of two-thirds of all members of each chamber makes it a law. An external strategy that a party-list can do is lobbying with the media. Legislators are sensitive to public opinion, since their support for legislation depends mainly on what their constituents think. Legislators are voted in and out of office, and they may gain or lose votes on what legislations they support and disprove. Party-lists must stir up their members for when a topic becomes a burning issue, legislators are compelled to listen and act. (Lopez, M. & Wui, M., 1997)

Progressive legislation was made possible because there was a strong constituency outside the Congress agitating change and committed leadership. Party-lists needs their grassroots members not only for consultation but for mobilization and help the representatives in the battle of legislation. The legislative arena is not completely impervious to progressive laws and to the demands of the greater society such laws are the People‘s Rights Act, the Clean Air Act, and the Urban Housing and Development Act.

Due to the dominance of the ruling families in politics, there is still no law against monopolies and family dynasties despite the provision of the 1987 Constitution that prohibits political dynasties. The Congress has not enacted an enabling law to limit dynasties‘ power and influence. The entry of more progressive-minded legislators who have no business interest to protect and are from the grassroots of the marginalized could have ensured greater check and balance within the government. (Coronel, S., 2007)

Reforms have being sought in including the resolutions about the flaws and imperfections of the Party-list law in order to gear Comelec with clearer guidelines about the accreditation of party-list applicants. In the 15th Congress the Progressive Party-lists have filed House Bill 4464 which seeks to ensure that the Part-list system is reserved for the marginalized and the underrepresented. In achieving their goals, it is required to clear hurdles and gridlocks imposed by the dominant political dynasties that presently control both the Congress and the electoral system. The quantity of party-list representative may be enough to gain a voice in Congress but it is not enough in gaining votes in legislating for meaningful, pro-people bills and resolutions. During the first three Congresses that the Party-lists are present, they authored and co-authored numerous significant bills and resolutions. In the 11th Congress, there are 1,572 passed, 422 in the 12th Congress, then 774 in the 13th Congress.

The slow pace of the legislative process and general resistance by the conservative members of the House led to the decrease of bills passed originating from party-list groups. Some of the bills passed are the raising of the minimum wage, domestic violence, upgrading rural hospitals and schools, amending the election code and fisheries code, and making military training in school optional. The party-lists also paved the way for a stop to urban poor demolitions, for enforcing the logging ban, for the investigation of human rights violations, for the stop of torture, and foreign debt moratorium and review; while bills filed to implement the constitutional provision against dynasties and nepotism have failed alongside bills that were meant to legislate wide-ranging social, economic, and political reforms.

Party-lists groups have challenges that hinder them in making reforms and the main challenge is maintaining the balance between traditional politicians and genuine party-lists representatives. The groups comprising the progressive party-lists bloc have faced tougher hurdles such as fraud, harassment, and other forms of violence in their struggle to have the voice of mass constituencies they represent heard in the Congress. (Clemente et al., 2011)

Manalansan, Jr. (2007) claimed that the progressive party-lists have shown steadfast and unrelenting efforts in fighting and challenging elitist biases that causes the marginalization and underrepresentation of the masses. Being the most effective in their causes, in an elitist driven government, they are also ganged up and hunted down.

Party-lists can‘t avoid and just neglect the dominance of traditional politics based on an elitist rule and worse, party-lists may lead to becoming an instrument of traditional politics if our representatives today are not genuinely represelntative of the masses that will do legislations that are pro-poor and for the marginalized. It is ironic that despite the presence of the party-list system representatives, the legislature still has not enacted many laws that are anti-poor and that marginalizes the people for party-

51 list representatives are often voted out and shunned through brash tactics and arm-twisting by the House leadership. And with the Atong Paglaum v. Comelec ruling, elite dominance in the Party-List System is authorized.

Summary

This chapter provided concrete examples why the Party-List System is considered to be bastardized. These flaws of the system may affect the perception of the people regarding the effectiveness of the system leading to the notion of abolishment. These may be points for negative evaluation but can be a source of recommendation. From the negation of the principle of proportional representation, glitches in screening party-lists and nominees, entry of the elites, low voter turnout, and challenges of progressive party-lists in Congress, all of these are flaws of the Party-List System that can be evaluated and be points for reform rather than abolishment.

Chapter IV

Progressive Party-Lists Background and Track Record

Bayan Muna Party-List

Background

According to the official website of Bayan Muna, the Party-List is a national progressive political party that represents the national and democratic aspirations of the people especially the poor and the marginalized, thus having the name ‗people first‘, to assert the interest and welfare of all. The party-list came into being in September 25, 1999, where leading representatives of major people‘s organizations gathered at the national office of Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN) and laid the ground for a new alternative party for electoral and parliamentary struggle that supports the militant mass movement.

Bayan Muna was accredited and registered as a national sectoral party-list. The party first participated in the 2001 party-list elections as its first electoral activity. Bayan Muna has established 13 regional offices and 57 chapters in major provinces, cities and municipalities nationwide. The party-list is consistent in winning electoral seats since 2001.

As principles and objectives of the party, Bayan Muna aims to ensure the representation and participation of the people through establishing a democratic, nationalist, and popular government. The party then asserts to remove all forms of oppression and discrimination in gender, sex, and ethnicity, and ensure involvement and participation in national affairs. In terms of foreign relations, the party asserts national sovereignty and independence against foreign domination and control.

The party promotes sustainable socio-economic development through genuine land reform, national industrialization, and conservation of the environment. With track regarding economic development, the party wants to improve the social and economic welfare of peasants, workers, and other poor and marginalized sectors through basic social services and livelihoods. Conscious of the lessons of the past, the party protects people‘s basic human rights and freedoms and ensure justice for all human rights victims.

Legislations

Bayan Muna Party-List as a multi-sectoral party-list, embodied the aches and ambitions of the most oppressed and the marginalized. Bayan Muna Party-List represents the workers, peasants, fisherfolk,

53 indigenous people, the youth, women, and the urban poor. According to the official Bayan Muna website, the party-list leveled the interests of their constituents by passing the following House Bills:

 House Bill 171 : Peoples' Mining Bill  House Bill 172 : Anti-Political Dynasty Bill  House Bill 173 : Downstream Oil Industry Regulation Bill  House Bill 174 : Petron Renationalization Bill  House Bill 175 : SSS Pension Increase  House Bill 176 : Instituting Centralized Procurement of Petroleum  House Bill 177 : Upgrading the Minimum Salary Grade of Government Doctors from SG 16 to 24  House Bill 178 : Upgrading the Minimum Salary Grade of Government Nurses from SG 11 to 15  House Bill 179 : Genuine Party List Group and Nominee Bill  House Bill 180 : Barangay Pension Fund  House Bill 343 : VAT Exemption of Water Utilities  House Bill 344 : VAT Exemption of Electricity  House Bill 345 : VAT Exemption of Petroleum Products  House Bill 346 : VAT Exemption of Toll Fees  House Bill 347 : Freedom of Information Bill  House Bill 348 : Whistleblowers' Protection Bill  House Bill 349 : Establishing City and Municipal Rehabilitation Centers for Children and Youth with Disabilities (STAC)  House Bill 350 : Protecting the Right of Students to Enroll in Review Centers of Their Choice  House Bill 351 : Bill Amending EPIRA  House Bill 352 : Anti-Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (Anti-SLAPP) Bill  House Bill 353 : Free Mobile Disaster Alerts Bill  House Bill 354 : Three-Year Moratorium on Tuition and Other Fee Increases  House Bill 355 : Ethnic Origin Bill  House Bill 356 : Requiring the Use of Filipino Sign Language (FSL) Insets for News Programs  House Bill 357 : Local Music Industry Incentive Bill  House Bill 697 : Designating November as "Buy Pinoy, Build Pinoy" Month  House Bill 1843 : Declaring May 17 as National Day Against Homophobia and Transphobia

 House Bill 1535 : An Act Abolishing the ―Pork Barrel‖ System  House Bill 5401 : Personal Income Tax Reform  House Bill 5704 : Supplemental P500M OFW Legal Assistance Fund 2015  House Bill 2548 : Comprehensive Nursing Law

The party-list also filed the following house resolutions:

 House Resolution 197: Strongly opposing Marcos's burial at Libingan ng mga Bayani  House Resolution 198: Amnesty for Political Prisoners  House Resolution 2220: Inquiry on the Dumping of Trash Coming from Canada

Anakpawis Party-List

Background

According to the Anakpawis Party-List official website, the party-list was established in January 23, 2002 as a national party that represents the interests of the workers, peasants, fisherfolk, and the urban poor. In December 30, 2003, the party-list was accredited by the Comelec and was able to run in the 2004 elections. In the party-list first attempt for elections in 2004, until this current Congress, the Anakpawis party-list consistently won and garnered seats.

In pursuing representation of the working class in Congress, the party-list seeks to develop an independent economy through genuine agrarian reform and national industrialization. The party-list believes that the working class, which is the majority of our population, deserves that their rights on adequate jobs, fair salaries, and their right to unionize, to be protected. For the workers in rural Philippines, or the peasants and fisherfolk, their rights to have their own land to till, rights on legitimate and sustainable waters to fish, and sovereignty on food supply, production, and sale, must be safeguarded. As for the urban poor, the party-list seeks to administer the rights of the people on decent housing and livelihood, and the right of all Filipinos to free education, which seeks to alleviate poverty. Like Bayan Muna, it is also part of the Anakpawis‘ program to protect the rights of the people against any foreign domination and control.

Anyone who is 18 years old and above may join the party-list after accepting the program and constitution of the party. Anakpawis chapters are formed on communities, factories, farms, schools, and barangays consisting of more than 15 members. Since representatives of the Anakpawis came from the very sector that they represent, and as they practice grassroots consultation, the party will remain firm and empathetic to the aspirations of the people towards genuine representation.

Legislations

As the Anakpawis championed the interests of their constituents, the party-list passed house bills that would benefit the peasants and the working class. According to the official website of Anakpawis, the house bills that the party-list has passed are the following:

 House Bill No. 5403 – Repeal IRRI‘s Immunity From Suit  House Bill No. 555 – Genuine Agrarian Reform Bill (GARB)  House Bill No. 556 – Anti-Contractualization Bill  House Bill No. 557 – Genuine Small Coconut Farmers‘ Fund (Coco Levy) Bill  House Bill No. 558 – Free Irrigation Services Bill

And as the party protects the rights of its constituents and from any kind of oppression, the party-list filed the following house resolutions:

 House Resolution No. 2573 on Impact of HSBC Outsourcing on Bank Employees  House Resolution No. 2574 on The Derailed Collective Bargaining Negotiation Between the Management of The Planters Development Bank and the Planters Development Bank Employees Association (PDBEA)  House Resolution 2642 Resolution Condemning Chinese Reclamation in the West Philippine Sea  House Resolution No. 2684 Congressional Inquiry on April 1 Kidapawan Massacre  House Resolution No. 238 Nationwide Moratorium on Violent Demolition of Urban Poor Communities  House Resolution No. 239 on Violent Demolition of Urban Poor Community at Apollo St., Tandang Sora, Quezon City  House Resolution No. 433 on Series of Arson Of Farmers‘ Houses in San Jose Del Monte City, Bulacan, Involving the Araneta Properties, Inc.  House Resolution No. 435 on Trumped Up Charges Against Farmer Victims of Land Grabbing in Baggao, Cagayan  House Resolution No. 434 on the Extra-Judicial Killing of Isabela Peasant Leader Ariel Diaz  House Resolution No. 613 For The Immediate Relief For Yolanda-Hit Agricultural Areas In Eastern Visayas  House Resolution No. 614 On Using ―Oplan Tokhang‖ Against Farmers Of San Jose Del Monte City, Bulacan

 House Resolution No. 616 on Human Rights Abuses Against Farmers of Hacienda Dolores, Porac, Pampanga  House Resolution No. 615 on Displacement Of Farmers of Hacienda Yulo, Calamba, Laguna  House Resolution No. 634 on Shooting of Agri-Workers-Arbs of Marbai in Tagum City, Davao Del Norte by Lapanday Armed Guards  House Resolution No. 678 on the Abuses Against Sakadas from Mindanao, in Hacienda Luisita  House Resolution No. 679 on the Extra-Judicial Killing Of Jimmy Sotto, Peasant Leader on Pampanga  House Resolution No. 681 on the Abuses Against Farmers in Hacienda Uy, Quezon  House Resolution No. 726 Urging House Probe on The Extra-Judicial Killing ff NFSW Leader Alexander Ceballos in Negros Occidental  House Resolution No. 727 Urging House Probe on The Extra-Judicial Killing of Lumad Leader Veronico Delamente in Surigao Del Norte  House Resolution No. 764 on The Extra-Judicial Killing of Lumad Farmer Renato Anglao in Bukidnon  House Resolution No. 765 on the Extra-Judicial Killing Of Farmer Wenceslao Pacquiao in Negros Occidental  House Resolution No. 796 on Effects Of WTO-AOA on Livestock and Poultry Industry  House Resolution No. 797 on Effects Of WTO-AOA on Vegetable Industry  House Resolution No. 803 on The Feb. 11 – Shooting of Arb Farmers in Capiz  House Resolution No. 804 on The Feb. 16 – Extra-Judicial Killing of Lumad Farmer in Compostela Valley  House Resolution No. 805 on The Feb. 19 – Extra-Judicial Killing of Farmer in Dispute with CFCST-USM in Arakan, North Cotabato  House Resolution No. 837 on the Killing of Farmers Lorendo and Ian Borres by 61st IBPA in Capiz  House Resolution No. 838 on the Extra-Judicial Killing of Gilbert Bancat, Farmer-Leader in Hacienda Uy, Quezon Province  House Resolution No. 906 on Systematic Militarization And Widespread Human Rights Violations In Mindanao  House Resolution No. 907 on Continuing Exploitation of Sakadas from Mindanao in Hacienda Luisita

 House Resolution No. 908 on the Implementation of the Social Amelioration Program for Sugar Workers and Accounting of Its Fund  House Resolution No. 918 on the Demand for a Nationwide Moratorium of Plantation Expansion  House Resolution No. 919 on the Impact Of Agribusiness Ventures Arrangement and Demand for its Revocation  House Resolution No. 953 on Davao Penal Colony – Tadeco Lands and Urging for a Bucor-Dar Deed of Transfer for Land Distribution to Farmers  House Resolution No. 954 on the PNP‘s inaction on the Writ of Installation Order Issued by DAR for Marbai Arbs on Former Lapanday Plantation Lands  House Resolution No. 955 on the Abduction of a Peasant Organizer in Nueva Ecija by Elements of the Military and PNP

Kabataan Party-List

Background

The Kabataan Party-List is the first and only youth party-list group in the Philippine Congress. As a party-list, Kabataan first ran during the 2007 elections, and ever since, they consistently won a seat in Congress. The Anak ng Bayan Party-List was the predecessor of Kabataan Party-List, which ran in 2004, but failed to gain a seat.

Kabataan Party-List, according to their official website, is a youth sectoral party and mass organization that aims to arouse, organize, and mobilize the youth sector. The party-list recognizes that the youth is the hope of the nation, with this, the party-list exerts that the youth has also a vital role in people‘s struggle. It incites the youth to break the custom that the youth are passive and apathetic. It also recognizes the historic role of the youth in engaging for the welfare of the marginalized like our heroes Rizal and Bonifacio.

Kabataan Party-list advocates for alternative politics going against the elite-dominated politics of the country. Therefore, the party-list believes in collective struggle in acheiveing the democratic interest of the youth and the people. With this, the party-list is the forefront of the campaigns against unmitigated tuition and miscellaneous fee increases, for complete state subsidy in education, for adequate jobs for newly graduates, for consumer rights and rights to health, and for preservation of national patrimony being the future movers of the country.

According to the Kabataan Party-List official website, any Filipino aged 13 to 35 may join the party-list. Primary tasks of a member are to arouse, organize, and mobilize the youth for genuine change.

Other youth organizations affiliated with the party-list are, Anakbayan, League of Filipino Students, KARATULA, RISE for Education Alliance, National Union of Students of the Philippines, College editors Guild of the Philippines, and the Student Christian Movement of the Philippines.

Legislations

With the issues of the youth and their struggle in society, the Kabataan Party-List being the first and only party-list that represents the youth sector, pushed the interests and demands of the youth in Congress through legislation. According to their official website, being the voice of the youth in Congress, the party-list has passed the following house bills:

 HB 807: Anti-No Permit, No Exam Policy Bill  HB 808: Bill to Strengthen Public Libraries in Cities, Municipalities and Barangays Nationwide  HB 809: Philippine Traditional Games Bill  HB 1962: Bill Repealing the Automatic Appropriation on Debt Servicing and Instituting Automatic Six Percent GDP Minimum Appropriation to Education  HB 1963: SK Reform and Strengthening Bill  HB 2355: NSTP Reform Bill  HB 2356: CAT Abolition, Establishing Social Action Program in Schools  HB 2592: BPO Workers Welfare and Protection Bill  HB 2676: Ban on Use of Styrofoam and Other Harmful Synthetics in Schools  HB 3061: Ban on Random Drug Testing in Schools  HB 3062: Human Rights Studies Bill  HB 3063: Indigenous Cultures Studies Bill  HB 3397: Free Special Education Bill  HB 3703: Three-Year Moratorium on Tuition and Other Fee Increases  HB 3838: Closed-Caption on TV Programs and Films  HB 4112: Prohibiting Government Projects to be Named After Officials  HB 4113: National Book Drive Week  HB 4197: Computer Literacy for Senior Citizens  HB 4237: National Young Martyrs‘ Day  HB 4254: Public School Teachers‘ First Born Scholarship  HB 4271: Public Wi-fi Bill  HB 4286: Tuition Regulation Bill

 HB 4287: Campus Press Freedom Bill  HB 4332: Strictly Enforcing the Occupational Safety and Health Standards in Workplaces  HB 4337: Alternative Classes Bill  HB 4353: Bonifacio Bill  HB 4576: Philippine Cinema Appreciation  HB 4800: Comprehensive Free Public Education Bill  HB 4842: Students Rights Bill  HB 4931: Access to Newscasts  HB 4932: Free Access to Museums  HB 5417: Good Governance Education  HB 5511: Declaring November 23 of every year as National Day Against Impunity  HB 5512: Gender Education

Kabataan also filed house resolutions to show their motions on different issues regarding the youth sector, some of their house resolutions are:

 Extension of Voters‘ Registration (HR01162),  Day-off with Pay for Registrants (HR01336), and  Extension of voters‘ registration deadline in typhoon-affected regions (HR01443)  UP Graduation Program Tuition Hike (HR01197)  Vanishing Loads (HR01237)  Smartmatic-TIM Overpricing (HR01260)  Anomalous Purchase by DepEd of Overpriced Medical and Dental Supplies (HR01288)  Abduction of an Anakbayan Member in Cagayan (HR01411)  DENR Constructive Dismissal of Employees (HR01408)  Military Surveillance of National Artist Bienvenido Lumbera‘s Home (HR01421)  Violent Dispersal of a Rally in Front of Malacanang Palace (HR01337)  Imposition of a New Tax on Imported Reading Materials (HR01161)

ACT-Teachers Party-List

Background

According to the official website of ACT-Teachers, the Alliance of Concerned Teachers (ACT) was established in 1982 due to the worsening pay and working conditions in that time. Together with the

60 problem of the decline of status of the teaching profession, and the deterioration of the Philippine education system, teachers organized themselves to collectively struggle for reform. Through the years, ACT advanced teachers‘ and education personnel‘s rights and welfare. Having a party-list system which was intended for the representation and participation of marginalized sectors, ACT saw to bring the struggle of its constituents in Congress.

From ACT, ACT-Teachers Party-List was founded on January 5, 2008. The Party-List first ran in the 2010 elections where the party won 1 seat. For the next election, the party-list again won 1 seat, while in 2016, it garnered 2 seats. ―The Genuine Voice of Teachers!‖ as their slogan, the party-list struggles for economic rights and welfare of teachers and educational staffs, reform in the educational system, and for good governance.

Inline with fighting for economic rights and welfare, ACT-Teachers appeals to upgrade the salary of teachers to Salary Grade 15, remove the Claims and Loan Interdependency Program, and demand transparency in governance of funds in government agencies relating to teachers‘ benefits,. In line with reforms in the educational system, ACT-Teachers appeals to promote the right of the people in the educational sector to form unions, have a higher national budget for education, have free and accessible education from elementary to high school and affordable college education, priority of Filipino culture and language. While for good governance, ACT-Teachers pursues to combat corruption in the government, and prioritize social services like the right to education.

Legislations

Staying true being the genuine voice of teachers, the ACT-Teachers Party-list passed house bills in accordance to the right of teachers to decent salaries, favorable working conditions, and social security. Teachers are also the protectors of suffrage, and will unite to other sectors of the Philippine society to fight graft and corruption. With this, according to their official website, the party-list passed the following house bills:

 HB02142 An Act Upgrading The Minimum Salary Grade Of Public School Teachers From Salary Grade 11 To 15  HB04077 An Act Granting Free Post-Secondary Education In State Universities And Colleges And Public Technical And Vocational Schools To Dependent Children Of Public Elementary And High School Teachers

 HB04096 An Act Amending Section 13 Of Republic Act No. 6646, Otherwise Known As ―The Electoral Reforms Law Of 1987,‖ Making Election Service Voluntary For Public School Teachers And Other Citizens  HB04097An Act Declaring October 5 Of Every Year As ―National Teachers‘ Day‖  HB04134 An Act Providing For A Teaching Supplies Allowance For Public School Teachers And Appropriating Funds  HB05661An Act Increasing The Ceiling For The Total Exclusion From Gross Income Of 13th Month Pay And Other Benefits To Sixty Thousand Pesos, Amending For The Purpose Section 32 (B)(7)(E) Of The National Internal Revenue Code  HB05662 An Act Increasing The Personnel Economic Relief Allowance Granted To Government Employees To Four Thousand Pesos And Appropriating Funds  HB05782  An Act Declaring February Four Of Every Year As ―Philippine-American War Memorial Day‖  HB05809An Act Amending Section 8 Of Republic Act 6426, Otherwise Known As The ‗Foreign Currency Deposit Act Of The Philippines‘  HB 247 Personal Tax Exemptions  HB 442 Contracts Of Service And Job Orders  HB 56 Salary Increase For Government Employees And Augmenting Pera  HB 57 Restructuring Income Brackets And Rates Of Tax  HB 58 Teacher Protection Act Of 2016  HB 59 Lowering The Retirement Age Of Public School Teachers  HB 60 Contracts Of Service And Job Orders  HB 471 GSIS  HB 472 Maternity Leave  HB 473 Class Size  HB 1514 Upgrading Salaries Of Comelec Employees  HB 2093 No Impunity  HB 2094 Filipino Sign Language  HB 2096 Cybercrime

As teachers and education personnel shape the minds and values of the youth, motions of the party-list was written and filed in Congress. Some of the house resolutions that the party-list filed are the following:

 HR00159 Resolution Directing The House Committee On Human Rights To Urgently Look Into The Recent Brutal Extrajudicial Killings Of Teachers And Activists With The Aim Of Promoting The Safety And Increasing Protection For Teachers And Possible Witnesses To The Crimes  HR00405 Resolution Urging The Philippine Government To Adopt The United Nations General Assembly Resolution Recognizing The Access To Clean Water And Sanitation As A Human Right And To Encourage The Enactment Of Laws For The Promotion And Protection Of The Right To Access To Clean Water And Sanitation  HR00410 Resolution To Permanently Enjoin Psalm From Privatizing Angat Dam  HR00668 Resolution Calling For An Immediate Inquiry In Aid Of Legislation On Income Generating Projects (IGP‘s) In State Universities And Colleges (SUCS)  HR00888 Resolution Calling For An Investigation, In Aid Of Legislation, Into The Provisions For Command Directed Activities (PCDA) Fund Of The Armed Forces Of The Philippines, The Numerous Corrupt Practices Related Thereto, Including The Pabaon System For Retiring AFP Chiefs-Of-Staff And Payola To Various Offices And Individuals, And The Alleged Involvement Of Top Officials Of The AFP, The Department Of National Defense, And Former President And Commander-In-Chief Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo  HR 259 Resolution Urging The House Of Representatives To Oppose The Use Of Extrajudicial Killings By Law Enforcement Agencies Amid Pres. Rodrigo Duterte‘s Intensified Campaign To End The Illegal Drug Trade, And To Investigate, In Aid Of Legislation, Mounting Complaints Of Alleged Drug-Related Extrajudicial Killings And Vigilante Killings

Gabriela Women‟s Party

Background

GABRIELA, a women‘s coalition, was established in 1984 and was named after Gabriela Silang, a woman general in the 18th century. The martial law era fuelled the resistance and the need for significant economic and political change by the women sector from all walks of life. From workers, peasants, the urban poor, indigenous , and the middle class, women banded together to set up the women‘s coalition.

In year 2000, the GABRIELA Women‘s Coalition established the GABRIELA Women‘s Party to have genuine representatives of the women inside the government through parliamentary struggle. GABRIELA first fielded a representative in the 2001 elections under the Bayan Muna Party-List. In 2004, GABRIELA Women‘s Party ran as a separate party-list. The Party-List is successful in garnering seats since then.

According to the official website of GABRIELA Women‘s Party, the party has over 100,000 members in 15 regions in the Philippines and even abroad. Being a women‘s party, GABRIELA promotes and protects the rights of women and children in the country through legislative efforts, grassroots organizing, education, services, and various campaigns. The party is dedicated encourage and develop women‘s full potential, leadership and creativity especially of the more marginalized and underrepresented sectors. And even today, the Congress is still dominated by men, together with laws that are biased to the rights of males considering that women comprise half of the population, women are not well represented. With this, the party struggles for the right of women for a fair and non-sexist representation in all social, political, economic, and cultural spheres. As representatives of women and children, the party advocates the rights of these sectors for proper health care, education, and protection from abuse and exploitation.

Legislations

According to the official website of the GABRIELA Women‘s Party, as a party that is dedicated in advancing the rights and well-being of women and children, and in committed to uphold the interest of the ordinary people or the marginalized, the house bills that the party passed in 4 terms in Congress are the following:

 HB 1129 Amending Article 26 Of The Family Code – Marriage Between A Filipino Citizen And A Foreigner  HB 1131 Providing For Women And Gender Education In The Workplace  HB 813 - Amendment to the Anti-Sexual Harassment law of 1995  HB 812 -Amendment to the Anti-Rape Law of 1997  HB 4396 - Prohibiting Contractualization  HB 1132 To Create A National Women‘s Museum  HB 1130 Integrating Education On Women, Girls, And Gender Rights In All Levels Of Public And Private Schools  HB 1129 Amending Article 26 Of The Family Code – Marriage Between A Filipino Citizen And A Foreigner  HB 1128 Requiring Women‘s And Girls‘ Rights Awareness Programs In Media  HB 1126 Inclusion Of LPG And Kerosene In The Price Act  HB 1127 February 4 ―Araw Ng Pagdakila Sa Mga Pilipinong Nagbuwis Ng Buhay Noong Digmaang Pilipino-Amerikano‖  HB 3139- Prohibiting Age Discrimination in Employment

 HB 3138 - Removing Classification among Legitimate, Illegitimate and Legitimated Children  HB 3056 - Prohibiting the Use of "Unprogramed Funds"  HB 2914 - Solo Parents' Welfare Act Amendment  HB 2605 - Repealing Early Retirement on Special Occupations  HB 2145 - Prohibiting Exploitative "Volunteerism" of Nurses  HB 2144 - Instituting Sitting Break  HB 1547 - Amending the Imposition of Value-Added Tax  HB 1330 - Defining Electronic Violence Against Women (E-VAW)  HB 814 - Instituting a System of Protection for Victims of Prostitution  HB0099 - An Act Expanding The Grounds For Legal Separation, Amending For The Purpose Article 55 Of The Family Code Of The Philippines (Expanding the Grounds for Legal Separation)  HB0097 - An Act Amending Chapter 3 Of Republic Act 8353, Also Known As The Anti-Rape Law Of 1997 (Anti-Rape Law Amendment)  HB 4408 - An Act introducing Divorce in the Philippines  HB 5238 - Expanding Grounds for Legal Separation  HB 5117 - Amending the Articles 14, 211 and 225 on Legal Guardianship  HB 5116 - Decriminalizing Premature Marriages  HB 5105 - Amending Ownership, Administrative, Enjoyment and Disposition of the Community Property  HB 5104 - Repealing Article 247 of the RPC  HB 4635 - Occupational Health and Safety Bill  HB 4377 - Repealing Articles 333 and 334 of the Revised Penal Code  HB1045 - An Act Prohibiting Contractualization And Promoting Regular Employment  HB1044 - An Act Imposing Strict Compliance Through Mandatory Inspection And Providing Penalties For Violations Of Occupational Safety And Health Provisions Of The Title 1 Book Iv Of The Labor Code Of The Philippines, Thereby Amending Pd 442, As Amended  HB0375 - An Act Amending Articles 14, 211 And 225 Of The Family Code Of The Philippines (Repeal provisions on unequal right to decide over matters concerning parental consen)  HB0374 - An Act Amending Articles 96 And 124 Of The Family Code Of The Philippines (Equality on the right to decide over conjugal and community properties)

 HB0373 - An Act Amending Title VI Of E.O. 209 As Amended, Otherwise Known As The Family Code By Removing And/Or Erasing Classification Between Legitimate, Illegitimate And Legitimated (Filiation Of) Children  HB0098 - An Act Repealing Articles 202 And 341 Of The Revised Penal Code And Instituting A System Of Protection For Victims Of Prostitution And For Other Purposes (Protection for Victims of Prostitution/Decriminalization)  HB0372 - An Act To Create A National Women's Museum, And For Other Purposes (National Women‘s Museum Bill)  HB0371 - An Act Amending Republic Act 6949, 'An Act To Declare March Eight Of Every Year As Working Holiday To Be Known As National Women's Day', To Make The National Women's Day A Non-Working Holiday (National Women‘s Day Bill)  HB0101 - An Act Repealing Articles 333 And 334 Of The Revised Penal Code (Bill Removing Unequal Treatment of Men and Women over Extra-marital Affairs/Decriminalization of Marital Infidelity)  HB0100 - An Act Repealing Article 247 Of The Revised Penal Code (Repeal the provision Death or Physical Injuries Under Exceptional Circumstances)  HB3398 - An Act Amending Republic Act No. 8972, Otherwise Known As The Solo Parents' Welfare Act Of 2000, By Providing For Additional Benefits And Penal Provision For Violations Of The Act  HB2664 - An Act Amending Republic Act No. 9262, Defining Electronic Violence Against Women Or E-Vaw, Providing Protective Measures And Prescribing Penalties Therefore, And For Other Purposes  HB02380 - An Act Introducing Divorce In The Philippines  HB1792 - An Act Authorizing The Supreme Court To Designate Special Courts From Among Existing Regional Trial Courts In Each Judicial Region To Exclusively Try And Hear Cases Involving Illegal Recruitment, Amending For The Purpose Republic Act No. 8042, Ot  HB1791 - An Act Providing For Financial Assistance For Distressed Overseas Filipino Workers  HB1790 - An Act Creating A Full Consular Office In Alberta, Canada And Providing For The Funds  HB1049 - An Act Requiring All Employers To Institute Sitting Breaks During Work Hours For Their Female Employees/Workers And To Use Proper Seats Provided For This Purpose, Providing Penalties For Violations Thereof, And For Other Purposes

 HB1048 - An Act Repealing Letter D Of Article 132 Of Presidential Decree Number Four Hundred Forty-Two (Pd 442), Otherwise Known As The Labor Code Of The Philippines (Repeal of Labor Secretary‘s Power to Determine Special Occupations that can Retire Early

 HB1047 - An Act Prohibiting Age Discrimination In Employment And In The Workplace  HB1046 - An Act Providing For Maternity Leave Benefits Of One Hundred Twenty (120) Days To Female Employees Who Are Members Of Either The Social Security System (SSS) Or The Government Service Insurance System (GSIS)

Regarding the house resolutions that the party has filed, these are:

 HR 41 - Re: Urban Poor Communities in Quezon City Waterways  HR 135 - Re: Procedures in Awarding Housing Projects  HR 136 - RE: Conditions of Resettlement Areas  HR 137 - Re: Foreign Loans for MRT and LRT Projects  HR 233 - Re: Comfort women  HR 304 - Re: provision of Interpreters for the Disabled in all Proceedings  HR 1529 - Re: Ownership of Land Occupied by PCMC  HR 332 - Re: Conditional Cash Transfer  HR 761 - Re: Implementation of RA 10121 and NDRRMC  HR 760 - Re: Liberalization of Labor Market  HR 697 - Re: Waiving of Fees for OFWs Affected by Calamities  HR 696 - Re: Safe Evacuation Centers During Calamities  HR 668 - Re: Waiving of Services Fees for Civil Registry Documents for Yolanda Victims  HR 667 - Re: Exemption of Irrigation Fees to Victims of Typhoon Yolanda  HR 640 - Re: The Use Of Nuclear Powered USS George Washington  HR 637 - Re: Falsing Branding of Child Soldiers  HR 623 RE: Tax Evasion Cases  HR 453 - Re: Paedophilia and Cyber Pronography  HR 1587 - Re: Eviction of Residents of Fort Bonifacio Tenement  HR 1572 - Re: Jennifer Laude Slay Case  HR 1523 - Re: Merchandise that Commodify and Degrade Women  HR 1178 - Re: Human Rights Violation vs Pregnant Political Detainee Andrea Rosal  HR 1014 - Re: Dumping of Relief Goods by DSWD

 HR 996 - Re: High Prices During Calamities  HR 954 - PhP 40,000 Immediate Financial Assistance for Yolanda Victims  HR 809- Re: Fabella Hospital Prvatization  HR 797 - Re: Privatization of Angat Hydro-electric Power Plant  HR00331 - Resolution Condemning In Strongest Possible Terms The Terrorist Attack In Davao City That Killed 15 People And Injuring Many Others, Demand Justice And Extend Our Condolences To The Families Of The Victims Of The Bombing  HR00252 - Resolution Directing The Committee On Appropriations To Conduct An Inquiry On The Insufficient Funding For The Construction, Management And Operation Of Bahay Pag-Asa Facilities  HR00236 - Resolution Directing The House Committee On Health And Committee On Women And Gender Equality To Conduct An Investigation On The Policy Of The D.O.H. Prohibiting Deliveries Assisted By Traditional Birth Attendants  HR00235 - A Resolution Directing The House Of Representatives Committee On The Welfare Of Children To Conduct An Onsite Investigation, In Aid Of Legislation, On The Dismal, Unsanitary And Neglected Condition Of The Existing Facilities Bahay Pag-Asa  HR00210 - Resolution Directing The Committee On Human Rights To Conduct An Inquiry On The Violent Dispersal Of Protesting Farmers On April 01, 2016, Dubbed As The ―Kidapawan Massacre‖, Perpetrated By Elements Of The PNP  HR00200 - A Resolution Congratulating The First Filipina Silver Medalist Ms. Hidilyn Diaz For The 53 Kg Category Women's Weightlifting Division  HR00177 - Resolution Directing The Committee On Human Rights To Conduct An Inquiry On The Recent Incident Of Indiscriminate Firing In Sitio Tibugawan, Brgy. Kawayan, San Fernando, Bukidnon Allegedly Perpetrated By The Paramilitary  HR00116 - Resolution Directing The Committee On Housing And Urban Development To Conduct An Inquiry, In Aid Of Legislation, On The Violent Demolition Of Houses Of Around 300 Families Residing In Brgy. 8, Caloocan City  HR 1714 - Re: Php 6 Billion Yolanda Rehabilitation Funds  HR 1639 - Re: Militarization, Harassments and Attack on Schools and Communities

Summary

This chapter provided the background and legislations of the target party-lists of the researcher. As part of the objectives of this study, knowing if the principle of representation is accomplished can be

68 observed on the legislations of a party-list; if the party-list really passed legislations, and the nature of the legislation if it will really affect their constituents. These legislations must be in accordance to the background of the party-lists and what sector/s they proclaim to represent. According to the numerous legislations provided, every target party-list to be interviewed may be considered to have ‗represented‘ their constituents based on their house bills and house resolutions. Some of the bills are even co-authored between the party-lists as the intent of the legislation converges with other sectors considering that their legislations are pro-people.

Chapter V

Discussion of Interviews

It was mentioned in the Research Design section of this paper that 5 party-lists and 1 key informant would be interviewed, but due to principle of theoretical saturation, as the researcher interviewed one party-list to another, the researcher decided to stop gathering data after the Bayan Muna Party-List, Anakpawis Party-List, Kabataan Party-List, the positioned staff of ACT-Teachers, and the key informant was interviewed. The answers of the interviewees are identical and already repetitive. Therefore, a total of 10 in-depth interviews were conducted, and 1 key informant was interviewed for this study. With this, the number of progressive party-list member units was reduced from 10 to 7. The discussion of the gathered data will be formatted in accordance to the prepared questionnaire of the researcher (See Appendix A), which will be the basic themes of the study. Coding for themes of the data gathered is presented in Appendix E.

Membership

Based from the gathered data, all of the positioned staff of a party-list was first recruited or joined a party-list or a mass organization in a University, 3 positioned staffs coming from PUP-Main Campus, and 1 from UP Manila. The interviewed ordinary members of the Kabataan Party-List was also recruited or joined in a University chapter of the party-list. Ordinary members from Bayan Muna and Anakpawis on the other hand, came from different mass organizations before being a member of a party-list. The members said that they joined the party-list because the principles, programs, and goals of the party is in accordance to theirs. And being part of the sectors that the party represents, they wanted to join the party- list to arouse and educate other people so that others will also be enlightened on the realities of society, especially regarding their sector.

On understanding the concept of the Party-list System

Definition of the Party-List System

In asking what the Party-List System is, there is one common theme among all the coding groups, that the system is for the participation and representation of marginalized and underrepresented sectors. All the positioned staffs mentioned that representation of marginalized and underrepresented is a necessity because of the elite-dominated politics in the Philippines, especially in Congress.

According to the positioned staff of Kabataan Party-List, the system was promulgated to curve the unequal balance of power in Congress between the ordinary people and the elites. Both positioned

70 staffs of Bayan Muna and Anakpawis mentioned a legal basis on why they defined the Party-List as they did, they mentioned that the definition that the system is for the marginalized and the underrepresented having a voice in Congress, is enshrined in the Constitution and the Party-List System Act.

The definition of the system to the ordinary members of the party-lists is identical but somehow is different on what they emphasized. For the ordinary members of Bayan Muna, the party-lists was given a more organizational function, the party-lists was defined as protectors of the rights of the people in communities, through educating the people and mobilization.

For the ordinary members of the Anakpawis Party-List, the rationale of having a party-list was seen in terms of the social, political, and economic situation of the Philippines. Domination of landlords, businessmen, political dynasties, and oligarchs was emphasized, and with this, the system is an avenue for the struggle against these elites.

While for the ordinary members of the Kabataan Party-List, a member defined the Party-List System in terms of its legal definition. It was mentioned that the Party-List System is a diverse system of representation that is not bound by a geographical area like a district, and that it was an avenue to expose the flaws of the political system as congressmen has powers of investigation and of privilege speech.

Duty of a Party-List Member

All coding groups shared the same answer on what are the duties of a party-list member, which was to educate other people, organize the people that believed and supports the principles, programs, and goals of the party, and mobilize the people in public demonstrations for public support in aiding legislations that are for the betterment of the country. As ordinary members of the Bayan Muna and Anakpawis Party-lists, it is also the duty of a party-list member to consult other members on what are their demands and aspirations that would aid their representatives on what are the interests of their constituents from the grassroots level.

Exclusivity to the Marginalized and Underrepresented

In answering whether the Party-List System should be reserved or exclusive to the marginalized and underrepresented sectors, all positioned staffs answered on the basis that it was the intention of the system at the first place. There many political parties run by the elites, but there is no political party for the common people, the system is an assurance that there is a representation of the marginalized and underrepresented. If the system is opened to the elite, there will always be vested interests that they will protect, thus having bogus party-lists that say that they are for the sectors.

It was also discussed by the positioned staff of the Bayan Muna that one problem in the government is that laws can be manipulated. Even the laws that they created, that they interpreted, and they implemented are later on manipulated by the same people to serve their interests. It was also said that after the term of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, the system was flooded with new aspirants for congressional seats, where many of them were considered bogus party-lists. That is why the Bayan Muna Party-List and the Makabayan Bloc continue to run and serve the people, to show that the system is for the marginalized and underrepresented and that the corrupt traditional politicians must not enter the system.

Majority of the ordinary members attuned that the system is for the marginalized and underrepresented but have different points of emphasis. For the ordinary members of the Bayan Muna, ordinary Bayan Muna member 1 said that the Party-List System is for all, he was the only one who deviated from all of the respondents. While ordinary Bayan Muna member agreed that the system is for the marginalized and underrepresented because the system is just used by the elites and an avenue for them for corruption. For the ordinary members of the Anakpawis, exclusivity was the intention, but the elites have already dominated the system because they have the capital to campaign. It was discussed by them that the mass movement is still decisive and significant as the system is dominated by the elites, if not in Congress, the voice of the people will be heard in the streets. For the ordinary members of the Kabataan, since the Congress is already elite-dominated, it will be redundant if the system is also opened to them.

Identity of the Represented and the Representative

All of the positioned staffs answered that the elite must not be a representative of a party-list, especially sectoral party-lists. It is not enough just to be an advocate of a sector or a party-list, it was seen by the positioned party-list members for the elite to infiltrate the system. How can a representative genuinely serve its constituents if his life is far from the lives that he is representing. When the system is infiltrated by political dynasties, former military men or police, celebrities, and businessmen, the marginalized are further marginalized in the system.

The positioned member of the ACT Teachers discussed the scheme of the political elites in having regional party-lists. He says that local political dynasties create their own regional party-lists and influence their local constituents to vote for that party-list. When a local elite has a regional party-list, other national party-lists may not enter or campaign for that region. Unlike before, since district congressmen are not threatened by national and sectoral party-lists since votes for party-lists and district congressmen are separate, these parties may enter freely their districts. But when the local elite also have a party-list that he protects, there would already be a monopoly of seats in district and party-list votes.

For the ordinary party-list members, majority also stated that elites as advocates should not run in party-list elections. Again, ordinary Bayan Muna member 1 deviated from the answers. For him, an alite may run as long as he serves the people. For the ordinary members of Kabataan, they answered yes, an elite may represent a party-lists if he is genuinely submerged in the sector, but there is a problem on how to measure on how submerged a person or how can one really say that one is an advocate. Bearing that notion, they said that it is safer to have a representative from the sector itself and not an elite.

The ordinary members of Anakpawis answered firmly that elites should not be representatives it is already the status quo in Congress, they are businessmen and politicians who use capital in buying votes and setas in Congress. They also gave COOP-NATCO, 1PACMAN, and Ako Bicol as party-lists controlled by traditional politicians. From the positioned members and the ordinary members, Mikey Arroyo and his party-list Ang Galing Pinoy was a recurring example of a representative that does not genuinely represent his sector. While for an elite that may genuinely serve the people and represent the interests of the marginalized, Gina Lopez was a recurring example.

On the principle of „representation‟ and on the evaluation of the Party-list System

Principle of Representation

All of the respondents answered similarly. Not all party-lists genuinely accomplished representing their sectors or constituents and only the Makabayan Bloc was consistent in representing the marginalized and underrepresented being the primary movers of the people‘s agenda in Congress. The Makabayan Bloc has represented their sectors through their legislations and privilege speeches. The members also mentioned that in Congress, especially in passing legislations, it‘s a numbers game. Considering that the Congress is elite-dominated, the Makabayan Bloc has a difficulty in finding co- authors and sponsors to create a bigger coalition to have a bigger influence and gain support inside Congress. It was also said that the Makabayan Bloc genuinely represents its sectors through having national conventions for consultation and planning. The inputs and agendas of the people are heard in these conventions.

Ensuring the Representation of the Marginalized Sectors

All respondents who answered the question said that the Party-List System, in its current implementation, does not ensure that the marginalized are represented. In the current composition of the Party-List System, majority do not represent the marginalized, even the regional party-lists are used to enlarge the political clout of traditional politicians. According to the ordinary members of the Kabataan Party-List, with the way that the current system is framed, a party-list must have a great deal of social and

73 actual capital to campaign nationally. Needing financial support, credibility of a party-list is at stake in receiving financial backing, for it is highly probable avenue for patronage.

Legislations of the Party-List

In answering the question on what are the legislations of the party-list that they belong, the positioned members of the party-lists have answered more legislations than the ordinary members. For the ordinary members of the Bayan Muna, they mentioned, right to have shelter, the SSS pension increase, right to have health care, and overseeing the prices of electricity and water. For the positioned member of Bayan Muna, he mentioned the Anti-Torture Law, Martial Law Victims Compensation, Free calls during times of calamity, SSS pension increase, Ending contractualization, and Genuine Agrarian Reform.

For the Ordinary members of Anakpawis, they mentioned the 750 national minimum wage for workers, free irrigation, GARB, Anti-Contractualization Bill, moratorium in demolitions, and SSS pension increase. On the other hand, their positioned staff mentioned ending contractualization, Genuine Agrarian Reform, and Free Irrigation.

For the Ordinary members of Kabataan, they mentioned Human Rights in School Curricula, and Free Public Wi-Fi Bill. While their positioned staff mentioned House Bill 4800 or the Comprehensive Public Higher Education for All Act, Anti-No Permit No Final Exam Bill, Students‘ Rights Bill, Campus Press Freedom Bill, Free Wi-Fi Bill, Human Rights in Education Bill, and the BPO Workers‘ Welfare Bill. For the positioned staff of ACT-Teachers, he mentioned the Salary Increase for Public School Teachers, Lowering the Age Retirement for Public School Teachers, World Teachers Day, Election Service Reform Act, and increase in clothing and chalk allowance.

Positive Impacts in Being a Party-List Member

In terms of economic gains, all of the respondents said that there are none from just being a member. The great impact for the members can be seen in the social aspect of being a party-list member. All of the respondents answered that being part of a party-list increased their political, social, and economic awareness. Being part of the marginalized sectors, it was said that it is important to be socially aware of the real situation of society that the ruling elite is hiding from us. In being aware, the members understood why there is a need for struggle for the rights of the people. With this, they realized that there is a moral duty to educate others on the political realities in our society. It was also mentioned that in joining a party-list, one may increase his social capital, in meeting like-minded people, and integrate in collective action. Through legislations, benefits may come forth when turned into law like the SSS pension increase, increased allowance for teachers, and free education in SUC‘s to name a few; the party-

74 lists then will continue to struggle to pass progressive legislations that are in the political and economic interest of the common people.

Bastardization of the Party-List System

Members of the party-lists, ordinary and positioned, concurred that the Party-List System is bastardized. The main reason why the system is considered bastardized is because the system is now opened to all by the Supreme Court and the Comelec. The clear intent of the system is that the marginalized and underrepresented sectors may be represented in Congress. For the members, majority of the party-lists do not represent the marginalized and underrepresented, these party-lists only vote for proposed bills and does not create their own. Majority of the party-lists can also be described active only during elections, but when a party-list already gains a seat, their representatives will be passive in Congress. Members mentioned party-lists that do not truly represent the marginalized sectors. One is Ako Bicol, a party-list of wealthy contractors, A-Teacher as a party-list that does not represent teachers but school owners, Manila Teachers as a party-list of a millionaire that owns a lending company for teachers. There are also other allegations from the members about some anomalies in the system. It was said that Lito Atienza has paid the Comelec 3-5 million pesos so he can be the representative of Buhay Party-List and win elections with Mike Velarde. Mamamayan Ayaw sa Droga (MAD) Party-List of Richard Gomez was also said to be controversial for its advocacy was already part of a government program. With the flawed system of the party-lists, it was said that that we cannot blame the voters to be disillusioned with the party-list system. If one votes of a certain party-list, and eventually the voter sees that his party-list did nothing in Congress, it is highly probable that the voter‘s perception on the system would be negative.

Evaluation the Implementation of the Commission on Elections

On having Information Drives

Party-list members convey that the Comelec has no, or lacks, information drives. The system is implemented for 19 years, and until now, voters still don‘t know the technicalities in party-list elections. Members said that there are instances that supporters of the Makabayan Bloc shared that they voted for all the progressive party-lists. The party-lists themselves conduct information drives about the Party-List System when campaigning. With this, the lack of information drives by the Comelec causes additional costs for the party-lists.

On the Formula Used by the Comelec

No interviewed party-list member has specifically explained what is the formula used in the Party-List System especially in allocating additional seats. One contention on the formula was the 3-seat cap for it negates the call for representation by invalidating the votes of the people because the seats allocated is limited to three. While for the positioned member of Bayan Muna, even though they were a victim of the 3-seat cap before as they have garnered more than 6% of votes, the 3-seat cap still protects the system from the domination of a bogus party-list of the elites. For the positioned member of the Anakpawis, the formula is one of the source of corruption in the system. While for the Kabataan Party- List positioned member, the formula or the system itself is favorable to the regional party-lists as they have more specific and assured votes. Ordinary Kabataan member 2 mentioned that the Comelec being the final arbiter of electoral rules maybe wrong but technically right, because the authority lies with them.

On the Number of Party-lists Running for Elections

Every group for analysis says that the number of party-list allowed to run for elections is too high. The cause of the high number of party-lists running is the laxity of requirements of the Comelec. With a long list of party-list that a voter may choose from, it may be confusing and lead a voter to overvote. And with many party-lists who claim to represent the same sector, it will be hard for voters to identify who genuinely represent the sector.

On Screening Party-Lists and their Representatives

Members of the party-lists who answered the question went back to the discussion on bogus party-lists and the laxity of requirements to be able to run in the party-list elections. The positioned staff of Anakpawis mentioned that there is an issue where the Comelec itself sells a seat and offers probable personalities or groups to be nominees in the party-list elections. The mere fact that there is already a term like ‗bogus party-lists‘ is already a manifestation that the system is corrupted. For the ordinary Kabataan member 2, the composition of the Comelec is detrimental. The Comlec may have new rules but it still depends on how it is implemented and followed.

Perception on Other Party-lists

The members perceives that the Makabayan Bloc party-lists are genuinely serving the people and consistently promote pro-people legislations no matter what pressures they are against in Congress. Some members mentioned that the genuineness of a party-list may be seen on their stance on the PDAF. It was said that after the PDAF was removed, some party-lists lost their enthusiasm in running last 2016 elections. And even the House Speaker threatened to remove the Makabayan Bloc representatives in their chairmanships in Congress if they voted against the Death Penalty, the Makabayan Bloc still voted

76 against the bill and was removed from their chairmanships in Congress Committees. Other than the Makabayan Bloc, the Akbayan, and Kabayan Party-Lists may also be considered as vocal in Congress. For the other party-lists, majority can be considered as bogus party-lists of the elites and just ran for the perks in legislation.

On whether to scrap or reform the Party-list System

Stand on Pres. Duterte in Abolishing the System

In answering the allegation of President Duterte regarding the allegation that the Makabayan Bloc bastardizes the Party-List System because the funds of the Party-Lists are used to finance the arms of the NPA, the members answered that the party-lists has no capacity to do so. Since the GMA administration, the Makabayan Party-Lists has no pork barrel. The funds given to the party-lists are just enough for the maintenance of their offices. It was said that this is already an old allegation on the Makabayan Bloc but there are no evidences to support it. On the basis that the system is bastardized because the elites have entered and the system, the members agree with that, but abolishing the whole system is not the answer. The system is the only space for the poor in government, even the barangays are led by dynasties. If the Party-List System is abolished, the progressives will have a difficulty in running against well-established political dynasties in congressional districts. Removing the system will just solidify the elite-dominated composition of Congress. If the Party-List System is bastardized, then he should identify who bastardized it for the marginalized and underrepresented still benefit from the system through the Makabayan Bloc.

Losses in Abolishing the System

The common answer of both ordinary and positioned members is that if the system is abolished, the marginalized will lose their voice in Congress and will be further marginalized in Philippine politics. It is acknowledged by the members that the system is an avenue for the marginalized and underrepresented to impart their interests, but it is only one avenue. There are other avenues to advocate change. It was shared by the positioned member of ACT-Teachers that since in the 1980‘s they already lobbied and influenced legislation even without the Party-List System. The struggle will continue even without the Party-List System. But of course, for all the interviewed members it is better to reform than to scrap the system.

Pursuing to Abolish the System

In asking whether the abolishing of the system would pursue, the members said that we should take the pronouncement of the president with a grain of salt. If he pursues to abolish the system, many

77 will surely oppose it, even his allies. Since the Makabayan Bloc is part of the Majority in Congress together with the President‘s political party PDP-Laban, the Makabayan Bloc should know if there are already moves regarding changing the Constitution and the Party-List System, so far, there are none.

Recommendation

The primary recommendation that the members have given was that the system must be exclusive and reserved to the marginalized and underrepresented sectors. With this, the Comelec must be strict in screening the party-lists that can run in elections. For the Kabataan Party-List positioned member, it is important to educate the voters on how power and politics work in the country. He also said that it is important to look at the economic aspect of vote-buying. If the people have decent jobs and not in poverty, the people will not practice to sell their votes. For the positioned member of ACT-Teachers, requirements passed by the party-lists must be publicize, like the name of the party‘s nominees and their SALN. There must also be a minimum age of party-lists that run in elections. It was also shared that campaign funds must be subsidized to minimized the huge advantage of the elites.

Key Informant Interview

In answering on what is the Party-List System, the Key Informant was the first and only person who mentioned that the system is a proportional electoral system. It was pointed out that mentioning that there are marginalized and underrepresented sectors in need for representation, it means that there is an admission that the Congress does not truly represent the people. For the Key Informant, there was no logic in letting the same congressmen in the 80% of Congress to enter in the 20% reserved for the Party- List System, if that is allowable in the first place, why create a separate system for the Party-List System. Therefore, the system is reserved for the marginalized and the underrepresented as enumerated in the law and the Constitution. If the Constitution did not specifically state that the system is reserved for the marginalized and underrepresented, the more that it didn‘t specifically sate that it is open to all. And if the Constitution was not clear, one must interpret it according to its spirit, which was for the marginalized and underrepresented.

The answers of the Key Informant were similar to the answers of the interviewed members of this research. The Key Informant discussed more on the formula of the party-list that the members have failed to do. For the Key Informant, the main problem about the allocation of seats is because of the 3-seat cap, for in having a cap, the system will never be proportional. And in maintaining the 3-seat cap and proportionality, the Comelec and the Supreme Court was forced to invent formulae that is not truly proportional. Key Informant also doesn‘t understand the logic on the notion that the 3-seat cap was to

78 prevent domination of a certain party-list, the Key Informant see this as pretentious. If the Liberal Party won 90% of seats in Congress, do we have a problem? There is none, so why limit the party-lists only up to 3 representatives. There is also corruption in the formula. It was said in the interview that there are party-lists who are proclaimed months after the election. This scheme uses the flawed formula to benefit certain party-lists that the reason in proclaiming the party-list late because of discussions on the formula.

In answering on the pronouncement of Pres. Duterte, for the Key Informant, if the basis of the president in abolishing the system is because it is bastardized, then the whole government be then abolished because many are corrupt. For the Key Informant, the solutions are reversing the Atong Paglaum v. Coemelc case, reservation of the system to the marginalized, a minimum annual salary for nominees, exclusion of government personalities, the nominee must from the sector, and that proportionality must be followed.

Chapter VI

Analysis, Conclusion, and Recommendation

Analysis

Being from the same political bloc in Congress, the progressive party-lists have similar answers. All respondents answered that the duty of a party-list member is to educate, organize, and mobilize, this may mean that a member is equipped regarding the ideologies and perceptions regarding the Party-List System and its constituents. One question that the members have difficulty in answers is about the formula used in allocating seats. No one from the interviewees besides the key informant was sure on what formula is used and its details. With the complexity of the formulae used by the Comelec as they try invent these formulae to better follow the proportionality rule of the system, which is negated by the 3- seat cap. The members themselves do not know how votes of the party-lists are counted and given seats.

The researcher found that the positioned party-list members have identical answers compared to the ordinary members. Ordinary members have the similar answers but have different points of emphasis. For Bayan Muna ordinary members, because they are members in a community that is about to be relocated, their answers emphasized basic human rights, social services, and the mass movement. For the Anakpawis ordinary members, they emphasized Marxist principles and terms like landlords, big business, and elites where the masses are exploited. While for the Kabataan ordinary members, their emphasis was on the facts from literature and law.

This kind of analysis supports the choice of the researcher to use constructivism for concern of the researcher on how the concept of the party-list system is constructed or absorbed by the members that determines their practice and stance on the issue. Starting from how they identify themselves as marginalized in their knowledge of their everyday understanding of their situation, to how they perceived that they needed to join a party-list to further their interest in the political arena. Their perception on the party-list system on why they think that the system must be preserved for the marginalized and underrepresented sectors is best identified by their narratives through interview as they create their own version of the party-list system based on their experiences and beliefs in contrast to the textualized version of the Party-list System. It was even mentioned by the positioned staff of Kabataan Party-List, ―Kasi kumbaga yung consciousness naman ng isang tao, kung paano niya tignan yung lipunan, nakabatay naman yun sa kanyang ginagawa, o kanyang kapaligiran, diba., ‖

The differences on the points of emphasis between the party-lists were eminent on their understanding on concept of the Party-list System. The same cannot be observed on their answers on the

80 evaluation of the Party-List System. The analysis of the researcher on this is that on questions about their understanding on the concept of the Party-List System, their answers are based on how they integrated with their sector, from the personal to the sectoral. The constructs from self experiences were drawn in answering the questions. While on the questions regarding the evaluation of the system, the members viewed the system as a whole, how the system is bastardized as whole. The constructs from experiences of the system were drawn in answering the questions; leading to their answers to be very similar on questions on evaluation no matter what type of member or what party-list.

Conclusion

The Party-List System is a social justice tool to solve the inequality in the Philippines. Throughout the history of the Philippines, influenced by our colonizers, politics in our country is elite- driven and oligarchical. Analyzing Philippine politics using the institutional elite theory, set the situation and reality of Philippines that elected and appointed officials are just in a cycle of prominent names. Elite versus elite, regime change are just changes from one family to another. With this, in the 1986 Constitutional Convention, the Commissioners acknowledge the need for a Party-List System that opened the Congress to the marginalized and underrepresented sectors. But even in the system for the marginalized and underrepresented sectors, the marginalized are still marginalized as the elite infiltrated the system authorized by the also flawed Philippine electoral system.

The Party-List System is considered to be bastardized because of the interpretation of the Supreme Court and the poor implementation of the Comelec, through the authoritative expert knowledge as power theory of Michel Foucault, Supreme Court‘s power in meaning-making to define and interpret the RA 7941 exemplifies what is best for the interests of the ruling elite.

Since the issue is on the Constitution and the RA7941, authoritative power was with the Supreme Court. Mr. Monsod must not have a bearing in the argument because he lost in the voting the Constitutional Commission on whether to reserve the system to the marginalized but he still had influence because he was the main sponsor of the system. This is also exemplified by the Comelec in choosing policies like creating such formula for the system which is allegedly leads to corruption. And as said by ordinary Kabataan member 2, ―Comelec being the final arbitter of electoral rules, if maybe that they are wrong, they are technically right, because the authority lies with them‖. The Atong Paglaum v. Comelec case negates the spirit of the Constitution in interpreting the Party-List System. In the concurring opinion of former Chief Justice Puno in the BANAT v COMELEC Case, it is the intent of the sovereign people that matters in interpreting the Constitution, as in Civil Liberties Union v. Executive Secretary. Limiting the system to the marginalized and underrepresented is aligned to reducing inequalities by equitably

81 diffusing wealth and political power for the common good. Despite of this, the implementation of the Party-list law still favored the opinion of the technocrats than of the people.

These two theories are used to explain why the system is bastardized leading to the perception that it should be abolished. To combat such perception, the researcher aimed to gather data from the constituents of the Party-lists why the Party-List System must be reformed in accordance to its intention based on their perception.

The data gathered from the interviews is analogous to the Tentative Answer provided by the researcher in Chapter I. Based on the findings in answering the Research Question of this study, the members of the progressive party-lists wanted reform, and not total abolishment of the system. For them, even if it is bastardized, the system still represents the people especially the constituents of the Makabayan Bloc. Abolishing the system will just lead to a Congress that is totally composed of the elite. Reforming the system exclusively for the marginalized and underrepresented are their plea. Therefore, their main recommendation or what action must be done regarding the issue of its bastardization is to reserve the system for the marginalized and underrepresented sectors.

Recommendation

With the gathered data from secondary sources and from the interviews, the flaws of the Party- List System and the evaluation of the progressive party-lists members is known. To better serve the people, especially the marginalized and underrepresented, it is imperative to interpret the Constitution on the basis of its spirit. The Party-List System is intended to open the Congress to the marginalized and underrepresented sectors, therefore, opening it to the elites would negate its purpose considering the oligarchical character of Philippine politics. Inspired by the HB 79 Genuine Party-List Group and Nominee Bill of the Bayan Muna (Please see Appendix D) and by the respondents of this paper, being an evaluative study on the Party-List System, the researcher would like to recommend:

 Have a final reversal the Atong Paglaum v Comelec judgement  The Party-List System must be reserved exclusively for the marginalized and underrepresented sectors of society  Nominees must be from the sectors that they represent  Have a minimum age for registering as a party-list atleast 5 years of establishment  Publicize all documents submitted by all party-list nominees  Publicize the names of party-list representative nominees  Publicize the SALN of party-list representative nominees

 Maximum Income requirement for nominees  Have a genuine proportional representation  Have full blown information drives about the Party-List System by the Comelec  Subsidize campaign expenditures

References

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Ager, M. (2016, August 2). Reform, not abolish, party-list system—Hontiveros. Inquirer.net. Retrieved from http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/802060/reform-not-abolish-party-list-system-hontiveros

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Arao, D. et al. (2007). Oligarchic politics: elections and the party-list system in the Philippines. Quezon City: Policy Study Publication and Advocacy & Center for People Empowerment in Governance

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Arcangel X. (2016, September 1). Up to the people to decide on abolition of party-list system – Alvarez. GMA News Online. Retrieved from http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/story/ 575868/news/nation/up-to-the-people-to-decide-on-abolition-of-party-list-system-alvarez

Barangay Association for National Advancement and Transparency (BANAT) v. Commission on Elections, G.R. No. 179271, (SC, 2009). Retrieved from http://www.lawphil.net/judjuris/juri2009/apr2009/gr_179271_2009.html

Bastardize - definition of bastardize by The Free Dictionary. (n.d.). In TheFreeDictionary.com. Retrieved from http://www.thefreedictionary.com/bastardize Bills | Gabriela Women's Party. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://www.gabrielawomensparty.net/legislationtype/bills Cayabyab, M. (2012, October 30). Mikey Arroyo's party-list disqualified from 2013 polls. GMA News Online. Retrieved from http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/story/ 280237/news/nation/mikey-arroyo-s-party-list-disqualified-from-2013-polls

Clemente, E. et al. (2011). 12 years of the party-list system: Marginalizing People‘s Representation. Quezon City: Policy Study Publication and Advocacy & Center for People Empowerment in Governance

Coronel, S. et al. (2007). The rulemakers: how the wealthy and well-born dominate congress. Pasig City; Anvil Publishing Inc.

De Leon, H. (1999). Textbook on the Philippine Constitution. Manila City: Rex Bookstore

Drake, M. (2010). Political sociology for a globalizing world. UK: Polity Press Duterte, R. (2016, July 29). Speech presented at Press Conference, Davao.

Esmaquel II, P. (2012, October 10). Comelec disqualifies top party-list group. Rappler. Retrieved from http://www.rappler.com/nation/politics/elections-2013/13929-comelec-disqualifies-top-party-list group

Flick, U. (2009). An introduction to qualitative research (4th ed.). Los Angeles, CA: SAGE.

Her Story | Gabriela Women's Party. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://www.gabrielawomensparty.net/content/her-story House Bills | Bayan Muna. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://www.bayanmuna.net/housebills Hutchcroft, P. & Rocamora, J. (2003). Strong demands and weak institutions: the origins and evolution of the democratic deficit in the Philippines. Journal of East Asian Studies, 3 (2), 259-292. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23417680.

Kimura, M. (2013). Toward a more workable Philippine party-list system: addressing problems of sectoral and proportional representation. Philippine Political Science Journal. 34:1, 62-82, DOI: 10.1080/01154451.2013.789164.

Legislative – Anakpawis Partylist. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://www.anakpawis.net/category/legislative/ Lopez, M. & Wui, M. (1997). State-civil society relations in policy-making. Quezon City: Third World Studies Center.

Naguit, R. (2016, August 2). Fix the system, don‘t abolish party-lists - lawmakers. Interaksyon. Retrieved from http://www.interaksyon.com/article/131002/fix-the-system-dont-abolish-party-lists lawmakers

Nash, K. (2010). Changing definitions of power and politics. Contemporary Political Sociology: Globalization, Politics and Power. NJ:Wiley-Blackwell Our Background | Bayan Muna. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://www.bayanmuna.net/content/our- background-0 Padilla, A. (2013, May 28). 29 of 53 partylist reps from political clans, ex-government officials, multi millionaires. Bicol Today. Retrieved from http://bicoltoday.com/2013/05/29/29-of-53-partylist reps-from-political-clans-ex-government-officials-multi-millionaires/

Party-List System Act, Republic Act No.7941. Approved on March 3, 1995

‗Party-list system should not be among the victims of killings‘. (2016, August 3). Retrieved from http://news.abs-cbn.com/news/08/02/16/party-list-system-should-not-be among the-victims-of killings

Republic of the Philippines v. Carlito Lacap, G.R. No. 158253, (SC, 2007). Retrieved from http://www.lawphil.net/judjuris/juri2007/mar2007/gr_158253_2007.html

Simbulan, D. (2005). The modern principalia, 1-12, 240-253. Quezon City: The University of the Philippines Press.

Torres-Tupas, T. (2016, July 11). SC asked to order Comelec to act on Gabriela‘s 3-seat petition. Inquirer.net. Retrieved from http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/795415/sc-asked-to-order comelec-to-act-on-gabrielas-3-seat-petition

Veterans Federation Party et al v. Commission on Elections, et al., G.R. No. 136781, (SC, 2000). Retrieved from http://www.lawphil.net/judjuris/juri2000/oct2000/gr_136781_2000.html

Appendixes

Appendix A: Interview Guide for the Researcher Introductory Questions:

1. Please state your name. 2. How old are you? 3. Please state your place of residence. (Municipality/ City and Province) 4. When did you first join the party-list? 5. How did you come to know the party? 6. How did you become a member of the party?

Interview Questions:

On understanding the concept of the Party-list System

1. What is the Party-list System? 2. What are the duties of a party-list member? 3. Do you think that the party-list system must be exclusive for the marginalized and underrepresented sectors? Why and why not? 4. Do you think that wealthy or elite representatives should run as party-list representatives? Do you think they would able to represent the marginalized sectors of society?

On the principle of ‗representation‘ and on the evaluation of the Party-list System

1. Is the principle of representation accomplished by the Party-list System? How? 2. Do you think that the current Party-list System ensure representation of the marginalized sector? 3. Would you say that the party is able to represent your sector‘s interest in Congress? 4. What are the legislations passed by the party-list to level the interest of the sector? 5. Did you experience any positive impact in your social and economic life? 6. Do you think that the Party-list system is bastardized? Why? Or Why not? (If yes, what are the specific evidences of this bastardization of the system?) 7. Are you familiar of the formula? If yes, is the current formula the ideal formula in allocating seats? 8. Can you evaluate the implementation of the Commission on Elections on following aspects: a. Information drives, are the voters well-informed about the party-list system? b. Screening of the Party-lists who could run for election

c. The number of party-lists that could run for elections d. The formula implemented in allocating seats

On whether to scrap or reform the Party-list System

1. What is your stand on the pronouncement of Pres. Duterte in scrapping the system in his plan to amend the Constitution? 2. What are the losses in scrapping the system? 3. Is the system that bastardized that is already unable of saving? 4. Do you think the president would pursue the scrapping of the system? 5. Scrap or reform the system?

Recommendations

1. What would you want to improve on the system? 2. If the system would be scrapped, what kind of system would best replace it?

Appendix B: Recruitment Letter

Dear ______, of ______Party-list

I am Joshua Nathaniel C. Reyes and I am an undergraduate student at the University of the Philippines Manila. I am a Political Science undergraduate and doing my thesis on the Party-List System of the Philippines in partial fulfillment of the requirements for our Political Science 198 class.

I am sending this letter to explain why I would like the party-list to participate in my research study. My study entitled ―Reforming the Scraps of what is Left: The Perception of Progressive Bloc Party-list Members on Whether to Scrap or Reform the Party-list System‖, the study would like to provide a qualitative study on the evaluation of the party-list members according to their perception of the Party-list System. The study will try to evaluate the current situation of the Party-list System that may influence reforms for the betterment of the system and add to current literature.

With your permission, I will conduct 3 in-depth interviews with the members of your party-list group. The interview would take about 25-45 minutes. The questions and the medium of conversation would be in Filipino. (Please see attached list of questions to be asked.) The interview would be audio recorded with your permission and the researcher would also take notes. The recording is to accurately record the information you provide, and will be used for transcription purposes for this particular study only. Every interviewee is free to decline to take part in the study. Any interviewee can decline to answer any questions and are free to stop taking part in the study at any time. Due to limitations, there is no compensation for, or direct benefit of participating in this study. Rather, it is hoped that the research will benefit the party-list system as a whole as the study will try to evaluate the current situation of the Party- list System that may influence reforms for the betterment of the system and add to current literature. If you have any questions, please feel free to contact me at 09057432503.

This letter will serve as a consent form for your participation.

Sincerely, Noted by:

Joshua Nathaniel C. Reyes Josefina G. Tayag, DPA BA Political Science, 4th year Thesis Adviser University of the Philippines Manila Department of Social Sciences

Appendix C: Informed Consent Form Ang kasulatan ng may kaalamang pahintulot na ito ay para sa mga miyembro ng mga progresibong party- list na aming iniimbitahang lumahok sa pananaliksik na pinamagatang ―The Perception of Progressive Bloc Party-List Members on Whether to Scrap or Reform the Party-list System‖

Ako po ay si Joshua Nathaniel C. Reyes, isang mag-aaral ng University of the Philippines Manila na ginagabayan ng aking propesor na si Josefina G. Tayag, DPA ng Departamento ng Araling Panlipunan. Ako po ay kasalukuyang nananaliksisk ukol sa Party-List System ng Pilipinas. Ako ay magbibigay ng impormasyon at imbitasyon sa inyo na maging kalahok ng aking pananaliksik. Maaari po niyo akong pahintuin habang pinapaliwanag ang kasulatan na ito o ang aking pananaliksik at ako po naman ay magbibigay ng oras para sagutin ang iyong mga katanungan kung mayroon man.

Ang Party-List System ay maaaring ituring na ―social justice tool‖ kung saan ang mga iba‘t-ibang sektor ng lipunan na hindi narerepresenta sa Konggreso ay maaaring lumahok sa pamamagitan ng pagbuo ng isang partido o organisasyon na lalahok sa nasyonal na eleksyon. Sa Party-List System, maaaring magkaroon ng boses ang mga sektor sa Konggreso at sila mismo ang gagawa ng mga batas na magpapabuti ng lipunan. Ngunit ang sistema na ito ay nanganganib, binanggit ng ating Presidente Duterte noong Hulyo 29, 2016 na sa pag amendiya ng Konstitusyon, tatanggalin na ang Party-List System dahil ito raw ay ―bastardized‖ na, at hindi na nagsisilbi para sa ―marginalized and underrepresented sectors‖. Dahil dito, gusto po naming malaman kung anong paningin ng mga miyembro ng mga progresibong party-list.

Ang pananaliksik po na ito ay nangangailangan ng iyong partisipasyon para sa pagsasagawa ng mga panayam ukol sa ating Party-List System na maaring tumagal ng 25-45 na minuto. Kayo po ay aming inaanyayahan na lumahok sa aming pananaliksik dahil bilang isang miyembro ng isang progresibong party-list, kayo po ay makakapagbigay ng kaalaman at pag-unawa sa tunay na kalagayan ng ating Party-List System. Kung kayo po ay sasang-ayon, ako ay magsasagawa ng isang panayam. Kapag mayroon po kayong nais na hindi sagutin, maaari niyo itong sabihin at tutuloy na lamang sa susunod na tanong. Maaari niyo rin po itigil ang panayam anong oras mang inyong naisin. Ang mga makakalap po na impormasyon ay konpidensyal at ang buong panayam ay audio-recorded. Ang mga impormasyon po na ito ay para sa mananaliksik lamang at buburahin rin pagkatapos ng saliksik.

Walang pong direktang benepisyo para po sa inyo ang panayam na ito, ngunit ang iyong paglahok ay makakatulong sa pag-aaral ng ating Party-List System at sa adbokasiya ng inyong partido ukol sa Party-List System. Ang inyong partido ay makakatanggap ng kopya ng saliksik na ito kapag matagumpay

90 ng natapos ng mananaliksik. Kung kayo po ay may katanungan ukol sa pag-aaral na ito, maaari ninyo po akong makausap sa numerong 09057432503.

Sertipiko ng Kaalamang Pahintulot

Ako ay inimbitahan na lumahok sa saliksik tungkol sa Party-List System. Nabasa ko ang dokumentong ito at naipaliwanag ng tagapagsaliksik. Mayroon akong opurtunidad na magtanong ukol rito at kung mayroon man, ito ay maayos na naipaliwanag at nasagot ng tagapagsaliksik. Pinahintulutan ko na malayang lumahok sa pag-aaral na ito.

Pangalan ng Kalahok: ______

Lagda ng Kalahok:______

Petsa: ______

Salaysay ng Maniniliksik na Tumatanggap ng Pahintulot

Maayos kong naipaliwanag sa potensyal na kalahok ang dokyumentong ito at ang aking saliksik, at sa abot the aking makakaya ay naipaliwanag sa kalahok na ang pahayag ay audio recorded. Ang makakalap na impormasyon ay para sa saliksik lamang, at wala siyang direktang benepisyo sa saliksik na ito. Pinapatunayan ko na ang kalahok ay binigyan ng opurtunidad na magtanong at naisagot sa abot ng aking makakaya. Pinapatunayan ko na ang indibidwal ay hindi pinilit na ibigay ang kanyang pahintulot, at ang pahintulot na ito ay binigay ng kusa at malaya.

Ang kalahok ay mabibigyan ng isang kopya ng dokumentong ito.

Pangalan ng Maniniliksik: Joshua Nathaniel C. Reyes Pangalan ng Tagapagpayo: Josefina G. Tayag, DPA

Lagda ng Maniniliksik: ______Lagda ng Tagapagpayo: ______

Petsa:______Petsa: ______

Appendix D: Genuine Party-List Group and Nominee Bill

Appendix E: Coding for Themes and Subthemes

Positioned Staff of Bayan Muna Party-List

Question Data Page, Quote Themes Remarks, Significance Introductory Question How did you Joined the party-list From school Started young in become a member when he/she was a being a member of of the party? 1st year college Sympathetic to the a mass student in PUP. cause of the Party- organization. list Already a member of Anakbayan in From another high school mass organization

Encouraged because of the principles of the party On understanding the concept of the Party-list System What is the Party- From the Party- Participation and List System? List System Act, representation of the Party-List marginalized and System gives an underrepresented oppurtunity to the marginalized sector to have their own party that can run in Congress. What are the It depends on the Educate, organize, duties of a party- capacity of the and mobilize list member? member and the skills that he can provide. Examples are campaigning and voting for the party, supporting the struggle against national issues, participating in the activities of the party, and to encourage other people join. Do you think that The law intended Intention of the the party-list that the system is system system must be for the exclusive for the marginalized and Elite-dominated

99 marginalized and underrepresented. composition in underrepresented There are many Congress sectors? Why and political parties in why not? the country run by Participation and the elite, there is no representation of party for the little marginalized and people. The system underrepresented is an assurance that there is a representation of the common people inside the government. How about the One problem in the Kahit yung mga System is easily Gave examples of Atong Paglaum v. government, the batas mismo na cheated ‗bogus‘ party-lists Comelec Supreme laws can be sila yung gumawa, that are established Court decision manipulated. Even sila yung Bogus party-lists by political elites that enables elites the laws that they naginterpret, at to run? created, that they nagpapatupad. Tool for the elite Bayan Muna filed interpreted, and Later on, sila rin to infiltrate a petition regarding they implemented yung nagbabali for the reservation are later on dun eh., 153 of the Party-List manipulated. System to the marginalized and During the 2010 underrepresented elections, before sectors. GMA left, the party-list elections was flooded with new aspirants for congressional seats. Many of them were considered as ‗bogus‘ party-lists.

Traditional politicians saw another space to further their power and gain seats for their family. With this the system is bastardized.

Bayan Muna and other progressive party-lists of the Makabayan Bloc continues to run to show that the Party- list System is for

100

the marginalized and underrepresented, and that the rotten and big politicians must not enter the system.

Do you think that It is just an excuse. Parang yung batas Sincerity of Gave Mikey wealthy or elite na sila mismong nominee Arroyo from the representatives It is easy to say that nagpatupad, Ang Galing Pinoy should run as one is an advocate. babaliin nila at Party-list as an party-list magahahanap sila example; copied representatives? How can he be an ng lusot para the constitution Do you think they advocate where his magbigay ng and by-laws of would able to life is far from the katwiran yung Bayan Muna. represent the life of the pagbali nila sa marginalized constituents that he batas., 154 Gave Bantay sectors of society? is representing. Party-List of Gen. Palparan as an A party-list that has example whose an advocacy to objective was to defame another defame progressive party-list is not party-lists. allowed.

How can you represent your sector if you do not know the real situation of your people? On the principle of ‗representation‘ and on the evaluation of the Party-list System Is the principle of We believe that Elite-dominated The Makabayan representation majority of the composition in Bloc are the accomplished by party-lists are Congress primary movers of the Party-list already part of the the people‘s System? How? big politicians and agenda in big businessmen. Congress. Do you think that During the 2001 Kaya kami, Tool for the elite Stance of party- the situation of elections, there matibay yung to infiltrate lists on PDAF the Party-List were less party-lists paninindigan doon System is who registered in sa usapin ng may True functions of worsening? comparison to PDAF man o wala, a legislator today, maybe the hindi yan yun traditional primary kung bakit Increasing number politicians have not pumasok sa loob of nominees yet seen the system ng Kongreso ang as a potential primary ay i- Religious sect avenue for them to represent yung infiltrated the

101

gain seats. mga marginalized, system yung mahihirap sa As time goes by, loob ng Kongreso., Stance in PDAF the number of 155 party-lists who registered increased.

Even the religious sect created a party- list which is supposedly prohibited.

The genuineness of the party-lists can be seen on their stance regarding the PDAF issue, after scrapping the PDAF, many party- lists were not that decided to run for elections anymore.

It must be clear that the duty of a congressman is to create laws and not have executive projects that are the services of other agencies of the government. Do you think that Majority do not Tool for the elite the current Party- represent the to infiltrate list System marginalized, even ensures the regional parties representation of are just increasing the marginalized their clout for sector? political power of political dynasties. Do you think that Yes, an example Passing laws in Bayan Muna legislation is the Congress is a represents its SSS pension numbers game. sectors? increase. Other examples are bills regarding the issues on the high bills on electricity and water, and other

102

commodities where the common people and the poor are much affected. National issues like demolitions, national sovereignty, and national territory are continued to be campaigned in Congress. What are the Anti-Torture Law, legislations Martial Law passed by the Victims party-list to level Compensation, the interest of the Free calls during sector? times of calamity, SSS pension increase, Ending contractualization, Genuine Agrarian Reform Did you There are social Kaya mahalaga Awareness experience any benefits, but ito, kasi ano eh, positive impact in economically there mamumulat ka sa No economic gain your social and are none. tunay nakalagayan, economic life? labas doon sa pilit The political, It is important to be na tinatago sayo. social, and socially aware on Kumbaga, pinipilit economic system the real situation of tayong bulagin ng of the Philippines society that the naghahari para is flawed. ruling elite are magtakip-balikat hiding from us. sa mga hirap na Economic benefits That is why it is dinadanas natin., from legislations important to join 156 the progressive party-lists. Actually sa yaman ng Pilipinas, kung It is already the one hundred system that is million ang flawed in our population ng country. Pilipinas kahit doblehin, triplehin It is already known mo yan, kung yung since our yaman ng bansa elementary days natin ay nagagamit that the Philippines mismo ng is a rich country in Pilipinas, kayang terms of its niyang pakainin resources, so why ang lahat ng

103

are the Filipino populasyon, sa people are in yaman ng bansa poverty? natin., 157

Economically, the struggle is a long- term process, in terms of increasing the wage of workers, in land reform, having a national industry, after these are successfully implemented, that is only the time where we can experience a clear and comfortable life in the future. Do you think that Yes, the party-lists Only few the Party-list don‘t represent represent system is anymore the genuinely bastardized? marginalized and underrepresented Elite-dominated sectors, the composition in representatives are Congress from big political families.

With 50 plus party- list representatives in Congress, less than 30 or 20 are really working inside Congress, they only vote on proposed bills but not create their own. Can you evaluate I didn‘t see any No information the efforts of Comelec drive implementation of in having the Commission information drives, on Elections on the Party-lists are having the one who information conduct drives? information drives. Can you evaluate There are too Too many the many, it is very nominees implementation of easy to enter the

104 the Commission elections. Lax requirements on Elections on of Comelec the number of party-lists that could run for elections? Can you evaluate Bayan Muna 3-seat cap negates Not exactly stated the exceeded the 3- call for the formula implementation of seat cap, that is representation the Commission why it has been on Elections on decided to divide No cap, danger of the formula the party-lists into a dominant party- implemented in other groups rather list allocating seats? than having Bayan Muna as a sole Fill all seats representative of the progressive party-lists.

The problem if there is no cap is when a ‗bogus‘ party-list dominated the elections.

It is okay that the current formula fill all the seats. On whether to scrap or reform the Party-list System What is your Yes, the system is Saan naman Abolishing the The issue stand on the bastardized, but is tatakbo yung mga system is not a regarding that the pronouncement of not a reason to maralita, sa solution Makabayan Bloc Pres. Duterte in abolish the whole barangay? Ano rin funds the NPA is scrapping the system. naman, kontrolado Participation and an old black system in his plan rin naman yan ng representation of propaganda. to amend the It is the only space mga malalaking marginalized and Constitution? for the poor in pulitiko, so saan underrepresented Congress. lalagay yung mga marginalized?, 159 Elite-dominated Even the Barangays composition in are controlled by Kung ang pulitiko politics dynasties so where ay may three G‘s, will the yung kanilang Bogus party-lists marginalized go for gold, guns, and representation. goons para manalo Vote-buying sa election. Ang ‗Bogus‘ party-lists Bayan Muna ay practice vote- may three G‘s din buying and expends yan, una, yung

105

large amounts of goal, yung money just to gain grassroots, at seats. syempre yung gutts ng mga It is self evident leaders, members that the people na kahit sinong trusts Bayan Muna mga kalaban sa as the party puliyika tuloy lang consistently wins yan sa seats and earns pangangampanya., considerable votes 159 every election. Do you think the Even during his Kahit ano mang Federalism president would campaign, the klase ng gobyerno pursue the president already yan, basta‘t sila Elite-dominated scrapping of the advocated for parin yung composition in system? federalism which is naghahari, walang politics in need for a ano, walang Charter Change. magbabago no., The implementers 160 are great factors The issue is that for reform. any system that you implement in the Opposition on government, but the Cha-Cha same dynasties and elites dominate it, there would be no radical change in the government and politics.

We have to be an independent state, we need to have a national industry, we need to change our backward state of our agriculture, we need to have a land reform; if that is not the agenda in changing the Constitution, the people will oppose it. Scrap or reform Reform Reform the system? Recommendations What would you The Comelec Strict review of want to improve should be strict in track record

106 on the system? screening the party- lists that can run for Party-lists backed elections. by elites may not run Party-lists that are backed by big The law must be businessmen, big clear and specific politicians, and religious sects Exclusivity for the should not be marginalized and allowed to run underrepresented

The law should be clear and specific that the Party-List System is exclusively for the marginalized and underrepresented sectors. Table 2. Positioned Member of Bayan Muna Party-List Themes

Ordinary Members of Bayan Muna Party-list

Introductory Question How did you Recruited from From another mass Members are from become a Kabataan organization different mass member of the organizations. party? Recruited from Kalikasan On understanding the concept of the Party-list System What is the Party- Helps the people Protect the rights Specifically List System? and communities of the people mentioned helping through protecting in demolitions their rights and in other problems. Participation and representation of To give the marginalized and marginalized underrepresented people a voice in Congress. What are the A member Educate, organize, duties of a party- organizes other and mobilize list member? members. We will ask the problems Consultation of and demands of the constituents people to communicate them to the national

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government.

Educate the people and organize them towards the agenda of the party-lists for the betterment of the country. Do you think that No, it is for Open System the party-list everybody. (Bayan system must be Muna Ordinary Tool for the elite exclusive for the Member 1) to infiltrate marginalized and underrepresented Yes, it is for the sectors? Why and marginalized. The why not? traditional politicians should not enter the system because they will only bring their own interests in Congress and not of the people. It also enables the traditional politicians to have funds capable of corruption. (Bayan Muna Ordinary Member 2) Do you think that It depends on the Sincerity of Different answer wealthy or elite character, the nominee from others (Bayan representatives integrity of the Muna Ordinary should run as person, and if he Tool for the elite Member 1) party-list helps the people. to infiltrate representatives? An elite may run as Do you think they long as he serves would able to the people. (Bayan represent the Muna Ordinary marginalized Member 1) sectors of society? No they should not run, it is not their priority to serve the urban and rural poor. They only serve their own interest. It is not true that they serve the poor. (Bayan Muna Ordinary

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Member 2) On the principle of ‗representation‘ and on the evaluation of the Party-list System Is the principle of Yes, the party-lists Party-lists Different answer representation represent the introduce the from others (Bayan accomplished by people, they people Muna Ordinary the Party-list introduce the Member 1) System? How? people. (Bayan Only few Muna Ordinary represent Member 1) genuinely

Not all, only the progressive party- lists represents the people. (Bayan Muna Ordinary Member 2) Do you think that Yes, it ensures the Only few Different answer the current Party- representation of represent from others (Bayan list System the marginalized. genuinely Muna Ordinary ensures (Bayan Muna Member 1) representation of Ordinary Member the marginalized 1) sector? Not all. (Bayan Muna Ordinary Member 2) What are the Right to have legislations shelter, the SSS passed by the pension increase, party-list to level right to have health the interest of the care, and sector? overseeing the prices of electricity and water. Did you Became socially Awareness experience any aware on the positive impact in realities and the Protect the rights your social and state of the country of the people economic life? They helped the poor in which the primary problem is housing, and also helped in other social services.

Became socially aware, with that, it is our moral duty to educate others

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towards the realization of basic rights. Do you think that Yes, the economic Tool for the elite It is not the duty of the Party-list elites use the to infiltrate a congressman to system is system. If they implement social bastardized? really serve the Demand for social services. nation, even if they services are rich, they should give the proper social services to the people.

Not by the progressives, but by the fake or bogus party-lists Can you evaluate Answered why 3-seat cap negates Lacking the party-lists win. (i.e. call for information on implementation of programs, representation how the party-list the Commission principles, votes are counted on Elections on integrity) and how seats are the formula allocated. implemented in Remove the 3-seat allocating seats? cap. (Bayan Muna The researcher Ordinary Member tried to explain but 2) restrained to not give more than enough to avoid leading to the correct or wanted answer. Can you evaluate There are Lacking in the information drives information drive implementation of but not enough the Commission on Elections on having information drives?

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Can you evaluate If many party-list Call for genuine the tried to join, must party-lists implementation of to it that they serve the Commission their constituents Decrease number on Elections on and not their names of running party- the number of as party-lists. lists party-lists that could run for Lessen running elections? party-lists, and to decrease campaign spending.

What can you say We want them to Exclusivity for the about the other be removed as marginalized and party-lists that are party-lists because underrepresented not from the they are anti-poor. Makabayan Bloc? On whether to scrap or reform the Party-list System What is your The president is not Cha-Cha would be stand on the able to scrap the unsuccessful pronouncement of system. Pres. Duterte in scrapping the Regarding the Witnesses how the system in his plan accusation on the Makabayan Bloc to amend the progressives fund use their funds Constitution? the NPA, these accused party-lists Exclusivity for the are the true servants marginalized and of the people. The underrepresented allegations on the progressive party- Pres. Duterte as lists are not true, pro-people the members are witnesses how the funds are used.

It is better to remove the elites in the system who does not really serve the people.

Pres. Duterte as pro-people What are the The people who Protect the rights losses in approach party-lists of the people scrapping the to help them fight system? for their rights will Lose a be greatly affected. representative in

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Congress There will be no one in Congress who will fight for social services. Do you think the No, the president president would will lessen but not pursue the totally scrap the scrapping of the system. system? If he is pro-people, he will not scrap the system. Scrap or Reform? Reform Recommendations

What would you Remove the party- Sincerity of want to improve lists that does not nominee on the system? serve the people. Exclusivity for the 100% of the seats marginalized and would be for the underrepresented progressive party- lists, and to add more sectoral party-lists in Congress to solve the problems of the people. Table 3. Ordinary Members of Bayan Muna Party-List Themes

Positioned Staff of Anakpawis Party-List Introductory Question How did you Transferred from From another become a member Bayan Muna when mass organization of the party? Anakpawis decided to run in From school the 2004 elections and Member of NARRA-Youth and the Kilusang Mambubukid ng Pilipinas that are school based in PUP. On understanding the concept of the Party-list System What is the Party- The Party-List Participation and

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List System? System is representation of enshrined in the marginalized and Constitution where underrepresented 20 percent of the seats in Congress must be composed of representatives from the marginalized sector who traditionally doesn‘t have a voice in Congress to be able to formulate legislations for their issue. What are the Spread the Sila yung talagang Educate, organize, Mentioned Occupy duties of a party- advocacy of the underpriviledged and mobilize Bulacan because list member? party-list. na walang boses sa they are part of lipunan kaya kaya Anakpawis‘ kailangan ilaban constituents ang kanilang mga (Peasant, Urban issue at struggle. Poor, and 170 Workers)

Do you think that Supposedly, but Intention of the Mentioned Mikey the party-list there is a ruling of system Arroyo as a party- system must be the Supreme Court list representative exclusive for the that the Party-List Bogus party-lists marginalized and System is not only underrepresented for the sectors? Why and marginalized and why not? underrepresented sectors. It became anybody‘s ballgame that even ‗bogus‘ party-lists may enter.

The essence of the system is now defeated Do you think that The elites must not Mayroon silang Tool for the elite wealthy or elite run in the party-list malaking to infiltrate representatives system, because makinarya and should run as they are elites probably mananalo Genuine party-list representing the talaga sila kasi representation representatives? urban poor, it is mayroon talaga Do you think they not only politically silang ano eh, may Machinery of would able to incorrect, it is makinarya at pera elites

113 represent the bastardization. sila., 172 marginalized sectors of society? They only serve their vested interests. The system now is being entered by the political dynasties, former military men, former policemen, and other people who does not belong to the marginalized.

The problem is, they used the law itself to perpetuate themselves in the system, and because they have the money and machinery, it is likely that they would win. With this, the marginalized are still marginalized inside the system which was supposed to be for the marginalized. On the principle of ‗representation‘ and on the evaluation of the Party-list System Is the principle of The genuine party- Kasi kung ang Genuine From 7 co-authors representation lists do, like the tindig mo naman representation of GARB, now it accomplished by Anakpawis with eh nasa masa, may has 25. the Party-list their advocacies malaking impact Bogus party-lists System? How? regarding the yung pantindig mo In Congress, it is a moratorium on sa issue ng mga numbers game demolitions, mamamayan. Kaya increasing the ano tayo, syempre wages of workers, kulang sa numero, agrarian reform, maliit na numero, and free education pero nakakaano for the people. tayo, engage tayo sa mga issue na The ‗bogus‘ party- pambayan., 173 lists do not as they only serve their own vested

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interests. Would you say Of couse, the party Oh nagvote sila ng Track record of The Makabayan that the party is has been consistent no, nanakot si Makabayan Bloc Bloc lost its able to represent since 2004. No one Speaker, okay lang committee your sector‘s can question the yun, kasi diba, chairmanships interest in integrity of the hindi naman tayo when its Congress? party and the nariyan para representatives whole Makabayan maging sunod- voted against the Bloc. The party- sunuran, kung ano Death Penalty lists are not there yung agos ng ano to be slaves of the no, o trip ng mga political tao dyan, kundi atmosphere or ano yung para sa dominant powers kapakanan ng mga in Congress masa kaya kebs lang doon sa posisyon, na natanggal na tinanggal sila., 173 Do you think that No, because there Bogus party-lists the current Party- are many ‗bogus‘ list System ensures party-lists that representation of entered the system the marginalized sector?

What are the Ending Kasi nga pro- legislations passed contractualization, people yan, eh ang by the party-list to Genuine Agrarian Kongreso ay anti- level the interest Reform, Free people yung of the sector? Irrigation are pinapasa nila, eh proposed, but since talagang asa ka pa the Congress is diba.,173 anti-people, it is hard to So yun, tulak yun successfully pass ng mga kinatawan laws. The Free natin sa Kongreso Irrigation is at tsaka tulak din already approved ng mga magsasaka by the president na lumalaban sa and allocated with kalsada., 173 a budget. Did you Gain of confidence Although usapin Awareness experience any in collective rin naman ng positive impact in action, sharpening ekonomiya pero No economic gain your social and analysis on social hindi naman kasi economic life? realities. No yan yung economic gain. magtatakda nga well-being mo eh kasi syempre mas

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inaano mo yung mas mahirap pa sayo. Wala kang economic gain, kumbaga kaya nga serve the people eh no, talagang ano yan, dugo at pawis yan. Minsan nga buwis buhay kasi pinapatay nga yung mga aktibista eh., 174 Do you think that It is clear, because Yan naman ang Genuine the Party-list of the decision of katangian ng representation system is the Supreme Court gobyerno diba, bastardized? bastardized the mangsalaula eh, Mass movement system but the pero, syempre people still voted struggle yan eh., for us not because 174 of our money, but because we bring Inaasa rin naman their interests in nila sa mga Congress. aktibista para ilaban yung intres nila kunware sa, pagtumaas ba ng sahod, yung mga middle-class ba na opisina, exempted ba sila na dahil middle-class kayo wag kayo sumali sa tagumpay ng mga ano eh diba hindi naman.,174 Can you evaluate There is an issue Pasok sa isa pero Seats for Sale Seats for Sale the where the Comelec kapos sa dalawa implementation of itself sells a seat (seats), so nag- Bogus party-lists the Commission and offers a announce yung on Elections on probable Comelec chair, Screening of the personalities or sinabi niya dalawa, Party-lists who groups to be so parang mmmh could run for nominees in the syempre, yung election? party-list elections. mga ninja moves ng Comelec, may The mere fact that ganyan sa kanila. that ‗bogus‘ party- Kaya mismo party- list became list for sale na., nominees is 175 already a

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manifestation that the system is backward and corrupted. Can you evaluate That is where the Corruption in the Was not able to the Comelec formula explain the implementation of manipulates and formula and how the Commission do its magic for the additional seats on Elections on cheating. are given. the formula implemented in allocating seats? Can you evaluate The people still Lacking in the doesn‘t know how information drive implementation of to vote in the the Commission party-list system. Machinery of on Elections on elites having The people tend to information vote those party- drives? lists who spends much on advertisements and give dole outs. Can you evaluate It is very confusing Lacking in the for a voter to be information drive implementation of presented an long the Commission list of party-list on Elections on nominees, there the number of are even voters party-lists that who overvote. could run for elections? What can you say Other top voted Other party-lists The Makabayan about the other party-lists do not inefficient Bloc has no PDAF party-lists that are even propose not from the anything in Genuine Makabayan Bloc? Congress, only co- representation authorships.

The Makabayan Bloc is consistent in promoting pro- people legislations no matter pressure in Congress. On whether to scrap or reform the Party-list System What is your stand Even if the system Abolishing the on the is bastardized, the system is not a pronouncement of solution is not to solution Pres. Duterte in abolish the whole

117 scrapping the system. The Machinery of system in his plan progressives will elites to amend the have a difficulty Constitution? on running for elections in congressional district because of the well- established political families What are the The marginalized Lose a losses in scrapping will lose their representative in the system? voice in Congress, Congress and will be further marginalized in Philippine politics Do you think the He will be difficult Opposition on president would for him to abolish Cha-Cha pursue the the system for scrapping of the many of his system? supporters are from the system Scrap or Reform? Reform Recommendations What would you The loopholes in Hindi yung Strict review of Mentioned want to improve the law must be kumabaga, track record Comeleak on the system? treated. The nanggaling ka sa Comelec should be mayamang angkan Elite-dominated strict that only tapos patatakbuhin composition in marginalized and ka para dumami politics underrepresented lang yung boses sectors may enter niyo sa Kongreso. Output the system. Also, Kasi ang labanan requirement for re- the representative lang naman sa election must come from batas, bilang eh., the sectors he/she 177 is representing. If a party-list didn‘t propose any legislation in its term, that party-list may not be able to run again. Table 4. Positioned Member of Anakpawis Party-List Themes

Ordinary Members of Anakpawis Party-List Introductory Question How did you From the From another

118 become a member Pamalakaya mass organization of the party? Pilipinas before Anakpawis

Already part of trade union before, a member of Bayan Muna and transferred to Anakpawis when the party ran in 2004.

On understanding the concept of the Party-list System What is the Party- The system was Participation and List System? intended for the representation of marginalized marginalized and sectors to gain a underrepresented voice in society. The problem is, it Elite-dominated is already used by composition in landlords and Congress businessmen for their interests and Intention of the businesses. system

The system is enshrined in the Constitution; considering that the Congress is dominated by dynasties, landlords, and big businessmen, the marginalized are not represented.

The system is also an avenue to continuously upheld and strengthen the fight against the oligarchs in the government. What are the We clarify to Educate, organize, Mentioned the duties of a party- others that they and mobilize picket of farmers list member? join movements from Surigao, who about their Consultation of are victims of the occupation, right constituents Kidapawan

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to shelter, about Massacre. agrarian reform, right to social Discussed the services and their background of human rights. agrarian reform in the Philippines. It is the task of the members to Discussed how advocate the tedious the process programs and in successfully policies of the passing a law. party-list, and consult the constituents regarding legislations. Another is to educate, organized, and mobilize its constituents to champion their interests in Congress. Do you think that Yes, that was the Sa bahagi namin, Intention of the Mass movement the party-list intention, but it is mas decisive parin system system must be already used by the yung mass exclusive for the elites because they movement, yung Mass movement marginalized and have the capital to mga kilos protesta underrepresented do so to protect ng mga sectors? Why and their businesses. mamamayan, ayun why not? yung pinatunayan We believe in the ng Kadamay., 193 mass movement in which the people are the decision- makers and not the Congress Do you think that No, there are Seats for sale Gave Abono wealthy or elite businessmen who Party-List, COOP- representatives pay so that they Tool for the elite NATCCO, 1- should run as can have seats. to infiltrate PACMAN, and party-list With this, they can Ako Bicol as representatives? protect their party-lists Do you think they business ventures. controlled by big would able to They can stop the businessmen and represent the GARB and traditional marginalized increasing the politicians sectors of society? wages of workers. Gave Gina Lopez It is just an excuse as a positive so that the system example of an elite

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would not be who serves the preserved to the people. marginalized, they change the interpretation of the system through the Supreme Court, which still represents the elites as the justices are appointees.

Majority of the representatives in the system are elites, or traditional politicians, that is already the status quo. On the principle of ‗representation‘ and on the evaluation of the Party-list System Is the principle of With the Only Makabayan representation Makabayan Bloc, Bloc genuinely accomplished by yes, for we hold a represents the the Party-list conventions where sectors System? How? there are representatives from all regions. But for others, no, for they are only using the party- lists for their vested interests. Would you say Yes, ever since the Makabayan Bloc that the party is party ran on 2004. genuinely able to represent The progressive represents the your sector‘s party-lists are sectors interest in based on mass Congress? organizations and was not only created to gain seats in Congress. What are the 750 national legislations passed minimum wage for by the party-list to workers, free level the interest irrigation, GARB, of the sector? Anti- Contractualization Bill, moratorium in

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demolitions, SSS pension increase Did you Social, political, Awareness Corruption in experience any and economic NHA on the Pandi, positive impact in awareness; funds Economic benefits Bulacan; Pnoy, your social and must be given to from legislations NHA General economic life? agencies and not to Manager, and legislators. True functions of a Contractor are legislator good friends. Because the country is still not Missing 50 Billion developed ISF budget economically, there is none yet. It Makabayan Bloc is because the no PDAF Philippine society is still controlled Congressmen must by landlords and not have a budget subservient to for social services. foreign countries and can still be considered as semi-feudal and semi-colonial. Do you think that Yes, because there Yung paghingi ba Bogus party-lists Atienza gave 3-5 the Party-list are bogus party- ng tunay na million pesos so he system is lists and party-lists reporma sa lupa, Tool for the elite can be the bastardized? pay the Comelec to halimbawa sa to infiltrate representative of run and be elected Anakpawis, at Buhay. Mike in Congress in able tsaka yung Toiling masses Velarde also as a to protect their paghingi ng 750 representative. business interests daily wage na Track record of and gain public kwan, bastardized Makabayan Bloc Mamamayang funding. ba yun sa tingin ng Ayaw sa Droga mga manggagawa Party-List of Such bogus party- at ng mga Richard Gomez, lists are there in magsasaka bilang whose advocacy is the start yun yung already part of the campaigning, but kailangan nila sa functions of the when already panga araw-araw?, government, it is a seated, you will 182 government not hear any of program, therefore them, a genuine Kaya nga it was disqualified. party-lists came Anakpawis eh, from basic toiling masses. people‘s Yan naman talaga organizations yung nagpapatulo ng pawis eh, para We can say that umunlad yung the peasants and agrikultura at yung the working class industriya ng

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are the ones who Pilipinas, pero siya toils for parin yung ano, development but naghihirap., 186 they are the ones who are in poverty. Can you evaluate Lacking, even the Lacking in the Comelec has information drive implementation of internal dilemmas the Commission on how to promote on Elections on the system. having information Voters still have drives? technical difficulties. Can you evaluate The Makabayan Consultation of the Bloc assures that constituents implementation of the marginalized the Commission are well on Elections on represented the number of through party-lists that conventions where could run for the regions choose elections? the nominees.

Can you evaluate The requirements Requirements in Abakada as a the in registering as a registering as bogus party-list. implementation of party-list are too party-list too the Commission minimal. minimal on Elections on screening of the Bogus party-lists, Bogus party-lists Party-lists who no grassroots could run for constituents. election Majority of the party-lists are bogus. When the election is near, political rallies are increasing just to be visible. What can you say They are bogus Bogus party-lists Gave Ako Bicol as about the other party-lists and do an example. party-lists that are not serve the Conservative Akbayan was an not from the people, about 70 party-lists example of a Makabayan Bloc? percent. pretentious party- list but has Some party-lists political backing may be by Liberal Party conservative but genuine party-lists.

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On whether to scrap or reform the Party-list System What is your stand The allegation on Makabayan Bloc on the the progressive is has no capacity to pronouncement of not true, the fund NPA. Pres. Duterte in Makabayan has no scrapping the PDAF. Federalism not a system in his plan solution to amend the With his plan on Constitution? federalism, CASER political dynasties will get stronger, Abolishing the federalism is not system is not a the solution. solution

If the CASER is Cha-Cha would be implemented, it unsuccessful will be already okay to scrap the party-lists.

If the party-list is bastardized, he should identify who bastardized it.

It is not the solution and it will not prosper. What are the The people will Lose a losses in scrapping lose their voice in representative in the system? Congress. Congress

There would be no Struggle will huge effect, continue because the struggle will still continue without the system. Do you think the The president‘s Take the words of president would pronouncements the president with pursue the always changes. a grain of salt scrapping of the system? It must still pass Cha-Cha would be the Congress, and unsuccessful ever since, there was no successful effort for Charter Change.

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Scrap or Reform? Reform Recommendations What would you The Comelec must Strict review of want to improve be strict in track record on the system? screening party- lists.

There would be more requirements as proof of being a genuine organization/party- list with marginalized constituents. Table 5. Ordinary Members of Anakpawis Party-List Themes

Positioned Staff of Kabataan Party-List Introductory Question How did you Heard of the Sympathetic to the become a member Kabataan Party- cause of the Party- of the party? List in UPM, list joined as a legislative staff From school after graduation. On understanding the concept of the Party-list System What is the Party- To give the Participation and List System? marginalized a representation of voice in a elite- marginalized and dominated politics, underrepresented especially in the Congress. These Elite-dominated elites have composition in economic and Congress political power. That is why the system was promulgated, to curve the unequal power inside the Congress. What are the The duties are Educate, organize, duties of a party- written in the and mobilize list member? party-lists constitution and by-laws. One will not be a member of a party-list if one does not

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believe on its programs and principles. A duty of a member is to arouse, educate, organize, and mobilize other members of the youth sector towards the programs and principles of the party. Do you think that That is the Halimbawa, sa Intention of the the party-list rationale of the isang bayan, sa system system must be Constitution and isang city, isang exclusive for the the enabling law in political dynasty, Elite-dominated marginalized and promulgating the member ng composition in underrepresented Party-List System political dynasty Congress sectors? Why and because the tapos isang why not? Congress is ordinaryong Tool for the elite dominated by the kandidato, hindi to infiltrate elite. Even if they naman natin kinu- say that they are question yung Leverage of elites for the kanilang mga over marginalized, there qualifications, representatives of will always be a sabihin natin na marginalized vested class pantay din sila, interest that they pero dahil nga ito The political, protect. ay member ng social, and political dynasty, economic system The system has a na merong of the Philippines good intention, but economic and is flawed. we must also see political leverage, what type of mas more likely na society that such siya yung manalo., system is 202 implemented.

The voice of the elites in Congress overpowers the voices of the marginalized. Do you think that It is not believable Halimbawa natalo Sincerity of Mikey Arroyo as wealthy or elite that an elite may ka sa distrito mo, o nominee an example who representatives represent a yung kapatid mo ran as a should run as marginalized tatakbo na sa Tool for the elite representative of party-list sector. It is not distrito mo, so to infiltrate security guards. representatives? genuine magtatayo ka Do you think they representation. nalang ng party- System is easily

126 would able to list mo., 195 cheated represent the The system is only marginalized used by the elite halimbawa meron sectors of society? just to gain the tayong mga batas perks of being in na magaganda the legislative and naman yung not to represent a intensyon, pero sector or region. pagdating sa implementation diba eh nababaluktot na, at hindi narin talaga nagsisilbi para sa ano, para sa ordinaryong Pilipino. At yun yung kumbaga sinasabi natin kung bakit hindi dapat payagan lumahok yung mayayaman tulad sa party-list na system., 196 On the principle of ‗representation‘ and on the evaluation of the Party-list System Is the principle of Yes, if you look at Only Makabayan Numbers game to representation the progressive Bloc genuinely pass legislations accomplished by party-lists, but if represents the the Party-list one looks at the sectors System? How? whole composition it is a different site. What are the House Bill 4800 or Consolidation of legislations passed the Comprehensive bills proposed if by the party-list to Public Higher another level the interest Education for All congressman has of the sector? Act, Anti-No the same bill Permit No Final Exam Bill, Students‘ Rights Bill, Campus Press Freedom Bill, Free Wi-Fi Bill, Human Rights in Education Bill, BPO Workers‘ Welfare Bill Did you Awareness on Awareness Mentioned the experience any social realities and success of moving positive impact in the understood the forward for free your social and need on why to education economic life? struggle for the

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rights of the youth. Do you think that Yes, even if it is Meron pa ngang Intention of the Disillusionment on the Party-list not specifically isang party-list na system the Party-List system is indicated in the ang supposedly System bastardized? Constitution and ang advocacy raw Exclusivity of the the law that it is niya ay karapatan system to the Vote-Buying exclusive for the ng mga indigenous marginalized and marginalized and peoples, pero kung underrepresented underrepresented, titignan mo ang sectors still, the idea kanyang ano, behind the Party- mayamang Disillusionment of List System is that negosyante, the voters it is for the nakatira sa isang marginalized to exclusive na have a voice in subdivision, kung Congress. malalaman ng mga ordinaryong tao, o yung mismong mga bumoto sa kanya, ano, maaano din siya disillusioned doon sa party-list system, and syempre hindi pa natin binabanggit yung mga vote- buying., 196

hindi, siguro hindi rin natin masisisi yung masa na ganyan yung kanyang perception sa party-list system kasi halimbawa yung masa ay bumoto ng isang certain party-list, tapos nalaman niya parang wala namang ginagawa tong binoto kong party-list. So madi- disillusionized siya doon at yun yung nakikita nating kahinaan kasi kumbaga itong

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Party-List System, 199 Can you evaluate No question on the Elections the formula. favorable to implementation of regional party-lists the Commission The election is on Elections on favorable to the formula regional party-lists implemented in as they have a allocating seats? more specific constituents and assured votes. Can you evaluate There are Ina-assume ko Lacking in the information drives naman yung ano information drive implementation of but still lacking. eh, yung bawat the Commission isang botante ay on Elections on Voters are still nagre-research having confused on how yan, inaalam niya information many party-lists yung kung sino ba drives? should be voted yung boboto niya. and why party-lists Eh kadalasan, exist, why not all nalalaman lang district niya, syempre sa congressmen. TV, o kaya sa internet., 200 Can you evaluate There is a Kaya kapag Minimum number the requirement in nakikita mo sa of constituents implementation of registering for a election, every requirement the Commission party-list regarding election, sobrang on Elections on a minimum dami yung mga Age of party-list the number of number of party-list na party-lists that constituents. parang hindi mo could run for naman narinig elections? The less possible noong nakaraang number is better, it eleksyon., 196 can be confusing for the voters and the genuineness of the party can be questioned if it only sprung every during elections. What can you say Hindi naman sa Only Makabayan about the other pagbubuhat ng Bloc genuinely party-lists that are bangko, yung represents the not from the Makabayan Bloc sectors Makabayan Bloc? nalang talaga, kasi yun talaga yung nagsusulong talaga ng ano, ng interes

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ng mga mamamayan, at nanggaling talaga doon sa ano, sa batayang masa, yung ating kinatawan., 195 On whether to scrap or reform the Party-list System What is your stand On the accusation Makabayan Bloc Pork brought to on the that the has no capacity to agencies but can pronouncement of progressives fund fund NPA. be accessed by Pres. Duterte in the NPA, the congressmen scrapping the Makabayan Bloc Lose a through system in his plan has no pork. The representative in endorsement to amend the funding that the Congress Constitution? party receives is Gave the just for the Sanguniang maintenance of Kabataan as an offices, therefore example of a there are no other system that is also sources for bastardized supporting the because it is a NPA. training ground for the youth coming The Party-List from traditional System still has its political families. advantages even in an unperfect society for it gives another avenue for the interests of the common people. What are the Lost the voice in Kung hindi man Lose a Influence of Mass losses in scrapping Congress sila mga kumbaga, representative in Movement the system? kung hindi sila Congress With or without ahhh, nakakapasok the Party-List o nakakaupo sa If scrapped, System, the elite- gobyerno sa ibang solidification of dominated system panig na elite-dominated will continue. pamamaraan Congress. naman inilalabas ng kabataan o ng Continue the mamamayan ang struggle kanyang boses. Andyan naman yung mass movement at iba pang klase ng pagkilos., 199 Do you think the The president has Take the words of

130 president would the tendency to say the president with pursue the something because a grain of salt scrapping of the of intense emotion, system? then takes it back days after. But when the Constitutional Assembly will pursue, the issue regarding the Party-List System will surely be discussed.

Recommendations What would you Disable the elite to Mina-maximize Uplift political Importance of want to improve run in party-list nila yung consciousness mass movement on the system? elections. Ensure kahirapan ng masa that the system is para syempre kung Educate, organize, reserved for the mahirap ka, tapos and mobilize marginalized wala kang kinikita, sectors. Provide tatanggihan mo ba Elites exploit the education and jobs naman yung 500 o lack of education to citizens because 1000 na ibibigay of voters these are the roots sayo ng pulitiko, of why people eh pangkain mo na participate in vote- yan sa pamilya buying. Because at mo, syempre the end of the day, hindi., 202 the election is left to the decision of Wala masyadong the voters. nangyaring malaking or drastic Uplift political na change doon sa consciousness of mga nagpapalit- the people on how palit ng power and politics administrasyon., work in the 203 country. Kasi kumbaga Arouse, educate, yung organize, and consciousness mobilize the naman ng isang people for the tao, kung paano struggle inside and niya tignan yung outside Congress lipunan, nakabatay to influence the naman yun sa legislators to pass kanyang ginagawa, laws that will o kanyang serve the ordinary kapaligiran, diba., masses. 203

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Table 6. Positioned Member of Kabataan Party-List Themes

Ordinary Members of Kabataan Party-List Introductory Question How did you Already Sympathetic to the become a member sympathetic to the cause of the Party- of the party? cause and list principles of the party-list From school

Joined campaigns of the party-list On understanding the concept of the Party-list System What is the Party- A system for the Participation and Participation from List System? participation of representation of the ground ordinary citizens marginalized and and representation underrepresented of their sectors. Diverse The Party-list representation not System is a bound by scheme to have a geographical area diverse representation in Avenue to expose Congress that are flaws of political necessarily system confined in a geographical area.

The system is an avenue to expose the flaws of the political system. What are the Forward the Educate, organize, duties of a party- interest of the and mobilize list member? sector

Educate, organize, and mobilize Do you think that Yes, that was the Pero kung titignan Elite-dominated Gina Lopez as an the party-list intention of the naman natin composition in example of an elite system must be Constitution historically, Congress who is sincere in exclusive for the because the madalas naman serving the people. marginalized and electoral system of parang consistent underrepresented the country is elite- yung mga inaapi, sectors? Why and dominated that yung mga why not? champions self magsasaka, mga interests and not manggagawa…., the interest of its wala naman constituents. masyadong nagbago eh., 204

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Yes, district congressmen came from ruling political, intellectual, and economic elites whether national or local lineage. It would be redundant if you open the system to these elites. Do you think that Yes, if the Sincerity of wealthy or elite representative is nominee representatives genuinely should run as submerged in the party-list sector, but the representatives? problem is how to Do you think they measure on how would able to engulfed a person represent the in a sector. It is marginalized safer then to have sectors of society? a representative who really came from that sector.

It depends on the character and sincerity of the representative. On the principle of ‗representation‘ and on the evaluation of the Party-list System Is the principle of With the many System is easily Nomination of representation loopholes in the cheated Mikey Arroyo as accomplished by system, it is prone example the Party-list to abuse. Only few represent System? How? genuinely There are a few who still genuinely represent, like the Makabayan Bloc Do you think that The way that the Not entirely ensure the current Party- current system is list System ensures framed, a party-list Need of capital in representation of must have a great elections the marginalized deal of social and sector? actual capital to campaign nationally.

Needing a big

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financial support, credibility of a party-list is at stake in receiving financial backing.

Not all What are the Human Rights in legislations passed School Curricula, by the party-list to Free Public Wi-Fi level the interest Bill of the sector? Did you Awareness on Awareness experience any social issues, meet positive impact in like-minded people Social capital your social and and integrate in economic life? collective action. No economic gain

Increased social capital and networking

Economically there is none. Do you think that The system is System is easily the Party-list easily cheated. cheated system is bastardized? The system Tool for the elite became a tool of to infiltrate the elite to infiltrate the Congress and dilute the efforts of the marginalized.

Yes Can you evaluate The formula is Comelec being the 3-seat cap negates the subject to final arbitter of call for implementation of contention. electoral rules, if representation the Commission maybe that they on Elections on The 3-seat cap are wrong, they are Great power of the formula negates the call for technically right, Comelec over implemented in representation of a because the rules allocating seats? particular sector authority lies with who accumulated a them., 207 big percentage of votes. Can you evaluate Never encountered No information the an information drive implementation of drive

134 the Commission on Elections on having information drives? Can you evaluate It is easy to cheat Sabi nga ni System is easily the the system and Kenshin no. ―It is cheated implementation of fake documents not the katana who the Commission because of the lax kills, it is but an The implementers on Elections on nature of Comelec instrument‖, 212 are great factors screening of the rules. for reform. Party-lists who could run for The composition election of the Comelec is detrimental, the Comelec can have new rules but it still depends on how it is implemented and followed. Can you evaluate The large number Lax requirements the of nominees is of Comelec implementation of rooted from the the Commission laxity of Comelec Consolidation of on Elections on rules and party-lists the number of requirements. party-lists that Lack of could run for Party-lists that knowledge of elections? promote the same voters on the interests may character of party- consolidate their lists efforts.

The problem is when there are multiple party-lists who claim on the same constituents, it will be hard for the voters to identify who genuinely represent the sector. What can you say Only the Only Makabayan 1-PACMAN as an about the other Makabayan Bloc Bloc genuinely example of a party-lists that are party-lists are represents the business elite not from the genuinely serving sectors Makabayan Bloc? the people. Katarata Party- Lists as a party-list

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who has a very specific constituents

A Tambay as an example of party- list that doesn‘t have clear constituents. On whether to scrap or reform the Party-list System What is your stand Scrapping the We should take his Take the words of on the system deprives words with a grain the president with pronouncement of certain of salt. In that a grain of salt Pres. Duterte in organizations to sense, I guess, we scrapping the forward their should, at the same The system in his plan interest in time that remark is pronouncement is to amend the Congress. alarming because alarming Constitution? that really, its Although his claim indicative of the Losing voice in that the system is President‘s umh, Congress bastardized, there tendency to are still genuine suppress, or to There are still party-lists that suppress a certain efficient party-lists represent their forms of political sectors interests. expression., 208 If scrapped, solidification of If the Party-List If we are gonna elite-dominated System is scrap something, Congress. removed, it will why not we scrap solidify the elite- the whole If scrapped based dominated bureaucracy, that‘s on bastardization, composition of the is how fucked up then scrap whole Congress. the system is. 212 Congress. What are the The marginalized Lose a losses in scrapping will lose their representative in the system? representative in Congress Congress, but the struggle will Continue the remain. struggle

For the elites, there will be no loss for them. Scrap or Reform? Reform Reform Recommendations What would you Change the The implementers want to improve composition of the are great factors on the system? government, for for reform. reforms will never be successful if the

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same people would implement it. Table 7. Ordinary Members of Kabataan Party-List Themes

Positioned Staff of ACT Teachers Party-List Introductory Question How did you Volunteered, Volunteered become a member previously a part- of the party? time professor From school On understanding the concept of the Party-list System What is the Party- The system was Participation and List System? created so that the representation of marginalized can marginalized and participate and be underrepresented represented in Congress Elite-dominated considering that it composition in is elite-dominated. Congress What are the As a staff, Administration duties of a party- administration of list member? the office. Do you think that That is the Intention of the Since 1982, the the party-list intention of the system organization is system must be system. already exclusive for the campaigning for marginalized and the interests of underrepresented teachers through sectors? Why and lobbying why not? congressmen to pass legislations. Do you think that The elites only use So nagke-create Tool for the elite Scheme in having wealthy or elite the system to have sila ng regional to infiltrate regional party-lists representatives seats party-list nila. And should run as they can do that The Makabayan party-list because they have Bloc was affected representatives? funds, they have by this. Do you think they the power to would able to influence yung represent the local, 224 marginalized sectors of society? Si Alvarez, may sarili rin siyang party-list na inalagaan para sa mga kamag-anak niya, saan, sa Davao. Ibigsabihin kontrolado niya

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yung Davao, walang ibang party-list na makakapasok dyan., 224

Halimbawa, national party-list kami, hindi kami makapasok sa mga district congressman. Unlike noon, unlike noon, na wala pa yung ganyang provision, They are welcoming us no, kasi hindi nman nila kami kalaban, diba. District sila eh, so hindi kami aagaw ng boto nila, 224 On the principle of ‗representation‘ and on the evaluation of the Party-list System Is the principle of Not all, some Only few represent representation party-lists started genuinely accomplished by very active during the Party-list the campaign but System? How? became passive when they already got the seat. What are the Salary Increase for legislations passed Public School by the party-list to Teachers, level the interest of Lowering the Age the sector? Retirement for Public School Teachers, World Teachers Day, Election Service Reform Act, Increase in Clothing and Chalk Allowance Did you There are already Economic benefits experience any economic benefits from legislations positive impact in from legislations your social and like the increase in Social benefits economic life? clothing and chalk from legislation

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allowance. Socially, the teachers benefitted in the memorandum that the teachers have the right to form unions. Do you think that Yes, many entered Tool for the elite Ako Bicol as a the Party-list the system that are to infiltrate party-list of system is not marginalized wealthy bastardized? contractors that dominates elections.

A-Teacher as a party-list who do not represent school teachers, but school owners.

Manila Teachers as a party-list of a millionaire, owns a lending company for teachers. Can you evaluate There are still Needs the things needed to be improvement implementation of improved the Commission on Elections on the formula implemented in allocating seats? Can you evaluate Lacking, the Lacking in the nominees information drive implementation of themselves the Commission conduct such The nominees on Elections on drives, themselves having conduct such information drives drives? What can you say Only the Sino pa ba yung Only Makabayan Kabayan Party- about the other Makabayan Bloc maingay, wala na, Bloc genuinely List of Harry party-lists that are are efficient. biruin mo andito represents the Roque not from the Maybe Akbayan na ko wala akong sectors Akbayan Makabayan Bloc? and Kabayan marinig na ibang Party-list are also party-list na vocal vocal in Congress. sila., 225 On whether to scrap or reform the Party-list System

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What is your stand The president is Abolishing the on the correct that the system is not a pronouncement of system is solution Pres. Duterte in bastardized, but scrapping the abolishing the Reform system in his plan system is not the to amend the solution, it is in Makabayan Bloc Constitution? need of reforms. has no capacity to Regarding the fund NPA. accusation on the Makabayan Bloc is funding the NPA, there is no source of funding from the party-lists for the Makabayan has no pork and the office funding is just for their day- to-day expenses. The Makabayan Bloc has no capacity to do so. What are the For the nation, Lose a losses in scrapping there is little, the representative in the system? party-list will fight Congress for the system, but it will not die for it Continue the as there are other struggle arenas.

If the system will be abolished, the organization will find other avenues to forward their interests. Do you think the We do not see any Wala, wala pa No concrete president would concrete efforts yet kaming nakikita, efforts in Cha-Cha pursue the inside Congress. nararamdaman and scrapping the scrapping of the namin yan dito eh, system system? nasa majority kasi kami eh., 229 Scrap or Reform? Reform Reform Recommendations What would you Atleast 5 or 10 Kasi kapag nakita Age of party-list Requirements for want to improve years of existence mo na yung mga nominees: only a on the system? of eligible party- pangalan ng mga Strict review of waiver of identity lists. nominees, track record and if a Strict review of malalaman mo Publicize names government

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track record nakagad kung nominees employee, one Publicize the 5 anong klaseng must resign. nominees of the party-list to, no. Publicize SALN of party-list prior to Marami dyan Nominees Requirements for registration. napakapamilyar party-lists: Publicize the yung apelido, nasa Subsidize constitution and SALN of political clan, nasa campaign funds by-laws, list of nominees dynasty, political officers and Subsidize dynasty. 227 members on campaign funds majority of the provinces and municipalities If the system Change the Change the would be Congress composition of scrapped, what completely, the Congress kind of system whole Congress completely. would best replace will be composed it? of the basic sectors, 1/3 workers, 1/3 peasants, and 1/3 other sectors or the middle-class. Table 8. Positioned Member of ACT-Teachers Party-List Themes

Key Informant Interview – Atty. Neri Colmenares On understanding the concept of the Party-list System What is the Party- The Party-List If you noticed in Party-list is a First and only List System? System is a social the law, they said social justice tool person who justice tool that marginalized and mentioned gives the underrepresented, Participation and proportional marginalized and ibigsabihin may representation of electoral system. underrepresented a admission yung marginalized and voice in Congress. Kongreso na hindi underrepresented It started during nila nire-represent the Martial Law ang taong bayan., Proportional Era where the 214 electoral system people are protesting that the Congress is just a rubber stamp congress, with this, Marcos appointed sectoral representatives.

The system is a proportional electoral system.

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Do you think that There is no logic When the law Logic in letting the It was he who the party-list in letting in the enumerated the elites enter argued in Bayan system must be same congressmen sectors, there is Muna v. Comelec exclusive for the in the 20 percent proof na ang gusto Elite-dominated for the reservation marginalized and of seats of the ng batas at ng composition in of the system to underrepresented party-list system Constitution, itong Congress the marginalized sectors? Why and who are already in mahihirap na to, and why not? the 80 percent; otherwise Monsod cannot be underrepresented what is the purpose nagname sila ng a basis sectors. (First case therefore of having mga, you know, of disqualification a separate 20 rocket scientist, or Spirit of the law based on the percent of seats. something., 215 notion that the system is reserved District Monsod is wrong for the congressmen and even if he marginalized and usually vote not in believes he‘s right, underrepresented favor of the we cannot use his sectors; they won) marginalized but opinion as the for their vested basis kasi sabi ko Spirit of the law interests. nga, his opinion it lost in the Congressmen has If the Constitution votation., 216 no concern on the and the enabling issues of the law didn‘t Pinakamagaling na people which can specifically state boksingero si be seen on how that the system is Pacquiao, pero pag they voted for – reserved only for isali mo naman EPIRA, Oil the marginalized siya sa kalaban Diregulation Law, and niya si Mohammad PPP Projects, Pork underrepresented, Ali, eh ibang Barrel the more that it weight category was not stated that yun eh, heavy Atong Paglaum v. it is open to all. weight yun eh, Coemlec, there matatalo naman si was no oral If the Constitution Pacquiao. Kaya argumentation, was not clear then kung sasabihin ni therefore Bayan you must go to the Christian Monsod, Muna wasn‘t able spirit. yung ating boxing to be involved. ay walang weight Bayan Muna was If the provision is categories, shocked that there not clear, we must everybody is was already a think what is qualified to fight decision. better. If the party- anybody, pwede list is opened to sumali o sumama all, the tendency is si Ali sa flyweight that genuine division, edi patay sectoral party-lists si Manny will lose to elites. Pacquiao., 216

Dati backdoor sila dumadaan eh, pa-

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pretend pretend pa sila na security guard like Mikey Arroyo. Pero ngayon, frontdoor na sila dadaan, may red carpet pa., 217 On the principle of ‗representation‘ and on the evaluation of the Party-list System Can you evaluate The formula is not Bakit hindi natin No proportional the proportional sinusunod yan, implementation of bakit, for some Carpio Formula the Commission Carpio Formula is unfathomable on Elections on good in the sense reason, hanggang 3-seat cap negates the formula many small ngayon hindi ko proportionality implemented in organizations maintindihan, allocating seats? joined and filled naglagay ng cap Corruption in the all the seats, but it ang Kongreso. Na formula is still not kahit ano pa man proportional ang iyong boto, 3-seat cap illogical hanggang tatlo ka The 3-seat cap lang. The moment 3-seat cap negates produced the you put a cap, call for unproportionality hindi na siya representation of the system and magiging dislocation of proportional at all, votes. Kaya ngayon ang Korte Suprema at With the creation ang Comelec were of formulas, and forced to invent the power of the formulas., 218 Comelec to manipulate such Unang-una, for a formula, it is used Congress that is so in corruption as concerned na hindi exemplified by mo ma- party-lists who monopolize, pabor were proclaimed sila buksan sa mga after how many political parties, I months because mean, where is the the formula was logic, ah wag manipulated. nalang kasi baka may isang party If the intention of dyan na out of 50 the system is to seats bente yung strengthen the makuha niya eh, voice of the parang very marginalized, the concerned, pero three seat cap hindi papasukin negates that as mo ang Liberal representation is Party, papasukin

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limited to 3. mo yung LDP, eh talaga nilang mamo-monopolize yung Congress niyan kung ganun nga., 218

Eh kung sa district cong, kung nanalo ang Liberal Party ng 90 percent of the seats of the seats, may problema tayo, wala naman diba., 218 Can you evaluate Lacking, it has Lacking in the already been years information drive implementation of that the system is the Commission implemented, the on Elections on people still doesn‘t having know how to vote information in the Party-List drives? System. Can you evaluate The diversification 3-seat cap negates the of votes is a proportionality implementation of product of the 3- the Commission seat cap where the No limit on the on Elections on tendency is to number of party- the number of scatter votes. list, see to it that party-lists that they are qualified could run for You should not elections? limit who wants to join, as long as they are qualified, meaning that they came from the marginalized and underrepresented. What can you say You can see the Stance in PDAF Function of a about the other character of a congressman: party-lists that are party-list on what Only Makabayan legislate, not from the is its position in Bloc genuinely investigate in aid Makabayan Bloc? the pork barrel represents the of legislation or as issue. sectors oversight function, extra- Even if you didn‘t True functions of a constitutional do anything inside legislator powers. Congress but implemented projects you may

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still win for elections that is why pork barrel is important for them.

Substantial party- lists are efficient. On whether to scrap or reform the Party-list System What is your stand The solution is to Eh kung na- Abolishing the on the strengthen the bastardize naman system is not a pronouncement of system not to pala, marami ng solution Pres. Duterte in abolish it. hindi na karapat- scrapping the dapat na ipasok, Track record of system in his plan One must look at therefore i-abolish, Makabayan Bloc to amend the the track record of maraming corrupt, Constitution? the party-lists, edi pati ang Makabayan Bloc even if they are Kongreso i-abolish has no capacity to few, they have a na natin. For that fund NPA. great impact in matter, pati sa legislation. executive kasi If scrapped based maraming corrupt on bastardization, The party-lists sa executive eh, na then scrap whole receive adequate talagang nababoy Congress. public funding so yung positions, the Makabayan kung ganoon ang Bloc has no argument, edi i- capability to fund abolish natin ang the NPA. Where Regional Trial will the money Courts, corrupted come from? (No yan., 219 pork, financial statements are with The party-list the government, members file bills not corrupt) that no congressman will ever file., 220 Scrap or Reform? Reform Reform Recommendations What would you Supreme Court Atong Paglaum v. Mikey Arroyo as want to improve decision in the Comelec case example in which on the system? Atong Paglaum v. should be reversed a nominee is not Comelec case from the sector he should be Exclusivity for the represents reversed. marginalized and underrepresented Seat for sale Reserve the system for the Maximum Income marginalized and requirement for underrepresented nominees

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sectors. No previous A nominee that electoral and has a yearly cabinet seat or income that position exceeds the yearly requirement salary of a congressman may Nominee from the not run. sector

Persons who held Follow electoral and proportionality cabinet seats or positions may not be a nominee.

The nominee must be from the sector that he/she represents.

Follow proportionality of seats to votes, remove the cap; moving threshold

If the system Proportional Proportional would be electoral system electoral system scrapped, what for the whole for the whole kind of system Congress Congress would best replace it? Table 9. Key Informant Themes

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Appendix F: Interview Transcript

Interview Transcripts Interviewer: Researcher Interviewee: Legislative Activities Staff of ACT Teachers Party-list Name of Interviewee: ACT Teachers Positioned Member (Preliminary Data Gathering) Setting: The interview was conducted in College of Arts and Sciences Garden at 11:43am, on November 8, 2016 Affiliation with interviewee: The interviewee was recommended by a staff of KARAPATAN. (Start of Interview) Researcher: So, pangalan po muna. Interviewee: Ako si______, staff ng, umh legislative activities ng ACT Teachers Party-list. R: Gaano na katagal na po kayong miyembro ng ACT Teachers? I: Umh… member, umh… Saglit palang since nung umh, June lang, June palang. R: Uhhh, June palang. Uhhh so, sa tingin niyo, ano po ba tingin niyo sa Party-list System? I: Yung Party-list System umh ginawa kasi siya ng Constitution natin to allow marginalized groups to have their voice in the Congress, and also yung hindi mga traditional politicians umh to have their umh seats in the Congress. Kasi diba districts lang usually, so yun nga, ginawa siya ng Constitution Convention noong 1987 para magkaroon tayo ng chance na makapag-craft ng iba‘t-ibang klase ng laws to put umh various sectors‘ perspective doon sa mga batas. R: Uhhh, since nung 1987 na uhh, sinabi na kailangang magkaroon ng Party-list System, tapos na- implement lang siya noong 1998, nagbago na yung interpretation ng Supreme Court sa Party-list System. Yung latest na interpretation ng Supreme Court, na hindi lang para sa marginalized sectors o underrepresented ang Party-list System. So sa tingin niyo po, bilang miyembro ng ACT Teachers, uhhh, yung interpretation ng SC na ito, uhhh, sangayon po ba kayo sa Interpretation ng Supreme Court? I: Uh actually nakakalungkot yung latest decision na yung kasi diba before yung decision na yun parang pinagtibay niya na dapat marginalized lang tas nag-set sila ng different guidelines na kunyare kailangan nila na member ka ng sector set. Tas yung nga yung latest nila, na sinasabi nila na pwede ng, yung nga basta kahit iba-iba kunyare umh, Nacionalista Youth, yung nga iba‘t-iba. So yung mahirap kasi dun is that nagdo-dominate lang ulit is yung mga traditional politicians tas yung malaking loophole talaga ngayon is yung umh paggamit ng mga umh, mga rich clans actually, usually yung mga may part ng political dynasties like yung party ng anak ni Gloria Arroyo, yung guard, sa mga guard. So isa yun sa mga plunders naman talaga kasi admittedly on the Constitution nor our laws are not perfect and that‘s why ano eh, ACT Teachers joined into Congress, it‘s actually part of our struggle and our belief na hindi talaga perfect yung ganitong system. Pero, yun nga umh, so yung nga can I jump into ano? Kung tatanggalin

147 natin siya umh sobrang mahirap kasi mawawala yung venue para sa marginalized sector to have their voices in the Congress kasi for example, our party-list, since na 600,000 plus ang public school teachers plus syempre yung mga teachers din sa private schools and SUCs who are really are having a hard time serving the youth diba, Without salary increases na hinihintay pa talaga nila and rather than that yung umh groups sa peasants, umh sa mga workers kailangan talaga nila ng representation in Congress. So what‘s really wrong, we really need to have a reform. So, umh, actually we have already released a statement, Congressman Tinio already said something about it before. Congressman Tinio is our third- termer sa Congress, so ang gusto niya is a reform para lalo lamang mare-enforce yung mga, umh rules na nage-ensure na kailangan representative ka ng nung ano. Mayroon naman niyan before eh, yung kailangan umh magpresent ka ng proof na talagang nag-serve ka ng this number of years doon sa sector na to, or talagang farmer ka, or ganun. R: Yung BANAT v Comelec? I: Yes, yung BANAT v Comelec R: So ngayon na patuloy yung Party-list System natin, sa tigin mo ba yung level of representation ng mga sectors ay na-improve o malaki bang tulong talaga ang Party-list System sa mga nirerepresenta ng Party- list? I: Ano, malaki talaga siyang tulong kasi kung titignan natin, before Party-list System, ang mga vin-ovote lang natin ay president, senator, tas yung congressman ng district niyo, so dun parang, ano lang yun families lang yun na naga-alternate lage sa isang place, like yung mga political dynasties sa bawat lugar. Sila rin naman yung rich-landed families sa mga provinces usually. So when party-lists came into place, people can identify themselves in a certain sector, for example, teachers, school, the youth, they have their own party-list. So that‘s really one improvement kasi nagi-improve rin siya ng voters literacy. Tapos siyempre in our laws, nagkakaroon ng perspective ng mga sector. Tas yung nga, with progressive party- lists, like the ACT Teachers Party-list, we are a member of the MAKABAYAN bloc, along with Bayan Muna, Gabriela Party-list, umh talagang nire-represent niya yung umh militant hinaing ng mga citizens, ng for example, sa Gabriela, yung women‘s sector, divorce diba. It‘s a very radical na hinaing ng mga kababaihan so kung baga, yung mga ganito, very new talaga siya eh. For example, Bayan Muna Representative Neri Colmenares, couldn‘t reach that amount of vote that only traditional rich politicians could get in the Senate. So itong, six, uhh, seven seats that we, the MAKABAYAN bloc right now in the Congress is really umh a big help, although it‘s still small if you compare it to the 200 plus politicians that we have right now. R: So uhh, nabanggit niyo po yung voters literacy, ano pong masasabi niyo sa umh, moves ng Comelec para ilaganap yung education tungkol sa Party-list System kasi yung Party-list System hindi siya yung traditional na sistema sa isang gobyerno kas very complicated siya in terms of uhh formula kung paano

148 binibigay yung traditional seats, kung ano ba talaga ang party-list, pati nakikita rin naman na ang voter- turnout sa party-list ay mababa kung compared to congressional, senatorial, at presidential votes? I: I can say na kulang pa yung efforts ng Comelec, actually last week they‘re inviting us for umh parang empowerment, women, increasing votes. We could see efforts, however kulang parin talaga siya kasi kahit kasi diba yung Comelec it has a system of umh parang yung nagjujudge sila tungkol sa candidacy or pagkapanalo. Yung nangyare kasi yung sa Gabriela Party-list, yung bago magsimula, yung reklamo nila na they suppose to have 3 seats. Tapos uhhm, we also joined the protest, when we protested in front of umh Comelec. Meron talagang issues on interpretation sa, yung nga sa percent. R: Sa formula. I: Sa formula, parang kung ganon its really frustrating eh. Kasi when you have laws you should interpret it on the way it would benefit the people diba, even if its vague, it‘s for the quasi-judicial body or the quasi-courts duty to interpret it for the benefit of the people. If those, those, they call it nuisance number diba from the formula, but if you treat those numbers as umh part of the people‘s mandate for the certain party-list, then why didn‘t they decide promptly. Actually, yung una mabagal, aside from unfavorable yung kanilang ano. So kumbaga there is really a lot to improve pa sa Comelec. Iba‘t ibang aspect, literacy, promotion, kung ano pa yun, tas yung msimong process nila, pagproproseso within, yun. R: Familiar po ba kayo sa eksantong formula nung party-list? I: Eksantong formula, umh.. R: Kung paano siya kina-calculate? I: Actually, hindi exactly eh. Nakalimutan ko na, inaral ko to sa law school pero hindi ko siya maalala exactly. Tsaka anrame rin kasing cases na ano, kasi actually pag ganito kasi, you use old cases to contradict the new ones. Yun yung ginagawa sa Gabriela. Sorry hindi ako familiar. (laughs) R: Okay lang, sa tingin niyo po ba, ayon sa knowledge ninyo doon sa formula nay un, sa tingin niyo po ba ito na yung best formula so far? I: I think so. Yun, pero, I‘m not sure, kasi hindi rin naman ako constitutional or election expert eh to say so. R: Umh so umh, doon sa pronouncement ni President Duterte na bastardization of the Party-list System na matagal narin na coin yung ‗bastardization of the Party-list System‘…. I: Yeah. R: …….na yun nga, inclusion of the elite, yung uhh issue rin na sinasabi na, yung pondo ng party-list binibigay sa NPA, may ganun na pronouncement na sinabi si Duterte noon sa speech niya sa kampo siya ng military. Dito sa bastardization na to, sa tingin mo ba masesave pa yung Party-list System? I: Actually ano, we agree na bastardization talaga siya, nakakagalit siya, pero kung nakikita mo na yung constituents mo talaga, na sila yung nagka-campaign, naghihirap sila, tas makikita mo yung mga katulad

149 ng NGO ni Napoles, o nung mga katulad nung kay Arroyo, na alam mo naman na binabayaran lang naman nila yung voters nila. Masakit talaga yun, pero umh, kumbaga kasi sa isang democratic process, hindi mo siya susukuan, hindi mo siya ia-abolish. Ire-reform mo siya, hanggang maging truly represent siya of the people since democratic tayo, ang gusto naman natin mas malawak na mga tao ang nagkakaroon ng boses sa gobyerno, mas, mas ikabubuti natin yun. So hindi natin susukuan ang Party-list System. Sa katunayan nga dapat nga naman talaga mas maraming umh, karaniwang tao na hindi galing sa mga political dynasties or may malalaking negosyo ang makialam sa mga affairs ng ating nation. R: Sa mga na na-propose na legislations po ng ACT Teachers, sa tingin niyo po ba may effect ang mga legislations na ito sa social and economic uhhh pamumuhay ng mga constituents ng ACT Teachers? I: Oo naman, sa tingin ko. So 2010 kasi nagstart tumakbo ang ACT Teachers Party-list and admittedly hindi naman ganun karami ang naipasa, kasi nga kung political structure ang pag-uusapan, mahirap talaga yun kasi is kunyare mga siguro mga 6 na MAKABAYAN representatives out of 296 so if you would really want to pass a progressive law like malaking salary increase, it‘s really hard. It‘s not upon the Congress to do, it‘s upon the people to rally upon. Kailangan supported siya ng malaking ano, so yun yung isang bagay na tanggap namin sa Kongreso na bilang progressive party-list na hindi lamang ito usapan ng bilang sa loob ng Kongreso. Pero kahit na yun, siyempre pinipilit parin namin. So may mga naipasa kaming batas katulad nung, umh, National Teachers Day sa October 5 kasi ang dating mayroon lang ay International Teachers Day. Tapos, umh, ang nakita kong maganda, yung sa Comelec din, yung hindi forced ang mga teachers na magserve tuwing elections, optional nalang. Kasi dati sila lagi yung ano, ngayon if they want nalang, if priorities nila. Tapos umh, isa kasing mahalaging, kasi kapag you‘re in Congress, hindi lang yung mga batas yung nagma-matter eh, isa pang nagma-matter ay yung inquiry. Tapos siyempre if you‘re a congressman, you can easily talk to Deped so isa yun sa malaking factors. For example ngayon, yung mga delayed na mga bonuses ng mga teachers sobrang tagal na and promised it this October pero ngayon wala parin. So one thing is that our congressmen, they call Deped, they call different agencies, so its having about that statute the, the, Deped and other agencies, knowing that we the support to 1.8 million teachers. Nape-pressure sila na magbigay ng updates so isa yun sa mahalaga. Tapos siyempre, yung umh, Congress gave us yung machinery, we can go to different places so more consultation, we conduct consultations so, we get more, and develop kung ano pa yung mga batas. So ngayon, umh, ang nakahain pang mga batas namin, salary increase, umh restructuring of the income tax, para mas bumaba yung, I mean mas 30,000 tax exempted, tapos ang Teachers Protection Act, tapos ngayon yung maternity leave, they proposed for 120, pero ngayon nasa 100 lang yung naaprove din sa committee on women. So yung mga ganito, yung support dito, ang mahalaga kasi dito is yung cooperation and coordination nung Congressman with their local chapters, so we have chapters, ano, nationwide, who we always coordinate with them, we get what they need, put them into bills, and then

150 when we have the bills filed na, we coordinate with them so that sila rin ang magca-campaign on the ground. So when our local chapters, umh, go to their congressmen, they are more pressured into, umh, for example supporting salary increase for teachers. So it‘s really a mass movement, you really coordinate with the people, it‘s not the congressman who saves them but it‘s just an avenue so it‘s not all or nothing, ako, it‘s not in the Congress that it‘s all or nothing, but for us it‘s really a big umh, a big venue, a big seat to fill in, kaya mas marami kaming nagagawa. R: Umh so last question nalang po, nasagot narin po kanina, uhh, siyempre yung last question ko is to scrap or reform the Party-list System? I: Yeah, yun, reform lang. R: Thank you. I: Thank you. (End of Interview)

Interviewer: Researcher Interviewee: Gabriela Party-list Member Name of Interviewee: Gabriela Ordinary Member (Preliminary Data Gathering) Setting: The interview was conducted in College of Arts and Sciences Garden at 12:31am, on November 8, 2016 Affiliation with interviewee: The interviewee was recommended by a staff of KARAPATAN. (Start of Interview) Researcher: Ako po si Joshua Reyes, studyante po ako ng UP Manila Political Science, ano po muna po pangalan ninyo? Interviewee: ______po ng Marikina R: Ilang taon na po kayo? I: Ah 46. R: Gaano na po kayo katagal sa Gabriela? I: Ah nagstart, 2011, six years, ay 5. R: Ah ok, ano po ba yung paningin ninyo sa Party-list System natin? I Ang Party-list System dapat ay siya yung nagtataguyod ng mga marginalized na mga mamamayan na walang boses sa Kongreso pero sa ngayon, ang Party-list System ay ginagamit na rin ng mga mayayaman para sa kanilang sariling kapakanan diba.. R: Opo. I: …ganun siya na dapat yun lang ay para lang sa mga mahihirap na walang boses sa Kongreso na nagtataguyod sa kanila. Iyon po.

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R: Ah kasi po yung ano, nagsabi po si President Duterte na kapag natuloy po iyong federal system na gusto niyang isulong, gusto niya pong tanggalin ang Party-list System. Para sa inyo po ba, tutol po ba kayo sa pagtanggal ng Party-list System o gusto niyo nalang po na i-reform o may parting baguhin sa Party-list System? I: Sa akin, kasi sa Party-list System yung mga progresibong sector na nagtataguyod para sa mga mamamayan ay hindi dapat tanggalin iyon, bagamat meron tayong i-reform doon at ang tanggalin ay yung mga Party-list na sarilin ano eh, interest ang kanilang layunin. Ganoon lang dapat siyang tignan kasi iilan ba ang mga party-list na nagtataguyod ng mga sambayan natin diba, na nasa MAKABAYAN bloc na party-list. Pero yung mga party-list na uhh, tinatayo ng mga pulitiko, traditional organizations, yun ang dapat, na makita na wala silang programa para sa mga mamamayan. Yun ang dapat tanggalin. Ganoon po. R: Uhhh, bilang miyembro po ng Gabriela Party-list, ano po ba ang naitulong sainyo bilang babae, ano po ang naitulong sainyo sa social aspect at economic aspect, ano po ba ang naitulong ng Gabriela sa mga naipasa na mga batas, mga ganoon po. Ano po ba ang naitulong ng Gabriela… I: Unang-una, sa particular sa aming mga members ay yung pamumulat, kung ano yung katotohanan, paano ipaglalaban bilang babae, o bata, paano mo ilaban yan, lalo na yung mga dumanas ng karahasan. Pangalawa, ang mga batas na na-ipasa ng Gabriela ay Magna Carta for Women, Anti-Rape Law, yun, marami siyang mga batas na na-ipasa, yung RH Bill na habang ngayon ay nilo-lobby parin siya. Uhhh. Ano pa bang iba, at tsaka yung i-amend yung Solo Parent Act na dapat hindi lamang siya doon sa mga may trabaho, doon rin dapat sa mga solo parent na wala rin naming kakayanan, wala rin naming trabaho. Dapat yun rin ang bigyan ng ano, pansin n gating gobyerno. R: Paano po kayo nagsimula na sumali sa Gabriela, paano po ninyo nakilala ang Gabriela at maudyok na sumali po kayo? I: actually, para sa akin, sa sarili ko, uhhh, curious kasi ako, di ako basta sumasali sa mga organisasyon eh. Uhhh, nakita ko kasi sa Gabriela kung ano ang kanilang layunin para doon sa kababaihan at bata at nakikita rin naman natin kung paano nila isulong yu, at paano nila ipaglaban sa loob at labas ng Kongreso, sa pamamagitan n gating representatib. R: Kung meron po kayong gusting baguhin sa Party-list System ngayon, ano po yung mga gusto ninyong pagbabago rito? I: Kung sa Party-list System kung gusto naming ng pagbabago, tanggalin yung mga ano, trad party-list, party-list ng mga traditional organizations. R: So ang gusto niyo po ang Party-list System ay para lamang sa marginalized, underrepresented at kulang ng constituents? I: Opo, yun ganun siya na talagang nagtataguyod ng tunay sa mga nangangailan na mamamayan. R: Ah so hanggang doon lang po, maraming salamat po.

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(End of Interview)

Interviewer: Researcher

Interviewee: Staff of Bayan Muna Party-List National Headquarters Name of Interviewee: Bayan Muna Positioned Member Setting: The interview was conducted in 20 C, Malusog Street, UP Village, Quezon City at 3:07pm, on April 7, 2017 Affiliation with interviewee: The interviewee was present when the researcher visited the headquerters of the Bayan Muna Party-List. (Start of Interview) Researcher: Una po, ano po muna yung pangalan po ninyo? Interviewee: ______

R: Ilang taon na po kayo?

I: 27

R: Saan po kayo nakatira?

I: Sa Quezon City rin.

R: kailan po kayo sumali ng Bayan Muna?

I: Sumali ako sa Bayan Muna, noong 1st year college ako.

R: Saan po kayo nagkolehiyo?

I: Sa Polytechnic University of the Philippines sa main campus

R: Paano niyo po nakilala yung Bayan Muna?

I: Actually nung high school ako, member na ako ng Anakbayan, isang comprehensive youth organization tapos pagpasok ko ng kolehiyo, ng college, kilala ko narin naman yung Bayan Muna, pagpasok ko ng college eh lumipat na ako ng organization, ng Bayan Muna.

R: Noog high school po, bakit po kayo sumali ng Anakbayan?

I: Noong high school,mayroong mga katulad ko a studyante na nagrerecruit sa Anakbayan, nagbibigay ng orientation, ng mga seminars, edi ano naano ako, nahikayat na sumali batay sa kanilang mga layunin at adhikain, yun yung nagpajikayat sa akin na sumali.

R: Ano po pala kayo dito sa Bayan Muna?

I: Sa ngayon, ako ay staff sa national headquarters at the same time organizer sa community.

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R: Para po sa inyo, bilang indibidwal, ano po yung Party-List System?

I: Ang Party-List System, actually mula doon sa batas na pinatupad noong 1995 regarding sa Party-List System Act, binibigyan ng pagkakataon yung mga sinasabing marginalized sector na magkaroon ng sariling partido na pwedeng lumahok sa halalan at pwedeng manalo yung kanilang parido sa loob ng Kongreso. Kapag sinabi mong marginalized sector, ito yung maliliit o underrepresented, walang representation sa gobyerno gaya ng mga manggagawa, magsasaka, kabataan, kababaihan, mga katutubo, at iba pa.

R: Ano po ba yung constituents ng Bayan Muna?

I: Ang Bayan Muna noog tinayo siya may katangian kasi siyang multi-sectoral, ibigsabihin wala siyang particular na sektor na nirerepresent, saklaw niya lahat ng marginalized sectors.

R: Bilang miyembro po ng isang party-list, ano po yung duty o yung mga katungkulan niyo po bilang miyembro?

I: Miyembro ng party-list? Bilang miyembro marami ka ring, depenede, kami sa mga kasapi, maraming miyembro ng Bayan Muna eh, nationwide, so iba-iba, kung ano yung kakayanan ng isang miyembro nga pwedeng maibigay sa partido, hindi naman malaki yung hinihingi, batay sa iyong kakayanan. Halimbawa, syempre tungkulin ng isang miyembro ng Bayan Muna, sa panahon ng eleksyon, ikakampanya at iboboto yung party-list natin. Ikalawa, sumoporta sa mga laban, lalo na yung national issues, local issues, na pumapatungkol sa mga usapin ng maralita sa ating bansa. At lumahok sa mga aktibidad ng Bayan Muna, at syempre, manghikayat na lumahok sa partido para palakasin yung boses ng marginalized sa loob ng gobyerno.

R: May estimate po ba kayo kung ilan po yung miyembro po ng Bayan Muna ngayon?

I: Nationwide?

R: Opo.

I: Hindi ko masabi pero tingin ko 100,000.

R: Bayan Muna lang po hindi Makabayan Bloc?

I: Oo, ng Bayan Muna lang no. Kasi ang alam ko diro sa NCR lang, meron na kami dirong mahigit na 35,000 members, card bearing members. NCR palang yun.

R: Paano po pala maging member ng..

I: Bayan Muna? Simple lang, kung pwede naman, uso naman yung social media, pwede sa social media, or dahil kadalasan lagi kaming nasa communities, kadalasan sa mga eskwelahan, edi dun pwede lumahok o magparecruit sa Bayan Muna.

R: Para sainyo po ba yung Party-List System dapat po ba eksklusibo to sa mga marginalized and underrepresented sectors?

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I: Dapat, una sa lahat kasi, yung batas mismo na bumuo ng Party-List System sa bansa ay intended talaga siya sa marginalized at underrepresented sectors. So ang concept, ibigsabihin, maraming political party sa ating bansa katulad ng Liberal Party, Nacionalista Party, PDP-Laban ngayon ni president Duterte, at iba pang political party na kung titignan natin o aaralin natin, yung mga namumuno dyan ay mga elite, mga mayayamang tao, mga negosyante, mga pulitiko, mga landlord. Ibigsabihin bago magkaroon ng Party- List System, bago magkaroon ng Bayan Muna, talagang ano, walang sariling partido yung mga maliliit na tao sa bansa. Talagang lahat ng political party ano puro malalaking tao ang namumuno kaya malaking bentahe na mayroong Party-List System na magtitiyak ng representation ng maliliit sa loob ng gobyerno.

R: Eh paano po yung ano, kasi noong 2013 po na nagkaroon ng decision yung Supreme Court na pwede na po lumahoy yung mayayaman at di marginalized o underrepresented kasi sinasabi nila na hindi naman nakalagay sa Constitution at sa RA 7941 o yung Party-List Law, ang nakagay doon ay regional parties, political parties, at sectoral parties. Ibigsabihin sinasabi ng Supreme Court na hindi naman talaga eksklusibo para sa marginalized yun. Naging ganun lang po yung paginterpret ng SC before noong 2001 hanggang 2009, tapos medyo alanganin na noong 2009.

I: Tama yun, actually yung nga yung problema natin sa gobyerno natin. Kahit yung mga batas mismo na sila yung gumawa, sila yung naginterpret, at nagpapatupad. Later on, sila rin yung nagbabali dun eh. Kumbaga, ito na nga lang yung oppurtunity para na marepresent yung mahihirap, yung mga maliliit sa loob ng gobyerno. Parang ano ba, binababoy, or intentionally tinantanggalan na ng karapatan na makapasok yung maliit sa loob ng gobyerno dahil dyan. Kumbaga yung Party-List System maliit na espasyo na nga yan diba. Actually tama yun, nung 2010, yung bago umalis si Gloria, dyan bumuhos yung napakaraming party-list na more or less umabot ng 200 ata na nagparegister at tumakbo. Kung aaralin, kalakhan o karamihan dun ay mga bogus o kumakatawan ano, doon sa malalaking pulitiko. Yung mga regional walang problema, ang problema yung regional party-list hawak rin ng malalaking pulitiko eh. Halimbawa, dito langsa Metro Manila, yung Bagong Henerasyon, yan ay party-list na ang nag-aano dyan si Bernadette Herrera, isang pulitiko sa Quezon City. Ito may bagong Serbisyong Bayan Party-List na party-list ng mga Belmonte, yung An Waray Party-List na hawak rin ng maalaking pulitiko dyan sa Eastern Visayas, at iba pang mga party-list na part ng Central uzon, yung Agri Party-List. Hawak ng malalaking pulitiko yan, hawak ng malalaking probinsya nila. Kumbaga nakakita sila ng panibagong espasyo para masmagparami ng kanilang kapangyarihan sa pulitika. Labas na siguro sa pagiging Mayor, Senator, mayroon na sigiurong mga kapag-anak na wala ng matakbuhan, magparty-list nalang. Kaya yung ginagawang yan, pagsasalaula na doon sa layunin talaga ng Party-List Ssytem sa ating bansa. Actually way back mga 2013 ata, yung Bayan Muna nagfile na yan ng mga petitions sa Congress o i-amend kaugnay yun doon sa decision ng Supreme Court. Itong nakaraan, bagong magstart yung eleksyon, nagkaroon ng parang decision yung Liberal Party kahit Nacionalista Party na pwedeng lumahok sa party- list. So nasan pa yung espasyo ng mga marginalized at underrepresnted sectors, kung wala na binaboy na yung party-list sa bansa natin.

R: May kopya po ba kayo nung petition na yun?

I: Wala eh, pero sa Congress siguro, mas okay, may contact kayo sa Congress?

R: Yung Bayan Muna rin po, na tinawagan ko lang.

I: O yun, banggitin mo lang, malamang may kopya yun, yung petition na yun.

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R: May title po ba yun?

I: Hindi ko rin kabisado eh. Banggitin niyo nalang, basta yung regarding doon.

R: Kahit po na nabago yung pag-interpret ng Supreme Court sa party-list, hindi parin nababago yung paniniwala niyo na para sa marginalized and underrepresented sectors tong Party-List Sytsem?

I:Oo, dapat, kasi hanggang ngayon kaya nga tumatakbo parin yung Bayan Muna kasama yung mga iba pa naming kapatid na progresibong party-list ng Makabayan Bloc kasi gusto parin nating ipakita na itong party-list ay ano para sa mga marginalized at underrepresented at ano yan, wag ng pasukin sana ng mga bulok at malalaking pulitiko sa bansa.

R: Kasi may sinabi rin po yung SC sa decision nila na pwedeng tumakbo yung mga elite pero dapat dapt daw po advocate sila ng sektor na irerepresenta nila. Na magpapasa sila ng mga dokumento na advocate nga daw po sila, para po sainyo pwede po ba yung pagiging advocate lamang?

I: Ano yun eh, dahilan nalang, pagdadahilan nalang yun. Parang yung batas na sila mismong nagpatupad, babaliin nila at magahahanap sila ng lusot para magbigay ng katwiran yung pagbali nila sa batas. Ibibigsabihin, madali ka naman na magsabi na advocate ka ng ganyan no. Halimbawa, yung 2010 election na tumakbo yung Ang Galing Pinoy, na ang nominee ay si, itong anak ni Arroyo, na ang nirerepresent raw niya ay mga tricycle drivers at mga guwardiya. Eh sa katunayan, hindi nga niya alam kung ano yung buhay ng isang tricycle driver tsaka ng mga guwardiya. Paano niya magiging advocacy yung mga buhay na yun no, malayong-malayo yung buhay niya sa buhay ng na kuno gusto niyang irepresent sa Kongress. Tapos labas pa dun, yung mga documents, yung mga papers niya mismo ano word-per-wor ginaya sa Consti at by-laws ng Bayan Muna. Kaya nagfile kami ng petition dun, noong 2010, kasi talagang ginaya. Nagpapakita na bogus talaga yan at wala talagang, halimbawa, noong 2010 rin, hindi mo pwedeng i- advocate ang isang party-list kung ang advocacy niya ay siraan ang isa pang party-list. Gaya ng party-list ay nominee ay si Palparan, anong party-list to. Bantay, Bantay Party-List ata yung pangalan. Noong 2010 yan eh, pinasok rin niya yung Party-List System, kasi retired na siya nun eh. Na ang layunin ng party-list na yun, ay siraan ang mga progressive party-lists at gumawa ng black propaganda at mililisiyosong mga pambibintang no. Tapos in-accredit ng Comelec yun eh anong layunin nun, manggulo sa kapwa party-list, sino yung nirererepresent niyang sektors, paano siya makakabuti sa marginalized sectors kung ang layunin niya ay siraan yung mga totoo na nagrerepresenta ng totoo sa mga marginalized sectors. Kaya mahirap, mahirap na advocate ka lang, na hindi ka nabibilang, kaya nga nagfile ng mga petition yung Bayan Muna noog nakaraan.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba na kapag tatakbo ka sa sectoral party-list, dapat po yung representative nila ay galing dun sa sektor na nirerepresnta nila?

I: Oo dapat, dapat din. Kami mahigpit kami dun. Kasi paano mo matitiyak na yung sektor na gusto mong i-represent ay lubos mong paglilingkuran sa loob ng Kongreso kung hindi mo lubos na nauunawaan yung kalagayan nila. Kaya nga sinabi na ano eh, yung mga party-list ano eh no, ay dapat ahh ay party-list ng mga sektor na marginalized at underrepresented sektors.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba yung yung principle of representation o yung layunin ng party-list system na magrepresenta ng mga tao, natutupad na po ba ito yung principle na ito?

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I: Sa ngayon, naniniwala kami na kalakhan na party-list ngayon , talaga ano talaga no bahagi na no ng mga malalaking pulitiko mga malalaking negosyante, pero ang totoo, maliit na porsyento nalang, kagaya sa Makabayan Bloc na mayroon kaming kinatawan, Ang Bayan Muna, may isang kinatawan ngayon sa buong Makabayan Bloc mayroon kaming pito na representante ngayon sa Kongreso sa Kongreso at yung yung pangunahing tagapag-sulong ng mga people‘s ano no, people‘s agenda sa loob ng Congress.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba palala ng palala yung sitwasyon ng Party-List System o kahit dati palang ganoon na talaga siya, na dati may mga matitino na party-list..

I: Nagsimula ng party-list parang 1998 siya eh na nagsimula so ang Bayan Muna lumahok siya sa party- list 2001 ng una siyang, yung mga panahon na yun hindi ganoong karaming party-list ang sumali, kasi hindi pa ganoon yung clamor, ibigsabihin yung party-list hindi pa, malamang hindi pa nakikita ng mg pulitiko yung Party-List System para magamit nila sa kanila, political ano parin, agenda. Yun nga lang habang tumatagal tagal yung panahon, nagsimula talaga yan mga part ng 2007, marami ng sumali sa party-list eh. Actually kahit yung mga religious sect, na alam ko hindi dapat sumasali sa party-list ay nagtayo narin ng mga party-list niya at yan nga, ang pinakamalaki nung 2010, 2013, 2016, hundreds parin yung sumasali sa party-list eh. Sa katunayan makikita natin kung sino ba talaga yung seryoso o hindi, nung nagkaroon ng issue ng DAP o PDAF, nung sumabog yung issue niyan, regarding doon sa kurapsyon sa PDAF, nagkaroon ng panawagan talaga na ibasura yung ano na, scrap na, o ibasura na yung PDAF kasi syempre pinagkukunan yan ng korapsyon at ng political patronage sa gobyerno. Ngayon na nung lumabas yung ganoong issue, parang bagong mag 2016 may mga party-list na gusto tumakbong nung 2016, na parang hindi na naging ganoong ka decided kasi, ay wala na palang PDAF. Ibigsabihin ang habol lang ng ibang party-list talaga ay yung pondo na makukuha nila sa PDAF. Dapat na malinaw sa atin, ang trabaho ng Congressman ay lumikha ng batas na para sa mamamayan, hindi para magbigay ng mga serbisyo na binibigay ng mga pulitiko na, paggawa ng court, paggawa ng ano, trabaho ng ibang ahensya ng gobyerno yun eh. Doon mo makikita kung at sino yung hindi. Yung mga constituents mo kahit wala kang pondo, sabihin mo na sa ahensya ng gobyerno nasa kanila yung pondo diba, hindi yung parang ikaw yung may hawak ng isang pondo tapos ikaw yung congressman mo yung bahala kung paano niya gagastusin yun. Parang labas na sa trabaho ng mga congreessman eh. Kaya kami, matibay yung paninindigan doon sa usapin ng may PDAF man o wala, hindi yan yun primary kung bakit pumasok sa loob ng Kongreso ang primary ay i-represent yung mga marginalized, yung mahihirap sa loob ng Kongreso.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba na pinapalagaan ng Party-List System yung representation ng marginalized sector ngayon?

I: Gaya ng sinabi kanina, ano na eh, marami ng nagbago sa party-list, at ah, majority na andyan, kalakhan ay hindi na sila ano hindi na talaga sila totoo na nagrerepresent sa mga marginalize. Actually, kahit even yung mga regional party-list, yung representation pagpapalaki nalang ng political power ng political dynasties. Kaya ano na, hindi na gaya dati yung ahh party-list.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba na narerepresenta ng Bayan Muna yung sektor na nakailalaim sa kanya?

I: Syempre, makikita naman natin ayan sa lahat ng batas, una syempre sa Kongreso, sa legislation na ang isinulong ng Bayan Muna. Isa sa naging matingkad dyan yung nakaraan 2016, before election, yung 2000 na SSS increase o SSS pension hike na pinaglaban talaga ng Bayan Muna hanggang sa huli-hulihan. Actually 2011 pa yun, unang prinopose ng Bayan Muna bilang house bill muna. Dumaa siya sa

157 nakahabang taon na tuloy-tuloy na dialogue sa mga senior citizens, sa mga congressman para mahikayat sila na apraboran yung house. Eh sa Congress ano yan, labanan talaga ng bilang yan eh, kung walang support yung house bills mo kahit gaano kaganda yan, hindi yan maipapatupad kasi nakadepende yan kung ilang yung congressman na pipirma dyan eh, so yun. Labas doon sa SSS pension hike, ang mga legislation na ginawa ng Bayan Muna, yung mga campaigns na ginagawa ng Bayan Muna sa loob at labas ng Kongreso. Ito yung mahalaga eh no, gaya ng halimbawa, yung mga issue sa pagtaas ng singil sa kuryente, pagtaas ng kuryente sa tubig. Lahat yan meron ah, sa loob ng Kongreso may mga house resolutions na gingagawa sa labas naman ng Kongreso may continuous na protesta ang Bayan na ginagawa para tigilan yung ano mang mga pagtaas sa mga basic commodities na pagtaas na kailangan ng taong bayan, lalo na ng mahihirap. Syempre ang malaking maapektuhan dyan ay yung mga mahihirap no. So, dyan natin makikita at patutunayan o totoo kung pano ka talaga nagrerepresent o kumakatawn sa mga sectors mo. Labas pa dyan yung mga issues katulad ng demolitions andyan lagi yung Bayan Muna, even yung mga national issues, na pumapatungkol sa national sovereignty, integrity ng ating bansa, nangunguna parin ang Baya Muna sa loob ng Kongreso para sa pagkakampanya at pagtatanggol ng pambansang soberanya at pambansang teritoryo natin.

R: Ano po yung mga alam ninyong house bill na ipinasa ng Bayan Muna po?

I: Isa na yun, yung sa SSS. Yung mga batas na naipatupad o batas na ngayon na ginawa ng Bayan Muna, ang alam ko yung Anti-Torture Law, yung Marcos, Martial Law victims compensation, yung aghh, libreng tawag, parang free cellular call sa panahong ng kalamidad, ano pa ba, di ko na makabisado pa yung iba. Ilan pa sa mga house bills na yan, yung SSS actually pa yan ngayon, hindi pa yan mismo yung bill mismo ng Bayan Muna, parang naitulak nalag si Pres. Duterte na magpasa ng isang executive order, pero mula yun sa tulak ng taong bayan no, na ipatupad yung pension ng mga beneficiaries ng SSS. Tapos tinutulak parin natin yung pagbasura sa contraktuwalisasyon, kasama tayo sa nagtutulak kasama ang Anakpawis Party-List yung tunay na reporma sa lupa, yung Genuine Agrarian Reform Bill at iba pang mga batas para sa kapakanan ng taong bayan.

R: Ano po yung mga positibong impact na naidulot po ng pagiging miyembro ng Bayan Muna, socially and economically para po sainyo sir?

I: Socially siguro, economically wala. Kasi maganda maging kasapi ng mga ano no progressive organizations kasi una sa lahat, sa panahon ngayon, napaka ano tayo eh, parang batbat tayo ng napakaraming kultura na parang nakakakahon yung isip natin sa napakitid na pananaw no , na espasyo. Lahat yan, sa lahat ng larangan nakukuha natin yan, even sa loob ng eskwelehan, sa social media, sa mass media, kumbaga parang ano eh, mabubulag ka talaga sa kung saan yung mas malaking perspective ng nakapaligid mo. Kaya mahalaga ito, kasi ano eh, mamumulat ka sa tunay nakalagayan, labas doon sa pilit na tinatago sayo. Na ganito talaga yung kalagayan natin ngayon. Kumbaga, pinipilit tayong bulagin ng naghahari para magtakip-balikat sa mga hirap na dinadanas natin. Sa mga panahon na to, sa lahat ng presidenteng nagdaan, wala namang fundamental na pagbabago sa bansa. Hanggang ngayon, bago yung administrasyon, maraming nangyayare pero wala namang nagbabago. Ibigsabihin, yung sistema kasi yung may problema sa bansa natin. Kaya mahalaga yung pagsali sa Bayan Muna at sa iba pang mga progressive na organiization, kasi doon tayo mas namumulat sa totoong kalagayan ng bansa natin. Sana maging socially aware tayo, at nagkakaroon na na ng mas malalim ng pagunawa kung bakit naghihirap ang taong bayan, kung bakit tayo caprtive ng mayayaman. Actually malaking ano nga dyan eh, ang

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Pilipinas, kagaya ng pinagaralan sa elementarya, napakayaman na bansa. In terms ng minerals, mga metal dito marami tayo, kaya madaming mga mining corporations dito sa bansa eh, meron tayong sarili tayong deposito ng langis, may nadiskrube pa ngayong Benham Rise. Ibigsabihin, lahat ng tapos mataba ang lupa sa Pilipinas, mayaman sa yamang tubig, may ilog tayo, ilog,sapa, lawa, may maraming dagat na pwedeng kuhanan ng pagkain at enerhiya. Marami tayong pwedeng pagtayuan ng geothermal na ano energy. So, bakit ganito ang estado ng Pilipinas? Bakit naghihirap yung mga Pilipino? Yun yun laging, dapat ano eh tanong lagi na naano sa isip ng Pilipino. Oo nga naman. Actually sa yaman ng Pilipinas, kung one hundred million ang population ng Pilipinas kahit doblehin, triplehin mo yan, kung yung yaman ng bansa natin ay nagagamit mismo ng Pilipinas, kayang niyang pakainin ang lahat ng populasyon, sa yaman ng bansa natin. So yun yung, bakit ganun yung kalagayan ng bansa natin. Yun siguro yung pinaka-advantage kung bakit yun yung bakit yung pagsali mo sa Bayan Muna dahil namulat ka. Ecomically, syempre sa mga panahon na, pang matagalan yun, nagtatagumpay ka sa laban, halimbawa, sa pagtataas ng sahod ng manggagawa, pagkakaroon ng sariling lupa ng mga magsasaka, kapag nagkaroon tayo ng sariling mga industriya, na pinaglalaban natin sa kasalukuyan, daapat doon pa natin makikita mas maaliwalas at mas maayos na buhay sa hinaharap. Kaya ngayon, nasa ano muna, tuloy-tuloy na pakikibaka sa loob at labas ng lansangan.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba na nabastardize, o nababoy na po yung Party-List Sytem?

I: Ah oo, kailangan pa ba ipaliwanag, kita naman natin.

R: Ano po yung mga mapi-pinpoint na ebidensya na bastardized na yung..

I: Kagaya nga ng binabanggit natin, sa dami ng pumasok na party-list, na hindi naman talaga nagrerepresent sa mga marginalized and underrepresented sectors. Ang mga representatives din ng mga ibang party-list, mga kamag-anak ng mga malalaking pulitiko sa mga rehiyon. Eh kahit nga hindi siya mangampanya, dito lang sa Metro Manila. So ano na, wala na talaga. Actually, minsan may mga lumalabas na mga yearly na mga kung sino sino na mga party-list na masisipag sa Congress, eh sa dami ng party-list, more or less, kulang kulang mga 50 ata yung mga party-list ata sa Congress, wala pa sigurong kinse o dalampu, yan yung talagang nagtatrabaho sa party-list. So ano, wala na, taga-boto nalang, happy-happy nalang sila.

R: Ano po yung ebalwasyon niyo sa pagimplementa ng Comelec sa pagkakaroon po ng information drive para mayroong voter‘s education yung mga botante tungkol sa Party-List System? Kasi hanggang ngayon parin po, ang baba parin po ng voter‘s turnout..

I: Hindi ko alam kung mayroon, ako parang wala naman talaga ever since, wala akong nakitang information drive tungkol sa Party-List System. Kahit nga ad sa TV regarding sa party-list, wala naman akong napapanuod ever since. Actually kami pa ang naglulunsad kami sa mga community talaga ng mga information drives hinggil sa ano ang party-list, ano ang kahalagahan nito, at tsaka sino yung parties involved sa party-list, so yun.

R: Paano naman po yung bilang ng party-list na pwedeng lumahok sa eleksyon, tingin niyo po ba masyadong marami yung…

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I: Masyadong marami, actually, talagang ano no, napakaano, napakaluwag ng pagpasok ngayon ng mga party-list. Hindi ko alam kung kailangan lagyan ng limitations or what, basta‘t tingin ko ang pinakamahalaga dyan, ay dapat totoo yung party-list na yun.

R: Paano naman po sa ano, yung formula po na ginagamit ng Comelec sa pagbibigay ng mga seats?

I: Ano na yan eh, tatlong beses na atang nagbago. Kasi dati, parang 2 percent, 2 percent of votes of party- lists. Ibigsabihin sa lahat ng boto ng party-list, kapang 2 percent ka doon, may isa ka ng seat diba, at ang ina-allow lang, maximum seat ay tatlo. Kagaya ng dati na kahit tumaas ka ng 6 percent. Actually noong una ng takbo noong 2001, umabot kami ng 9 percent, mataas, pero dahil tatlong seats lang ang allowed sa batas, edi tatlo lang. Kaya nga mula doon sa iisang party, Bayan Muna, napag-decide na magbuo ng mas marami pang party-list, para mas marami yung magiging representation sa loob ng Congress. Kaya 2004, tumakbo na yung Gabriela Women‘s Party, yung Anakpawis Party-List, at yung Kabataan Party-List, bago maging Kabataan Party-List, Anak ng Bayan Party-List yan, yung sa Suara Bangsamoro. Sa nagyon nung 2016, pito ata o siyam yung bilang. So, regarding doon sa formula, ano eh, ginamit ngayong formula, ano ba yung formula ngayon, kasi nung 2013, parang ginamit na formula, kung sino yung number 1 party-list, siya lang yung makakatatlong seat. Nakalimutan ko yung tawag sa formula na yun eh.

R: Carpio Formula

I: Ah yung Carpio Formula. Tapos ngayon pa nagkaroon pa ng adjustment dun, ano naresearch mo dun?

R: Parehas parin po.

I: Ah parehas parin ba, okay sige. So anyway…

R: Pero para po sa Bayan Muna, yung , maximum three seats po, okay po ba sa inyo yun o kung pwede baguhin, baguhin.

I: Kasi ano eh, ako, sa personal opinion ko, tingin ko wala akong sa katayuan para sagutin yun. Mmmh, kasi ang party–list, sa Congress ngayon 20 percent siya eh noh, ng kabuuang seat ng Congress. Tingin ko kung kaya pa sanang dagdagan yung ganung karaming bilang, pero siyampre, ang usapan nga doon, kung sana totoo yung mga party-list na nagrerepresenta. Tingin ko mas maganda kung sa ngayon, problema kasi yung kung ngayon natin kung ngayon ipapatupad yung limitless yung sa seats, sa loob ng Congress ang isang party-list, tapos namamayani ngayon yung mga bogus party-lists na mga malalaking pulitiko, eh baka mahirap, kasi malamang yan kung limitless yung pag-upo ng party-list congressman, baka buhusan na yan ng maraming ano at magparami sila ng seats, kaya mahirap siguro. Kami naman ang hinihiling namin, mas marami talagang mapaupo maging doon sa amin, maging well-represented talaga yung mga marginalized sa loob ng Congress.

R: Para po sa inyo, yung mga ano po, kasi diba dati po hindi po requirement na mabigay lahat ng seats. Eh ngayon po kailangan po kailangan po mabigay yung seats, yung 20 percent po kailangan mabigay yung seats, before po kasi parang mga 12 lang po yung mga nananalo, para po sa inyo, mas okay po ba na binibigay lahat ng 20 percent?

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I: Dapat, kasi kung yung nakasaad sa batas, dapat yun, kaya tama, ganyan ang ginagawa ngayon diba, kahit hindi ka makakuha nung minimum sa percentage na requirement, basta kailangan mapuno yung 20 percent seats sa Congress eh. Tingin ko, okay yun, maganda yung ganun, pero sabi ko nga, kung andun parin tayo sa context ay ang mga yan ay mga bogus at malalaking party-list baka hindi rin maganda.

R: Nung ano po, mga June or July po ng 2016, nabanggit po ni President Duterte na kasi yun po yung nagdeclare po siya ng ceasefire, tapos may engkwentro na nangyare after. Ang sabi niya po ay gusto raw po niya i-scrap yung Party-List System sa plano niyang Con-Ass at ang mga sinabi niyang dahilan ay bastardized na nga raw yung party-list dahil mga bogus at mayayaman na nga yung mga tumatakbo, at nabanggit iya rin na ang pondo na napupunta sa Makabayan Bloc ay ginagamit para sa armas ng mga NPA. Sa tingin niyo po ba ano po yung stand niyo sa proouncement ni Pres. Duterte na yun?

I: Syempre, yung kaugnay na binabanggit niya na talagang bastardized na yung Party-List System, kahit siya naman nirerecognize niya yun eh, syempre totoo talaga, nasalaula na yung Party-List System, pero hindi rin dahilan na para iano mo siya i-abolish yung Party-List System kasi nga una sa lahat yun nalang yung tanging maliit na espasyo eh ng mahihirap para magkaroon ng representasyon sa Congress. Kasi kung tanggalin mo pa yung party-list, paano na yung marginalized, eh malamang sa wala, ang Congress parin naman, yun parin yung mga kung sino man yung mga nakaupo ngayon, mga malalaking pulitiko naman yang mga yan, saan naman tatakbo yung mga maralita, sa barangay? Ano rin naman, kontrolado rin naman yan ng mga malalaking pulitiko, so saan lalagay yung mga marginalized? Kaya hindi, kung may problema yung Party-List System, kailangan magkaroon ng maayos na reporma regarding that, hindi abolish. Regarding naman doon sa accusations, yung pondo ng Bayan-Muna at ng mga progressive party- list ay napupunta samga rebelde, 2001 pa ng magsimula na tumakbo ang Bayan-Muna, eh hanggang ngayon, puro ano parin yan eh, kumabaga para lang silang pauli-ulit ng mga sinasabi kagaya ng paninira na nila na ang Bayan Muna ay communist front lang at kung ano-ano pa, eh bat hindi nila maipa- disqualify, asan ang ebidensya? Ibigsabihin, ano lang yan, kumbaga sa ano, ngaw ngaw lang na wala namang batayan at basihan. Sa katunayan, sa 2001, sa 17 years ng Bayan-Muna sa loob ng Kongreso, hindi kami nabahiran ng ano mang kurapsyon, yung mga pulitiko, yung mga congreesman ng Bayan Muna at yung party mismo ng Bayan Muna, sa katunayan, yung paggawa, every election, kahit buamaba man ang boto, kung ano, self evident na manifestation na maraming nagtitiwala sa Bayan Muna at totoong nagrerepresent ng bayan sa kabila ng wala naman talaga, wala kaming milyo-milyong pondo, katulad ng mga bogus party-list na, ano yan, nagaano talaga yan, nagbubuhos ng pera yan, nagvovote- buying rin yan, kasabay ng mga pulitiko. Ever since hindi ginawa ng Bayana Muna yan, at nananalo, kasi nga, maraming supporters, maraming members na handa na ipanalo ang ating party, ang ano nga namin dyan, kung ang pulitiko ay may three G‘s, yung kanilang gold, guns, and goons para manalo sa election. Ang Bayan Muna ay may three G‘s din yan, una, yung goal, yung grassroots, at syempre yung gutts ng mga leaders, members na kahit sinong mga kalaban sa puliyika tuloy lang yan sa pangangampanya, so yan yung panlaban ng mga ano. Syempre pinakamahalaga yung goal, ano ba yung goal ng partido, kasi kung wala kang goal, hindi naman kikilos yung maliliit na tao para ipanalo ka eh, yung grassroots, kaya nakita yung totoong adhikain talaga ng Bayan Muna.

R: Kung may isu-suggest po kayong, pwedeng sa party-list, ano po yung pwedeng baguhin para hindi na siya tawaging bastardized at para maging better Party-List System siya?

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I: Una kung usapin ng reporma, syempre dapat maghigpit yung Comlec kung sino yung pwedeng lumahok o tumakbo sa party-list. Dapat hindi payagan yung mga party-list ay ang nasa likod ay mga maalaking negosyante, dapat hindi payagang ang mga party-list ay nasa likod ay mga malalaking pulitiko, dapat hindi payagan ang mga party-list ay mga malalaking religious sect. Kumbaga kailangan na gawin talagang ano yan, gawing exclusively for marginalized and underrepresented ang party-list, kapag ganoon ang nangyare, tingin ko mas magiging kapaki-pakinabang yung Party-List System para sa bansa.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba na kunware natuloy yung Con-Ass, sa tingin niyo po ba na mas okay na baguhin yung wording ng Constitution tungkol sa party-list na sabihin na esklusibo ito para sa mga marginalized at underrepresented sectors at hindi na isama yung wording na pwedeng sumama yung regional sect, yung regional political parties, at yung mga maliliit na sectoral wing daw na political parties?

I: Syempre, dapat klaro yun, maging klaro kasi, yung nga eh, problema ng batas natin, kaya nila baliktutin eh. Kailangan mas maging espisipiko doon sa ano talaga yung ahhh para sa party-list. Eh problema natin regarding sa Con-Ass, malaking question parin yun eh, eh kasi its eithr Con-Ass, Con-Con or whatever. Kung mga malalaking pulitiko yung mga andiyan at ano ahh, sila-sila parin, baka ano no, mahihirapan talaga tayo na maisulong yung mga pangunahing agenda ng taong bayan, kung sila parin yan. Kaya, sana kung sakaling mangyare yun, mas maging klaro yung usapin sa Party-List Sytem.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba matutuloy yung Con-Ass at yung pagtanggal ni Pres.Duterte sa Party-List System, or Con-Con o kung ano mang pag-amenda sa Constitution, sa po yung political atmosphere ngayon?

I: Simula pa noong nangangampanya pa si Duterte, parang campaign banner niya yan eh. Yung ano, yung federalism, syempre kung yan yung pangunahing gusto mong mangyayaring pagbabago sa bansa, na mangangailangan sa pagbabago ng Constitution sa pamamagitan ng Con-Ass or Con-Con, umh, depende yun kung ako tingin ko na ano rin yan. Malamang gumagawa sila ng hakbang, kung paanong maging popular no. Makakuha sila ng popular support sa mga negosyante, sa mga pulitiko rin, at kahit sa mga maliliit. Ang problema natin, kung sa usapain ng pagbabago ng Konstitusyon na wala rin namang, kasi its either ano man, parliament or government tayo, eh yung parliament form of government, iba-iba parin yung itsura niyan. Kagaya ng sa US, parliament, pero ibang klase, katulad sa Europe at sa ibang bansa. So magulo, marami pang pwedeng pagdaanan, pero ang bottomline, kahit anong klase ng form of government yan naipatupad sa bansa, kung tayo ay pinanghaharian parin ng, una sa lahat, dominated parin tayo sa saklaw ng kapangyarihan ng US, at tayo ay naghahari parin ng mga malalaking landlords at mga tinatawag natin, na burgesya komprador na eventually na sila parin yung mga nakaupo sa matatas na posisyon ng gobyerno, wala ring mangyayare. Actually kapag ginawa mong federalism ang sistema ng bansa, tapos sila sila parin naman pala na political dynasty ang maghahari mas lalakas ang kapangyarihan nila, kasi magkakaroon sila ng autonomy sa, sa mga states na itatayo diba. Kaya ang stand namin dyan, kung ang pagbabago sa batas ay pagpapasiyahan nung taong bayan mismo, lalahok at magpapasiya rito, at ahhh titiyakin andyan yung mga panginahing agenda ng taong bayan, walang problema, pero kung ang pagbabago ng batas, ng Saligang Batas ay kaugnay, o sila lang yung andiyan, sila lang yung

162 makikinabang, sila yung magbabago, mahirap na mahirap na sabihin na okay, so yun. Tapos, so yun, kaya tingin ko, ano pa yan, kung ang tanong ay malaking possibility, pwede nilang itulak. Lahat ng presidente nagtulak ng Charter Change, panahon nga ni Gloria malaki yung kampanya niya sa Charter Change, ni Ramos diba. Si Noynoy although hindi masyado, pero wala namang nangyare sa gobyerno niya no, parang wala lang, wala lang naghirap lang. So anyway, ang ano lang naman. Kahit ano mang klase ng gobyerno yan, basta‘t sila parin yung naghahari, walang ano, walang magbabago no. Kung hindi natin itataguyod yung una sa lahat yung national independence natin. Kasi yun mahalaga eh, kailangan magkaroon tayo ng sariling, independence ba sa kalayaan laban sa control at dominasyon sa dayuhan lalo na ang US. Tapos wala tayong sariling industriya, walang national industrialization, kahit simpleng mga industriya wala tayo, paggawa ng kemikal, ng langis, kahit nga paggawa ng pako wala tayo sa bansa natin, diba. So, tapos, at napaka-backward ng agricultural sector natin. Kasi ang Pilipinas, ang cultural sector natin, ang onti lang ng ambag sa kabuuang kita ng bansa natin eh, talagang backward, napaka- backward. Kailangan magkaroon ng totoong land reform, na magmomodernize, magme-mechanize ng agricultural natin. Kung ganoon yung tutunguhin na pagbabago, lalo na sa Saligang Batas, nagtutulak ng national indpendence, nagtutulak ng ng national industrialization, ng land reform, baka yun, baka mas lalong magkaroon ng malaking popular support yung panawagan ng mga pagbabago sa Saligang Batas. Pero kung hindi ganoon, malamang lalakas yung tao, yung himig ng taong bayan na tutulan yung kung ano mang pagtatangka nila sa Charter Change, so yun. R: Hanggang doon nalang po yung mga tanong.

(End of Interview)

Interviewer: Researcher Interviewee: Ordinary Member of Bayan Muna Party-List Name of Interviewee: Bayan Muna Ordinary Member 1 Setting: The interview was conducted in MIA Road, Quezon City at 4:09pm, on April 7, 2017 Affiliation with interviewee: The interviewee was recommended by a staff of Bayan Muna Party-List. (Start of Interview) Researcher: Okay po, una po ako po si Joshua Nathaniel C. Reyes, estudyante po ng UP Manila Political Science, fourth year student. Kayo po, ano pong pangalan ninyo? Interviewee: Ako po si______, taga Barangay Pinyahan, Quezon City.

R: Ilang taon na po kayo?

I: 29 po.

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R: Ahh, 29. Kailan po kayo sumali ng Bayan Muna?

I: Noong 2010.

R: Paano niyo po nakilala yung Bayan Muna?

I: Noong una po nirecruit po ako sa ang mga Kabataan. Noong una kasi mayroon pang sinasabi na Bayan Muna talaga dito. Tapos napaloob na po ako dito sa Bayan Muna noong 2010.

R: Paano po kayo sumali ng Bayan Muna?

I: Iyon po, nung nirecruit po ako ng mga Kabataan, pinaloob po nila ako dito sa ano Bayan Muna.

R: Para po sainyo ano po yung Party-List System?

I: Sa akin, ang Party-List System, siguro ano, sa pagtingin ko sila yung tumutulong ng karapatan ng bawat isang mamamayan, kung ano mang mga problema katulad sa community. May mga problema sa community katulad ng demolisyon, ganoon.

R: Bilang miyembro po ng Party-List System ano po yung mga katungkulan?

I: Katungkulan, ahh, isang organizer po.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba yung Party-List System para lang po sa mga marginalized at underrepresented sectors?

I: Hindi po, para po yun sa kalahatan.

R: Ahhh lahat po talaga, sa tingin niyo po ba yung mga mayayaman na representative ng Party-List System pwede po sila tumakbo sa Party-List System bilang ano, advocate po ng mg sector?

I: Ng isang party-list? Depende siguro sa kaalaman ko lang kasi sa party-list dapat may paninindigan siya eh, sa kanyang sarili eh. Kung siya ay mayaman, depende sa kanyang idea kung tumutulong talaga siya sa kanyang mamayanan.

R: Para po sa inyo pwede po tumakbo yung mga mayayaman pero dapat pinagsisilbihan niya yung….

I: kanyang sambayanan.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba narerepresenta ng Party-List System ang mga tao?

I: Oo, nirerepresenta, pinapakilala nila.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba yung Party-List system ngayon pinapalagaan yung marginalized sectors?

I: Oo, pinapalagaan nila.

R: Alam niyo po ba yung mga naipasang batas ng Bayan Muna?

I: Ahhh…. Yung… Ano ba, ano ba yung naalala ko. Yung batas na ano, karapatan, karapatan sa paninirahan, yung ano pala yung SSS pension, tulad ng pangkalusugan, sila din yung sa Meralco, yung sa

164 ano, sa pang tubig natin Maynilad na batas na ibaba yung kuryente, maibaba yung tubig, at ipataas yung pension hike doon san g mga mamayanan.

R: Ano po ba ginagawa ng isang miyembro o organizer, layo po ano po ba ginagawa ninyo para sa Bayan Muna?

I: Ahh, bilang organizer na tumutulong sa isang party-list, umh nagoorganisa kami sa isang komunidad para kung ano yung mga problema na kinakaharap nila, na kaya naming tulungan bilang organizer kami, para ipaabot rin naming sa national government yung kanilang mga hinain.

R: Paano niyo po inoorganisa yung mga tao?

I: Kung an po yung mga isyu nila sa komunidad nila, para makasali sila sa isang party-list, inaalam muna naming kung ano yung mga isyu na kinakaharap nila sa komunidad.

R: Ano po yung mga positibong nangyare po sainyo na social at economic na magandang naidulot bilang miyembro po ng party-list? Ano po yung mga positibong nangyare nung naging miyembro po kayo?

I: Marami narin silang naitulong sa akin, yung mga naimulat rin nila sa akin kung ano ba yung mga katotohanan na nangyayari sa bansa natin. Bilang pagtanggap nila sakin sa komunidad, ng Bayan Muna Party-List, kung ano yung tunay na sinusulong nila bawat mamayanang Pilipino.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ban a nasalaula o na bastardize na yung Party-List System kasi yun nga, may mga tumatakbo na party-list na hindi naman na tunay na party-list, may mga tumatakbo na party-list na ginagamit lang ng mga mayayamang pulitiko, ng mga malalaking negosyante, sa tingin niyo po ban a nasalaula na yung Party-List System?

I: Salaula?

R: Opo, parang nabastos na ba or nababoy na po ba yung Party-List System?

I: Ahh, sa pagtingin ko, siguro, kasi ginagamit ng mga mayayaman, ng mga mayayamang may kaya na party-list eh. Yung sistema ng Kongreso natin. Tulad ng sa isang party-list, kung ang kanyang layunin o kung ano ang kanyang hinahangad sa kanyang party-list, parang pera pera system lang. Kaya nakakasira talaga sila sa Kongreso, kung tunay talaga na nagseserbisyo talaga sila bayan, kahit na mayaman sila, dapat ipinapamahagi nila yung tamang serbisyo sa mga mamamayan natin.

R: Pamilyar po ba kayo kung paano po binibilang yung mga boto sa party-list?

I: Kung paano po binibilang yung mga boto?

R: Kunware po sa eleksyon, paano po ba binibigay yung mga position o seats? Pamilyar po ba kayo?

I: Kung paano nagboboto yung mga tao?

R: Kung paano po binibilang yung mga boto.

I: Sa ano lang po, sa pagcecensus, ganoon, by presinto ganun.

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R: Pero kunware po ano, alam niyo po ba kung kailan po nagkakaroon ng isang seat o posisyon yung sa mga Party-List System, ang isang partido po? Kung kalian po nananalo.

I: Sa kanyang siguro ano, programa, na, ano tawag dito, programa na kung anong inaano sa mamamayan ba o hindi.

R: Ano naman po masasabi niyo sa pag-implementa ng Comelec tungkol po sa pagkakaroon ng information drive, para po mayroon pong voter‘s education tungkol po sa Party-List System? Tingin niyo po ba mayroon o wala po kayong napapansin?

I: Meron.

R: Paano naman po yung dami ng Party-List na tumatakbo sa election?

I: Ahhh, 80 plus?

R: Mga 115 po. Para po sa inyo okay po ba yung ganoong karami?

I: Kasi po kung ganoon eh, kung ganoon karami, at iilan lang ang sisilbihan nila, at sa pangsariling silbi lang ng Party-List nila, hindi dapat ganoon karami. Kung ganoon man karami, dapat siniserbisyuhan nila yung mga mamamayan nila. Hindi lang dun sa pangalan nila bilang party-list.

R: Ano naman po masasabi ninyo sa sinabi ni Pres. Duterte na tatanggalin nap o yung party-list system, dahil dun nga na nababoy na siya, maraming mayaman na ang tumatakbo, bilang representative ng party- list pero ang nirerepresenta niya ang marginalized sector. Tapos sinasabi rin niya na ginagamit yung pondo ng makabayan bloc o yung mga progresibo bilang pondo rin para sa mga armas ng NPA, ano po masasabi niyo sa sinabi ni Duterte doon?

I: Ahh yung pinapatanggal niya yung party-list? Hindi naman siguro pwede niya tanggalin at sa yung sinasabi niya na yung sa progresibong party-list na ginagastos yung ano, sa aking pagtingin yung progresibing party-list yan yung tumutulong sa sambayanang Pilipino na tapat na tumutulong eh. Siguro kung sa akin, tatanggalin nalang yung mga mayayaman na party-list na hindi naman naglilingkod sa sambayanan.

R: Kapag tinanggal po yung Party-List System ano po yung mga mawawala po?

I: Syempre yung mga karapatan ng bawat Pilipino, at lalo na kung paano yung iba na lumalapit sa mga party-list na wala ng malalapitan. Lalo na kung isang progresibong party-list yan, andaming lumalapit, andaming hinihingin ng tulong tulad ng karapatang pantao.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba itutuloy ni Pres. Duterte yung pagtanggal ng Party-List System?

I: Siguro sa akin hindi. Kung makikita naman niya, depende sa paguusap siguro nila, siguro iano naman ng Kongreso na bawasan nalang wag na tanggalin. Pero kailangan talaga yung mga party-list na talagang negseserbisyo na tunay, kasi sinasabi nila na walang corruption diba, dapat nagsisilbi ang kanyang gabinete, sa Kongreso ganoon din. Kailangan na maging equal siya sa lahat ng bagay.

R: Ano naman pong maari niyong masuggest na pwedeng improvement sa Party-List System? Kung may babaguhin man, ano naman po ang inyong masusuggest?

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I: Sa ngayon siguro ang masuggest ko dyan, kay pangulong Duterte dyan, kung sa 100 na yan na umaabot na party-list, yung mga huwad na party-list, tanggalin nalang niya. Tapos, pipiliin niya kung sino talaga yung tunay na party-list na lumilingkod sa kanyang Pilipino.

R: Hanggang doon nalang po yung mga katanungan ko.

(End of Interview)

Interviewer: Researcher

Interviewee: Ordinary Member of Bayan Muna Party-List Name of Interviewee: Bayan Muna Ordinary Member 2 Setting: The interview was conducted in MIA Road, Quezon City at 4:37pm, on April 7, 2017 Affiliation with interviewee: The interviewee was recommended by a staff of Bayan Muna Party-List. (Start of Interview) Researcher: Ano po muna, ano pong pangalan ninyo? Interviewee: Ako po si______, nakatira ako sa MIA Road, Barangay Pinyahan Quezon City.

R: Ilang taon na po kayo?

I: Ummh, 51 years old.

R: Kailan po kayong unang sumali ng Bayan Muna?

I: Since 19.. ah, 2010.

R: Paano niyo po nakilala ang Bayan Muna?

I: Ahh, nakilala po natin ang bayan muna through pos a kasamahang natin na miyembro rin po ng isang organisasyon, yan po ay ang Kalikasan.

R: Paano niyo po nakilalala yung Kalikasan?

I: Ang Kalikasan, may time na nagconduct sila ng organizing, kung saan, sa iba‘t-bang community, tayo po ay yung nakapagtugon noon na buksan ang 2010.

R: Paano po kayo sumali ng Bayan Muna?

I: Ang proseso natin syempre may interview tayo, tapos ahh binigyan tayo ng form, tapos yun nga para sa magkakaroon tayo ng isang pagkakaisang layunin doon sa nakakabuti para sa komunidad.

R: Para po sainyo ano po yung Party-List System?

I: Ahhh, ang Party-List System, siya yung ahh, magkaroon ng boses ang marginalized, yung karaniwang tao, sa loob ng Kongreso.

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R: Bilang miyembro po ng Bayan Muna, ano po yung mga katungkulan po ninyo?

I: Bilang isang miyembro ng Bayan Muna, tayo po ay nagbibigay ng isang mabuting aral sa ating mga mamamayan para sila ay pagbuklurin sa isang layunin na para sa kanilang magiging kinabukasan.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba yung Party-List System para lang pos a marginalized and underrepresented na sektor?

I: Sa aming paningin, sinasabi natin na marginalized, dapat naman talaga.

R: Bawal po yung mga regional parties, bawal po yung mga partido ng mayayaman, ng mga negosyante, bwal po?

I: Opo, bawal

R: Yung mga mayayaman po na tumatakbo na sinasabing advocate po sila ng kunwre ng mga magsasaka, mga ganun po, sa tingin niyo po ba pwede sila tumakbo?

I: Dapat talaga hindi talaga sila pwede, kasi sila yung mga sektor na mga kung saan hindi po yung kapakanan ng mga mahihirap yung mga maralita na katulad sa atin dito sa lungsod o sa isang magsasaka sa kanayunan ang mga sinasabi nila na iyon ay walang katuturan at tiyaka hindi po iyon totoo na sila ay nagserve sa mga mahihirap. Sila po ay sinusulong lamang aking kanilang interes lamang.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba yung Party-List System natutupad niya yung pagrepresenta sa mga tao?

I: Ahh hindi po lahat dyan natutupad nila, kung saan lang doon, doon lang sa hanay ng mga progresibong party-list na gumagawa ng mga layunin.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba yung Party-List System natin ngayon pinangangalagaan niya pagrepresenta ng mga marginalized sectors?

I: Hindi, hindi po lahat

R: Masasbi niyo po ban a yung Bayan Muna ay narerepresenta po ba nila yung sektor po ninyo?

I: Opo

R: Anong sektor po ba kayo nakabilang?

I: Ahh sa Bayan Muna.

R: Kunware po, marami po kasing sektor na under pos a Bayan Muna diba, katulad po ng kabataan, urban poor, magsasaka, yung mga manggagawa, ano po bang sktor yung kinabibilangan ninyo?

I: Sektor ng Bayan Muna.

R: Ano po ba yung masasabi ninyo na naipasa na batas o house bill po ng Bayan Muna na alam niyo po?

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I: Yung pagsulong po ng, hindi ko na matandaan lahat, benepisyo ng senior citizen na sinulong ni Neri Colmenares, marami pa pong batas na naipasa meron pari na pinupush pa siya para matugunan para sa mahihirap na sektor ng lipunan natin.

R: Ano po yung mga naranasan po ninyong mga magandang naidulot po ng Bayan Muna para po sainyo na social o economic na maganda po sainyo?

I: Ito po yung pagtulong sa mga maralita kung saan ang unang problema ay ang pabahay. Tapos yung mg serbisyong panlipunan.

R: Pero ano po naitulong ng Bayan Muna po sainyo bilang indibidwal?

I: Sa akin, na personal? Ang naitulong ng Bayan Muna sa akin, malaking kamulatan. Mulat doon sa easy easy way lang, hanggang mulat tayo sa katotohanan na sa panahon ngayon ng kahirapan, kailangan po natin na mulatin ang mga iba pang hindi pa mga mulat. Para isulong ang lehitimo nilang karapatan.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba nababoy nap o ba ang ating Party-List System?

I: Para sa amin, sa mga progresibong party-list, hindi po yun binababoy, pero para sa ibang party-list na huwaran, siguro talagang 100 percent na binababoy lang talaga nila yung Party-List System.

R: Particular po ba kayo sa formula nung, kung paano po nanalo yung mga representative..

I: Siguro nananalo tayo lalo na sa progresibing party-list, kilala po tayo na nagserbisyo sa bansa sa kanyang mamamayan na lahat ginagawa para matugunan ang mga pangangailangan ng mahihirap na sektor sa lipunan.

R: Ano naman po masasabi ninyo sa pagimplementa po ng Comelec tungkol pos a pagkakaroon ng information drive para may voter‘s education po yung mga mamamayan, na yung mismong Comelec po yung nagbigay. Mayroon po ba kayong alam na nagpainformation drive po yung Comelec?

I: May information drive sila pero kulang pa. Hindi pa talaga sila ano, kumbaga hindi pa tawag dito yung ahh nakuha ang lahat ng kaalaman bago maglagay sila ng information drive sa mga botante kumbaga.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba, kasi mayroon pong 115 na pwedeng tumakbo sa Party-List System pero ang nanalo po ay 58. Sa tingin niyo po ba na 115 na pwedeng tumakbo tama po ba yun, masyadong marami?

I: Para sa amin, hindi talaga pupwede siya na marami ika nga yung sinasabi natin na binababoy yung pangalan na party-list ahh dapat talaga ano lang, limitado lang siya tapos less sa gastos, tapos di lang less sa gastos di rin sila nagserserve sa mahihirap na kababayan natin sa buong Pilipinas no, dyan lang talaga sila yan, para sa sarili nilang interest ang sinusulong.

R: Pero ang nakalagay sa ating Konstitusyon at sa RA 7941 o yung Party-List System Law, hindi naman po nakalagay doon na para lamang po sa marginalized and underrepresented sectors yung Party-List System, kaya po noong 2013 nagdecide po yung Supreme Court na pwede po talagang tumakbo yung mga mayayaman at mga traditional na pulitiko sa Party-List System.

I: Para sa amin, yung mga traditional na pulitiko, hindi kailangan talaga yan na andyan sila, para sa sinasabi nila na may puso sila doon, na kailangan nila magserve doon sa constituent nila sa buong

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Pilipinas. Ito kasi po ang mga panahon na iyan, at ng mga nakaraan nating administrasyon. Hawak po nila ang mga ibat‘-ibang party-list po nila na isasali po nila dito sa Party-List System na yun. Pero yun, di dapat talaga yan, na yan sila, gusto talaga nila ipasok para may sarili sila na interes nila doon. Syempre ang pondo ng party-list alam naman natin po kung magkakano yan, kaya nga po laganap ang korapsyon dahil nga po yun sa kanila. Hindi po yun totoo na andyan sila para tutulong sila sa mamamayan ng Pilipinas o lalong lalo na ang mahihirap, hinding hindi po talaga yun totoo.

R: Pero kahit po sinabi ng Supreme Court na nakasaad naman po, na sinabi nila na nakasaad naman sa konstitusyon at sa batas na pwede sila, hindi parin po ba nagbabago ang inyong paningin na pwede po yung mayayaman sa Party-List System?

I: Syempre sa paningin naming talaga dyan di magbabago kasi sila talaga ang kasali sa party-list na yan eh.

R: Kasi nga po ahhh, nabanggit nga po ni Pres. Duterte na nabastos na nga, o nasalaula na yung Party-List System, yun nga hindi na talaga nagrerepresenta sa marginalized at underrepsented sectors yung mga tumatakbo sa party-list, marami ng tumatakbo na mayayaman na negosyante yun nga, na sinasabi raw na yung budget ng progresibong party-list ginagamit sa pambili ng armas ng NPA at tatanggalin na raw o gusto ng tanggalin ang Party-List System. Ano po masasbi niyo tungkol doon?

I: Para sa amin, hindi naman talaga totoo yan na ang pondo ng mga party-list lalo na ng progresibong party-list sa pagbibili ng mga armas ng NPA, hindi po yun totoo. Yan po yun ay isa po kami sa mga nakakapagsaksi kung paano po gagamitin ang pondo ng progresibong party-list na ano sa kanyang constituent nay an, binibigyan ng edukasyon, libreng ano, mga programang na inilalaan ang mga progresibong party-list para doon sa kanyang mga miyembro. Dapat siguro kung kailangan natin na tatanggalin, ito yung mga huwad na party-list kung saan hindi naman talaga sila ahh hindi, hindi prayoridad ng mga mahihirap kundi ang kanilang mga sari-sariling interes. Kaya kung ako kay President Duterte, na gagawa tayo ng batas na ang papasok dyan ay yung mga progresibong party-list nay un ang pangunahing sumusulong sa karapatan ng mamayan.

R: Paano po yun, ang nakasaad sa Konstitusyon 20% ng ahh Lower House o House of Representatives ay mapupunta sa Party-List System, ibigsabihin yung buong iyon, kasi po nagyon mayroon po ngayon na 58 na pwesto para po sa Party-List System, ibigsabihin po yung lahat po ng 58 na yun ay mapupunta sa progresibo mapunta?

I: Kung para sa amin lang, gusto namin ganun talaga, na mapupunta yan sa mga progresibong party-list.

R: Kaso nakalagay rin po doon sa batas na hanggang 3 lang po yung pwede na per party-list po na ang pwede po manalo sa party-list, paano po yun kung ganoon?

I: Ahh, kung yun kasi..

R: O kung para sa inyo kailangan na po bang tanggalin yun?

I: Opo, pwede po yun matatanggal nalang yung batas na iyon, na requirement nay an na 3 lang ang makakapasok dyan.

R: Sa para sa inyo po ang party-list system ay para lamang sa marginalized at underrepresented sectors?

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I: Opo.

R: Ano naman po yung mawawala kapag nawala po yung Party-List System?

I: Umh malaking kawalan o malaking.. ahh malaking problema or para sa mga mahihirap na wala silang sektor na lumalaban o nagmumulat sa kanila kung paano sa panahon na ngayon ang karapatan nila sa mga lalo na sa mga bahay, sa mga serbisyong panlipunan na para sa kanila, sa edukasyon. Lahat yan, wala ng boses yung mahihirap sa loob ng Kongreso kung sakali na taggalin. Mabuti lang kung ang ating na Presidente ay ahhh pro-mamamayan siya. Sa susunod, paano kung anti-mamamayan siya paano nalang ang mamamayang Pilipino, paano nalang ang bansang Pilipinas, di ba wala na, ang huling heneresayon ano na kaya ang mangyayare sa kanila diba.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba itutuloy ni Pres. Duterte yung pagtanggal sa Party-List System o yung pag-amend narin ngating Konstitusyon para po sa federalismo?

I: Para sa akin, pag-aralan niya ng mabuti. Syempre kung siya ay pro-mamamayan siya ang puso niya ay sa mahihirap, hindi niya yun basta basta tatanggalin.

R: Kung may masusuggest naman po kayo sa na improvement po o pwedeng ikaganda ng Party-List System, ano po iyon?

I: Ahh siguro dagdagan pa ang mga sektor o yung mga progresibong party-list, para doon sa pagsulong ng lahat ng problema ng ating bansa, ng bansang Pilipinas, siguro yan lang talaga ang masuggest ko, kay Pres. Rodrigo Duterte.

R: Ano naman po yung masasabi niyo sa iba pong party-list na hindi po progresibo, yung mga ibang party-list po na wala po sa Makabayan Bloc?

I: Para sa amin, gusto namin sila po yung mawawala sa party-list.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba walang ibang matinong party-list na meron tayo sa Kongreso na hindi po kasama sa Makabayan Bloc?

I: Sa ngayon po, hindi po namin po yun ano, majority po yun na anti-mahihirap po sila.

(End of Interview)

Interviewer: Researcher

Interviewee: Staff of Anakpawis Party-List in the House of Representatives Name of Interviewee: Anakpawis Positioned Member Setting: The interview was conducted in K-9 Street, Brgy. West Kamias, Quezon City,at 2:48 pm, on April 6, 2017 Affiliation with interviewee: The interviewee was present when the researcher visited the headquarters of the Anakpawis Party-List.

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(Start of Interview) Researcher: Una po, ano po muna pangalan po ninyo? Interviewee: Ako si______, staff ako sa office ni Anakpawis Rep. Casilao, 41 years old, from QC. Ako ay nagjoin sa Anakpawis about year 2004. Nagstart yung ano, BM, Bayan Muna, nung nabuo yung Anakpawis ng 2004, nagpasya bilang tumakbo sa Party-List System, nalipat kami sa Anakpawis.

R: Paano niyo po nakilala yung partido? Ah kasi nga po ah..

I: Oo, member kasi ako ng

R: Ng Bayan Muna po?

I: Ng progressive organization, kasi ito, before pa nga Anakpawis member ako ng peasant org sa office na to.

R: Okay po, ano pong org yun?

I: NARRA-Youth.

R: Ahh NARRA-Youth.

I: Oo, galing ako ng NARRA-Youth, kasi kami yung network ng Kilusang Mambubukid ng Pilipinas so kami yung kumocontact kung sakali.

R: Paano naman po niyo naisipan sumali ng KMP?

I: Mmmh, school, school based.

R: Ahhh, saan po ba kayo before?

I: Taga-PUP ako dati. Doon kami narecruit before noon bilang volunteers sa NARRA. Mula doon, dire- diretso na yun. Nagvovolunteer ka sa mga offices ng other KMP, Barangay Pesante, mula doon, nagdire- diretso na.

R: So doon na po tayo tungkol sa Party-List System, ahh, para po sainyo ano po yung Party-List System?

I: Yung party-list kasi diba parang, nasa Consti naman natin yun eh, sinasabi niya kasi diba, ilang porsyento nung nung ating Cong, yung bumubuo sa Kongreso ay atleast magbilang sa marginalized sector. Mula doon, syempre kukuha na nasa mga 50, 50 plus na manggagaling sa ano.

R: Opo, 20 percent po nun.

I: Oo, 20 percent na magrerepresent ng mga underpriviledged, yung mga tinatawag na walang boses para may mga nagrerepresent ng kanilang mga issue, at syempre sa paggagawa ng batas so mula doon, doon nagmula yung ano, mga party-list na indibidwal o mga grupo na tumatakbo bilang as party-list respresentatives, as party-list groups sa Kongreso.

R: Ano po ba yung mga duties o ginagawa bilang isang member ng party-list?

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I: Basically syempre, i-advocate mo yung advocacy ng inyong party-list, syempre. Sa Anakpawis kasi yan, may tatlo kasing, may tatlo itong sektor na dinadala yung issue, yung sa magsasaka, sa mga manggagawa, at sa mga urban poor. So yun, katulad ngayon, katulad ng Occupy Bulacan, active yung Anakpawis doon kasi constituents din niya yung urban poor. Syempre Kadamay sila, pero urban poor as a whole, mangagagawa, sa sahod. In fact mayroong batas, panukalang batas yung Anakpawis sa ENDO, sa pagtataas ng sahod, at sa pagsuporta sa mga manggagawa. Syempre ganoon rin sa magsasaka, lalong-lalo na may House Bill 555, yung Genuine Agrarian Reform Bill o yung libreng pamamahagi ng lupa, tsaka yung free irrigation. Yun yung tatlong, na malalaking sektor na mga issue na inaadvocate ng aming partido.

R: Bali ano po yung mga sectors na sakop po ng Anakpawis?

I: Peasant, uban poor, tsaka workers.

R: Ah okay po.

I: Kasi tinitignan na sila yung majority na populasyon ng bansa, tapos sila yung talagang underpriviledged na walang boses sa lipunan kaya kaya kailangan ilaban ang kanilang mga issue at struggle.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba yung Party-List System para lang po sa mga marginalized at underrepresented sectors?

I: Essentially dapat ganun, problema kasi ngayon na may ruling na yung Supreme Court, na kahit hindi ka naman talaga belong to a marginalized sector, pwede kang tumakbo bilang representative nila. Diba parang ano na nga eh, everybody‘s ball game na nga kaya nakakapasok yung mga pekeng party-list, Diba nung nakaraan nga nakapasok si, anak ni Gloria Arroyo, he is representing yung mga security guard, eh hindi naman siya security guard? Diba ang dami ngayon niyan, nagliliparan na yung mga party-list sa Kongreso na medyo ano nga, nade-defeat yung esensya talaga kung bakit ka talaga may party-list. Marginalized nga diba, o yung voiceless, o yung walang kakayahang, walang boses sa lipunan, they should belong talaga sa marginalized, hindi yung inallow na kung sino nalang yung tumakbo sa bilang isnag representtive ng isang marginalized sector.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba yung mga elite na representatives na tumatakbo sa party-list, sinasabi na dvocate naman po sila ng party-list..

I: Actually dapat hindi naman talaga sila pinapatakbo, the Comelec should not allow na tumakbo yung mayayaman sa party-list kasi..

R: Sa buong party-list po ba o bilang isang sectoral party-list?

I: Kung sa district wala tayong ano dyan, edi syempre, pero kung sa sectoral yan at sa party-list, dapat ano, wag pasukin, o wag dapat i-allow yung mga elites na na tumakbo bilang representative kasi diba, ang yaman mo tapos irerepresent mo yung urban poor, diba parang, hindi lang to politically incorrect, kundi parang nabababoy o nawawala yung esensya ng party-list kasi mayayaman na yung mga tumatakbo dyan. Di ko naman sinasabi na wala silang K na tumakbo na bilang kinatawan, pero wag sa party-list kasi hindi yung yung arena ng kanilang ano eh, dapat na pumasok eh, problem is, nagagamit na ngayon yung mga

173 party-list para syempre to serve their ano, vested interest. Pinapasok na yan ng malalaking angkan ng mga pulitiko, mga dating opisyal ng militar, ng mga pulis, at ng mga iba pang ano, yun naman talaga na napabibilang sa mahihirap na seksyon ng lipunan at unfair yun, dapat hindi sila tumatakbo bilang kinatawan ng mga mahihirap.

R: Pero nakasulat po sa RA 7941 o yung Party-List Law, na pwede pong tumakbo yung mga political parties, at mga ibang, hindi marginalized.

I: Oonga, yun yung problem doon kasi ganyan, nagagamit talaga yung batas mismo para pumasok, o nakakapasok yung mga mayayaman na indibidwal o mga grupo sa party-list. Ang nangyayare kasi, dahil mayaman sila, edi mayroon silang malaking makinarya and probably mananalo talaga sila kasi mayroon talaga silang ano eh, may makinarya at pera sila. Unlike yung mg party-list na wala o galing talaga sa marginalized ay syempre pahirapan at syempre pag nakakapasok yang mga yan, nawawalan ng lugar at mga tunay na party-list na naglilingkod sa kanilang ano, sakanilang sektor. Kaya yun yung isang problem dyan, pasok yung mga mayayamang party-list, naiichapwera yung mga sa Kongreso na karapat-dapat na maging katawan ng mga mahihirap, ng mga marginalized.

R: Para po sainyo, natutupad po ba yung pagrereprenta ng mga tao ng Party-List System?

I: Natutupad? Kung genuine na party-list oo, kasi sa katulad sa Anakpawis, malinaw naman naman sa mga pinapasa na batas, sa adbokasiya niya na para sa mahihirap. Kunware doon sa moratorium sa demolition, pagbibigay ng libreng edukasyon sa mamamayan, libreng lupa sa magsasaka, pagpapataas sa sahod ng mga manggagawa, yan yung dapat na iano ng isang party-list. Pero syempre dahil nga yung iba, may pumapasok na mga pekeng party-list, syempre iba naman yung agenda nila eh, kumbaga nasa Kongreso sila para isulong yung agenda kung ano mang grupo, para pagkakitaan, ano pa ba yung makukuha nila mga, basically syempre mga rekurso from the government.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba yung party-list system ngayon, inaalagaan niya po ba yung representation ng mga marginalized sector?

I: Basically hindi kasi marami na nga na nakapasok na pekeng party-list eh, sa esensya, hindi na, pero may mga ano pa naman, kagaya ng Makabayan Bloc eh no question dun na nagaadvocate sila ng mga issue ng mga, pero sa ibang party-list may mga panggap panggap pa pero sa totoong buhay naman, yung agenda naman ng grupo nila yung sinusulong nila, kaya sila tumatakbo sa gobyerno o Kongreso.

R: Bale ilan po ba ang nakapasok na progressive bloc?

I: Makabayan, pito, yung nakaupo ngayon pito.

R: Pero limang party-list po yun?

I: Oo, Gab, Kabataan, Anakpawis, ACT, at tsaka Bayan Muna. Limang party-lisy, pitong representative.

R: Pero ilan po ba yung tumakbo? Anim po ba kasama Piston?

I: Piston, Migrante.

R: Ah migrante po pala tumakbo rin.

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I: Oo, mukhang hindi sila nakapasok, parang pito yung galing sa progressive rank.

R: Sa tingin niyo po, kasi diba pito po yung representative ng progressive bloc ngayon, may boses yung, kahit pito lang sila?

I: Oo naman kasi kung ang tindig mo naman eh nasa masa, may malaking impact yung pantindig mo sa issue ng mga mamamayan. Ngayon diba, dati yung Genuine Argrarian Reform Bill, we are we are lang yan, pito lang nagcoco-author niyan pero ngayon nasa 25 na sa Makabayan. Ibigsabihin, may mga effort naman na makapaginfluence o makahingi sa mga ibang kongresista na titindig rin sa issue. Oo nga, free irrigation, andami niyang bill na nakahain ngayon, yung sa ENDO, marami ring kongresista na kanya kanyang version ng ENDO. Syempre maliit kung sa, sa Kongreso kasi numbers game yan, kung konti ka syempre hindi ka masyadong aanohin pero kahit konti ka, kung ang tindig mo ay para sa mamamayan, eh kung gaano kayo kaliit, atleast nadadalo niyo, naiinggit yung Kongreso, kahit yung gobyerno sa mga issue ng bayan, sa mga issue ng maralita. Yan yung Occupy Bulacan, naexpose dyan yung NHA, yung mismong kapalpakan ng gobyerno mismo na magano mismo ng housing, mass housing. So, pito lang, pero sila talaga yung labanan diyan. Kumpara mo doon sa mga, marami kasing advocate ng mass housing sa Kongreso pero hanggang ano lang, hanggang nganga lang. Pero kapag titindig para sa mga maralita, edi wala, hindi sila tumitindig. Kaya ano tayo, syempre kulang sa numero, maliit na numero, pero nakakaano tayo, engage tayo sa mga issue na pambayan.

R: Masasabi niyo po ba na narerepresenta talaga ng Anakpawis yung sektor niyo?

I: Oo naman, consistent naman siya since nung 2004, ano yan, consistent yan sa mga advocacy. Even yung mga ibang Kongresista, hindi na kayang i-challenge o kuwestiyonin yung integridad ng Anakpawis at ng Makabayan kasi wala silang maano dun, kasi consistent nga sa kanilang tindig. Eh ngayon nga na nakasupermajority yung Kongreso, yung Makabayan, pero sa mga issue na sinusulong ni Duterte, yung Death Penalty at iba pa, hindi naman tayo tumiklop dyan sa bashing order ni Duterte. Actually nawalan na nga ng chairmanship yung ibang Makabayan Bloc reps eh.Oh nagvote sila ng no, nanakot si Speaker, okay lang yun, kasi diba, hindi naman tayo nariyan para maging sunod-sunuran, kung ano yung agos ng ano no, o trip ng mga tao dyan, kundi ano yung para sa kapakanan ng mga masa kaya kebs lang doon sa posisyon, na natanggal na tinanggal sila, bakante na yung mga chairmanship na yun, NatRes, Poverty Alleviation, Public Info, so, okay lang yun.

R: Ano po ba yung mga alam niyo pong napasang batas o bill ng Anakpawis po?

I: Actually wala, kasi yun nga yung problem eh. Kasi nga pro-people yan, eh ang Kongreso ay anti-people yung pinapasa nila, eh talagang asa ka pa diba. Kasi numbers game yan eh, itong GARB, actually itong free irrigation mukhang iaano na, so okay yun kasi may nakalaan ng budget, inaprobahan na ni presidente, so hindi na maniningil hopefully ng irrigation fee sa mga magsasaka. So yun, tulak yun ng mga kinatawan natin sa Kongreso at tsaka tulak din ng mga magsasaka na lumalaban sa kalsada, kaya nagawang itulak yung..

R: Eh paano naman po yung prinopose na..

I: Syempre tayo, yun nga yung GARB, yung ENDO, at iba pa, ano naman, syempre tuloy-tuloy naman yung pagtutulak niyan sa Kongreso. Consistent naman yan since noong unang tumakbo sa Kongreso, hanggang sa ilang ano na eh, ilang Congress na tuloy-tuloy naman yung pagtutulak sa mga progressive na

175 mga batas at resolution na syempre tinitindigan ng Anakpawis. Hopefully yung maipasa yung mga main katulad ng GARB at yung ENDO, oo. Actually yan yung main ano natin dyan, yung maipasa yung free distribution at ending na yung ENDO.

R: Bilang isang indibidwal po, may positibong naidulot sainyo yung party-list?

I: Oo naman syempre kasi naipakita nito yung collective na syempre yung collective action. Yun yung magiging bayometro mo sa pagtutulak ng mga issue ng mamamayan, lumalakas yung loob mo na makipagengege sa isyung pambayan. Tsaka syempre kapag nasa party-list ka, o sa Makabayn, eh hindi lang, kunware ako, staff ako sa Congress, ito doesn‘t mean na doon lang ako, may organizing kaming area. Katulad nito, organizing area namin, ng Anakpawis, yung mga urban area. Para panahon, nag- iintegrate kami, tumutulong kami sa organizing para consolidation at expansion ng mass memberships ng aming partido, kaya malaki. Technically, tumatalas yung suri mo sa mga isyung pamayan at the same time nakakatulong ka sa pagmulat doon sa mamamayan, sa kanilang batayang karapatan.

R: Eh economic po na..

I: Technically wala. Eh kung ikaw ay ano, syempre ako, sa Kongreso kasi bilang staff may perks ka rin naman dyan kahit papano pero in terms ba of ano, sahod etc.

R: Yung tipong gumaan po yung buhay niyo, medyo lumuwag, ganoon.

I: Okay lang, parang may pagkakataon na okay, may pagkakataong hindi. Kasi pag sinabi mong struggle, kapag sinabi mong nakikibaka ka, essentially kailangan mong pagpawisan yan eh, diba, pagpawisan mo yung advocacy mo. Hindi yan ibibigay sayo ng silver plate ng gobyerno. Although usapin rin naman ng ekonomiya pero hindi naman kasi yan yung magtatakda nga well-being mo eh kasi syempre mas inaano mo yung mas mahirap pa sayo, paano na nila iaano yung kanilang interes, diba. So parang ano dyan, wala kang economic gain, kumbaga kaya nga serve the people eh no, talagang ano yan, dugo at pawis yan. Minsan nga buwis buhay kasi pinapatay nga yung mga aktibista eh.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba nabastardize na yung Party-List System? At ano po yung mga ebidensiya kung oo?

I: Malinaw naman kasi eh, inano na yung Supreme Court, parang kamusta ka naman na in-allow mo yung mga di naman na, mayayaman naman na pumasok sa Party-List Sytem. Isang parang ano yun eh, pag- atras ng ano, ng kasalukuyang gobyerno sa proseso ng party-list, kasi yun nga, they allowed yung mayayaman bilang kinatawan sa party-list. Sa isang banda talaga namang sinalaula, may pagsalaula talaga pero syempre, yan naman ang katangian ng gobyerno diba, mangsalaula eh, pero, syempre struggle yan eh. Kahit ano naman dyan yung prinsipyo eh, diba. Kami hindi naman kami binoto, tinangkilik ng masa dahil sa may pera kami o para mang ano, pero syempre dinadala mo yung interes nila. Kaya ka nga binoboto kasi Anakpawis ako, pro-urban poor yan, sumoporta na nga sila sa Occupy Bulacan diba, o naga-adocate yan ng libreng pamamahagi ng lupa, sino ba ang hindi gusto ng libreng lupa diba. O kaya free irrigation, taas ng sahod, yan, dyan nakilala yung Anakpawis. Kaya nga kinsan kapag nakakakita ng banner ng Anakpawis minsan nagbibiro sila na aktibista yan, eh totoo naman, hindi naman natin tinatanggi na makakaliwa yan, eh totoo naman, ano namang masama kung kaliwa ka diba? Bakit masama bang iano yung ano, labag ba sa batas yung mamahagi ka ng libreng lupa sa magsasaka, bigyan mo ng maayos na pabahay yung maralita. Diba, so, kasama yun sa package ng struggle sa mga ano, hindi lang sa

176 mga masa, kundi hindi lang sa middle-class kapag nakakita talaga ng flag ng ano eh, as if kapag may mga issue naman sila eh, hindi naman sila lumalabas eh. Inaasa rin naman nila sa mga aktibista para ilaban yung intres nila kunware sa, pagtumaas ba ng sahod, yung mga middle-class ba na opisina, exempted ba sila na dahil middle-class kayo wag kayo sumali sa tagumpay ng mga ano eh diba hindi naman ganun yun eh. Diba kasama rin naman sila sa mga mabibiyayaan so kailangan mo rin talaga silang iano, walang sawang pagmumulat at pagpapaliwanag kasi syempre, ibang interes nila eh, kaysa sa interes ng mga maralita na magsasaka, na mga manggagawa.

R: Ano naman po masasabi ninyo sa pagimplementa ng Comelec sa information drive para may alam yung mga tao tungkol sa Party-List System?

I: Actually, parang hindi pa kasi ganoon kalawak kasi sa totoong buhay, noong nakaraang eleksyon, sa kampanya, medyo hindi parin alam ng mga tao yung party-list kaya kung sino-sino lang yung binoboto nila. Kumbaga yung information drive nila hindi tumatagos sa grassroots. Kaya yun yung problema, kaya syempre, kunware organizer ako, iaano ko yung masa, syempre yung iboboto ko yung nakikitang party- list kasi binabayaran nila yung mga pumupunta sa community, eh hindi naman nagpapaliwanag kung ano yung party-list eh, kumbaga iboto niyo babayaran ka nalang. Kaya sa amin, solid organizing yan. Syempre bago ka iboto, syempre ipakilala mo yung partido mo, kung ano yung pinaglalaban mo.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba na kahinaan po ng party-list yun na konti lang po yung may alam kaya mas madali siyang mamanipula ng mga elite, kasi yung nga, hindi alam ng mga tao, sasabihin nila ito babayaran nalang kita, may relationship po ba?

I: Oo, may ano parin yung Comelec, may mga umuugong nga na for sale seat, minsan sa Comelec mismo may nagbebenta ng seat, isang ano para makapasok, yung pagiging nominee mo, inaalok yan. Syempre usapin yan ng korapsyon. Hindi naman mawawala yan. Na mismong nomination, ay binibenta.

R: Ibigsabihin yung pagscreen po ng Comelec..

I: Oo! Malinaw yan. Ako experience ko yan nitong nakaraang eleksyon, isa ako sa nagbantay sa PICC, yung sa bilangan ng boto. Yung isang party-list na medyo kilala, nung nakita kasi namin yung listahan, kapos sila sa dalawa, pasok sa isa pero kapos sa dalawa, so nag-announce yung Comelec chair, sinabi niya dalawa, so parang mmmh syempre, yung mga ninja moves ng Comelec, may ganyan sa kanila. Kaya mismo party-list for sale na. Kaya nga maraming nakakapasok na mayaman kasi biabayaran nila yan eh, bakit pa mangangampanya, bibilin nalang niya yung seat. Syempre hindi naman aaminin ng Comelec na may nagaganap na ganyan pero nagaganap yan. The mere fact nga lang nakakapasok na yung mga pekeng party-list eh. Yun na yung manifestation nun na backward, at corrupt yung sistema ng Comelec, ng sistema nila.

R: Ano naman po yung masasbi niyong dami ng party-list na pwedeng tumakbo sa eleksyon? Para sainyo po ba sobrang dami? O sakto lang? O kung sino yung pwedeng makapasok, pwedeng pumasok?

I: If they are genuinely considered, yung Comelec ah, na nagtitiyak na hindi makakapasok yung mga pekeng party-list, edi dapat naghihigpit sila sa mga requirements. Tumpak dahil nga sa Party-List Law, diba parang, binuksan pa nga nila yung para doon sa mga pekeng party-list eh, na peke at indibidwal na pasukin yung party-list eh. Andami niyan! Yung mga Angkan, yung mga mayayamang pulitiko galing sa

177 mga kilalalng angkan, pinapasok nila yung party-list. So ano yun, hindi yun maganda at syempre naiitiyappwera talaga yung mga marginalized.

R: Pero yung bilang po ng party-list?

I: Ang bilang, ang tumakbo kasi nung nakaraan, umaabot na sa 150 plus noong 2016, andami almost 150 plus. Kung ako botante, mahihilo ka talaga sa dami nun, ang haba ng ano eh, yung babasahin mo kasi ang dami nga so not unless hindi mo alam yung number ng party-list mo, edi tatagal. Actually maraming ganyan, may mga botante binoto dalawa, na sa party-list, eh dapat isa lang kasi nakakalito, sobrang dami.

R: Paano naman po sa formula na ginamit ng Comelec, sa tingin niyo po ba, ano pong masasabi po ninyo doon? Sa pagbibigay po ng additional seat, sa tingin niyo po ba yun na po yung pinakamaayos na formula? Familiar po ba kayo doon sa eksaktong formula?

I: Diba parang 2 percent, plus additional, ganun yun eh. Parang sa 2 percent ng total party-list vote, kunware ang total party-list vote ay nasa sampung milyon edi yung may 2 percent yung makakapasok, plus additional pa yan kapag another 2 percent, ganun yun eh, maximum kasi niyan tatlo eh, sa isang.. Actually problematic kasi

R: Kasi parang kapag tinanong mo yung tao kung paano ba nakukuha eksakto yung mga seats, kasi ako kahit naaral ko na, nakakalimutan ko eh, kasi kumplikado talaga siya.

I: Parang ang general lang naman dyan ay basta makuha mo yung 2 percent o yun yun isa na.

R: Hindi pa po eh. Kahit hindi po 2 percent pwede pong makakauha eh. Kasi kung ilan pa po yung natitirang seat pinapasa na po.

I: Oo, parang let‘s say 58, o 60, o 50 lang allowed na seats, kahit hindi mo na reach yung.. habang hindi mo napupuno yung para sa party-list kukunin mo sa mababa eh. Actually doon nga nagkakaroon ng ninja moves dyan. Kunware mayroon pang ilan, mayroon pang ano, o basta kuha tayo, doon na talaga yung ninja moves dyan. Doon na nagkakaroon ng hokus pokus para makapasok. Kasi kung magiging strict ka nga sa 2 percent, maraming hindi makakapasok.

R: Kasi po hindi po mapupuno yung 20 percent eh.

I: Let‘s say na umabot kami ng 350,000 plus, nasa gitna kasi kami kaya medyo safe yung posisyon namin eh. Yung ibang Makabayan, halos ganoon din. Halos nasa 300,000 pataas.

R: Ang nakakuha po ng pinakamataas Gabriela po ano?

I: Gab at tsaka..

R: Kabataan?

I: Hindi, ACT ang, sa Makabayan dalawa ang, actually ang ano, ang BM halos 400,000 yung nawala sa kanila, almost isang seat, oo isang seat yung nawala sa kanila.

R: Ano naman po yung masasabi niyo sa pronouncement ni Pres. Duterte nung mga parang July or June pa to last year na tatanggalin yung party-list..

178

I: System? Syempre hindi kami magaagree na i-bolish yung party-list. Unang-una, na kahit ganito yung ano niya, yung party-list, nasasalaula nga, it doesn‘t mean na iaabolish mo yan kasi nga san na yung magiging ano, san na yung magiging pwesto ng marginalized kung aalis mo yan? Kami, mahihirapan kami tumakbo sa district ano, district election kasi ang kalaban mo dyan mayayaman, diba. Sa QC, ang kalaban mo dyan Belmonte, Vargas, mananalo ka ba sa mga yan? Syempre yung makinarya, ang dami niyang pera, yung makinarya diba, siguradong olats ka na. So syempre mali na i-abolish kasi labag sa batas , ang Konstitusyon na ang nagsasabi na may batas at enshrined yan na mayroon dapat party-list na ito yung mag-aano sa marginalized.

R: Kasi ang sabi niya po, yun nga po, sa Con-Ass daw po niya tatanggalin, pero matagal na po yun, hindi na po nabanggit ulit.

I: Oo kasi mahihirapan rin siya kung ipapa-abolish niya. Mahihirapan siya kasi marami rin namang papalag dyan kasi yung mga kaalyado niya na miyembro ng party-list. Marami naman siyang kaalyado na miyembro ng party-list.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ano po yung magiging kawalan kapag nawala yung Party-List System?

I: Syempre yung marginalized ay mawawalan ng boses, wala na nga silang boses ngayon eh, pano pag umalis pa, maiintiyapera na talaga sila, yun isang epekto niyan. Tsaka syempre yung advocacy mo, although totoo naman talaga na lansangan naman talaga yan eh, yung sama-samang pagkilos ng mga mamamayan yung nagtutulak ng ano, tinutulak kasi sa Kongreso yung mga panukalang batas para sa mga ordinaryong mamamayan, so importante rin yun.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba yung sistema po ng Party-List System hindi na siya pwedeng masalba?

I: Pwede pa, kung magpapakatino yung Comelec, at aayusin yung kung ano man yung butas na pepwedeng loophole doon sa batas, dapat kung sa party-list ka tatakbo, dapat maging exclusive ka sa marginalized groups, dapat hindi basta-basta pinapasok yan ng mga ano, at tska hindi basta advocate lang. Kasi pag advocate, napakalawak niyan eh. Dapat yung mismong kinatawan nanggaling mismo sa marginalized sector. Hindi yung kumabaga, nanggaling ka sa mayamang angkan tapos patatakbuhin ka para dumami lang yung boses niyo sa Kongreso. Kasi ang labanan lang naman sa batas, bilang eh.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba itutuloy po ni Pres. Duterte yung pagtanggal ng sistema, kasi sabi niya itutuloy daw po talaga yung Con-Ass, this nga raw po ata, pero hindi parin niya po nababanggit yung Party-List System.

I: Dadaan yan sa ano, sa labanan sa Kongreso, hindi naman niya basta basta magagawa yan kung mismong mga tao niya na nasa party-list rin ay makakabangga niya rin, so syempre, ang Makabayan Bloc ay syempre tututol dyan, yung abolishment ng party-list.

R: Para po sa inyo, scrap or reform the system?

I: Reform, syempre, iaano lang natin na ireform kasi aalisin lang yung mga loopholes, alisin yung mga basis para hindi makapasok yung mga pekeng party-list, at syempre ayusin mo yung sistema ng pageeleksyon mo kasi diba, nung nakaraan ilang milyon yung nabreach nung sa Comelec, yung Comeleak, o di problema yan kasi bukod sa pwede yang gamitin sa pandaraya sa boto, eh pwede magamit

179 yung mga private information ng mga botante sa mga ibang transactions. Dapat nga managot yung Comelec dun eh, diba, bilyon bilyon yung kanilang nakukuhang budget sa gobyerno pero napaka what the hell naman ng kanilang ano napakahina naman ng security ng kanilang ano. Ibigsabihin palpak yung security feature ng kanilang ano kaya nga na-breach eh.

R: Kung nascrap po yung Party-List System, ano po yung gusto ninyong ipalit doon?

I: Scrap, hmm, actually pinag-aaralan naman ng Makabayan Bloc yung tinutulak na federal system pero syempre hindi namn basta basta kasi kailangan pa ng mas malalim dyan. Babaguhin mo kasi yung sistema, hindi lang yung magbabago ka lang ng batas, kundi magiintroduce ka ng bagong sistema sa, ng governance. So, never pa natin na-experience yan, so yung sa pag-abolish ng party-list, edi dapat maging fair-giving yung eleksyon, maging fair-giving yung laban sa pagtakbo sa eleksyon. Di yung kung sino sino yung mayayaman, sila-sila lang yung nananalo. Ngayon, ganoon yung trend eh. Mapaparty-list ka man, o sa district representative, hindi ka naman mananalo kung wala kang pera. Malaking hamon rin yan eh, sa Makabayan Bloc, kung paano syempre disbentahe yan sa mga progressive organizations at ng party-list na kapag nawala yan. Definitely maaapektuhan yung laban natin sa Kongreso. Una hindi naman yan yung main ano mo, kundi yung struggle sa labas eh. Pero yun nga, iba parin yung may kinatawan ka sa loob ng Kongreso, para isulong din naman talaga through legislative measure yung interes at kahilingan ng mga ordinaryong mamamayan. Tsaka kung gagawin man yan ni Duterte, syempre hindi papayag yung Makabayan na basta basta lang niya gagawin yun na abolish yung party-list, lalabanan natin at tutulan yan kasi mahalaga rin naman yung role ng mga kinatawan through party-list, yung role nila sa struggle ng mamamayan, syempre hindi tayo papayag na i-abolish yun.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba effective yun ibang party-lists?

I: Oo, yung Makabayan oo, pero yung iba..

R: Yung outside po ng Makabayan.

I: Ay hindi syempre, eh mga peke nga eh, parang ito ka nalang. May ibang party-list dyan, hindi ko na babanggitin, yung nag number 1, tsaka may tatlong seat, hindi man lang nakagawa ng sarili nilang panukalang batas, puro co-authorship. Basta kung sino yung top 1, galing sa south yan oh, na mga negosyante yung ano niya. Kaya ngayon medyo napagchichismisan sila na wala silang sariling panukalang batas, eh gumagawa na, dati puro co-authorship lang sila diba. At hindi lang naman sila, marami rin namang mga grupo dyan sa Kongress na ganyan din ang style, na hindi guamagawa ng sarili nilang batas. Kumabaga sa basketball nagsusunog ng bangkuan, boto lang tayo, ganoon lang sila, throughout sa tatlong taon nila, tapos tatakbo, ganoon yung istilo. Dapat nga hindi nakakapasok yun eh. Dapat nga gumawa ng batas na kapag sa tatlong taon wala kayong nagawa na panukalang batas eh di iba- ban na kayo na tumakbo sa Kongreso kasi ano pa silbi niyo dyan. Hindi sapat yung magcoco-author ka, dapat gumawa ka ng sarili mong batas. Para saan, unang-una para sa constituents nila, bilang, kaya ka nga kinatawan ng marginalized eh, edi gumawa ka ng batas para sa kanila, diba. Yung mga usapan sa mga sulok sulok ng Kongreso, eh nabubuking sila at naeexpose na hindi naman sila tunay na mga desenteng party-list na sinasabing advocate sila.

R: Masasabi niyo po ba na yung Makabayan Bloc yung pinakadominante o effective na party-list sa Party-List System as a whole?

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I: Sa prinsipyo at paninindigan, wala ka ng makikita na katulad ng Makabayan Bloc dyan sa Kongreso na titindig doon sa mamamayan, come rain or shine. Di nga kami takot na mawala sa pwesto eh. Diba no to death penalty, o sige ah no to death penalty pala kayo ah, edi pabakantehin niyo na yung ano. Eh wala namang problema doon eh, sayang kasi pag chair ka ng isang komite, nagagamit mo kasi yung mga ilang ano niya para tuloy-tuloy na mag-advocate doon eh, na isulong yung interes ng masa. Hindi yun yung katapusan ng ano, dahil wala kang posisyon ngayon di mo na isususulong yung ano, hindi ganoon yung prinsipyo ng Makabayan. Kumbaga, syempre, pakikibaka parin, interes parin ng masa, may posisyon man siya sa komite o wala. Hindi naman yan yung magtatakda ng laban mo, hangga‘t may suporta ka ng masa, yung interes ng masa yung sinusulong mo, eh kahit anong pressure man ng Kongreso, hindi naman nila maaano, at tsaka nga, kinikilala nila yung Makabayan kasi consistent sila na pro-people. Kaya yung mga issue sa korapsyon, wala silang masabi sa, yung pork barrel, ilang Kongreso nang hindi o walang PDAF ang Makabayan, kasi dito tayo sa tama at sa mga ibang issue pa na sa tingin ng makabayan ay kailangan tindigan o syempre isulong sa kaya ka nga andyan eh, para isulong yung interes ng masa. Hindi iteres ni Speaker, o interes ng presidente, kundi interes ng masa.

(End of Interview)

Interviewer: Researcher

Interviewee: Ordinary Member of Anakpawis Party-List Name of Interviewee: Anakpawis Ordinary Member 1 Setting: The interview was conducted in K-9 Street, Brgy. West Kamias, Quezon City,at 4:10 pm, on April 6, 2017 Affiliation with interviewee: The interviewee was recommended by a staff of Anakpawis Party-List. (Start of Interview) Researcher: Una po ay ano po muna pangalan po ninyo? Interviewee: Ako si ______

R: Ilang taon na po kayo?

I: 51.

R: Saan po kayo nakatira?

I: Ako dito muna ako sa HQ tumutuloy.

R: Kailan po kayo sumali ng Anakpawis?

I: 2007.

R: Bakit po kayo sumali ng Anakapwis?

I: Dati kasi, ako, dati ako sa mangingisda ako sa Pamalakaya Pilipinas dati, ngayon naman ang Pamalakaya ay isa rin sa nakapaloob bilang sa peasant, bilang isa sa peasant organization ng Anakpawis,

181 tapos nung nawala ako sa kwan sa Pamalakaya dito sa Anakpawis ako pumasok. Tsaka sa Anakpawis, siya ang laging may pinakamahirap na Congressman, na representative.

R: Kayo po ba saang-sektor po kayo galing before po maging miyembro ng Anakpawis?

I: Ako galing ako sa sektor ng kabataan

R: Para naman po sainyo ano po yung Party-List System, sir?

I: Party-List System, kaya rin pumasok yung mga party-list natin sa Makabayan Bloc, ito‘y sana‘y magiging boses sana ng mga maliliit talaga, yung mga marginalized na tao. Ibigsabihin andyan yung mahihirap, yung mga magsasaka, mga sinasabi nila ng kwan ba, urban poor. Dapat sila dapat yung magkaroon ng boses talaga sa lipunan. Ang laging problema lang, yung Party-List System, nagamit rin ng mga malalaking panginoong may lupa tsaka mga negosyante. Nagamit siya, kaya dumami, dumami yung lumahok sa party-list dahil ang ginagawa naman ng mga panginoong may lupa tska ng mga malalaking businessman, nagagamit nila para sa interes ng kanilang negosyo, mas ganun nangyayare ngayon.

R: Ano po yung mga katungkulan bilang party-list member?

I: Syempre isang katungkulan dyan dahil nga yung party-list ginagamit ng mga panginoong may lupa at saka ng mga malalaking negosyante, katungkulan lahat halos ng mga miyembro na nililinaw namin na sumali sila sa mga pagkilos lalo na kaugnay ng kanilang kabuhayan, karapatan sa pamamahay, at tsaka sa tunay na reporma sa agraryo. Ganun rin sa mga kwan, karapatan, kasi kalamitan ngayon yung mga nasa kanayunan, matinding militarisasyon o nagagamit ng mga panginoong may lupa tsaka ng negosyante yung mga government facilities, yung mga ahensya ng gobyerno para supilin yung mga magsasakang lumalaban para sa tunay na reporma sa lupa, kaya patuloy parin kami na nagpopropaganda, para ipaglaban yung mga karapatan ng mga magsasaka, lalo na ngayong na may nagpipiket dito na nagkakampuhan dyan na magsasaka na galing Surigao. Na epekto yan, ito yung mga kwan, tinamaan last year ng kwan, yung Kidapawan Massacre. Kaya patuloy parin naming propaganda, tungkulin namin sa propaganda sa media tsaka sa community na merong mga chapter ng Anakpawis para sa tunay na reporma sa lupa, at tska syempre sakanilang mga karapatan sa lupa, at serbisyong panlipunan.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba dapat ekslusibo yung party-list system sa mga marginalized sectors?

I: Dapat, kasi nga yung kwan yung party-list, ang konsepto talaga niya ay para sa marginalized kaya tinayo siya eh. Ngayon nagamit nga siya ng mga ibang panginoong maylupa dahil sila yung may kapital, yung iba kasi nawawala dun sa regional na representative nila o yung congressional representative, nagagamit tuloy yung party-list nayon. Lalo na doon sa kanilang mga negosyo at sa pagiingat ng kanilang yaman.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba hindi talalagang pwede tumakbo yung mga elite kahit advocates sila..?

I: Hindi dapat ginagamit lang nila yung party-list eh. Meron nga kami nabalitaan na kwan eh, mayroong mga businessman na nagbabayad para makaupo sa party-list, nagbabayad.

R: Sa tingin niyo po paano po ba yung mga big business na kumikita sa party-list?

182

I: Di man kumikita, pero napoproteksyunan ng mga negosyo nila. Halimbawa, katulad doon sa kwan, pamamahagi sa lupa, RA 555, makaka, itong mga ito ginagamit, halimbawa, may mga lupain na ipinapasok ito sa mga kwan sa tunay na reporma sa lupa, mapipigil nila. Halimbawa, kahit yung sweldo na 125 na pinasok pa ni Cripsin Beltran noong 2004 pa, hanggang ngayon hindi parin nakukuha, kaya ngayon, napalitan na nga yun eh ng Anakpawis Party-List, 750 daily wage na ang panawagan, at ang pagbuwag na sa regional wage, gawin ng national.

I: Sa tingin niyo po ba natutupad parin yung principle of representation ng Party-List System?

R: Particular doon sa Makabayan Bloc, natutupad yan, kasi halimbawa, kami naman, kapag nagcoconvention yung Makabayan Bloc, Luzon, Visayas, Mindanao yan. Hindi lang pinapatawag sa isang hotel o kwan, convention yan, pinapatawag yan ng mga iba‘t ibang rehiyon, mas kwan yan na represented talaga ng marginalized sector.

R: Masasabi niyo po ba na narerepresenta po ng Anakpawis yung sektor po ninyo bilang isang indibidwal na miyembro ng Anakpawis?

I: Particular ako syempre, pinanggalingan ko kahit ako ay galing sa sektor ng kabataan, pero yung probinsya namin sa Batangas, magsasaka yung hanapbuhay namin. Kaya yung nilalaban namin dito sa Anakpawis, dala dala rin namin kahit yung mga problema namin doon sa probinsya.

R: Ano po yung mga legislations po ng Anakpawis para matulungan po yung sektor ninyo?

I: Yung huling pinasok nila ngayon yung ano, yung irrigation free, free irrigation.

R: Ano po yung naitulong nga Anakpawis po sainyo?

I: Syempre yung pagiging aware talaga. Halimbawa, yung sa kwan namin, sagutin ng nakaraang gobyerno, yung kung bakit nagtayo ng pabahay na wala naman palang sure na, napakaraming walang tirahan na hindi pinapasok doon sa mga pinatayo, kundi, ang isang napagalaman namin, si Pnoy pala at tsaka yung dating NHA general manager, magkaklase at magkaibigan, tapos yung kontraktor at tsaka naman ng NHA, magkumpare, magkasama ata sa isang frat. Kaya nakita talaga namin na may malaki talagang korapsyon na nangyare doon sa housing project lang. Kaya sa isang awareness, dapat lang talaga, kaya nga yung Anakpawis at tska yung Makabayan Bloc, walang kwan, wala siyang PDAF. Di siya tumatanggap ng PDAF, yung pondo galing sa gobyerno para gamitin. Di kami katulad nung ibang party-list na kumukuha ng pondo para magamit nila para sa mga project. Ngayon, ang panawagan ng party-list at ng Makabayan Bloc, yung mga balak na pondo na bibigay sa party-list, iderekta sa social services. Katulad sa kwan sa ospital, sa eskwelahan, at sa serbisyong panlipunan. Dapat doon na ilagay. Wag na ibigay sa party-list, lalo na doon sa mga bogus na party-list, na pinapatakbo lang ng mga negosyante at panginoong maylupa.

R: Sa tigin niyo po ba bastardized na po yung Party-List System?

I: Sa aking pananaw, kung ginagamit niya yang bastardized yung party-list, ginagamit lang yan ng mga kwan , ng mga tinatawag namin na bogus a party-list. Marami naman yan eh, kasi kung bastardized, yung paghingi ba ng tunay na reporma sa lupa, halimbawa sa Anakpawis, at tsaka yung paghingi ng 750 daily wage na kwan, bastardized ba yun sa tingin ng mga manggagawa at ng mga magsasaka bilang yun yung

183 kailangan nila sa pang araw-araw? May nabalitaan kami na nagbayad para lang maupo siya, bilang representative ng Buhay Party-List eh, si Atienza. Alam namin nagbayad ng 3-5 million para maging representative siya. Biro mo, magiging representative ka, kung ikaw ay magsisilbi sa mamamayan, kailangan mo pa ba, edi ibigay mo nalang sa mamamayan. Bakit magbabayad ka pa doon sa party-list party-list para maelect ka. Kaya nababastardize siya, kasi yung mga negosyante kaya niya magbayad eh, magbigay ka lang ng 1000 sa 200,000 na katao kayang kaya niya eh, makakabuo na siya eh.

R: Ano naman po masasabi niyo sa Comelec sa pagkakaroon ng information drives para well informed yung mga botante tungkol sa Party-List System?

I: May malaking kakulangan parin talaga, kasi kalimitan, kahit mismo sa loob ng Comelec nagdedebate sila kung paano mapromote yung party-list eh, nung nakaraan eh. Kaya nagkakaroon rin ng kwan eh, requirements, kung paano, panay padala sa amin ng mga letters niyan, kung anong dapat na magiging rule ng party-list.

R: Ano naman po masasabi niyo sa pagscreen ng mga magiging nominees sa election po, kung sino pipiliin nila na pwede lumahok, ganoon po?

I: Pero sure naman ang Makabayan Bloc na well represented ang marginalized sector. Kasi bago magkaroon ng convention dito sa national, nagkakaroon ng mga series na convention doon sa mga regional at probinsya. Na sila yung padadaluhin dito para sila yung paupuin, kung sino ang kanilang, tapos, hindi lang sa isang sentro, kundi Luzon, Visayas, mindanao yung represented niya.

R: Ano naman po masasabi ninyo sa mga ibang party-list?

I: Talaga naman talaga, yung mga ibang party-list naman talaga, bogus talaga, at hindi nman talaga nagseserbisyo sa sinasabi nila. Halimbawa, yung Ako Bicol.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba sa 58 na party-list na meron tayo ngayon, mga ilan po yung matino?

I: Syempre ang masasabi namin dyan muna, ang matino dyan ay ang Makabayan Bloc, yung mga sumusunod nagtitinu-tinuan pero may mga ilang kausap, halimbawa yung Akbayan, tsaka yung, isang party-list pa na nakipagsabwatan pa sa ibang pulitiko. Yung Akbayan, sinasabi nila na independent sila pero naka-align naman nung nakaraan kay Pnoy, Liberal Party. Kasi nagkaposition sila eh. Tapos kalimitan, may mga negosyo yang mga yan. Tapos pinagiingatan naman nila yung mga clan nila.

R: Ano naman po yung masasabi niyo sa pronouncement po ni Pres. Duterte na tanggalin yung Party-List System kasi may plano po siya na baguhin yung Constitution, pati po kasi, nabanggit niya po yun nung nawala yung ceasefire, kasi ang sabi niya po, nabastardize na raw po yung Party-List System kasi yung nga po marami na pong mayayaman, at nabanggit niya rin yung budget raw po ng Makabayan Bloc ay ginagamit raw po para raw po sa armas ng NPA. Ganoon po.

I: At hindi totoo yun kasi number 1, hindi nga kumukuha ang kwan, ang Makabayan Bloc ng PDAF eh.

R: So ano naman po yung masasabi niyo sa sinabi nga po ni Duterte sa pagscrap po ng Party-List System?

I: Sa tingin pa nga namin, mas titigas pa nga yung mga tinatawag namin na kwan eh, yung pagkakaroon ng, halimbawa, yung mga pami-milya lang lalo kasi palalakasin niya yung mga kwan eh.

184

R: Political dynasties po?

I: Oo, mas lalakas pa, kasi palalakasin niya yung mga probinsya eh. Wala pa naman siyang pinapatupad eh. Kahit naman sa Peace Talks wala parin naman siya tinutupad eh. Yung sinabi na nagdeclare sila ng kwan, ng ceasefire, samantalang, ang binibisita ng mga militar sa, halimbawa sa Surigao, Kidawapawan, kalimitan mga schools, yung mga military, yung nangyare sa Nueva Ecija na yung magsasaka pinagbabaril ng mga private army na ang backup nito ay yung mga army.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba itutuloy ni Pres.Duterte yung pagscrap ng…?

I: Kami lang eh, ang gawin namin sa Peace Talks ngayon, implement lang yung CASER, kahit mawala na yung lahat ng party-list nga eh. Kasi laman nun yung tunay na reporma sa lupa, pambansang industrilisasyon, pagiscrap ng mga policy na pabigat forein policy. Kaya yung federalismo hindi rin naman siya sagot sa kahirapan ng mga Pilipino eh. Hanggang andiyan yung pangunahing problema ng mamamayan, kahit anong sistema ilagay mo dyan, hindi mababago yan. Sa totoo lang, pinangangalagaan niya rin yung tinatawag na kaliwa eh. Kaya kasi, number 1, kaya yung mga unang pronouncement niya ang sabi niya sa mga dilawan, ―Sige patayin ninyo ako, papatayin kayo ng kaliwa.‖ Yun yung kanyang pronouncement dati eh. Kaya kahit, halimbawa, kaya ganoon siya, pag minsan kapaga kaharap niya tinitira niya yung kaliwa, tapos kapag nakaharap naman niya yung kaliwa, parang nagbabago ulit ang isip, pabago-bago.

R: Sa tingin niyo pa ba kapag tinanggal yung Party-List System, ano po yung mga mawawala?

I: Mas mawawalan ng boses ang mamamayang Pilipino.

R: So ano naman po yung masasbi niyo na pwedeng iimprove sa Party-List System?

I: Siguro yung mga kailangang iimprove talaga ay yung maghigpit, lalo na ngayon na sinasabi nila ngayon na kaya nga nagtayo ng Party-List System ay para doon sa mga marginalized, tapos ang kalimitan namang kalakan ng party-list ay nagagamit lang na bogus na party-list na madali nilang irepresent ang sasabihin nila, halimbawa yung sa Bicol, madaling sabihin na regional sila kasi papatawag lang sila, kasi may pera nga yung mga nakaupo, madali nilang ipatawag eh. Ang kailangan talaga, is yung maghigpit yung kwan eh, maghigpit yung Comelec. Sino ba talaga yung kailangan maupo doon sa party-list movement, Party-List Sytem.

(End of Interview)

Interviewer: Researcher

Interviewee: Ordinary Member of Anakpawis Party-List Name of Interviewee: Anakpawis Ordinary Member 2 Setting: The interview was conducted in K-9 Street, Brgy. West Kamias, Quezon City,at 4:31 pm, on April 6, 2017 Affiliation with interviewee: The interviewee was recommended by a staff of Anakpawis Party-List.

185

(Start of Interview) Researcher: Una po ay ano po muna pangalan po ninyo? Interviewee: ______yung yung palayaw ng anak ko eh, ______.

R: Ilang taon na po kayo?

I: Ako, 55 na ko.

R: Saan po kayo nakatira?

I: Dito lang sa Quezon City

R: Kailan po kayo sumali ng Anakpawis?

I: Mga 2004 na eh.

R: Bakit po kayo sumali ng Anakapwis?

I: Ako nasa trade union na ako, tapos ayun dahil pagkatapos nung Bayan Muna, nasa trade union, pero part naman ng Anakpawis, binuo yung Anakpawis, tapos ayun, dahil ang pangunahing dala ng Anakpawis ay yung isyu ng sahod, ng manggagawa, yung sa paguunyon, yung paglaban sa isyu ng kontraktuwalisasyon, at yung mga isyu ng mga manggagawang bukid sa problema sa lupa, sa pagdadala ng tunay na reporma sa lupa, para madala yun sa loob ng Kongreso. Yun naman talaga yung layunin at adbokasiya ng Anakpawis, kaya ngayon tuloy tuloy na dala naming yung mga iba‘t-ibang isyu ng manggagawa, ng maralita, yan bahagi parin yung Kadamay nga eh, bilang bahagi ng piakamalaking marginalized sector, syempre pagdating sa probinsya, sa kanayunan, ay yung mga magsasaka. Kaya mula doon, tuloy-tuloy yung mga tagumpay. Actually, since 2004, 2007, 2010, 2013, dala-dala ng Anakpawis, marami na ngang naipasa na bill yan eh.

R: Kayo po ba saang-sektor po kayo galing before po maging miyembro ng Anakpawis?

I: Ako, galing ako sa manggagawa, before pa ng mga party-list, actually Bayan Muna nga yung nauna.

R: Para po sainyo ano po yung Party-List System?

I: Yung Party-List System naman yung layunin naman talaga niyan, edi sinabi sa Constitution yan eh, yung paglahok ng mga marginalized na sektor sa legislation. Edi mula dun, kung titignan mo naman talaga yung Kongreso wala naman talagang ano no, wala naman talagang, halos ang magrerepresent naman dyan ay nasa mag malalaking ano, malalaking pamilya, lalo na sa mga landlord, at sa mga big business din. Karamihan naman ng mga congressman, kaya yun, mas mabibigyan ng malaking pagkakataon yung mga marginalized na magrepresent ng kanilang sectoral and class interest. Kasi lalo na, yung dala dala naman ng Anakpawis, ay basically ay nakabase dun sa interes ng manggagawa at ng magsasaka, at kabuuan. Ito naman yung majority ano sa isang umiiral sa sistema ng lipunan sa Pilipinas. Kaya dun, yun, yun naman talaga yung mabigyan ng boses ang marginalized, ang mga maralitang lungsod, yung mga maralitang magsasaka, at yung manggagawa.

R: Ano naman po yung mga duties bilang isang party-list member? Ano po yung mga katungkulan bilang miyembro ng party-list?

186

I: Ang katungkulan naman talaga ng party-list..

R: Bilang mga miyembro po.

I: Ahh yung mga miyembro? Syempre bilang Anakpawis, mula naman yan sa manggagawa, sinabi nga na manggagawa, maralita, magsasaka, edi yung task mo diyan ay ipalaganap yung mga programs and policies ng Anakpawis, lalo na sa usapin na bumubuo ng mga batas para ipasa sa Kongreso, totoo naman na marami na naipasa, mula yan sa mga konsultahan sa mga manggagawa at magsasaka, ngayon ang isa pang pinakamahalaga dyan, ay ituloy pa, ang pag ano, pagmumulat, pagoorganisa, at pagkikilos sa mga manggagawa at magsasaka, at maralitang lungsod para tuloy tuloy na maipanalo yung mga basic na kahilingan ng mga karaniwang mamamayan, at napatunayan yan ano, nagawa yan ng Anakpawis at iba pang progressive party-list na nadadala talaga sa loob ng Kongreso yung mga batayan, isyu, at mga batayan o kahilingan ng mga mamamayan, marami ng napatunayan ang Anakpawis. Hanggang sa ngayon nakasalang pa yung ano, yung usapin ng pagpapataas ng sahod, yung mga house bill at house resolution kaugnay sa sahod, sa karapatan ng mga manggagawa, at mga house bill pa para mawala ang kontraktuwalisasyon, mga iba‘t ibang iskema ng mga labor ano, mga patakaran. Ngayon sumusulong yan ano, nasa Kongreso yan, at ang pinakamahalagang usapin pa ngayon, kahit ngayon sa usapin ng lupa, mayroong Genuine Agrarian Reform Law. Nagbago na nga eh, dati ano, ngayon Genuine Agrarian Reform 555, para doon sa tunay na reporma sa lupa na papalit sa mga nauna ng batas at patakaran sa mga reporma sa lupa. At sa tingin namin ngayon, ito yung pinapalaganap namin, sa lahat ng rehiyon at balangay ng Anakpawis na sumulong yun laban hindi lang sa Kongreso ngunit sa iba‘t ibang mga probinsya at rehiyon na lumawak yung ano, pagkilos at paglaban, para doon sa tunay na reporma sa lupa. Sa ngayon no, ang pahunahing ano ng Anakpawis, isinusulong ngayon yung Genuine Agrarian Reform Bill sa loob ng Kongreso sa iba‘t ibang rehiyon at sa iba‘t ibang probinsya. Lumalaganap na ngayon yung mga laban ng mga magsasaka sa tunay na reporma sa lupa, at ito nga yun, yung GARB, yung House Bill 555. Ito yung magreresolba, sa hundred years naproblema ng mga magsasaka at ng mamamayan no, na matagal ng hindi napapaunlad yung kanilang lupain dahil wala naman talagang ano, marami ng programa sa reporma sa lupa, actually sa history nga eh. Ang Pilipinas ang may pinakamahabang kasaysayan na gumawa ng mga batas para sa reporma sa lupa, pinakamahabang kasaysayan, tapos pinakamadugo, pinakamagastos, lalo na sa Comprehensive Agrarian, simula kay Marcos no, yung PD 27, itong Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program sa panahon ni Noynoy naging CARPER pa yan. Kaya ito yung magpapalit dun sa mga batas sa reporma sa lupa na hindi naman talaga naging makatwiran para sa mga magsasaka. Eh ngayon nga, nababalik kasi kung rereviewhin mo yung batas sa ano eh, nawawala parin yung control sa lupa ng magsasaka dahil nga sa probisyon ng mga batas na ano, naipatupad na sa mga previous na administration. Sa tingin namin, nililinaw rin ng Anakpawis, na itong pagrereporma sa lupa, ito narin yung magiging daan sa tunay na industrialization. Kaya nga yan, ito yung ano, dinidiscuss na sa iba‘t ibang mga organisasyon na napapaloob sa Anakpawis at kinapapaloob ng Anakpawis doon sa sinasabing Makabayan Bloc. Kaya yan, tuloy tuloy yan na sumusulong. Ngayon, kung ang titignan natin ang mga party-list na bogus, na nagdadala ng hindi naman kongkreto na nagbabago doon sa sinasabi pagbabago ng lipunan, kasi ngayon umiiral parin yung mga batas. Kahit sa panahon ni ano, ni Digong, umiiral parin anti-worker programs and policies diba, yung mga anti-peasant policies ay tuloy-tuloy parin ngayon diba, kaya nga may mga labanan pa ngayon eh. Halimbawa, yung sinasabing na pinangako ni Digong na itatas yung sahod ng mga manggagawa, hanggang ngayon wala parin naman yan diba. Yung SSS ga naipanalo na ng Anakpawis, ng Makabayan Bloc eh, pero ano pa ang ginaw, imbis na 2000 yung inapprove, ginawa alang 1000, pero kahit papaano, naipanalo parin. Hindi lang yan ano, marami pang

187 house bill at resolution ang hanggang ngayon ay nakapending sa Kongreso dahil na nga doon sa kawalan ng boses ng mga mamamayan, ng mga marginalized para matupad ang kanilang mga kahilingan. Kaya kung titignan mo nga yung Kongreso ano yan eh, di lang yung Kongreso, yung Senado, at yung administrasyon ngayon ni Duterte, ay nagrerepresent ng mga ruling class. Yung sinasabi ni Duterte na oligarch, hanggang ngayon andyan parin ang oligarch sa gobyerno niya eh. Maslalong titignan mo yung Kongreso at yung Senado. Isang larangan din tong party-list para tuloy-tuloy na sumulong at lumawak pa yung laban ng mga manggagawa at magsasaka doon sa tunay na reporma sa lupa at doon sa pambansang o national industrialization, yun naman yung direksyon.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba dapat ekslusibo yung party-list system sa mga marginalized and underrepresented sectors?

I: Oo! Dapat! Actually kung titignan mo yung elektoral system natin ang nakakatakbo lang yung mga mayayaman eh diba, kasi sila yung may kapital para makapanya ng todo at madala yung ano no. Pero hindi naman talaga totoo na nadadala yung mga isyu at mga problema ng mga marginalized. Actually nagagamit nga lang sila eh. Before eleksyon nandiyadiyan na eh, pagkatapos ng eleksyon wala na. At itong mga party-list, hindi ito binuo para dalhin sa Kongreso, binuo yan ng mga iba‘t ibang organization, hindi yan tinayo lang diba. Dyan yan galing mismo sa mga basic people‘s organization. Itong mga party- list naman na ito na tinayo naman ng mga pulitiko, na hindi naman talaga nanggaling sa people‘s organization, kontrolado parin ng mga ano, yung larangan na pulitika na dinadala nila. Kaya ngayon, ang tingin nga namin sa Kongreso, bagamat nagrerepresent ng mga ruling class, at hindi naman talaga ng mga majority, may papel talaga yung mga party-list para.. Kasi kung mawawala naman yung party-list, edi mas lalong hindi na marerepresent yung ano yung mga marginalized, hindi lang yung sektor, kung tawagin nga namin class eh, working class, kaya nga Anakpawis eh, toiling masses. Yan naman talaga yung nagpapatulo ng pawis eh, para umunlad yung agrikultura at yung industriya ng Pilipinas, pero siya parin yung ano, naghihirap. Ngayon nga eh, sa bawat sampung magsasaka, 7 yung walang sariling binubungkal, nananatili yun.

R: Pero nakalagay po sa Konstitusyon at sa RA 7941 o yung Party-List Law nakasaad po dun na pwede po tumakbo sa party-list ay mga sectoral party-list, at mga political parties rin po. Ibigsabihin, yun po kasi yung sinasabi ng decision po ng Suprem Court nung 2013 na pwede pong pumasok yung mga pulitiko talaga, hindi yung galing from the sectoral. Paano po yun kung ganoon? Pwede kasi na sinasabi na in the spirit of the law, yung gusto po niyang iachieve, ibigsabihin yun po yung sa marginalized and underrepresented talaga pero kapag sinabing…

I: Yan yan nga yung sinasabi nila eh, yan yung palusot nila eh. Para hindi lumawak yung strictly marginalized, babaguhin nila yung mga ano eh, yung mga provisions na pinapasok na later on, na magdedecide yung Supreme Court. Eh ano ba yung Supreme Court? Nagrerepresent rin ng mga ano, lalo na nung panahon ni Gloria at ni Pnoy na halos lahat naman talaga na nakatalaga sa Suprem Court ay naappoint na ng pangulo. Kaya nga kuwestiyonable na yung sinasabi na demokrasya ay umiiral sa Pilipinas. Kasi yung representation palang diba, hindi naman talaga nagrerepresent ng mga marginalized, eh majority magsasaka, pero pagdating mo sa mga probinsya, ang mga nagrerepresent ay mga landlord. Ngayon yun yung question. Ngayon, binabago na yung mga provisions doon sa party-list para lumusot itong iba‘t ibang pulitiko na controlled parin ng mga malalaking panginoong may lupa at yung mga nasa gobyerno mismo at ng mga big business. Yun naman talaga yung lumusot lalo na nung panahon ng 2013,

188 yan yung period ni Pnoy na mga republic act na, kahit nga yung mga Supreme Court ano, marami na talagang inano sila na provisions. Kahit doon sa Comelec ano eh diba, yung mga Comelec ruling na binago nila. Syemepre kahit naman sino. Meron pa dyan mga pangalan Abono, Abono Party-list, COOP- NATCO diba, yung 1-PACMAN, Ako Bicol, sa totoo lang hindi naman Bikolano yun eh, parang regionalized diba, pero kung titignan mo, yung mga nanalong representative ng Ako Bicol, Bikolano, pero kung anong klaseng Bikolano, diba ano mga contractor sa mga pantalan, mga negosyante. Yung 1- PACMAN diba, andyan sa North Harbor.

R: So para po sainyo, hindi po pwedeng tumakbo yung mga elite bilang advocates…?

I: Yun dapat sana, pero sasakyan nila yung party-list, yung mga binago lalo na nung 2013, dadami tuloy ngayon yung mga magatatayo ng party-list, kasi mas madali ka manalo sa party-list, kung di ka mananalo sa congressional district, madali ka manalo kasi dito, ilang percent lang, sa national level kang pwedeng ano, kaya madali silang makalusot. Kaya yung majority ngayon, ang progressive bloc iilan lang, halos anim lang ano? Anim ba?

R: Pito po.

I: Pito, tama, pito nga pala. Dahil dyan, mas marami parin yung mga party-list na nasa mga inclined sa mga political parties, na traditional na, traditional tawag namin, o trapo. Edi yun yung umiiral, ngayon sa part naman ni Duterte, nangangako siya ng pagbabago pero maling sabihin na parang bastardized na. Eh san niya hinuhugot yun? Edi dapat tukuyin niya kasi kung bakit na-bastardized, sino sinong mga party-list yan na hindi naman talaga nagrerepresent ng mga maralita, lalo na ng mga manggagawa, at magsasaka, yung toiling masses ang sinasabi na nambabastardize, eh yan nga yung dala ng mga ano diba? Pero dahil nga may mga nakakapasok nga na party-list, tinatawag nga dyan mga bogus party-list, para din makarepresent sila doon at the same time, syempre, namamaximize nila yung rekurso, at the same time makakuha rin sila ng majority seats, kaya nga may mga majority, minority. Sa ngayon, itong panahon ni Duterte, mas malaki yung boses nila ngayon, yung mga kapartido niya sa loob ng Kongreso. Kami naman, tumitindig kami doon, as long as andiyan yung mga sinasabi niyang pangako. Hindi parin namawawala yug, kaya yun nga minsan, dapat maglinawan doon sa usapan ng party-list, ang kailangan talaga natin ay yung mga party-list na magdadala talaga ng mga basic interest ng maralita.

R: Sige po, mamaya nalang po natin balikan yung tungkol po kay Pres. Duterte, sa tingin niyo po ba yung principle of representation natutupad parin ng Party-List System? Sa tingin niyo po ba narerepresenta talaga ng Party-List System yung mga tao?

I: Oo, narerepresent niya, kung sa Makabayan Bloc ah, sa Anakpawis, narerepresent niya yan, pero syempre dahil may umiiral na sistema parin na nabababoy yung mga provisions ng party-list, marami na talagang nakapasok na hindi nman talaga nagrerepresent, ginagawa lang naman talagang negosyo yung posisyon diba sa loob ng Kongreso.

R: Masasabi niyo po ba na narerepresenta po ng Anakpawis yung sektor po ninyo bilang isang indibidwal na miyembro ng Anakpawis?

I: Oo, actually yung representation ng ano napatunayan ng Anakpawis since 2004, kay Crispin Beltran palang, nailaban yan, tapos yung principle ng Anakpawis, organizationally, mula talaga yan sa mga manggagawa at magsasaka.Nagagawa talaga yan kasi nga yung party-list, yung Anakpawis Party-List, at

189 yung mga progressive party-list, nanggaling talaga yan sa people‘s and sektoral organizations, at hindi lang yan itinakda, para lang makapaloob doon sa mga legislation works sa loob ng Kongreso.

R: Ano po yung mga legislations po ng Anakpawis para matulungan po yung sektor ninyo?

I: Yun ano no, marami ng bill yan eh no, yung, lalo na ngayon na tuloy-tuloy parin yung usapin ng sahod, yung mga house bill at itong mga Anti-Contractualization Bill, yung moratorium nga ano sa demolition. Ngayon tuloy tuloy yung mga congressional hearing sa mga issue. Itong ano, SSS, actually Bayan Muna ang nauna dyan, at yung progressive, yung buong Makabayan block, ang nagpanalo ng increase ng SSS pension na 2000. At hanggang kay Pnoy pirma nalang kailangan, justified na eh, pagdating naman kay Digong nabawasan pa eh diba. Naging 1000 nalang eh. Pero yun, naipanalo yun sa Kongreso, hindi lamang sa Kongreso, kundi doon sa suporta, lalo na ng mga seniors, mga SSS pensioners.

R: Ano po yung mga positibong impact ng pagiging party-list member sa social at economic na epekto po sainyo bilang isang miyembro?

I: Actually napoproteksyunan yung mga basic rights ng manggagawa, yung unyon yung pinakaano nila, dyan naman nagsimula yung Anakpawis, sa mga unyon, sa mga asosasyon ng mga magsasaka. Dun sa mga pagkilos, marami ng naipanalo.

R: Pero para po sainyo, bilang indibidwal, ano po yung naitulong ng party-list po sainyo?

I: Naitulong na ano, na socio at economic, economically hindi pa naman talaga kasi economically umuunlad diba? Dahil ang tingin namin sa lipunang Pilipino ay kontrolado parin ng mga malalaking panginoong maylupa, lalo na sa usapin ng foreign policy, yun parin naman eh, diba. Pero economically and politically, mas napaunlad na ng Anakpawis kung paano talaga babaguhin yung sistema ng lipunan sa ngayon. Ang tingin namin ang sistema ng lipunan ngayon, ay isang semi-feudal, at isang semi-colonial na society at backward na ano no, kaya nga Third World eh. Ibigsabihin di naman tayo katulad nung Korea at ng mga iba na mauunlad yung mga economic and political system nila. Pero dito sa Pilipinas, nananatiling kontrolado ng mga big landlords, yung mga foreign policies nangingibabaw parin, lalo na yung paggamit ng posisyon sa gobyerno na parang negosyo. Ganoon naman yung nangyayare no, on going parin naman ngayon yung laban ng Anakpawis kaya nga lahat ng isyu, isyu ng magsasaka, isyu ng mangingisda, isyu ng drayber, isyu ng maralita sa pabahay, nandiyadyan yung Anakpawis eh. Sa lahat ng, hindi lang sa Kongreso, atleast naiaangat ng Anakpawis yung socio, economic, and political awareness ng mga maralita, hindi lang sa Kongreso, kundi sa paglaban. Malaki yung naitutlong ng Anakpawis, naiibroight up niya kaagad, lalo na yung Kadamay, anlaki ng papel ng ano no. Eh mga gago rin yung mga media, sinabi na nakakita ng kakampi yung Kadamay, yung Makabayan Bloc, kaya naka ano diba, may balitang ganun diba? Imbis na tignan yun na bahagi talaga yun ng laban ng mga party-list. Sinasabi nga natin na yung housing problem ay isang social problem diba, hindi yan problema lang ng isang tao, problema yan ng buong lipunan eh. Diba, yung housing crisis, eh kasi kung titignan mo, yung panahon ni Pnoy, mayroong ISF fund na 50 billion, nasaan yung 50 billion na yun para sa housing? Diba wala? Yan yun, ibigsabihin kaya niyag ibigay ng libre yung pabahay at kayang ipamahagi sa magsasaka yung lupa ng libre, dahil andyan yung pondo. Ibigsabihin yung 50 billion yung panahon ni Pnoy, inabot na ni Digong, nawawala parin ngayon hindi parin makita eh, eh sino yun diba. Yun na yun, yung mga sinasabi nila na substandard na pabahay, yun yung problema. Problemado parin yung sistema ng lipunan. Yung iba nga eh, hindi nila alam kung san lumutang yung informal settler‘s fund na 50 billion. Hindi

190 mapaliwanag. Halimbawa, yung batas na sinasabi ng DSWD, bakit kailangan pag dumaan sa congressman ng district yung pondo, ano bang papel ng Congressman diba, legislator ka eh, ang papel nila ay gumawa ng batas. Eh papel yan ng DSWD, kaya dapat yung pondo nila, edi ibigay nila sa DSWD, at yung DSWD, yung magfacilitate sa mga probinsya, hindi sa Congressman. Congressman is legislation ang kanyang trabaho, hindi parang maging social services. Kaya ka nga gumagawa ng batas eh, para sa ikabubuti ng mamamayan at ng buong Pilipinas. Eh bakit pinapakialaman mo pa yung DSWD? Galit na galit eh, sino yung mga galit na galit na yan, yung mga congressman na nakaposisyon doon sa mga distrito nila. Kaya nga yun yung gusto nila, kaya nga binabaraha nila eh. Kaya sa Committee on Appointment ano diba, hinaharang na talaga si Judy Taguiwalo. Kasi nga kinocontest nila yung role ng DSWD para indi parin mawala sa kanila, hindi parin mawala sa kanila yung mga pondo na ipamamahagi parin doon sa mga ano. Yun yung mga nagagamit ng mga congressional district at yung mga party-list na bogus.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba bastardized na po yung Party-List System?

I: Bastardized in the sense na maraming political parties, o pulitiko, na ginamit yung party-list para makaposisyon sa loob ng Kongreso, at mapatakbo nito, at maproteksyonan ang kanilang mga negosyo. Yun yung context na sinabing nabastardize diba. Kaya doon mo ipupwesto eh. Eh kung ganun na nababastardize, edi mapapalwak lang yung mga bogus na party-list, na hindi naman talaga na, genuinely hindi naman nagrerepresent ng marginalized sector. Actually hindi nga sektor, kundi class. Lalo na nung working class, lalo na yung toiling masses, yun yung dapat tignan na context, iba kasi yung context, parang binubuo niya kagad eh. Pero hindi eh, binubuo mo yung mga particularities eh, o based dun sa particularities, imbistigahan yung mga itong hindi naman talagang totoong party-list diba. Yun yung isang ano doon, dapat na icontest. Kasi pwede mo tignan sa buo, tapos pag tinignan mo naman sa particularities, mayroon kang sasabihin, mayroon kang tutukuyin, tukuyin niya kung sino. Parang sinabi mo na ang problema ng lipunan ay maraming adik, patayin ba lahat ng adik, o unahin mo yung malalaking sindikato na nasa loob rin mismo ng gobyerno. Dapat ganun diba. Kasi pwede mong tignan sa buo, pero pag tinignan mo sa ano, kailangan magano ka, magclarify ka, diba. Kung ang ganyan ang statement mo generally na bastardized ang party-list, edi lahat ng party-list kalaban mo. Natatandaan mo yung Mad Against Drugs, yung kay Richard Gomez? Mamayan Ayaw sa Droga, diba, kasi nakita na ano to, hindi dapat to lumahok sa party-list kasi government ano siya eh, program eh, kaya nadisqualify yun eh. Kaya galit na galit si Richard Gomez sa Anakpawis eh. Kasi siya, inappoint siya ng government bilang representative ng MAD, ngayon ginamit naman nila, pinasok bilang party-list yung mamamayan ayaw sa droga. Bakit mo siya patatakbuhin eh program yan ng government? Isa pa, Buhay Party-list, sino nga yung representative?

R: Yung sa Maynila?

I: Si Atienza, tatay ni Tunying, ay ni Matanglawin.

R: Nagtop po sila nun diba?

I: Oo, ang representative mo ay si Velarde. Katulad nung 1-PACMAN, akala nung mga tao kay Pacman kaya biniboto. Di nila alam isang malaking negosyante sa pier. Yung Ako Bicol, akala nila si Eddie Garcia, hindi, malalaking negosyante doon sa Bicol. Kumabaga higpitan mo yung mga nagpapanggap kaysa tignan mo ng buo na yan ay mali, diba. Mayroong nambabastardize, parang sa Kongreso, hindi mo

191 parin sasabihin na sila lahat ay gumagawa ng batas diba, pero lahat sila ay gumagawa para proteksyonan ng kanilang mga negosyo. Si Gina, mas maganda pa nga yung sinabi ni Gina Lopez eh, kung gusto mo maglingkod sa gobyerno, wag ka magnegosyo. Kaya galit na galit sila kay Gina Lopez eh. Tell your brother he is making bad, kasi sinisira niya yung kalikasan, yun pala nakaupo pala sa ano, sa big mining.

R: Pamilyar po ba kayo sa formula na ginagamit sa Party-List System?

I: Ah yung ginagamit ngayon diba, yung formula na ano yung sa ano yun, ilang percent yun, percent yan eh, kung ilan yung ano, yung voting, yung total votes, 200 ba, 2 percent. Kaya dun, dun mo naman makukuha yung basis sa ano, sa 2 percent. Sa Anakpawis ilang nga nakuha natin? Kaya nga hindi umabot ng 2 representatives, 200,000 votes eh no, 300, ay 400. Yun npala yung sinasabi ko na kung may 200 votes ka na, makakaisang seat ka na, kasi yun yung 2 percent eh. Kaya sa mga people‘s organization yung mga pinanggalingan ng mga party-list ng Makabayan Bloc. Kaya ngayon, tuloy-tuloy yung ano, mula yan doon sa suporta ng mga members ng people‘s organization.

R: Ano naman po masasabi niyo sa Comelec sa pagkakaroon ng information drives para well informed yung mga botante tungkol sa Party-List System, kasi marami parin pong tao ngayon yung hindi alam yung Party-List Sytem kung paano ba siya gumagana, kasi mababa parin po yung voting turnout ng party- lists eh, kung compared po sa senatorial, sa presidential..?

I: Kasi sa dami nga eh, ng lumahok, ilang nga 100 ano. Yun yung ano doon eh, samantalang sa senatorial diba, iilan lang ano parang mga 50, biro mo mas marami pa sa party-list umabot ng 100, kaya nga ang haba eh. Kung yung mga hindi inabot ng information, kasi ang tagal narin ng party-list eh, kaya lang minsan pagdating doon sa balota, paghinanap nila, diba, minsan may mga ganoon na technicality yung problema eh, dahil sa dami ng party-list, minsan hindi na bumoboto yung ano, yung mga tao. May mga ganun, teknikal na yun diba. Tapos meron parin talaga, na hindi pa talaga naeexert ng todo yung voter‘s education. Yun yung isang kulang doon. Ako tingin ko , hindi pa talaga ganoon kalaganap talaga, lalo na doon sa mga usapin sa voter‘s education para maintindihan, ang pinakamalaki kasi sa mga probiprobinsya. Sa mga urban center medyo malaki-laki na di tulad ng dati.

R: Ano naman po masasabi niyo sa pagscreen ng mga magiging nominees sa election po, kung sino pipiliin nila na pwede lumahok, ganoon po?

I: Ng Comelec?

R: Opo, ng Comelec.

I: Kasi requisite lang yan mga inaano nila eh, mga requirements lang eh. Kung mameet mo yung requirements nila, pwede na. Ganun naman yang Comelec eh, iba pa yung requisite ng abot.

R: Ano naman po masasabi ninyo sa mga ibang party-list, sa tingin niyo po ba nererepresenta nila yug mga sektor nila?

I: Karamihan, pero hindi naman sa ano, karamihan allie lang naman sa mga pulitiko, nakadikit, tapos nagiging ano lang, napaluob sa iba‘t-ibang political party, self-serving, halos karamihan.

R: Yung ibang ano po ba, yung ibang party-list po ba may constituents po ba sila sa grassroots, o yung mga iba bogus lang po talaga na sila-sila lang?

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I: Bogus lang talaga, oo.

R: Karamihan po ba o…

I: Kung meron mang ibang matino, pero mas marami yung mga bogus. Halimbawa nga yung Abakada eh, andami mong makikita ano, pero ang totoo wala naman yan eh. Oo, yun lang naman yung trinabaho nila eh, yung magdikit. Marami kang maaano, kasi kung hihigpitan mo yung talaga ng Comelec yan, yung pag ano, pagscreen, hindi naman lulusot talaga. Kasi yung iba dyan cinomply lang yung rquirements diba. Kaya kung maghihigpit ka talaga dyan, maraming hindi lulusot eh. Kasi yung iba naman, may kakayahan magbayad. Kaya yung sinasabi nila, usong-uso yung political rally, lalo ng malapit na yung eleksyon, yung campaign period, yung binabayaran, eh totoo naman talaga. Kasi parang pag panahon na ng eleksyon, dumadagsa yung pera, diba. Nagiging active yung ekonomiya dahil maraming nalalabas na pera yung pulitiko. Feeling ko nasa 70 percent yan eh.

R: 70 percent po yung hindi matino?

I: Baka mababa pa nga eh, conservative ako roon. Kasi parng titignan mo rin yung Congress diba, yung district rep diba, kung titignan mo halos titignan mo halos nasa ano yan eh mga ruling class. Ganoon rin yung sa party-list, kasi nakadikit sila doon eh. Kung 58 eh ilan lang yung party-list natin na Makabayan Bloc.

R: Lima lang po yung nakapasok, limang party-list, pitong representatives po.

I: Edi ilang percent lang yun. Sa 58 baka ilang percent lang eh. Pero yung iba naman na totoong party-list ang tingin lang namin ay mga conservative sila, pwedeng sa panahon based sa issue nila, nakakausap para sa ano, may mga side naman. Para ring mga congressman, yung pumirma para sa itong peace negotiation, diba, maraming pumirma. Depende sa mga ano eh, depende sa situation at sa bigat ng issue. Kunware kung tatamaan yung issue nila, edi ano sila. Hindi katulad talaga ng Makabayan Bloc na sa issue ng mamamayan at sa problema ng mamamayan , dapat tidigan mo. Pero ito, may mga ano sila eh, mga kanya kanyang issue na tinutungtungan. Ngayon, kung nakita nila na may issue sa peace talks, edi pirmahan sila para ituloy yung peace talks at wag itolerate yung all out war ni Duterte, so ganun.

I: Mahinang posisyon yan, kahit yung program ng federalism dadaan parin sa Kongreso yan eh. Kaya nire-railroad nila yung Congress para sa pagdating ng pagbuo ng federalismo, Constitutional amendment. Pero dahil yun naman yung program niya eh lahat naman ng presidente may kanya-kanyang program, kahit naman si Pnoy, meron naman siyang Cha-Cha eh, di naman lumusot.

R: Ang gusto raw po ni Duterte Con-Ass.

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I: Si Erap rin naman Con-Ass, pero dahil yun yung mga pronouncement niya naman, at sa totoo naman, wala pa namang natutupad. Ang natupad lang niya ay yung pagpirma sa SS, at nabawasan pa ng isang libo.

R: So sa ano naman po, so tutol po kayo sa pagscrap ng ano, sa tingin niyo po ba itutuloy..?

I: Hindi yun yung solution eh, at hindi rin magproprosper, kasi nga dahil, unang-una, marami ngang, depende kung magtatagumpay nga yung Con-Ass, o yung federelismo, magbabago na yung, yung Constitution diba. Ang tanong pa dyan, kung tatagal pa ba siya dyan, baka nga hindi pa niya matapos yung term niya eh. Ngayon, ayaw niya sa US parin, pero tuloy-tuloy naman yung pasok ng China at ng Russia. Eh ganoon rin naman yun eh. Parang kumuha ka lang ng isang ano, na ganun parin parin, hindi nman nagbabago yung foreign policies mo.

R: Sa tingin niyo pa ba kapag tinanggal yung Party-List System, ano po yung mga mawawala, ano po yung kawalan kapag nawala yung Party-List System?

I: Hindi pa kasi mawawala talaga siya eh.

R: Pero po kung nawala po.

I: Kung mayroong, kasi kung mawawala, wala namang malaking epekto, kaya lang mahirap ring sabihin na mawawala, pero dahil tuloy-tuloy naman yung mga protesta, at mas nahihirapan rin sila na iano yung.

R: So nawalan lang po ng boses sa Kongreso?

I: Oo.

R: Tuloy parin po yung laban?

I: Oo, kung, ang isa roon, mahirap rin mawala ang party-list, lalo na sa ganitong kalagayan ah. Pero kung sa bagong Constitution, at magtatagumpay yung mga ano, diba, isang direction naman ng Duterte administration yung federalismo at lumakas yung suporta niya para tuloy-tuloy yung Con-Ass. Eh ngayon kung gusto niya, ang pagkatapos kasi ng CASER, constitutional reforms and ano eh. Pero ang tingin namin dyan, si Duterte magiging, kasi hindi naman niya macocontrol yung military eh, yung mga sinasabing junta junta, actually nasa loob ng military yan eh. Eh lalo na yung drug campaign niya, hindi rin naman magtatagumpay. Kasi yung sabi nga ng ano, yung taga-Venezuela, dami rin nila pinatay pero, hindi parin naman nagtagumpay.

R: Colombia po.

I: Oo sa Colombia. Kahit naman sa panahon ni Marcos may ginawa na siyang ganyan. Si ano, yung Chinese druglord, diba, pinaano niya, firing squad niya. Lalong lumakas eh, kasi nga hindi ganoong kaconsistent nga yung nasa loob mismo ng bureaucracy, malakas parin talaga yung drug trade. Ngayon para kasi, ang lakas ng smuggling sa buong Pilipinas, eh hindi mo naman matrace kung sino.

R: Para po sainyo, ano po yung pwede niyo pong macontribte, o masabi para maimprove po yung Party- List System?

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I: Ayon, edi maghigpit doon sa mga ano sa pag validate tsaka, kaso yung requirement madali kasi yan eh. Apply lang nila tapos na eh. Ayun, natural yan, dahil hindi rin naman kasi papayag lang ang nasa posisyon ay hindi makapasok yung gusto nilang. Ang tingin lang namin diyan edi maghipitan sa mga validation. Parang ano eh, anong tawag dito, yung paga..,yung profiling, anong tawag dun, itong mga to, mga party-list na to na lumalahok.

R: Pero paano po yung decision po ng Supreme Court na pwede yung mga political party, traditional political parties, pwede rin po yung regional political parties?

I: talagang ganun, edi…

R: Okay lang po sainyo na may ganun?

I: Hindi syempre, tuloy tuloy naming ineexpose yan, at tinututulan yan.

R: So gusto niyo po exclusive lang sa marginalized..?

I: Ang electoral system ay sympre sa parliamentary, syempre sa parliamentary, pero kasi kami naniniwala kasi kami sa mass movement, yung lakas parin ng mamamayan yung magpapasya, hindi yung Kongreso, ganun naman yun eh. Edi sa Kongreso yung parliamentary expose, and oppose yung mga oppressive and mga deceptive na mga.. expose and oppose. Sa bahagi namin, mas decisive parin yung mass movement, yung mga kilos protesta ng mga mamamayan, ayun yung pinatunayan ng Kadamay. Ang sinasabi naman ngayon nila Gordon at tsaka ni ano, na anarchy, at babalik yan sa gobyerno kasi gagawing precedent kung gagawin nila. Eh sinasabi nga na social problem nga yung housing edi natural ibigay mo kasi pondo yan eh.

R: Kasi sabi po ng NUPL may legal basis naman po yung ginawa po nila.

I: Kasi kung hindi sila kumilos, kung hindi sila nagoccuppy, hindi naman talaga mabibigay sa kanila yun, at hindi mabubulgar yung mga corruption sa NHA, grabe. Yung mga contract nila sa contractor, tapos malamang yung mga pulitiko rin sa loob ng Senado at Kongreso mga partner rin ng mga contractor, yan rin yung kausap nila.

(End of Interview)

Interviewer: Researcher

Interviewee: Staff of Kabataan Party-List Name of Interviewee: Kabataan Positioned Member Setting: The interview was conducted in Polytechnic University of the Philippines –Main Campus, Manila City,at 5:58 pm, on April 19, 2017 Affiliation with interviewee: The interviewee was an almunus of the University of the Philippines Manila, Political Science Program. (Start of Interview)

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Researcher: Ano po yung pangalan po ninyo? Interviewee: Ako si______, 23 years old, ako ay nakatira sa Quezon City, tapos una akong sumali sa Kabataan Party-List noong 2015. Pumasok ako bilang legislative staff sa Kabataan Party-List pagkagraduate ko noong 2015. Pero bago pa yun, naririnig ko na yung Kabataan Party-List bilang kinatawan ng kabataan sa Kongreso, yung first and only representative in Congress. Kahit noong pumasok ako noon sa UP noong 2010, naririnig ko na yun, yung Kabataan Party-List. Tapos, 2015 din, kumbaga naging official na member o kasapi ng Kabataan Party-List.

R: Para po sainyo ano po yung Party-List System?

I: Yung Party-List System kasi, kung babalikan natin yung pag-aaral natin, supposedly ginawa siya para bigyan ng boses yung mga marginalized, kasi talagang elite-dominated yung politics, lalong-lalo na yung sa Congress, yung mga district congressmen and women, talagang ano yan, mga members ng mga political dysnasties, ng mga landed elites, and unfortunately, sila yung, dahil nga meron silang economic power, sila din yung nakakakuha, madaling makakuha ng political power, which is the seats in Congress, and yung Party-List System ay ginawa supposedly para ma-curve yung kahit papaano yung kapangyarihan na yun at mas bigyan ng boses ang mga marginalized katulad ng mga kabataan, kababaihan, manggagawa, magsasaka, national minorities, at iba pa.

R: Ano po yung mga katungkulan bilang isang miyembro ng isang party-list?

I: Mga katungkulan, syempre naksulat yan sa ating constitution and by-laws, hindi ka naman magiging member ng Kabataan Party-List kung hindi ka naaniniwala sa mga programs and principles ng Kabataan Party-List at kung hindi ka suma-sangayon doon sa constitution at by laws. Bilang isang kasapi o member, ang responsibility mo, o ang duty mo ay syempre ay i-arouse o i-educate yung iba pang kabataan tungkol doon sa mga programs and principles ng Kabataan Party-List. Kasi kumbaga, yung primary duty ng isang member ng Kabataan Party-List ano yan, mag-educate, mag-arouse ng mas marami pang bilang ng kabataan, tapos syempre mag-organize, ibigsabihin mapasali sila, mapasali yung laksa- laksang bilang ng kabataan doon sa ating organisasyo. At ang pinakamahalaga syempre, ay kumilos, o pakilusin sila, tungo o para ipatupad yung mga programa at isulong ang mga prinsipyo ng ating party-list.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba yung Party-List System ay dapat po esklusibo sa mga marginalized and underrepresented sectors?

I: Siguro, kasi kung yun yung, ahhh, idea or rationale, kung bakit siya ipinasok noong ating gumawa ng ating 1987 Constitution tapos gumawa ng isang enabling law para gumawa ng isang Party-List System, kasi nga kumbaga noong panahon palang ni Marcos, and even before him, talagang corrupted na yung political system na sa Pilipinas, dominated na ng elite, dominated na ng mga landlords, ng mga oligarchs, at mayayamang negosyante, at kumbaga, kung anong propaganda nila sa election, na sila daw ay maka- masa o maka-mahirap, at the end of the day kung babalikan mo ang mga kanilang legislations at ang mga pinapasa nilang bills ang resolutions, at tsaka yung mga stand nila sa mga issues, makikita mo na hindi naman talaga sila ganun, kumbaga syempre, meron silang class interes na pinangangalagaan. Supposedly ang Party-List System ay isang measure para mas mabigyan ng boses yung mga marginalized, so I think na dapat exclusive lang for marginalized yung ating Party-List System, pero kumbaga, although maganda yung intention ng batas na ito, ahhh, ano eh, ahhh, yung talagang marami paring humahadlang o nakakahadlang lalong-lalo na yung current economic and political situation kasi syempre yung mga

196 gantong, sabihin natin na yung isang institution o organization, umiiral yan sa kabuuang sistemang panlipunan, at ang nakikita nga natin syempre, very unequal, ang may hawak ng kapangyarihan at tska syempre ng kayamanan ay iilan. Itong Party-List System ay isang avenue ay isang measure para kahit papaano, i-advance yung interes ng mga mamamayan, ng ordinary mamamayan laban sa mga interes ng mga naghaharing uri.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba yung mga mayayaman, pwee po ba sila tumakbo bilang party-list representatives bilang advocates lamang ng isang sektor?

I: Kasi napaka, ano yun eh, parang ano ba, ano ba yung word, parang hindi siya kapani-paniwala. Halimbawa, itong anak ni Arroyo, si Micheal o si Mikey, tumakbo siyang party-list congressman tapos ang nirerepresent daw niya ay mga security guards. Although kumbaga may intention siya pero kung titignan mo kasi yung background niya, tapos yung kanyang mga, basta yung kabuuang background, syempre anak siya ng presidente, tapos mayamang pamilya, tapos papasok sa pulitika bilang representative ng mga security guards, tapos titignan mo yung mga, siguro nagpasa siya ng mga bills para sa interes ng mga security guards, pero kumbaga, hindi siya genuine representation na tinatawag. Dapat, katulad sa Kabataan Party-List, nanggaling sa sektor ng kabataan, hinubog ng student movement, ang ating mga kinatawan, kahit itong current representative natin, si Rep. Sarah Elago, matagal na student leader yan sa UP. Kahit pagka-graduate niya nagpatuloy parin sa pagkilos at sa pagsulong ng karapatan at interes ng kabataan. Kahit yung ibang members, halimbawa, ang tinuturing nalang natin yung ano eh, syempre, hindi naman sa pagbubuhat ng bangko, yung Makabayan Bloc nalang talaga, kasi yun talaga yung nagsusulong talaga ng ano, ng interes ng mga mamamayan, at nanggaling talaga doon sa ano, sa batayang masa, yung ating kinatawan. Ang, siguro, kaya maraming lumalabas na ideya o balita, o siguro mga suggestion kahit mismo tong si Presidente Duterte, ay nag, kumbaga nagsasabi na buwagin na yang Party-List System na yan kasi wala namang ginagawa yang mga party-list na yan. Syempre, ano, hindi naman sa walang ginagawa, pero naging corrupted lang yung ano, yung Party-List System, bakit, kasi nga naglabas yung Supreme Court ng decision, di ko na maalala 2012 ata.

R: 2013.

I: Ah 2013, naglabas ng decision ang Supreme Court na hindi necessarily mula sa marginalized sector yung ire-represent ng isang party-list, at dahil dun, talagang lumobo yung bilang ng mga party-list na sumasali sa election. Tapos kumbaga, ano nalang, kung sino sino nalang ang mga indibidwal o personalidad yung tumatakbo at sa kasamaang palad nananalo. Maraming halimbawa, yung ibang mga party-list kasi, mga ano lang yan, kumbaga nagdagdag upuan lang doon sa Congress ng mga ano, mga pulitikal families, mga political dynasties. Halimbawa natalo ka sa distrito mo, o yung kapatid mo tatakbo na sa distrito mo, so magtatayo ka nalang ng party-list mo, kaya kahit kung hindi ka, ang unique kasi sa party-list ano, hindi siya regional, yung mga, iba-iba kasing type o tipo na party-list, mayroong regional lang, halimbawa yung Ako Bicol, yung iba naman nakabase lang sa isang probinsya. Halimbawa yung mga sectoral naman yung mga Gabriela, Kabataan, inaano nila, talagang ginagawa nila lahat ng paraan para manatili sa pwesto, at yun nga marami nga sa party-list congressman ay mga kabilang sa mga mayayamang pamilya. May mga pagkakataon pa nga na halimbawa yung isang kapatid ay party-list, tapos yung isang kapatid congressman rin sa isang distrito, talagang may ano, may hidden agenda, o may sariling interes na sinusulong yung mga tao na kumbaga, yung mga bumubuo nalang ba sa mga party-list. Kaya kapag nakikita mo sa election, every election, sobrang dami yung mga party-list na parang hindi mo

197 naman narinig noong nakaraang eleksyon. Tapos kung ano-anong pangalan nalang yung ginagawa nila. Meron pa ngang isang party-list na ang supposedly ang advocacy raw niya ay karapatan ng mga indigenous peoples, pero kung titignan mo ang kanyang ano, mayamang negosyante, nakatira sa isang exclusive na subdivision, kung malalaman ng mga ordinaryong tao, o yung mismong mga bumoto sa kanya, ano, maaano din siya disillusioned doon sa party-list system, and syempre hindi pa natin binabanggit yung mga vote-buying. Kahit yung mga party-list na yan, nagaano rin yan, lalo na yung mga nanggaling sa political dynasties, nagaano rin yan ng vote-buying sa kanilang distrito. Kasi kumbaga ang advantage dahil hindi naman, hiwalay naman yung boto mo sa party-list eh, tsaka doon sa district congressman, so talagang ano yan, pera pera lang yan.

R: Paano naman po yung kasi nakasulat po sa Constitution at sa RA 7941 o yung Party-List System Law, ay ang pwede pong lumahok sa party-list ay tatlo, politcal party-list, regional party-list, at sectoral party- lists. Wala namang sinabi na exclusive lang to sa marginalized. Naging exclusive lang to doon sa decision noong 2001 na hindi pwedeng tumakbo yung mga elite, tapos nagpatuloy nalang yug tingin o intrepretation na para sa marginalized and underrepresented. At ang nagsabi rin naman, na hindi ito esklusibo sa marginalized at underrepresented ay yung mismong pioneer ng party-list noong ginawa ang Constitution na si Mr. Monsod, na ang goal naman ng party-list ay magkaroon ng pluralism, ibigsabihin halo-halong interes ang pwedeng pumasok. Yoon po kasi yung notion ng Supreme Court, so paano naman po nating malalabanan yung ganoong notion?

I: Actually maganda naman talaga yung idea behind, kumbaga, pamamaraan, or yung mismong pagbubuo ng ganyang sistema sa party-list, ang problema lang, ang kailangan kasi nating tignan, kung saang lipunan umiiral itong party-list system. Sige kung sabihin natin na nagkakarooon ng chance yung ibang mga, o yung lahat na makalahok sa, o makasali sa election, pero ang nangyayari kasi, parang ano din yan, parang nagkakaroon ng, kumbaga yung demokrasya, ay ano nalang, ilusyon. Totoo naman na hindi naman pinagbabawalan yung mga mayayaman na tumakbo sa party-list, pero kung.., actually nangyayari na nga, at kung yun ay patuloy na mangyayare, aabot sa punto na, hindi narin talaga, wala ng ano, wala ng boses narin yung mga marginalized, eh yun naman talaga yung sa tingin ko, yung essence kung bakit mayroong Party-List System. Kasi oo, bigyan mo, o may boses din naman yung mga mayayaman, pero naano eh, kumbaga, natatabunan nila yung boses ng marginalized and supposedly yung idea, kung bakit ginawa itong party-list ay mas palakasin yung boses o yung participation ng marginalized sector lalo na syempre kalakhan naman o yung mga batas naman napinapatupad naman ay supossedly ay para sa mamamayan, at hindi naman lahat nung…, kalakhan parin sa mga Pilipino eh mahiirap, at kokonti lang talaga yung mga may kaya. At kung bubuo o magsasabatas ng isang, isang batas na ang beneficiary mo ay yung masang ordinaryong masa edi dapat kalahok sila o kasali sila doon sa pagbubuo ng batas na yun, kumbaga para hindi makapasok or hindi mabahiran ng interes ng mga mayayaman kasi may mga, halimbawa meron tayong mga batas na magaganda naman yung intensyon, pero pagdating sa implementation diba eh nababaluktot na, at hindi narin talaga nagsisilbi para sa ano, para sa ordinaryong Pilipino. At yun yung kumbaga sinasabi natin kung bakit hindi dapat payagan lumahok yung mayayaman tulad sa party-list na system.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba yung ano, yung principle of representation, naa-accomplish po ba ng Party-List System?

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I: Sa ngayon, sa ibang banda naa-accomplish yun kasi yung mga boses ng kabataan, yung kababaihan, yung manggagawa, mga magsasaka, mga national minorities, pero kung sabihin natin kung titignan mo yung composition ng mga party-lists, tapos kung sino ba kung ano ba yung kanilang nirerepresent, mahirap kasing ahhhh, pano ba. Paano ba yung representation na sinasabi mo?

R: Kung yung goal nga ng Party-List System ay magkaroon ng plurality sa Congress na yung mga interes ng mga iba‘t-ibang interes ay nandoon sa loob ng Kongreso, kung may ganoon ngang nangyayare.

I: Hindi naman kumbaga mawawala yung ano pluralism doon sa, I mean yung pagkakaroon ng mga ibang boses doon sa Kongreso, lalo na may kanya-kanyang pinanggagalingan yung mga kongresista, mga congressman at kung halimbawa may lumapit sa kanilang kung sino man, tapos mainspire sila, gagawa sila ng bill o resolution tungkol doon. Pero pagdating sa halimbawa, umh sa education, napakahalaga ng ano, boses ng kabataan at hindi ko rin naman sinasabi na yung ibang mga congressman, kahit yung mga party-list congressman ay hindi sinusulong yung interes ng kabataan, pero yung nagiisang party-list ng kabataan, yung Kabataan Party-List, isa lang yung boses niya sa Kongreso out of 290+ congressmen. Sa panahon ng ano, sa Congress kasi numbers game rin naman yan, para makapagbasa ka ng batas, kailangan makausap o pumayag yung ibang konggresista doon sa gusto mong panukalang batas, eh ang problema may kanya-kanyang interes na sinusulong yung mga yun. So kumbaga, yung bill na gusto, eh mawo-water down, na hindi na talaga yun yung original na bill na iyong pinasa.

R: Ano po ba yung mga pinasang bill, resolution, o batas ng Kabataan Party-List?

I: Syempre hindi naman tayo nabigo o patuloy parin naman natin sinusulong yung interes ng kabataan lalong-lalo na sa karapatan ng kabataan sa libreng edukasyon. Ngayon nagpasa tayo ng House Bill 4800, yung ating Comprehensive Public Higher Education for All Act, na naglalayon ng free tuition and other school fees sa lahat ng SUC‘s, so walang babayaran lahat ng estudyante sa lahat ng SUC‘s, at pagbabawalan yung mga SUC‘s na maningil ng tuition and other school fees. Andyan din yung ating Anti-No Permit No Final Exam Bill, kasi patuloy parin yung mga balitang meron sa high school pati na sa college na yung mga anak nila ay hindi pinapa-exam kasi nga may utang pa noong nakaraang sem o nkaraang quarter. Andyan rin yung ating Students‘ Rights Bill na naglalayong isulong, palagaan, at protektahan yung karapatan yung democratic rights ng kabataan, sa organization, sa student councils, andyan din yung ating Campus Press Freedom Bill, syempre yung pangangalaga sa freedom of expression, free speech, at syempre yung independence ng student publications, yung autonomy ng student publications. Andyan din yung Free Wi-Fi Bill, which is pasado na ata on 3rd and final reading sa Senate, pero sa Congress ata, ahhh I‘m not sure, siguro nasa 2nd reading palang. Andyan din yung ating Human Rights in Education Bill, kumbaga dahil nga sa lumalalang sitwasyon ng human rights sa Pilipinas, gusto natin magkaroon ng human rights subject sa secondary education, sa high school, tapos meron pa tayong BPO Worker‘s Welfare Bill para protektahan yung kapakanan nung mga BPO workers na kalakhan ay mga kabataan, mas yun yung mga naaalala ko. Yun syempre ang pinakamahalaga naman ngayon, at pinaguusapan ngayon yung sa libreng edukasyon, yung sa free education, ang gusto natin kasi ay maipatupad ang batas na ito, hindi lamang sa gusto nating magpasa ng batas, dahil first and foremost, gusto ito ng kabataan, which is ang ating kinakatawan. Napakalaking, kumbaga, maituturing na malaking tagumpay kung maipapasa yung free.., itong bill natin, yung kabuuan ng bill. Syempre sa proseso ng pagpapasa ng batas sa Kongreso, yun nga, kung may kaparehas kang bill sa ibang congressman, ico- consolidate yun, tapos maglalabas ng consolidataed bill at kumbaga hindi lahat ng original na prinopose

199 ay mai-include doon sa consolidated version. Pero kumbaga, patuloy parin naman tayong, patuloy parin natin lalaban ang mga gusto nating ipatupad. Bukod pa doon syempre, hindi lamang simpleng pagbibigay ng libreng edukasyon sa SUC‘s syempre recognition rin ito ng pagiging ano, commercialized and deregulated ng education na nakikita natin dahil sa ganitong characteristic ng education system ay nagdulot na ng kahirapan sa mga estudyante.Halimbawa dito sa PUP, lahat naman ng mga yan, siguro less than 10 percent lang dito yung may kakayanang magbayad, kalakhan parin nanggaling sa pamilya ng mga manggagawa, mga magsasaka, yung mga kanilang mga magulang ay mga manggagawa o magsasaka na ang kanilang sahod ay napakaliit o walang kinikita talaga. Kalakhan nga o marami talaga sa nakapasa ng UPCAT pero dahil mahal ang tuition, hindi na tumutuloy ng UP, nagpi-PUP nalang sila, kasi relatively mas maliit yung tuition dito. Pero nonetheless, yung isang libo napakabigat na sa isang ordinaryong masa na kumikita lamang ng 300 o 400 kada araw, napakahirapbudyeting kung lima anak mo, kumbaga napakahirap ng buhay. Kung kaya napakahalagang ipatupad ng libre ang edukasyon sa mga SUC‘s.

R: Ano naman po yung mga naitulong ng party-list bilang miyembro po ninyo?

I: Sa akin, syempre namulat, namulat tayo sa realidad ng lipunan at ahhh, na, kumbaga, naintindihan ko yung need na ipaglaban yung karapatan ng kabataan. Syempre hindi lang para sa interes mo pero para sa interes ng lahat. At ano, kumbaga yun din naman yung ating pinapaintindi doon sa mga members natin at yung ating sinasabi na sa mga ordinaryong studyante na kabataan, na hindi katulad ngayon yung free education matagal naman na isinisigaw ng mga kabataan yan kahit pa noong panahon ni Marcos. Kahit bago pa yun, talagang nananawagan yung mga kabataan na magbigay ng ano o ang edukasyon ay gawing libre. Pero kumbaga ngayon lang na-pickup, hindi naman siguro ngayon lang, pero ngayon lang sabihin nating nagkaroon talagang isang hakbang pasulong yung campaign for free education dahil noong mga nakaraang taon naman. Halimbawa sa Congress, wala namang, hindi naman maingay yung ganyang bill, kahit yung mga nagdaang presidente hindi rin naman ganyan, o hindi talaga bibigyan ng suporta. Si Duterte nagsabi noong nangangampanya siya, ang sabi niya sumosuporta siya o kumbaga okay siya sa pagbibigay ng libreng edukasyon sa SUC‘s, at ngayon ano na, inaano natin siya, kumbaga kino-call out natin si Duterte na panindigan yung kanyang mga pinangako at talagang ibigay na itong libreng edukasyon. Nagbigay man siya ng dagdagan ng budget, pero for 1 year lang naman yun, 2017-2018 lang naman yun, so kailangan ng batas para mai-instutionalized ang free education sa SUC‘s. At yun yung hopefully ang, hindi lang yun ang maintindihan ng members natin na kahit nung mga kabataan na hindi nakasalalay doon sa isang indibidwal lang na kahit yan man ay isang presidente kung saan magaabot ang mga pangarap natin. Kaya nga umingay yung free educ dahil ang mga kabataan ay sama-samang nanawagan, napaitupad yoong libreng education, at patuloy parin naman ginagawa at gagawin ng mga kabataan yun, ang manawagan para sa libreng edukasyon at syempre mga iba pang issue. Halimbawa ngayon papalapit na yung May 1, yung end contractualization, yung pagtataas ng minimum wage, hindi lang minimum wag, yung pagtataas mismo ng sahod. Sa magsasaka naman syempre yung Genuine Agrarian Reform, at iba pang mga issue na hindi lang naman dapat eh ano, yun din siguro yung nanaaig doon sa kabataan. Ang issue ng kabataan ay hindi lang naman issue lang naman ng sektor ng kabataan, kumbaga yung issue ng mga kababaihan, o issue ng mga manggagawa, issue ng magsasaka, ay issye din ng kabataan, dahil naman yan ay magkakaugnay at kumbaga kailangan nating sumaib, yung lakas ng kabataan isanib doon sa lakas ng mamamayan para sama samang ipaglaban yung kanilang karapatan, yung mga kahingian.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba yung Party-List System bastardized na?

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I: Ibigsabihin bastardized katulad ng sinabi natin kanina na corrupted? Oo, ganoon rin naman kung paano natin siya made-describe. Ako personally naniniwala ako na talagang kahit naman hindi indicated o clear na nakalagay sa Constitution na for marginalized lang yung party-list, yung talagang ideya kung bakit may party-list ay talagang mas bigyan ng boses yung mga marginalized. At sa mahabang panahon, yun ang ginagawa nung mamamayan. Kung hindi man sila mga kumbaga, kung hindi sila ahhh, nakakapasok o nakakaupo sa gobyerno sa ibang panig na pamamaraan naman inilalabas ng kabataan o ng mamamayan ang kanyang boses, o pinapaalam, o pinaparinig ang kanyang boses. Andyan naman yung mass movement at iba pang klase ng pagkilos, itong Party-List System ay kumbaga dagdag na avenue o oppurtunity para i-advance yung rights, interests, at welfare ng marginalized sector, and dapat i-maximize to ng mamamayan, yung masang anakpawis mismo, yung mga mangagawa, magsasaka, etc. At yun nga, sadly, naging, na-bastardize na yung Party-List System dahil nga kung sino sino nalang party-list yung sumusulpot tapos nananalo tapos kung ano-anong ginagawa, o wala ngang ginagawa, o kung may ginagawa naman patungkol doon sa interes ng kanyang pamilya, o kanyang negosyo. So, kaya hindi, siguro hindi rin natin masisisi yung masa na ganyan yung kanyang perception sa party-list system kasi halimbawa yung masa ay bumoto ng isang certain party-list, tapos nalaman niya parang wala namang ginagawa tong binoto kong party-list. So madi-disillusionized siya doon at yun yung nakikita nating kahinaan kasi kumbaga itong Party-List System ay kumbaga isang klase lang ng sabihin nating reform, isang klase lang ng reporma, na hindi talagang tumotugon doon sa pinakaugat na problema at ngayon ay ano na siya, ay talagang hindi na siyang nagsisilbi para doon sa original intention ng sistema.

R: Para sa inyo po ba yung current formula po ngayon sa pagbibigay ng additional seats at sa pag-allocate rin ng mga seats, ito na po ba yung pinaka-ideal na formula?

I: Kung hindi ako nagkakamali, yung formula kasi, yung original na formula nila eh, yung mananalong party-list yung makakakuha ng atleast ng 2 percent ng total party-lists votes, yun yung original. Pero dahil konti lang yung nakakakuha ng 2 percent, yung Suprem Court ata yung nagrule na bukod doon sa 2 percent, siguro part na yun ng party-list na yun ano. Bukod doon sa 2 percent, automatic may 1 seat na sila, kung makakakuha ng 4 or 6 percent edi makakakuha sila ng additional seats basta ang maximum seats lang ay tatlo. Out of 50 plus na sabihin natin na 50 or 58 ata yung party-lists seats ngayon, sabihin natin ng 58, yung mga nakakuha lang naman ng 2 percent doon ay mga, kung hindi ako magkakamali, less than or more than 10 party-lists lang naman, sabihin natin 15 party-list lang more or less na party- lists. Tapos yung total na mao-occupy nilang seats ay sabihin natin 30, or 3, so yung remaining na 23 na seats out of 58 eh paano ngayon ifi-fill kung hindi naman na-achieve yung 2 percent, so ngayon bukod doon sa 2 percent na yun, yung mga party-list na nakakuha ng most number of votes, ano nalang, batay nalang sa dami ng boto, pupunuan yung mga natitirang seats doon sa party-list allocation. Wala naman akong question doon sa formula, pero ang nangyayare kasi, halimbawa yung mga regional party-list, syempre pag regional party-list, ano naman yan, magfo-focus ka lang naman, hindi ka namang pagbabawalan, di ko alam ah, hindi ka naman ata pagbabawalan mangampanya outside sa region mo supposedly ano naman siya, buong bansa naman, wala siyang specific na district although regional based siya. Pero kung magfo-focus ka lang doon sa region mo, halimbawa sa Southern Tagalog, o kaya sa Bicol, o kung sa Visayas, madali ka lang makakuha ng 1 million votes. Halimbawa yung number 1 party- list ngayon, focused lang talaga ano yan, sa kanilang region, kaya madali nila makuha yung 2 percent. At dahil nga sa mataas ang boto nila, naka 3 seats sila. Tapos, ahhh, syempre andoon pa yung ano eh, andun din yung binanggit ko nga kanina, yung vote-buying ng mga party-list. Kaya kung sa tatanungin ako kung

201 okay ba yung formula, sa tingin ko wala naman akong criticism sa formula ano, pero kung papaano lang siguro, ayun, babalik tayo doon sa kabuuang konteksto kung saan umiiral yung party-list.

R: Ano naman po masasabi niyo sa implementation regarding sa information drive para well-informed yung mga voters, mayroon po bang mga information drive? Kasi hanggang ngayon mababa parin yung turnout sa party-list

I: To be fair naman sa Comelec, mayroon naman siyang ano, mga ginagawang information drives, pero kumbaga, kulang. Lalong-lalo na doon sa mga ordinaryong mamamayan, lalo na sa mga malalayong probinsya, kahit nga dito sa NCR eh, mga nakatira sa communities, mga urban poor communities, mga wala ring masyadong alam yan. Katulad noong nag-iikot kami noong campaign noong 2016, marami sa kanila yung nagtatanong pa kung ilang party-list ba yung boboto naman, kasi halimbawa yung binoto kong party-list ay mga sampu o lima, eh hindi nila alam na dapat isa lang naman ang iboboto mo, at kung more than 1 ang iyong shinade, ay invalid yung boto mo para doon sa party-list. So marami parin yung hindi, ahhh, nakakaalam ng ganun. Tas kung papaano yung proseso ng pagboto, ganyan, tas yung, yun nga, ahh, maraming nagtatanong kung bakit kailangan ng mga party-list party-list pa eh mayroon namang district congressman. Syempre bukod sa Comelec eh dapat naman mas dagdagan pa ang kanilang effort, yung mga ano din mismo, yung mga party-list rin mismo ay dapat mag ano din, i-educate yung masa tungol dyan sa party-list mga hindi lang tuwing panahon ng election. Bukod doon sa page-elect doon, ay sa pagdi-discuss ng mga issues, katulad ng sa kabataan, ng kababaihan, ay mag-discuss din doon sa sistema ng party-list para mas maging well-informed yung mga voters natin. Kasi kung hindi sila well- informed, ina-assume ko naman yung ano eh, yung bawat isang botante ay nagre-research yan, inaalam niya yung kung sino ba yung boboto niya. Eh kadalasan, nalalaman lang niya, syempre sa TV, o kaya sa internet, na kulang na kulang din talaga yung impormasyon na makukuha doon, kaya mahalaga yung paglulunsad ng mga public forums, tungkol, para maglinaw sa sistema ng party-list, dapat yun yung ginagawa ng Comelec habang walang election, bukod sa paghahanda doon sa susunod na election.

R: Ano naman po masasabi ninyo sa pag ano, sa pag-screen ng party-list o sa pag-screen sa mga pwede tukbo sa Party-List System, sa tingin niyo po ba yung requirement sobrang dali lang,o kaya may mga kababalghan na nangyayare kaya kung sino sino nakakapasok?

I: Actually hindi ko alam kung paano yung screening sa mga party-list pero, ang naaalala ko lang, dapat parang may number of ano eh, membership yung party-list niyo para maka, maging eligible ka na lumahok sa election, parang may ganun ata. Atleast 100,000 ata o 200,000 members per party-list or organization na gusto sumali sa party-list elections. Ahhh, marami, parang nung nakaraan, more than 200 yung nag-apply na gustong sumali sa party-list elections. Parang ang pinayagan lang ng Comelec ay 100 plus, 130, o 150. Siguro may possible, possible yung mga ganyang kababalaghan na nangyayare sa Comelec, para makapasok sila at payagan makalahok sa eleksyon dahil talagang very, ahhh, questionable, kung nabasa niyo man yung application, very questionable tapos biglang makakapasok nalang, possible yung ganun. Oo, talagang hindi imposible na mangyare yung ganoon.

R: Paano namn po yung bilang ng party-list na pinapayagan nila, kasi kung mas marami yung party-list, mas marami yung pwedeng iboto ng tao, ibigsabihin mas nada-divert yung boto ng mga tao, ibigsabihin na mas kumokonti yung chance na magkaroon ng maraming boto kasi yung nga maraming pwedeng iboto, tingin niyo po ba masyadong marami yung 150 plus?

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I: Oo, kasi kung titignan mo lang talaga yung mga tumatakbong mga party-list, lalo na kung ano ka lang, ordinaryong masa ka lang, ano eh, maaano ka rin eh, oh sino ba tong mga party-list na ito. Na sa panahon ng election, sobrang dami ng party-list na nakdikit sa poste o kung ano man yung pangalan ng party-list na bigla nalang sumusulpot, tapos kapag ni-research mo, baka wala ka pang makita tungkol doon sa party-list. Hindi rin naman ako makaisip kung ilan ba yung bilang ng party-list na dapat sumali sa election, pero siguro yung pinakakonti as possible na ano bilang ng magiging o sasali doon sa party-list elections, tapos, ano pa ba. Yun nga, kasi magkakarugtong rin yung ano na yan, kaya dumadami yung mga ano na yan, mga party-list, eh dahil talagang ano, hindi mo talagang made-deny na meron mga perks kapag ikaw ay manalo sa eleksyon o makapasok, makaupong konggresista. Lalong-lalo na doon sa mga negosyante, mga landlords, kaya ano eh, sila mismo bumuo nalang ng kanilang mga party-list kaya dumadami yung bilang ng party-list, bukod pa doon sa talagang siguro mga questionable na party-list.

R: Nabanggit niyo rin po kanina yung pronouncement po ni Pres. Duterte na i-scrap nalang yung Party- List System kasi bastardized na siya, kasi nga marami ng mayaman na nakapasok. Pero inatake rin niya yung Makabayan Bloc, kasi sabi niya ginagamit lang ng Makabayan Bloc na party-list yung pondo para gamiting pambili ng mga armas ng NPA, so ano po yung masasabi niyo sa kapag itutuloy niya yung Con- Ass, tatanggalin raw niya po yung Party-List System?

I: Yung sa ano, yung sa second question mo na yung Makabayan ginagamit lang pambili ng armas, edi i- prove niya yun. Kami nga sa Makabayan, hindi namin naga-access ng pork, yung pork barrel, kami nga yung talagang tumuligsa doon sa pork barrel funds at kung titignan mo yung mga records, kumbaga after na isinamulat yung issue na yan, hindi talaga kami um-access ng pork. Gumawa lang talaga ng action na supposedly na wala ng pork, eh ang ginawa nalang eh dinala nalang sa departments, tapos ie-endorse nalang ng mga konggresista, eh essencially, pork parin yun. Kami, hindi kami naga-access ng ganun kasi nga, pork siya. Tapos yung pondo lang naman na bininigay sa mga Cong. Eh yung sa party-list namin ay pang maintain lang ng opisina, office expenses, tapos yung district offices natin. So kumbaga, walang basis yung sinasabi ni Duterte na ginagamit yung pondo para sa NPA. Tapos ano yung isang question mo? Ah yung ano pa, tapos yung isa pala, pagdating naman doon sa ano, pagbabasura, sa Party-List System, sa tingin ko may mga advantages yung pagkakaroon ng Party-List System, kasi nga dahil nga, kung sabihin natin na perpekto yung system, edi mas mabibigyan nga ng boses yung mga ano, mga marginalized, dagdag na avenue or oppurtunity yung interes ng masa, ng ordinaryong masa, pero on the other hand, yun na nga, dahil imperfect yung mundo, yung sistema, na-bastardize na din. Parang ano lang din yan, yung SK elections, na breeding grounds ng political ano, dynasties. Na totoo din naman na nangyayare, kasi miski SK siya ay anak ni mayor, o ni barangay captain, o ni councilor, o ni vice-mayor. Tignan natin yung Party-List System doon sa buong konteksto na ginagalawan ng Party-List System. Kasi kahit gaano pa kaganda, kung yung, or yung halimbawa yung sa SK Reform, kung gaani man kaganda yung intensyon o reporma sa SK, kung yung sistemang umiiral parin naman ay dominated nga ng mga landlords, mga malalaking negosyante, na pumapasok sa pulitika narin, upang mas ma-maximize pa ang kanilang profit, eh walang magagawang ano, meaningful change yung ganoong ano, yung sistema na yan. Halimbawa yang sa party-list, although, kumbaga, so ganoon, sa isang banda mayroon talagang problema, pero nga kailangan din ng, katulad nga ng nabanggit natin kanina, ano siya, magbibigay nga ng boses sa marginalized so kung ako ay tatanungin, kung payag ba akong tanggalin yung Party-List System, eh ano, tignan natin doon sa kabuuang ano sistemang umiiral.

R: Ano naman po yung mga kawalan kapag natanggal yung Party-List System?

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I: Yung siguro pagkakaroon ng mga boses ng mga marginalized. Kasi kung, tuwing election naman yan yung, sabihin nating issue ngayon na sumusulpot no, bakit pagbabawalan yung political dynasties. Eh kung may good intentions naman yung mga political dynasties, eh kaya nga lang, eh dahil nasa kanila yung upper hand pagdating sa ekonomiya, sa economic resources, talagang ano, sila yung mananalo. Halimbawa, sa isang bayan, sa isang city, isang political dynasty, member ng political dynasty tapos isang ordinaryong kandidato, hindi naman natin kinu-question yung kanilang mga qualifications, sabihin natin na pantay din sila, pero dahil nga ito ay member ng political dynasty, na merong economic and political leverage, mas more likely na siya yung manalo, compared doon sa ordinaryong kandidato na kokonti lang yung resources. Kahit naman nasa kanya yung suporta ng masa, kung ito si yung nanggaling sa political clan, syempre may mga networks rin yan, may mga influence yan. Alam naman natin yung election dito sa Pilipinas, hindi mo naman maituturing na malinis ang election, vote-buying, o kaya yung mismong ano, malaking election fraud, o election manipulation. Lalo na ngayong automated, mas madali na ngayong i-manipulate yung source code lang eh pwede mo ng i-manipulate para i-ensure na ikaw yung manalo. Kumbaga yun yung binibenta ng Smartmatic, o ng Comelec, kaya kumbaga, ahhh, yun yung isa ring problema na kinakaharap ng Party-List System na yan. So with or without the Party-List System, magpapatuloy yung ganyang sistema.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba itutuloy ni Pres. Duterte yung pagtanggal yung Party-List System, kasi yun po yung time na natigil yung ceasefire, tapos hindi na po nabanggit ulit.

I: Hindi ko alam sa kanya kasi si presidente ano rin yan eh, kumbaga may mga panahon na mataas yung kanyang emosyon o kung ano man, bigla nalang may sasabihin na ganyan, ano yan tanggalin yung Party- List System, tanggalin yan kung ano man, tapos next week o kinabukasan medyo u-mokay na siya biglang babaliktad siya doon sa kaniyang sinabi. So medyo ano siya, madali siya mag.., o hindi siya masyadong.., basta hindi naman sa unpredictable, meron siyang mga points o mga panahon na bigla nalang siyang ano, kung ano-ano ang kanyang binabanggit katulad nitong sa Party-List System. Pero ito nga, hindi naman siya msyadong nababanggit, pinaguusapan, pero I don‘t know kug kasali parin siya doon sa ano. Siguro sa panahong kung ano, gumulong na sa Congress yung ano, Con-Ass, kasi marami pa siyang, kumbaga marami pang bills yan na maraming ipasa, at syempre yung federalism ay isa sa kanyang priority, siguro lulutang rin yung question na yan, kung andun na tayo sa Con-Ass.

R: Huling tanong nalang po, ano po ba yung pwede niyong masabi para ma-improve yung Party-List System?

I: Yung sa system mismo, syempre yung ano, yung ahhhh, yung umpisahan natin syempre sa pagbabawal ng talagang mayayaman na tumakbo doon sa Party-List System. Tapos, i-ensure na talagang marginalized yung mga makakaupo o kaya yungmakakatakbo o makakaupo sa Congreso, doon sa party-list seats. Tapos, labas sa Party-List System siguro yung ano eh pagpoprovide talaga ng ano eh, ng education, ng mga trabaho sa mamamayan, kasi talagang isa sa malaking problema sa election ay yung vote-buying at hindi natin alam kung ilang porsyento ng total na boto ay nanggaling doon sa o yung mga tinatawag na biniling boto. Pero kung siguro, marami, dahil sa kondisyon ng Pilipinas, napakarami ng mahihirap, at yun yung, kumbaga, yun yung mina-maximize ng mga political clans na yan, yan ay mayayaman at mga landlords. Mina-maximize nila yung kahirapan ng masa para syempre kung mahirap ka, tapos wala kang kinikita, tatanggihan mo ba naman yung 500 o 1000 na ibibigay sayo ng pulitiko, eh pangkain mo na yan sa pamilya mo, syempre hindi. Kaya, pero syempre, at the end of the day, desisyon naman ng ano yun, ng

204 voter. Tatanggapin niya, tapos bobota niya, pwede naman kasi na tatanggip niya pero hindi niya iboboto kung sino man nagbigay ng pero. Malaking dagok, malaking problema yun na kinakaharap sa election kaya marami sa sinasabi, pwede nating sabihin na pwedeng ma-qualify, o yung mga genuine na may interes sa pagsisilbi sa bayan, yung ano, yung hindi nananalo dahil natatalo nitong mga may pera, yung mga mayayaman. Bukod pa doon syempre, yung pagkakarron ng edukasyon, hindi lang yung education sa school, kundi political education din, kailangang itaas yung kanilang consciousness na dapat hindi masyadong umasa sa election kasi hindi naman talaga makakapag…, naano na natin sa history natin yan eh, yung ating kasaysayan, talagang wala masyadong nangyaring malaking or drastic na change doon sa mga nagpapalit-palit ng administrasyon. Kasi kung napakagaling nitong si, o sino mang president, dapat wala ng mahirap, ganun. Although syempre maraming factors rin naman yan to consider, supposedly rin naman dapat, maunlad kahit papano, hanggang lumilipas yung panahon, dapat umuunlad yung kabuhayan ng isang ordinaryong Pilipino. Pero paglabas palang diro sa PUP makikita mo na yun kahirapan. Tapos yung ginagawa pa ngayon sa mga biktima ngayon ng tokhang, mga mahihirap lang. Tapos yung mga magsasakang pinapatay sa kanayunan na pinaglalaban lang naman yung karapatan nila sa lupa, na matagal na nilang pinaglalaban, pero pinapatay sila. Tapos yung national minorities pupunta dito sa Maynila every year para iparinig ang kanilang hinaing o kanilang mga issue sa gobyerno. So yun ano, bukod sa education sa school, yung pagpapataas ng political conciousness yung pagtataas ng education. Yung pagbibigay talaga ng disente at maayos na trabaho, security of tenure, wala na yung contractual, matataas yung sahod, tapos yung magsasaka ay may lupa na… Kasi kumbaga yung consciousness naman ng isang tao, kung paano niya tignan yung lipunan, nakabatay naman yun sa kanyang ginagawa, o kanyang kapaligiran, diba. Kung yung isang yung binanggit ko kanina, kung walang makain yung pamilya mo, hindi ka tatanggi doon sa bigay ng pulitiko. So, kumbaga, talagang important yung ano, yung binanggit natin noong nakaraan, yung paga-arouse, yung page-educate sa masa, pago-organize sa kanila, tapos yung pagmo-mobilize o pagkikilos sa kanila, para, labas doon sa struggle within Congress, outside Congress, yung mass movement mismo. Yun yung ano, mag-dictate, kumbaga yun yung gusto natin. Mass movement sa labas ng Kongreso ang mag-dictate ng kung anong klaseng reforms na ipapatupad ng gobyerno, kung sa legislative man yan o sa executive.So dapat mas ganun, pero ang nagyayare kabaliktaran. Kaso dapat mas palakasin yung mas movement, kumbaga on top of the Party-List System na nagrerepresenta sa marginalized, you have a mass movement na mas malakas din yung boses na talagang magaano, ahhh, maiimpluwensiyahan ninyo yung mga legislators to pass laws that will truly serve the ano, the ordinary masses na marginalized. So mas ganun siguro yung nakikita nating ways to improve yung, hindi lang yung Party-List kundi yung buong political system.

(End of Interview)

Interviewer: Researcher

Interviewee: Ordinary Member of Kabataan Party-List Name of Interviewee: Kabataan Ordinary Member 1 Setting: The interview was conducted in the Kabataan Party-List Headquarters, 25-C Mabuhay Street, Barangay Central, Quezon City, at 11:48 pm, on April 19, 2017 Affiliation with interviewee: The interviewee was recommended by the staff of the Kabataan Party-List

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(Start of Interview) Researcher: So sa simula, panagalan niyo po? Interviewee:______, 21 years old, nakatira sa Quezon City pero taga Samar talaga, last week lang kakasali. Matagal naman na familiar ako, kaso yung formal talaga na pagsali last week. Umh inimbitahan ako ng kaibigan ko from undergrad, umh tas yun. Kaya sumali ako, ako naman, dati pa naman sympathetic na ko, kagaya nga ng sinabi ko, parang magcommit talaga.

R: Para sainyo ano yung Party-List System?

I: Siguro nanggagaling doon sa, from a law student perspective, umh yun nga, ayon nga sa Saligang Batas, yung common knowledge naman sa Party-List System, isa itong paraan ng sa pagsali sa, o partisipasyon ng ordinary na mamamayan sa pagpapanukala ng mga batas. Kaya parang as represesentatives of the sector they represent, they represent.

R: Ano po yung mga katungkulan ninyo sa party-list kahit one week palang?

I: Ayun nga, kasi, primarily ang party-list naman ay may tinataguyod na interes kanyang isang sektor, unang-una, kailangang itaguyod sa pamamagitan ng pagpapanukala ng mga batas, sa pamamagitan ng, at halimbawa, pag may mga anumalya, kailangan ipakita at kumbaga, kung titignan ngayon lately, merong investigations tungkol sa nangyare sa Kadamay, kaya yun, at iba pang mga pangyayari. So, yun naman, isa rin sa mga fuction ng party-list representative, especially, usually its coined as in aid of legislation.

R: Para sa inyo yung Party-List System ba dapat esklusibo sa mga marginalized and underrepresented sectors?

I: Para sakin oo, kasi ayun naman talaga yung kaya sinali sa Saligang Batas noong 1987 Constitution kasi yun nga nararamdaman ng karamihan na kadalasan yung mga lumalahok sa pagpapanukala ng batas, sa pagiging representante ng ordinaryong mamamayan sa mga…, madalas galing sa may-kaya o mayayamang mga pamilya, kaya parang hindi naman talaga ganun ka ahhh, kalapit na talaga o yung hindi na talaga interes ng mga ordinaryong mamamayan yung nirerepresenta, kundi yung sariling interes nalang ng kanilang uri. Kaya ay, yun nga, umh, para sa akin, mas mas, umh, in-line siya sa original intention na parang on its own avenue, since it is an avenue of participation from the ground, so.. I mean nga, kailangan sa tingin ko mas, umh, mas, akma na para siya marginalized and underrepresented sectors.

R: Paano naman yung ano, yung huling Supreme Court decision noong 2013 doon sa Atong Paglaum?

I: Atong Paglaum, yun nga eh, isa sa mga problematic, pero naalala ko nung binabasa ko yun. Kasi natackle namin sa klase yun na mas nagustuhan ko yung dissenting opinion ni Chief Justice Sereno kasi sinabi nga niya na yun naman talaga yung intensyon eh, ng Party-List System na parang, ahhh, na para talaga sa mga naisantabi, para sa mga hindi talaga, hindi talaga napapakinggan, para sa hindi narerepresenta talaga ng mga leaders. Pero syempre sinabi na parang sinabi sa Atong Paglaum na pwede naman siyang, parang, marami, basta may solidong sektor, at solidong grupo na mapoporma, at may sinusulong na adbokasiya, tanggap na yun kasi sinasabi nila na nagbabago naman, o pabago bago yung depenisyon ng mga representative. Pero kung titignan naman natin historically, madalas naman parang consistent yung mga inaapi, yung mga magsasaka, mga manggagawa, so parang kung titignan natin parang, umh, yung mga marginalized sectors. Siguro in a ideal world wala namang marginalized, pero

206 yun nga, sa kasalukuyang, kasalukuyang, kalagayan ng lipunan, wala naman masyadong nagbago eh, ganoon parin naman eh, interes ng mga, umh, noong mga panginoong may lupa, ng mga malalaking kapitalista naman talaga yung nananaig.

R: Nabanggit niyo kanina na yun naman talaga yung intention ng Constitution, kaso doon sa Atong Paglaum, nabanggit ng main sponsor ng Party-List System, ni Mr. Monsod, na ang goal naman ng Party- List System ay plurality at hindi naman talaga for the exclusivity of the marginalized and underrepresented, so paano yung notion nila na ganoon, kontra doon sa paniniwala natin na for the marginalized and underrepresented sectors siya, eh yung main sponsor na nga ng Party-List System sa Constitution ay tumanggi sa paniniwala na iyon.

I: Yun nga eh, kung ano naman eh, kung titignan natin, ahhh, oo yung, kasi yung sinasabi niya na plurality pero unang-una, hindi naman kinukulong yung intensyon o yung pwede niyang gawin sa sinabi ng sponsor eh. Parang pwede naman parang ganoon naman yung kahulugan niya eh.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba ano, pwede po ba maging representative ang isang elite sa sectoral parties na sinasabing advocate lamang sila?

I: Yun nga eh, kasi yun yung naalala ko na ilang kaso na yung, maliban sa Atong Paglaum mayroon pang isa,

R: BANAT?

I: Hindi BANAT, kasi nabasa ko siya nalimutan ko lang, mayroon doon na parang, ano to eh, kailangan lang naman na pruweba na parang pictures, mga picture ng ano to, ng mga, ahhhh, ng representatnte na parang na.., ano tawag dito, na advocate siya. Pero minsan kasi pwede naman na malinlang yung ano to eh, yung sistema eh, pwede mo makita naman talaga, na hindi siya represante kasi hindi siya lumulobog, hindi naman niya nalalaman talaga yung mga problema. Madalas naman eh, madalas, oo, representante sila pag, since yung party-list representative ay bumoboto siya hindi lang naman sa ano to, sa mga batas na pinapakula niya kundi sa lahat ng batas na may panukala na may iba‘t-ibang Kongresista. Pwede rin natin makita na baka susuportahan niya parin yung malalaking mga batas na kung sa puno‘t dulo naman ay mas pinaiigting yung ano to eh, kanilang, paghahari ng grupo nila. So, sa, parang tingin ko, siguro mahalaga talaga na, oo pwede naman siguro, feeling ko naman pwede, pero dapat lubog, pero yun nga, yun yung problema, kasi pano mo naman talaga mame-measure kung gaano kalubog yung tao. Pero yun nga, kung mas, eh kung, its very subjective so mahirap naman talaga siya i-measure in that sense. Siguro mas maigi na talaga kung sino yung umh, galing sa sektor na yun, kung, or, sino talaga yung nakapag, ahhh, parang yung ahhh, ano talaga, umh, tawag dito, na…, yun nga parang ngayon no, parang paano naman talaga na masasabi na, na, na parte na siya ng sektor ngayon o parang advocate sa sector niya. Pero yun nga, hindi lang dali-dali lang na madaya. Pagkakaalam ko sa kasong yun, pwede kasing, pwede lang i-photoshop yung picture eh, tapos pasok na yun, pero kung hindi mo talaga nirerepresent yung sektor na yun, so parang it‘s a system that is easily cheated, while in the current system.

R: Sa tingin niyo po ba ay yung principle of representation ay natutupad pa ng Party-List System?

I: Yun nga eh, ang naalala ko, I think, di ko alam kung dumating to sa Supreme Court, si first gentleman ay naging representative ng mga security guards, ay yung anak niya pala sorry. So parang, ahhh, sa by that very sample, hindi, there is ano to eh, parang, its very prone to abuse, parang, simple loopholes. So

207 siguro meron naman na tunay talaga na nirerepresenta yung mga sektor. Katulad nga ng ano to, ng, nila Sarah, na nirerepresent yung sectors and at the same time may mga party-list representatives na hindi naman talaga pabor sa sektor, o ibang…, ibang interes ang nirerepresent.

R: Sa tingin mo ba yung Party-List System ay pinapalagaan yung representation ng mga marginalized sectors?

I: Sorry in what sense?

R: Umh, the system, malaya yung mga sectoral party-lists na lumahok at manalo sa eleksyon na pinapalagaan nila na para may, parang equal yung playing field para manalo sila.

I: Well minsan…

R: Na wala masyadong hindrance para manalo…

I: For one, any party-list that is runing for a position, I think it requires a great deal of social and actual capital. Kasi like, parang the current system, the way the current system is framed, is that, they have to win a certain number, they have to have a certain amount of votes, sorry hindi ko na maalala. Parang it‘s a nationwide campaign, let‘s say in contrast to local or district representatives which they only have to campaign within their districts. In that sense, parang, free for a party-list to run, and to a certain deal a great amount of, kasi possible rin naman na, na solid na to work, umh. A party-list may win without spending too much, but it may be a hindrance that they need to go all over the Philippines, and campaign, and it indicates a big financial support, in that case some groups would really umh, really have a strong financial backing and that already brings to the form several questions, several issues, parang questions about their, umh, their, their credibilities so to speak.

R: Ano yung mga legislation na naipasa ng Kabataan Party-List para sa sektor ng kabataan?

I: Sorry kasi one week palang ako sa, na for the youth, ah yung ano,

R: Pero okay lang kung ano, kahit ano. Kahit one week palang, ano yung mga naexperience mo na positive impact sa sarili mo in social and economic aspects, kung meron man.

I: Umh, social in the sense, sige it goes into two levels. In a personal level, parang I think the party-list really helped me in, you know being aware the various, parang, various problems which are problems of the Philippines society that are usually talked about. It doesn‘t really get the attention of the media. Because usually what we feed off or the information from national media, or any, other media outlets. So I think that for one, is one of the things I gained in joining the party-list and at the same time, again, in another personal level, you gain, you meet like-minded people who fight for the youth, fight for the same advocacies, you know at the same wavelength, which really, first eh, it strengthens your resolve. It becomes a way for you to really integrade yourself in collective action and in umh, in other, umh, among other things. But on a social level, yun nga, siguro, its also in the social level na, you really umh get to know, umh, you really get to know various sectors of society, at the same time, know the problems, not that you just knoe the problems on the surface, but on the various underppinings. Parang the system underpinning, the historical underpinning.

R: Do you think that the Party-List System is already bastardized?

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I: Looking back to the more salient example that I remember, was the issue of GMA‘s son being able to run for a party-list proves that would supposedly represent the interest of security guards. So I think it is a sample on how it became a tool of the elite to infilltrate, or to ano to, umh, to dilute the efforts of representing the marginalized sector because of course its closer to the party-lists. By that very example it shows how the Party-List System can and is used to undermine efforts on to really umh, introduce umh, changes, even on a legislative level because it‘s a diffrence you out together and on the ground.

R: If youre familiar with the formula of the currect Party-List System, is that the ideal formula?

I: Well first of all, I think the formula itself is subject to contention. I remember about the issue about how, umh, about how by mathematical calculation the Gabriela should have won a third seat, but through some Comelec ruling, they were only able to ganrner 2 seats. So by itself, the formula itself is contentious because it is subject to disagreement, and the Comelec being the final arbitter of electoral rules, if maybe that they are wrong, they are technically right, because the authority lies with them. That it in itself is problematic, and at the same time, because I think the current formula is it has to reach 200…, 200,000?

R: 2 percent.

I: Then afterwards, ifi-fill mo yung one seat, ahhh, fi-fill mo yung 2 percent, then 1, 1, 1, 1

R: The first party, very important yung percent ng first party, tapos kung ilan makuha, tapos ia-alocate pa yung sa baba, kapag na-allocate na yung seats, tapos may remaining seats, ibababa na siya sa lahat.

I: The thing is, the fact that is, I don‘t know how many votes Gabriela got, but on a hypothetical level, a party-list gets votes sufficient, parang, no restrictions to have 4 or 5, because now the cap is 3 right. I think the fact that the let‘s say that a party-list earns 5 seats, parang, a certain number of votes like for 5 seats, that would have show that there is umh, a particular call for representation of that particular sector.

R: What can you say about the implementation of Comelec having information drives so the voters can be well-informed about the Party-List System?

I: Well on a personal level, I cannot really say, I don‘t think I have even ever encountered any information drive regarding the Party-List System, I think that in itself, the Comelec has failed.

R: How about the screening of party-lists to enter the elections?

I: As I have mentioned before, its easy to cheat the system eh, so its easy to fake documents, to be an advocate for a particular cause because of the lax nature of Comelec rules.

R: How abou the number of party-lists who could run? Is it too many, because kasi diba kapag marami yung pwedeng tumakbo, maraming pwedeng iboto ng tao, ibigsabihin nada-divert sila.

I: I think its really parang,

R: Kasi kapag na-divert yung votes nila, mas marami yung disnfranchised kasi hindi nanalo yung party na gusto nila.

I: I think let‘s say there are party-lists which supposedly promote the same interests, I think it would be better for the particular sector that they represent if they consolidate their efforts, parang they really

209 engage collectively so that their place could be larger, thus more chances in garnering seats. I think but I think that the fact that the number in itself, ahhh, I think its really because of the laxity of Comelec rules.

R: What can you say about the prounouncement of Pres. Duterte in scrapping the system, he said that he will scrap the system after the, yung natigil yung ceasefire kasi may nangyare parin na engkwentro, tapos ang sinabi niya ay the Party-List System is already bastardized because of the elite in the system and that the Makabayan Bloc, or the progressive party-lists, are using the funds of the party-list to fund the arms of the NPA, and he will do that if the Con-Ass will pursue.

I: Well, umh, I think, well personally I think its ahhh, first of all, we see, or we hear that parang, we usually, the presidential spokesperson we should take his words with a grain of salt. In that sense, I guess, we should, at the same time that remark is alarming because that really, its indicative of the President‘s umh, tendency to suppress, or to suppress a certain forms of political expression. Although he did make a point in saying that the Party-Lists System is being used in the elites in forward their interest and at the same time, its, umh, scrapping the system altogether deprives certain sectors of, certain sectors of their being able to represent their interests because some of the party-lists really forward genuine umh, ahhh, try to forward genuine ahhh changes to the system, i.e. GARB, i.e. Comprehensive Bill on Free Higher Education, umh so, yeah, that umh, I think, umh, that the remark really is umh alarming in the sense that yun nga, parang umh, its, on a basic level, it‘s a form of political expression, it‘s a form of a political participation wether as candidates or voters. At the same time, it deprives certain organizations to really forward their interest to umh umh, kumbaga umh, in itself umh, prohibits what we call the parliamentary struggle, so yun nga.

R: What would you want to improve on the system? That would be my last question.

I: I think the Comelec rules in itself are really lax, parang yung the number of party-list running, or the people running as representatives, so and at the sae time, the nature of those running, because ayun nga, if we‘re going of our definition of, its supposedly to cater to umh, underrepresented and marginalized sectors, parang yung party-lists serve there interests. The Coemelec must filter through or see through the misrepresentation that these nominees, these aspirants, these candidates, to forward their own political agenda instead of their sector‘s political agenda. So I think, those three, the number, the nature, anog sinabi ko, and the screening of the nominees are those are things are the Comelec form more stringent rules, and rules that would really screen and you know make sure that first that the party-list really represent the marginalized and underrepresented, next is that the nominees or representatives are actually from the sectors.

R: Thank you.

(End of Interview)

Interviewee: Ordinary Member of Kabataan Party-List Name of Interviewee: Kabataan Ordinary Member 2 Setting: The interview was conducted in the Kabataan Party-List Headquarters, 25-C Mabuhay Street, Barangay Central, Quezon City, at 12:14 am, on April 20, 2017

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Affiliation with interviewee: The interviewee was recommended by the staff of the Kabataan Party-List (Start of Interview) Researcher: So, una sa lahat ano po muna yung pangalan ninyo? Interviewee: Ako si______, buong pangalan ba, ako si______, 19 years old, nakatira ako sa Navotas City. Una akong sumali ng KPL noong November 2016, so medyo bago parin, and how did I, pero, so doon ako officially na ano napasapi pero una kong encounter sa KPL ay February 2016 pa, tapos, yun, dahil sa mga may campaign sila at ni Neri Colmenares. Tapos how did I become a member, syempre nag-attend ng KPL, nakausap, yun.

R: Para sa inyo ano yung Party-List System?

I: Ang Party-List System ay isang scheme para magkaroon ng diverse representation sa ano, sa Congress. Ideally, yung mga representative ng party-list ay nagrerepresent ng iba‘t-ibang sector not necessarilly na naka-confine lang sa isang geographical area.

R: Ano po yung mga katungkulan bilang isang miyembro ng party-list?

I: Feeling ko syempre, ano naman, makakapag salita ka lang naman sa pambansang demokratikong ano no pang masang organisasyon/party-list no, syempre iba iba naman ang orientation, yun nga, bilang kasapi ng ano, nandoon yung patuloy na pagpupukaw, pagoorganisa, at pagpapakilos sa malawak na sektor na ginagalawan mo, kagaya sakin sa hanay ng mga estudyante, patuloy na mataas yung kamalayan nila kung bakit ganito sa Pilipinas, bakit ang tagal nito, at kung ano ang mga pamamaraaan kung paano natin maano.

R: Sa tingin mo ba yung Party-List System dapat ay exclusive lang siya sa marginalized and underrepresented sectors?

I: Ako, feeling ko oo, dapat exclusive siya sa mga ano, nasa laylayan na mga sektor kasi yung kalakhan naman ng, yung kalakhan ng mga kinatawan mo no, kunware sa amin, si Toby Tiangco, yung congressman ng lone district ng Navotas, mamababatid mo naman ito sa mga iba pang kinatawan, lahat naman sila member ng ruling elites, political elites, intellectual elites, economic eleites, wether national or local umh lineage, so napakaano, napakaredundant na kung sakasakali man na itong skema ng party-list ay io-open mo parin para sa mga hindi naman, hindi naman underrepresented o hindi naman interesado sa umpisa palang.

R: Sa tingin mo ba yung mga elites ay pwedeng tumakbo sa isang party-list bilang isang advocate lamang ng isang sectoral party?

I: Ako, ano, hindi siya sakin black and white lang na ano, na hindi o oo, kasi feeling ko ano eh, nandun siya sa ano, nandun siya sa karakter o karakas ng tumatakbong bilang ano, tumatakbo bilang kinatawan ng party-list na yun kasi ayun nga, katulad nung ano, katulad nung ano katulad ng isang example siguro yung 1 PACMAN na pangatlo ata or something, basta yun. Ano yung 1-PACMAN diba ang kini-claim nila ay for the sports, for youth, for job generation, ganyan ganyan, pero ano naman ba ang alam ng may- ari ng Globalport na basketball team sa kung paano maspapalawig, kung paano mas makakagawa ng mga trabaho para sa mga tao, diba, andyan din yung sandamakmak na iba pang party-list nga. Iba pang mga party-list na nagce-claim na masyadong specific na example Mata Party-List para sa mga may Katarata,

211 andyan yung ano, andyan yung Ang TAMBAY, ang Tao at ang Bayan, so ano, parang hindi ko alam kung ano, hindi ko alam kung ano ba talaga yung pinupunto ng party-list na grupo na yun kung ano yung nirerepresent nilang interest. Tapos kwestiyonable rin yung mga pinipili nilang mga pinuno para sa mga grupong ito, kasi yung akin naman doon hindi naman nililimitahan yung representasyon sa mga nanggagaling sa anakpawis, sa masang anakpawis, pero kasi yung dapat doon na kilatisin kung sino ba to na tumatakbo na to na yung ano bagaman ganoon siya sa let‘s say sa isang naghaharing uri ano, may hacienda, may mga elite, o naman malalaking negosyante, nandoon parin yung sincerity niya na hindi lamang ito lip service. Kasi for example yung kay Gina Lopez, kasi duh, Lopez, sobrag mayaman sila sa Visayas diba, media magnate sila, pero nakikita natin yung sincerity ni Sec, Gina para talagang mag- advocate ng responsible mining. Hindi man yun isang, halimbawa na skema sa Party-List System ay I guess the same should apply, pero hindi dapat theoretical lang yung pagiging kinatawan kasi dapat andoon talaga yung patuloy na practice eh sa sektor na cini-claim mo na i-represent.

R: Sa tingin mo ba yung principle of representation ay natutupad pa ng Party-List System?

I: Umh, again, sorry, Atenista ko, mahilig kami sa yes and no. Naniniwala naman ako na may ilang party- list groups na talagang kumakatawan sa interes ng sektor na gusto nilang i-represent, pero hindi sa lahat, ang nakakalungkot na katotohanan ay karamihan ng party-list groups ay nagfa-fall doon sa latter category.

R: Para sayo, paano kung ige-guage mo lang, ilang percent yung masasabi mong matitinong party-list at ilang yung hindi?

I: Syempre andyan ang ACT Teachers, ang Kabataan, Gabriela, Anakpawis, at iba pang mga, Bayan Muna tapos yung hindi na nakapasok katulad ng Katribu, ng Piston, ayun, Migrante, ayun. So para sakin maliit na maliit talaga siyang chunk na ano.

R: So para sayo at sa ibang Makabayan Bloc, mayroon pa bang matinong party-list?

I: Ang matino ay mahirap siyang i-guage na objectively kasi, hindi nman talaga, fully magmi-meet eh. Yung mga ibang party-list represetative sa Makabayan, bias ako syempre kasi nasa Makabayan Bloc ako na MO. Pero ayun nga, siguro nakakasangkapan sila sa ibang vital issues, example, death penalty diba, yung usapan ng death penalty, yung pagbababa ng minimum wage law, mayroon ring responsibility, mga ganyan. May mga ganoong issue na vital yung ganyang alyansa kaso yung mga sabi natin na talagang hindi tumatanggap ng pork barrel, at natanggalan ng chairmanship, mahirap magsabi na ganoon talaga. Mahirap na mag all the way.

R: Sa tingin mo ba pinangangalagaan pa ng Party-List System yung marginalized sector?

I: Hindi lahat, again, hindi lahat, pero kung lalangkapon doon yung buong party-list bilang isang sistema, hindi.

R: Para sa inyo naman, ano yung mga legislation na o house bill o resultion na pinasa ng Kabataan Party- List para sa sektor ng kabataan.

I: Ayun, syempre mahirap na maipasa yung mga batas na gustong iabante ng Kabataan bilang ayun nga, yung nakikita kasi na detrimental sa status quo napinamumunuan ng naghaharing uri. Example, yung

212 pagi-integrate ng pagsama ng mga human rights yung issue ng human rights sa curricula ng ano, ng hindi lang ng college eh, kundi sa high school, ganyan. Andyan din syempre yung Free Public Wi-Fi Bill. Tapos bilang head ng, bilang parte ng iba‘t-ibang committee katulad ng higher and technical education, andyan yung mga klase na panukala na hirap na hirap na ipasa dahil hindi siya subservient sa interes ng ruling elites.

R: Ano naman po yung mga magandang naidulot ng party-list bilang miyembro socially and economically?

I: Economically, wala, chos. Kasi ano, ayun, syempre, ano, kung, maganda nga kung magpapaka umh utilitarian akong magisip. Ang gandang social capital na ibinibigay sa pagsali sa, kahit sa ano namang organisasyon, pero ito kasing social capital and the sense of networking, and contact building, but getting to know mpre, people who also advocate, and share the same fight, and share the same light so parang ganoon. Mas mapapalaig kasi yung mga alam mo sa mga issue kasi paano konektado yung usapin ng RH Bill o RH Law no, sa pagdami ng mga urban ano, mga maralitang taga-lungsod. Yung mga ganoong klasing mandates seemingly mundane topics that are seemingly not connected, makikita mo na meron silang nag-iisang kabig.

R: Sa tingin mo, bastardized na ba yung Party-List System?

I: Yes

R: Yung current formula ba ay yung ideal formula na para sa Party-List System?

I: Sabi ko ayoko ng math.Ayun. Hindi nalang ako magsasalita kasi baka pagalitan ako ni Mark.

R: Yung pagfill-up ng 20 percent ng Kongreso o yung mamabut yung 2 percent para na masabi na mayroon talagang constituents ang isang party-list, kasi yung dalawang yun yung nakalagay sa Consti.

I: Kasi yung ano eh, yung contentious siya parehas on both grounds. Kasi kunware ano, yung sa pangalawa na 2 percent, may validation kasi yung mga party-list groups sa Pilipinas. Ilan ang tumatakbong party-list, ilang ang tumakbo nitong nakaraan na election. On the other hand, yung 20 percent naman, umh ewan ko fulfilled ba siya na 20 percent? Eh kasi diba noong unang-una yung party- list, hindi naman na-fulfill noong 2000, 2001 na hindi natin na-watch, kasi sabihin mo na kung anong ano pa no, kung 20 percent naman na yan, o yung 2 percent. Hindi naman talaga kasi ito fully magrerepresent sa mga inaapi o kalakhan ng, at mga mamamayang Filipino kasi yung mismong boboto hindi lang lumalala yung iskema ng party-list, lahat, it‘s fraud.

R: Ano nman masasabi niyo sa implementation ng Comelec sa pagkakaroon ng mga information drives?

I: So parang, unang-una na nagkaroon ng information drive ang Comelec, so I don‘t know if I need to take that ano, pero ayun, hindi siya makita, I would say.

R: Yung pag-screen ng mga party-list?

I: Umh, feeling ko mas kailangan mas ano, mas maging, yung mahirap kasi, kung sino yung nangunguna doon sa Comelec ay sino ba yung bumubuo ng Comelec mo eh diba eh sa first place ano ba. So ayun, kasing ano eh, pwedeng, madali kasi mag-impose ng rules, kailangan mas ganito, mas maigting yung

213 investigation. Pero kasi, that can also work at your disadvantage eh. Like for example, yung dahilan kung bakit muntik na madisqualify yung Kabataan diba, andyan yung issue ng pagnanais ng pambansang demokratikong kilusan baka ma-disqualify yung Akbayan. Kaya ito, it depends on how will you going to wield this, sabi nga ni Kenshin no. ―It is not the katana who kills, it is but an instrument‖ so ayun.

R: Paano naman yung bilang ng mga party-list na pwedeng tumakbo, sa tingin mo ba ano, dapat ba limitahan to, kasi sobrang dami kaya nada-diversify yung votes.

I: Gusto kong sabihin na let them play, pero hindi kasi siya ano eh, detrimental talaga siya na, example ayun nga, yung mayroon kang Anakpawis na representative, mayroon kang Anakpawis na ngce-claim na totoo naman, na kumakatawan sa interes ng magsasaka at ng mga manggagawa. Pero on the other hand, mayroon ba kayong diwa. Diba parang andami, tapos sa teachers, mayroon kang ACT, tapos meron ka paring A-Teachers, so parang lumala yung kumpetisyon sa gantong klaseng mga interes o sectors ng.. Whereas hindi naman talaga sila representative ng kanilang kinakatawan.

R: Ano naman masasabi niyo sa pronouncement ni Pres. Duterte na i-scrap yung Party-List System na ang basis niya ay bastardized na raw ang system at ginagamit ngayon ang pondo ng Makabayan Block para sa armas ng NPA kasi parang timaan niya yung buong party-list sa statement na yun eh.

I: Yun, kasi ano, I wouldn‘t say na the party-list as a whole, if we are gonna scrap something, why not we scrap the whole beaurocracy, that‘s is how fucked up the system is. And hindi mo siya mababago sa pamamagitan sa mga pagtanggal ng Party-List System, kasi sila at sila nalang ang bumububuo sa maiiwan na 20 percent vaccuum, edi kapag tinanggal edi sila sila parin. Ang kagandahan ng pagpasok ng pambansang demokratiko mga grupo sa party-list sa parliamentary struggle ay magiging avenue siya para ma-expose yung kabulukan ng sistema. Tapos at the same time ano, napapagtanggol yung mga mamamayan no. Noong sinasagasaan noon ng PNP yung mga demonstrador noong Manilakbayan, diba kaagad na nakafile ng resolution diba, and more importantly, nakakapagfile noon ng mga resolutions na talagang umh, genuine interests of the masses, hindi man sila ano, hindi man sila pumapasa ano. Kasi we recognize ano, the struggle isnt there, the struggle happen on the streets, and out there in the mountains, in the countryside.

R: Ano naman yung mga magiging kawalan kapag nawala yung Party-List System?

I: Siguro tinitake natin yung Party-List System bago yung kabuuan ano, siguro feeling ko, yung hindi naman talagang totoong kinatawan ng kanilang interes, parang wala lang, okay sige. Going into business, going into politics is like another business venture for them. Siguro wala silang makukuha na pork barrel kasi kayang-kaya naman nila pumasok sa ibang business venture just like what they did in politics diba. Pero doon sa mga tao na talagang naninilbihan, this is another obstacle that we will overcome and what better way to overcome this kundi ang ano, ay lumobog sa masa. Wala ka mang parliamentary representative, wala ka man sa ano, andyan naman yung masa eh, andyan naman yung sama-samang militanteng pagkilos na hamak naman na mas makapangyarihan sa kahit anong election.

R: Ano naman yung pwede yung masabi niyo para ma-improve yung Party-List System?

I: Ano, ayun siguro umh, shocks hirap, ang dali magcritique no pero ang hirap magsuggest ng ways to ano.Umh kailangan ng ano eh. BRB daw, kailangan ng mas maigting na ano, na vigilance hindi lang sa side ng ano, hindi lang sa side ng ano, sa side ng mamamayan, kundi sa side ng pamahalaan. Ang hirap

214 kasi magsabi na kailangang bantayan o yung mga the moves ng mga modus operandi ng mga party-list, kasi kahit sila mismo nadbebenefit sa ganitong klaseng kalakaran diba. Unless there is unless that there is a miracle that found itself in the food and drinks of these people, then nothing wold change. Kahit naman sabihin ko na i-improve natin yung rules, mag-impliment ng mahigpit na background check. Siguraduhin na hindi ito bogus na party-list. Kaya ganito yung nangyayare kasi hindi naman din, this is something the ruling in you will not do, at hindi lang nila hindi isusuko

R: So last question nalang, Kung masa-scrap yung Party-List System, anong siste mo ang gusto mong ipalit?

I: Demokratikong Gobyernong Bayan.

R: Pwede po pastate kung ano po yun?

I: Ano, umh, siguro kailangan kasing maging mainam yung ano, yung representative ninyo kahit sa pinakamababang ano din, sa pinakamababang lebel. Example yung ano, kasi yung korapsyon o kabulukan hindi lang anaman ito sa party-list, it permeates doon sa pinakamababang level of governance. Ayun. Siguro kailangan ng mga tao, ng mga tao na tulungan nila na i-represent of the interest na hindi lamang ito usapin ng ano eh. Hindi lang siya usapin ng sector, ng sector ng kabataan, sector ng magsasaka, sector ng mga teacher o kung ano pa man. Kasi ang talaga naman na na nagkakawing dito ay pinagsasamantalahan na kalakhang ng sector ng mamamayan na inday at sa karamihan dito ay mga pulitiko. Ayun, kailangan ng ano matindi-tinding pagpupukaw na hindi nila ano hindi lang siya usaping ng election, it‘s a lot more than that.

R: Thank you.

(End of Interview)

Interviewer: Researcher

Interviewee: Expert Interviewee Regarding the Party-List System Name of Interviewee: Neri Colmenares Setting: The interview was conducted in Café Breton, UP Technohub, Quezon City, at 2:06 pm, on April 20, 2017 Affiliation with interviewee: The interviewee was contacted through thw National Union of People‘s Lawyers (Start of Interview) Researcher: So first question po, direkta na po tayo sa pinaka-main question, para po sainyo ano po yung Party-List System? Interviewee: The Party-List System is a sabi nga ng Korte Suprema is a social justice tool para mabigyan ang marginalized and underrepresented ng boses sa Kongreso. It started siguro noong panahon ni Marcos actually, na kung saan maraming nagrereklamo dati na yung mga congressman ni Marcos rubberstamp

215 naman ni Marcos, wala naman boses yung taong bayan, so yung ginawa ni Marcos, magappoint ng sectoral. Pero actually, appointees niya rin yung representatives, so wala namang nangyare, talagang tao- tauhan niya rin yung andoon, instead of representing their sectors, si Marcos parin ang kanilang bossing. So when Marcos was overthrown, then the Constitution said siguro naman okay naman tong party-list, katulad ng ibang bansa na may party-list din sila, so nilagay sa Constitution. So basically, na-recognize ng batas, ang Kongreso mismo ng batas eh, Party-List Law. If you noticed in the law, they said marginalized and underrepresented, ibigsabihin may admission yung Kongreso na hindi nila nire-represent ang taong bayan, kasi kapag sinabi mong underrepresented, edi inamin mo narin na hindi nila na-represent yung mga tao. For me, that is the definition of the Party-List System, it is an electoral system kung saan proportional ang system of election at representation at ang purpose ay to give a voice to those who are fully represented in Congress na magkaroon na tinatawag nila sa Kongreso. R: Sa tingin niyo po ba dapat esklusibo yung Party-List System sa marginalized and underrepresented sectors? I: Yes, I was the one who argued in Supreme Court in 2001, and that was the first case of disqualification on the ground of na they serve lang for the marginalized and underrepresented Party-List System, in the case of Bayan Muna v. Comelec, at nanalo kami doon. That is still my position, kasi bakit ka, kung ang 20 percent ng seats ng Congress ay ni-reserve para sa party-list pero kung ang sasali rin din naman sa party-list ay the same na mayayaman na pulitiko na nadoon sa 80 percent, bakit ka pa naghati ng 20 percent, edi sana wala nalang ganoon diba, pero the Constitution specifically segregated it, for a social justice reason. Kaya hindi mo pwedeng sabihin na everybody can join it, kung ang mga distrito na gusto tumakbo nanaman dun edi 100 percent na ng Kongreso nanaman, mga district politicians nanaman na failed to represent diba. So, for me, I‘ve always stuck to that argument and I think it is a valid argument especially now na lopsided ang representation ng tao sa Congress, so ang mga district congressmen, they usually vote not in favor of the marginalized poor but rather than on their vested interest. And that was proven by the party-lists track records in the Congress. And I believe that tama yung decision ng Supreme Court sa Bayan Muna v. Comelec and Bagong Bayani v. Coemelec na dapat marginalized and underrepresented lang ang mga party-list and I disagree with the decision of the Supreme Court in Paglaum v. Comelec na binuksan niya ang Party-List System sa even those who are not marginalized and underrepresented. R: paano naman po yung argument doon sa Atong Paglaum na hindi naman po specifically na stinate sa Constitution and sa RA 7941 na its for only the marginalized and underrepresented, and i-enumerate naman po doon na ang pwede pong tumakbo sa Party-List System ay party-list, ay poltical parties, regional parties, and sectoral parties?

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I: Hindi rin naman na sinabi sa Constitution na open siya sa lahat, pero kung, tingin ko yung Supreme Court who decided Paglaum, know for a fact bakit inimbento ang party-list kasi ang Kongreso alam naman ang Kongreso ang track record niyan hanggang ngayon ay dapat ang mga issues about na common na tao. Kung yun ang basis for that, doon ka na tumingin, the Constitution did not say that it is reserved, and the Constitution did not say that it is not reserve, so ang sabi ng mga lawyers, then you go to the spirit, na walang direct na expression eh, kung ano talaga eh, spirit of the law, the intention of the law. The intention of the law is that so, social justice. So anong purpose ng party-list kung pwede pala sumali lahat, bakit pa andyan, tini-test mo lang ang proportional system? Ganun nalang yung rason nun eh, nagte-test ka ng proportional system. The electoral mechanism is never been an issue in the constitutional drafting, may nagreklamo ba na mali yung first-pass-the-post na kapag 1000 yung boto mo 1001 talo ka, wala ngang nagku-question nun eh, for everybody okay yan eh, lamang lang ng isa yung kalaban mo eh. It will only come about kapag may debate dun, na ay mali yung first-pass-the-post kasi kawawa naman yung 1000 naman yung na boto natalo ng 1001, so let‘s invent the proportional system. Kapag ganoon yung debate nila, wala akong question, pero hindi eh, ang debate nila wala ano, walang representation ng marginalized, so therefore, if ang intention nila sa pagimbento para magkaroon ng ano ng representation ang mga fisherfolks, ang mga workers, nabanggit naman yung mga sektors. So why did they choose those sectors, why didn‘t they choose the mall owners, as one of the sectors. In fact, kung hindi sinabi sa Constitution at sa batas, na reserved lang ito para sa mahihirap, lalong hindi sinabi na, sa Constitution at sa batas na pwede dito ang mayayaman. Pero actually hindi totoo na hindi sinabi sa batas, when the law enumerated the sectors, there is proof na ang gusto ng batas at ng Constitution, itong mahihirap na to, otherwise nagname sila ng mga, you know, rocket scientist, or something, diba. So sa akin, tama parin yung ganun at hindi totoo na hindi sinabi sa batas in fact sa Costitution eh, if you interpret the Constitution, marami siyang provision na pro-poor, na pro-people, so, at kung idaan ng Paglaum sa technical argumentation, na hindi naman nasabi eh, well hindi din nasabi na pwede yung mayaman diyan, pero yung spirit and intention is para sa ano, para sa mahihirap yun. R: paano naman po yung statements ni Mr. Monsod na main sponsor ng Party-List System noong Constitution Convention na siya mismo yung nagsabi na the intention of the Party-List System is for pluralism and hindi nga siya exclusive sa marginalized. I: Well actually it is not only Monsod who actually who opposed it, I read the Constitution minutes, marami ang gusto ng party-list kasi yung experience kay Marcos. Ang kinaiba nila, ang gusto ni Monsod ay open party-list just like the Germans. Sabi naman ng iba, dapat sa mga sectors. If I remember right, the meeting in the Commission, natalo siya by one vote, do it was the sectoral advocates who won. Kaya the more reason yung interpretation ng sectoral advocates ay manaig. Pangalawa, yung ginagamit ng Germany, eh hindi tayo Germany eh, ibig kong sabihin, ang kalalaanan ng pulitika sa Pilipinas grabe.

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Yung mga congressman dito, ano talaga eh, wala talaga silang ka-concern concern sa mga issues ng taong bayan. How did they vote in a bill, ang position nila sa EPIRA, boto sila dyan. Ang party-list lang naman ang nagsabi na nag EPIRA na yan ay tataas ang presyo ng kuryente. How did they vote in the oil diregulation law, sabi nila okay to, ang party-list lang ang hindi. How did they vote in mga PPP na mga bills na yan, mga pork barrel na yan. Klaro na iba ang mga pulitiko sa Pilipinas. Hindi pa natin na-attain yung German, siguro someday kung ma-attain natin yung ganung level of playing field, tapos yung isang congressman ay tatakbo dahil gusto niyang magpasa ng batas na makataong bayan, at hindi para magkaroon ng pork barrel, eh siguro its hard to say na ibahin natin yung pagtingin sa party-list. But for now, Monsod is wrong and even if he believes he‘s right, we cannot use his opinion as the basis kasi sabi ko nga, his opinion it lost in the votation, so it cannot be even be used as basis to justify na yung, but let‘s go further. Wag na tayong mag-technical, sige sabihin natin, wala namang klaro, ano bang maganda, is it na maganda ba na open, o maganda ang closed. Sa akin, maganda talaga kung reserved, otherwise matatalo kasi ang mga tunay na party-list na galing sa mahihirap sa taong bayan. Matatalo talaga sila kapag kalaban nila district congressman, mga millionaire or billionaire na tumatakbo sa election. Pinakamagaling na boksingero si Pacquiao, pero pag isali mo naman siya sa kalaban niya si Mohammad Ali, eh ibang weight category yun eh, heavy weight yun eh, matatalo naman si Pacquiao. Kaya kung sasabihin ni Christian Monsod, yung ating boxing ay walang weight categories, everybody is qualified to fight anybody, pwede sumali o sumama si Ali sa flyweight division, edi patay si Manny Pacquiao. Hindi mo siya ma-disqualify kasi walang restrictions eh, everybody can join eh, o diba. Ano na itsura ng boxing nun diba. So, parang, yung barangay liga mo, gusto mo sumali ng PBA, pasalihin mo wala namang ano, its open, laissez faire. Hindi ano yan, sa akin, its absurd as of now. It has been cited heavily in the Supreme Court case where I argued, the Supreme Court agreed with us, in the case of Bayan Muna v., but if you notice, before Paglaum, there was the case of BANAT and I argued in BANAT if you look the transcipt of the Supreme Court, nag-argue pa kami sa party, atleast it was 2009, and in BANAT, followed Justice Carpio, the vote was 8-7. Saan ka naman nakakita ng desisyon na ang buong laban ng desisyon in the case of BANAT ay dapat open ang party-list, dapat everybody can join, pero yung ending niya disqualified. So you know, hindi, Paglaum should be reversed, yung provision talaga ng Korte Suprema, my first was 2000, my second case was 2009, we iterated lahat yan. Hindi involved ang Bayan sa Paglaum, isa pang ano namin dun, hindi man lang nagkaroon ng oral argumentation kaya hindi kami nakapasok dyan. Nagulat nalang kami na may desisyon na, na reversed na, in any case, I disagree with the Suprem Court in Paglaum, and even Christian Monsod. Tignan natin ang party-list sa 2019. I am sure mas marami na ang multi-millionaires ang papasok. Dati backdoor sila dumadaan eh, pa-pretend pretend pa sila na security guard like Mikey Arroyo. Pero ngayon, frontdoor na sila dadaan, may red carpet pa.

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Maraming matatalo dyan na mga ordinary party-lists and it will be disadvantageous to the marginalized and underrepresented because of the Paglaum decision. R: Sa tingin niyo po bakit po naging ganun yung decision ng Supreme Court sa Atong Paglaum? I: I don‘t know, actually, as early as 2000, when I first argued, may mga opponents na andoon na political parties, major politicl parties, kahit mga justices ng Supreme Court na dapat buksan yan. Siguro successfully argued namin noon, kasi yung Lakas-NUCD, tsaka yun PDP-Laban, PDP-Laban dati kasi maliit lang yan eh, Liberal Party, Lakas-NUCD, Nationalist People‘s Coalition ni Danding Cojuanco,sasali sa party-list, o di, wag na party-list, political party ka nalang. Kung gusto nila buksan ang party-list, gawin mong 50 percent of Congress, siguro and ahhh, o kaya ang buong Kongreso kung gusto mo, proportional nalang. Na hindi na pwedeng tumakbo yung mga individual na cong, 100 percent proportional, tapos political parties ang maglaban-laban. Tapos yung bigyan mo lang siguro ng ilang seats ang mga lower ano, pero sa akin, ano na yan eh, it‘s a new thing na eh, parang proportional system of representation ang nilalaban nila dyan, kung yun ang argument nila. Edi buksan mo nalang, gawin mo nalang proportional nalang lahat, eh disagree pala sila sa –first-pass-the-post system, edi gawin mo nalang proportional para hindi na maulit tong issue na to. R: Paano niyo naman mae-evaluate yung implementation po ng Comelec having information drives para informed..? I: Dismal, dismal ang information drives, but it is not the problem, it‘s not the information drive, hindi siya main problem, ibigsabihin, pero kung information drive, dismal mahaba na, ilang election na sa party-list hindi parin alam ng tao kung paano bumoto sa party-list eh. As latest as 2016 may mga miyembro pa nga kami na binoto niya Gabriela, Bayan Muna, hindi naman miyembro, mga supporters ba na masa na siguro naniniwala sa amin. Binoto ko Gabriela, Bayan Muna, edi void, diba. But more than that, ang problem ng Comelec, pinapasok niya yung ano, mga non-qualified. Of course the main problem is maraming depekto yung batas na dapat amendiyahan, dapat i-reform, pero nakatulong din ang Comelec dun, by allowing the rich and the powerful to enter the Party-List System. R: Yung current formula po ba ngayon sa pag-allocate ng seats, especially allocating additional seat, ito na po ba yung pinaka-ideal na formula? I: No,no, we are the only Party-List System in the world na hindi proportional. There is no other party- list, lahat ng party-list system proportional. What is proportional, proportional system of representation simply means, your share of seats must be equal of your share of votes. If you got 10 percent of the votes, then you get 10 percent of the seats. If you given 11 percent, sumobra ang bigay sayo, if 11 percent of the seats are given to you. Eh 10 percent lang share mo sa boto eh. Pag binigyan ka naman ng 9 percent of the seats, mali rin yun kasi 10 percent nga ang share mo. Bakit hindi natin sinusunod yan, bakit, for some unfathomable reason, hanggang ngayon hindi ko maintindihan, naglagay ng cap ang Kongreso. Na kahit

219 ano pa man ang iyong boto, hanggang tatlo ka lang. The moment you put a cap, hindi na siya magiging proportional at all. Wala na talaga yan, there is no way you can be proportional, kasi nag-cap ka eh. Kaya ngayon ang Korte Suprema at ang Comelec were forced to invent formulas. Kung hindi sana nagkaroon ng cap at proportional talaga ang system, you don‘t need to invent a formula, you just have to kung 20 percent ka, edi 20 percent seats, kung 100, edi 20 seats ka, tapos. So they invented first the 2-4-6, but it is still unproportional. Then they invent the Panganiban First Party Rule, na tumama sa akin noong 2007, kaya hindi ako pinaupo kasi 1st party rule na mali rin, so that is why we challenged it in BANAT. Bayan Muna v. Comelec part 2, 2009, we challenged, nanalo kami dun. Kaya nag-devise ng, si Justice Carpio ng formula na hindi rin proportional, to a certain degree, it is good in the sense that may maliliit na organizations na nakasama, pero hindi parin siya proportional so its not the ideal at all. Siguro ang talagang solution dyan, tanggalin ang cap tapos yung share of seats must be eqaul to share of votes. Kung 50 man yan na seats, if you got 20 percent of the votes, ang sabi nila dyan baka makopong ng isang party- list yung buong system. Unang-una, for a Cogress that is so concerned na hindi mo ma-monopolize, pabor sila buksan sa mga political parties, I mean, where is the logic, ah wag nalang kasi baka may isang party dyan na out of 50 seats bente yung makuha niya eh, parang very concerned, pero hindi papasukin mo ang Liberal Party, papasukin mo yung LDP, eh talaga nilang mamo-monopolize yung Congress niyan kung ganun nga. So i-limit mo sa three seats, in the first place wala pang party-list na naka abot ng ganyan, na pinaka-highest siguro was Bayan Muna. Bayan Muna, ang pinaka-highest namin ay actually 24 percent, that was in 2001, 24 percent kasi nanalo kami sa Supreme Court decision, na-disqualify yung halos kalahati, so na-trim down yung boto. But anyway, pangalawa, assuming na nangyare yan, nangyare yan, eh yan yung boto niya eh, what is your problem diba. Eh kung sa district cong, kung nanalo ang Liberal Party ng 90 percent of the seats of the seats, may problema tayo, wala naman diba. Eh nanalo ang Liberal Party, ano magagawa mo, talo lahat ng partido, ang galing galing nila eh. Nobody finds anything wrong with that, so why should people find something wrong in the party-list where the 20 percent of the votes of the seats. So hindi ko talaga, napaka-hypocritical talaga yung cap, para sa akin, and that is one of the main reasons bakit nagkagulo ang party-list, yung 3-seat cap na yan. In fact it did not only lead to the miss, yun yung dislocation ng mga seats na hindi ka nabigyan ng dapat mong seats. It also lead to corruption, ang ating charge pala sa Comelec, mayroon silang corruption dyan sa formula itself, may binibigyan. Tignan mo may pino-proclaim sila 8 months or 1 year after the elections. Ano nila yan, nireretoke ang formula kaya palaging maraming party-list noon na hindi napo-proclaim for one year kasi hinihintay yung. Pero kung klaro sana, walang seat cap, o wala ka ng hihintayin pa, kung ilan ang boto mo, o 11 percent of the votes, edi 11 percent of the seats ka, tapos. Hindi na kailangan ng mahabang kalkulasyon at ahh. Kung magthesis ka ng masmalalim lalim, magaral ka ng proclamation, tignan mo yung mga boto, lalo na yung mga latter na na-proclaim, ano yan. In fact there was a time that I suspect

220 the Comelec given more than they should, that was 2013, 2013 elections sa party-list, sumobra sila doon, and they allowed seats. But anyway, andyan na yan, so for me it is not the ideal formula. R: How about naman po yung ano, number of party-lists that can run elections, kasi kapag marami po yung allowed to run na nominees mada-divert po yung votes diba, ibigsabihin parang. I: Yeah well, actually, yung diversification of votes, in-grained na yan sa 3-seat cap eh.Naglagay ka ng 3- seat cap, ng tendency ngayon, mag-scatter na yung votes, eh may cap eh. Pero ako naman, I mean, dapat hindi scattered ang votes, but that is one more argument on the 3-seat cap by the way. Kasi gusto mo mai- strengthen ang boses ng marginalized and underrepresented eh, pero kapag i-tatlo tatlo tatlo mo lang sila, edi magiging second class citizen lang sila. Dito naman sa pagsali ng maraming party-lists, sa akin, hindi mo dapat pigilang ang gustong sumali, i-open mo yun, na mga marginalized and underrepresented of course. Ang threshold, okay ako dyan, yung 2 percent threshold, 3 percent, kung ano man ang gusto mo. In fact ang aming batas, if you read our reforms and amendments in the party-list. Ang isang proposal namin ay moving target, ang threshold, so kung kulang ka sa threshold, hindi ka talaga makaupo. Kung mapasok mo lang yung threshhold, tsaka ka lang magkakaroon. So I have no problems na papasukin as many na gustong sumali, as long as qualified sila, meaning they came from the marginalized and underrepresented. R: Ano naman po yung stand niyo regarding the pronouncent of Pres. Duterte last time noong natigil noong ceasefire, sinabi po kasi niya doon na he wants to scrap the Party-List System that it is already bastardized na maraming mayaman na nakakapasok at in-accuse niya rin na ang Makabayan Bloc na pinopondohan daw ng mga party-list yung NPA sa pagbili ng armas. I: Una muna, doon sa na-bastardize, ang solution doon ay strengthen mo, linisin mo diba. Eh kung nabastardize naman pala, marami ng hindi na karapat-dapat na ipasok, therefore i-abolish, maraming corrupt, edi pati ang Kongreso i-abolish na natin. For that matter, pati sa executive kasi maraming corrupt sa executive eh, na talagang nababoy yung positions, kung ganoon ang argument, edi i-abolish natin ang Regional Trial Courts, corrupted yan. Kaya mahirap ang argument na yan. Napaka-logical at reasonable, eh nababoy na pala edi anohin natin, palakasin natin, linisin natin, yan ang solusyon. Secondly, tignan niyo naman, tignan naman niya ang track record ng party-list sa loob ng, the last 15 years. Yung position na yan, eh kokonti nalang yan, yung tunay na party-list, pero grabe impact nila. They were the one who raised issues on EPIRA, on Meralco, mataas and slow internet, the Congress will not touch it with a 10- foot pole, because this are big companies, lalabanan mo si Lucio Tan, lalabanan mo si MVP ng Meralco, but the party-list did it. The party-list members file bills that no congressman will ever file, filed the 125 peso wage increase, magagalit lahat ng employer sayo, takot lang nila. Who will file a bill na i-scrap ang EPIRA, nagalit lahat ng generation companies sayo. The party-list groups file the bills that really mattered. Second, the party-list groups filed the resolutions to investigate the crimes that really mattered,

221 impeacment yan ng presidente, imbistigahan ang mga malalaking men sa gobyerno, so sa akin, in fact sa initial track record lang, grabe ang track record ng. So nabastardize na, therefore gawin mo nalang 100 percent district congressmen, edi ano ba, edi baboy na talaga. So I disagree with that. Second, yung party- list giving to ano, alam mo matagal ng sinasabi yan, matagal ng sinasabi saan kukuha ng pondo ang party- list para sa NPA, sa Kongreso, sweldo, magkano ang sweldo ng isang congressman? I mean kung ang sweldo ng congressman is 96,000 pesos, magkano ang, ilang hundreds of millions, saan mo bibigay yun, saan diba. Pangalawa, saan kukunin, sa pork barrel? Eh in fact for a long time walang pork barrel ang mga Makabayan. Panahon ni GMA diba, kada impeachment namin wala naman kaming pork barrel kasi sabi ni GMA kapag mag-impeach kayo, wala kayong pondo. Tapos itong Napoles na, nag-position na yung Makabayan na hindi kukuha ng pondo. So saan, hindi pork barrel ang pagkukunan, so saan kami kukuha? Pangatlo, assuming na may nakaw kaming pondo dyan, government holds the documents and the evidence of public funds. Tingin ba ni Pres. Duterte kung nagnakaw kami dyan, na may nakaw na meaning to say na kapag nagbigay ka sa NPA, that is in millions, kapag nagbigay ka naman ng isang libong piso, hindi naman malaking bagay kay Duterte yan. Those the president think na matagal na kaming nakulong ng gobyerno, government has been looking for all these years, the AFP and the DND, and the Malacanang have always been saying, eh kayong lahat may hawak ng dokyumento eh, yung pondo sa gobyerno sa Malacanang eh, hindi naman yan binibigay sa Congress lang eh, edi sana matagal na kaming pinakulong. But you know, kapag sinasabi nila yan, these powerful people who should hold the evidence, wala silang naaano samin, wala talaga silang makaso samin from that, kasi malinis kami. Hindi kami nangungurakot. So kung hindi kami nangungurakot paano naman kami magbigay, diba, lahat naman yan dumadaan sa gobyerno, lahat ng public funds. Edi nasangkot na sana kami sa mga Napoles na yan, diba. So ano na, propaganda parin yan na wala namang, parte nalang, ano ebidensiya mo dun, wala lang, tingin ko lang. I dare anybody to come out with an evidence, tagal na naming sinabi, sinabi ko na nga yan noon. Pakita nga kayo, magre-resign ako bukas, diba, parang style din ni Pres. Duterte. Palabas mo nga yung pera ko sa bangko, magre-resign ako bukas. I mean lahat yan wala naman silang ano, wala naman silang pruweba. So I guess, hindi naman pinapaliwaan ng tao yan, kaya nananalo parin ang Makabayan, kasi para sa tao naman yan. Iba rin mga kwento kwento na yun eh. Pero tignnan nalang natin yung mga ginagawa nila sa Kongreso. Pinaglaban nila yung dagdag sa SSS pension, nilabanan nila yung mataas na presyo ng kuryente, naglaban sila para bumababa ang income tax, yun ang importante at for the people. That is the reason why the Makabayan keeps on winning despite the massive government effort to form a propaganda. R: Sa opinion niyo po kung ige-guage niyo po, ilang percent po kaya ng party-lists, ang efficient po magtrabaho?

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I: Ay hindi ano, mga, substantially, substantial ang number na hindi talaga tunay na party-lists, very substantial. Makikita mo yan sa position nila sa pork barrel. Ang trabaho ng congressman is to legislate, draft laws, second, investigate, either in aid of legislation, or as an oversight function sa mga batas na pinapasa, ino-oversight mo paano ini-implement. A third fuction of a congressman is yung mga extra- constitutional powers, declaration of ear, impeachment, canvassing board ng presidential elections. No where in those functions, nakalagay na isang trabaho magtayo ng waiting shed at mga basketball courts. Kaya lang, ang mga congs karamihan, hindi naman lahat, at even the party-lists, hindi naman sila magfa- file ng bill na tatama doon sa mga vested interests, takot sila. Takot sila sa mga MVP, sa mga Ayala. They will not file resolutions to investigate mga presidente, they will not make privilege speeches exposing anomalies in government na malalaki. Siguro expose lang nila sa privilege speech doon sa tabi tabi dyan sa distrito nila. So anong gagawin nila? After three years wala kayong makita, wala kang bill, wala kang privilege speech, wala kang investigation, project nalang. So kung, kahit papano, kahit wala kang bill na finile, wala kang inembistigahan, eh nagpatayo ka ng kalsada, eh mananalo ka parin. Magbigay ka ng mga scholarships, yun para sakin yung inefficient. Kasi kung efficient ka, hindi ganun yung means mo in doing your work hindi yung project project. So mga substantial yung mga party-list na ano, more than substantial number of party-list groups do not, for me ah, do not really represent the margialized and underrepresented sectors. R: Last question nalang po, ano naman po yung masasabi niyo na gusto niyo pong reforms with the Party- List System? I: Well ang nasa bill namin, una syempre, reserve for the marginalized and underrepresented, so doon sa bill, kung ang income mo ay substantially more than the yearly salary of a district congressman, disqualified ka dapat. Yearly salary ng district congressman ngayon per annum is about 1.6 million per year. Kapag ang isang congressman kung doble nun, eh mas mayaman ka pa sa district congressman, so bawal yun sa amin disqualified agad. Pangalawa, kapag nanalo ka, naging presidente ka, bise-presidente, senador, district congresman, mayor, governor, cabinet secretary, disqualified ka, so yun yung pwede mo. Pangatlo, dapat yung belong to the sector you will represent, if you don‘t belong, di ka naman security guard, miyembro ka lang ng party-list ng security guard, actually si Mikey Arroyo ka, anak ng presidente, you don‘t belong, so disqualified. Si Comelec Commissioner Luie Guia, siya sunod ko na…, Commissioner Guia: Sorry I came in early. I: Joshua is from UP Manila he is interviewing for about party-list reforms but you can, tutal patapos narin kami last question na eh. Commissioner Guia: Okay lang okay lang, maaga lang ako. I: Electoral rin pala yung thesis niya. Commissioner Guia: You asked the right person.

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I: Tungkol sa reforms sa party-list, si Commisioner Guia, one of the reformers of the Comelec kaya yung inaano ko sa Comelec kanina yung dati yun ah. Ang Comelec daw, ano ba ang Comelec sa Party-List System, eh ano pa ang ano ng Comelec sa party-list dati. Syempre may problem sa batas. Meron pa ngang dating ano eh, yung may inimbistiga kami dati party-list for sale eh. Party-list na binibenta ang seats, any way last question, ano mga reforms, unang-una, yung marginalized ang represented, I will insist on that, kung ang income mo nga ay more than the income of a congressman. Tapos all elected officials mula vice-mayor hanggang presidente bawal na dapat yun. Pangatlo, proportional system of representation, so tanggalin yung cap, there will never be proportionality, we are the only party-list system in the world na may cap. Kaya napipilitan sila mag-imbento ng formula, kung Comelec, hindi nila maano talaga yung Comelec. Sabi ko nga dati kay Chairman Abalos, chairman, kahit ano pang isipin niyong formula dyan hindi magiging proportional yan kasi may cap eh. Ano pa ba ano namin dun, yung two percent okay kami dyan or moving threshold, wala kaming reforms dyan sa threshhold, pwede siya mag moving in fact. So more or less, yun yung pinaka-basic siguro na reforms. Of course kung ako ang tanungin, eh dapat 50 percent of Congress party-list eh, kasi kung tignan mo ang track record ng party-list per capita, pound for pound, compare mo sa district congressman, malayo, malayo ang party-list eh. Kokonti na nga lang dyan yung medyo nagsasalita, so yun siguro reforms natin. (End of Interview)

Interviewee: Chief of Staff of Cong. Castro of the ACT-Teachers Party-List Name of Interviewee: April Valentin Montes Setting: The interview was conducted in Room 611 in the House of Representatives, Quezon City, at 1:58 pm, on April 24, 2017 Affiliation with interviewee: The interviewee was recommended by the staff of the Alliance of Concerned Teachers Headquarters (Start of Interview) Researcher: Okay po, so, una sa lahat po, pwede niyo po ba i-state yung pangalan niyo po? Interviewee: Ako si April Valentin Montes, ang chief of staff ni Cong. Castro. R: Ilang taon na po kayo sir? I: Ay hindi, kasi malapit na yung birthday ko, so 47. R: Saan po kayo nakatira? I: Sa Quezon City R: Kailan po kayo unang sumali ng ACT-Teachers po? I: Mmmmh, ACT Teachers… ahhhh R: Kahit yung mass org po.

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I: Ah yung mass org, 1997. R: Kailan po ba natayo yung party-list? I: Party-list, una lang kami nagparticipate 2010 eh. R: Paano niyo nmamn po nakilala yung ACT po? I: Nagvolunteer ako sa ACT as one of the organizer/coordinator for PUP. So doon nagstart na-involve na ko sa ACT R: Ahhh, naging guro po ba kayo dati? I: Nagpart-time ako sa PUP. R: Para po sainyo ano po yung Party-List System po natin? I: Yung originally ang Party-List System was intended nga no para magkaroon ng participation yung marginalized, this law was created sa spirit na ang mga marginalized walang boses sa Congress kasi dominated ang Congress ng politicians coming from dynasties. So para magkaroon ng, well, meaning boses daw sa loob, so they created the Party-List System. R: Ano naman po yung mga katungkulan po bilang miyembro ng isang party-list? I: Ahhh, as chief of staff of Cong. Castro, ang aming task dito sa office, ang katungku.. ang office po ba o as chief of staff? R: Pwede po as chief of staff po muna. I: Kung as chief of staff, ako yung responsible sa pagpapatakbo ng opisina na ito ang office na ito ay France, Representative France Castro office. So from legislation, communication, administration, tapos yung schedule ni France, mga committee hearings, so ahhh, ako yung ano, yung nagpapatakbo. Pero ang buong office, collective naman yung paggampana ng mga ano nila, tasking individually. Generally ang task ng office is mainly legislation no, for teachers mainly public school teachers, and syempre as part ng Makabayan Bloc, legislation din ng mga pro-people bills and laws. R: Sa tingin niyo po ba yung Party-List System dapat po eksklusibo ito para sa mga marginalized and underrepresented sectors? I: As I have said, the law is intended dapat nga sa ganun, dapat magkaroon ang boses ang marginalized, dahil ang election dito sa Pilipinas, kung wala kang 100 million, no, di ka mananalo sa local positions, sa district, no. Eh sino may ganung 100 million na basic sector? So, pero, ang mga basic sector, marami silang organizations no. They are organized, no. Kaya swak sana itong Party-List System no. kasi yung organization na yan magsisilbing machinery for the party-list no. Kahit walang pondo yang mga yan. Kasi halimbawa, since 1982, no, since 1982 nagka-campaign na yan for teachers‘ rights and welfare wala pa yang party-lists. Sanay na kami na mangampanya na walang pondo, na ang bumubuhay sa amin ay donation lang ng mga teachers. So, bumukas itong Party-List Law, pumasok kami, as one of the arena na pwedeng maghain ng agenda ang aming organization, mga public school teachers, or teachers in general.

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Kasi dati, noong wala pa kaming seat dito sa Congress, may mga campaign kami na dapat dumaan sa Congress. Halimbawa, salary increase, ang mga public school teachers para ma-adjust ang kanilang sweldo, kinakailangan ng law, kasi standardization eh, SSL pag government employed. So we have to go here para kumausap ng congressman para magsponsor ng bill, kaya dumadaan talaga kami dyan. Pero ngayon dahil may party-list na, naging ano na yan, pagkakataon na yan para samin para tumakbo. First time namin tumakbo, nanalo kagad kami no, one seat. Second time namin, naka two seats kagad kami. Imaginin mo one million votes ang nakuha namin, more than 1 million votes. Kami ang top 3 na party-list syatstem, ay na party-list na nakapasok. So we are hoping talaga na marami pang makapaspok para magkaroon ng boses ang mga dito through the Party-List System. R: Paano naman po yung ano, yung decision ng Suprem Court last 2013 na pinayagan na po yung pag pasok ng mga elite, ng mayayamang representative at sinabing hindi na ito esklusibo sa mga marginalized and underrepresented sectors at pwede ng tumakbo kahit advocates lamang ng mga sector. I: Sige, nagagalit talaga kami, nagagalit talaga kami. Ang hirap hirap na nga na manalo kami, ang hirap hirap na makapasok sa party-list and then here comes the decision of the Supreme Court na nagbibigay, ahhh, puwang, avenue, para sa mga mayayaman na pati yung party-list representation ay makuha na nila yung specifically na sinasabi na advocates lang pwede na. So ang mangyayare niyan, yung mga tinatawag nating traditional politicians, pagkatapos nila ng term, sa kanilang district, magtatayo na sila ng sarili nilang party-list, nangyare na yan. Edi three terms lang sila, edi papalit na yung anako ko, ako naman, magiging nominee ng party-list nila. Kasi ang party-list may national, may regionl, diba.May regional representation. So nagke-create sila ng regional party-list nila. And they can do that because they have funds, they have the power to influence yung local. Pwede silang mag-enlist ng maraming members kaya nakakacreate sila ng mabilis ng party-list law, ay party-list organization, at naa-accredit sa Comelec. At binahag na nga ng last election, ang new, parang 130 plus eh, ang new party-lists na nag-apply for accreditation sa Comelec. Ang nangyare, sumisikip no, ang labanan sa party-list no. What do I mean na sumisikip, dati, sabihin natin na isang daan lang kayo naglaban laban sa party-list, ngayon dumoble na, o dumami na. Yung genuine party-list nai-ease out. Why, wanna know why. Si Alvarez, may sarili rin siyang party-list na inalagaan para sa mga kamag-anak niya, saan, sa Davao. Ibigsabihin kontrolado niya yung Davao, walang ibang party-list na makakapasok dyan. So yung mga dyan na party-list na national, no, Naba-block off sila sa regions, sa mga district conressman. Kasi ang mga district congressman, may inaalagaan narin sila na party-list nila, for them, o para sa mga kamag-anak nila. Kaya hindi, kami halimbawa, national party-list kami, hindi kami makapasok sa mga district congressman. Unlike noon, unlike noon, na wala pa yung ganyang provision, They are welcoming us no, kasi hindi nman nila kami kalaban, diba. District sila eh, so hindi kami aagaw ng boto nila, yung mga district congressman. Kaya welcome na welcome kami sa kanila. Now, hindi na ang ganun naramdaman natin last election. Bawal na

226 kayo samin kasi may party-list na kami, yung mga mayayaman may mga party-list na kami. So anong nangyare, lumiliit na yung chance na makapasok. Makita mo yan naapektuhan ang Anakpawis, Bayan Muna. Kami talaga, ano lang, latag lang kami. Kasi lahat ng region meron kaming chapter, pero yung ibang mga party-list natin, naapektuhan ng ganun. Dati nakakausap nila sa mayor, si congressman, kasi nga wala namang party-list sila, ngayon hindi na, so nakikipagagawan rin sila sa party-list. Anong nangyare, in general, ilan ba ang represented ang mga party-list dito sa Congress ang nagdadala ng sectoral issues nila. Marami dyan ang utak traditional parin, politicians, so nadi-dilute na yung concept ng marginalized, yung boses ng marginalized dito. Kahit within the party-list groups dito talagang ano lang, iilan lang yung ano, yung nagre-represent. R: Sa tingin niyo po ba yung, yung principle of representation ng mga tao ay natutupad pa ng Party-List System? I: Meron, yung iba, meron yung wala na talaga. Nagsimula lang yung pagiging party-list nila nung nangangampanya sila pero nung nakakuha na sila ng seat, wala na silang concern. Ginamit lang talaga nila yung organization sa Party-List System para makapasok. Wala ka naman makita sa kanila eh, hindi naman sila nagsasalita sa plenary kaugnay sa issues nila eh, or pinoprotektahan nila yung sectors na nirerepresent nila. R: Kung magkakaroon po kayo ng estimate kung ilang porsyento yung efficient na magtrabaho na party- list representatives, mga ilang percent po ba yung maayos magtrabaho na representatives? I: I could name, I could give you the numbers sa aking perception, pitong party-list, ay pitong congressman lang under the party-list. Under the Makabayan lang talaga yung makikita mong nagtatrabaho. Pwede na siguro yung ano, umh, sino pa ba yung maingay, wala na, biruin mo andito na ko wala akong marinig na ibang party-list na vocal sila, sa ano nila, sa sector nila no. Wala eh, hindi ko marinig, well, syempre andyan yung Akbayan Party-List, may mga sect, may mga issue campaign din sila, so medyo maingay din sila. Si ano, Harry Roque, yung Kabayan, Kabayan Party-List, pero dahil si Harry Roque yun, talagang ano siya, maingay no. Yun lang, yun lang no, yun lang naririnig ko. R: Ano naman po yung mga legislation, o bill, o resolution na mga naipasa ng ACT-Teachers po? I: Syempre numero unang finile namin, yung increasing the salary ng public school teachers, ahh, House Bill, house bill, basic yan, ahhh, lowering the age of retirement ng public school teacher natin. Dahil sa bigat ng trabaho ng public shool teachers natin, 60 palang nagkakasakit na, parang delapidated na, overworked na overworked, so before nila mareach yung age na 65 na compulsary. Eh hindi na nila ma- enjoy yung ano eh, retirement life, nagpapagamot na, nagpapaospital na, so lowering age of the ano, retirement. Yung may mga naipasa na kami, may mga major na kaming bill na naipasa, yung halimbawa, yung World Teachers Day, yung pagkilala ng national governent na October 5, ginawa na naming bill yun. Yung ESRA, yung Election Service Reform Act, bill din namin yun, na naging law. What is ESRA

227 basically, ang teacher kasi, is mandated na mag-serve sa election. Ang ESRA, ang pagbabago ngayon, hindi siya mandated na, ano siya, voluntary. Ibigsabihin may choice na ang teacher. Besides from increasing the wage of, ahh, yung pag-incease ng clothing allowance, yung pag-increase pa ng ibang benefits pa for teachers, clothing allowance, chalk allowance. Actually mga ilang salary increase, nailaban namin yan through, through, SSL no, although hindi namin nakukuha yung maximum demand. R: Ano naman po yung mga na-experience po niyo na positibo na social or economic bilang miyembro po ng marty-list? I: Sa amin, well, immediately, kung economic no, may mga ilang benefits na kami na nakuha through the legislation, mga teachers. Yun na nga yung mga chalk allowance, clothing allowance. Dati maliliit lang yan eh, 700, ngayon 2,500 na, clothing allowance na-increase na kami ng, dati 4000, ngayon 5000 na. Mga benef, ahh, mga, ayan, yung rights no. Dati, ito malaking impact to sa mga teachers eh, yung the right to unionize. Dati bawal sa public teachers ang mag-union, through the legislation ang civil service maglabas ng memorandum na dapat ang teacher ay may right na mag-form ng union. So major yan, kasi ever since ang mga ibang government and public employees, government agency, ang nakakapag- unionize, naguunyon sila. Halimbawa ang SUC, andyan ang All UP, pero sa public elementary and high school, walang unyon. Well through our efforts na-push natin. I: Sa tingin niyo po ba yung party-list na sistema natin ngayon ay bastardized? R: Bastardized, ano pa ba ang pwedeng term, nagiging ano na inst, nagiging ano na no, ano ngang tawag dun. Tama, bastardized no, kunwareng Party-List System, pero ang mga nominees ay ano na hindi na marginalized dahil ng sa Supreme Court na yan. Halimbawa dito, san ka naman makakakita na representative daw siya. Halimbawa, Ako Bicol, yang tatlo na representative niyo, atleast ngayon dalawa nalang, malalaking contractor sa Bicol no. Ano pa ba party-list na sikat, hindi ko na maano yung mga pangalan na party-list dito, kasi nga after na makuha nila yung seat hindi na sila nag-iingay dito eh. Tayo lang sa Makabayan ang mga maiingay. Halimbawa dito, dalawa ang party-list ng teachers dito, merong A Teacher, tapos meron pang A-Educator. Tignan mo A-Teacher, hindi naman sila nagdadala ng concern ng teacher, na ang concern nila mas sa mga shool owners, kaya ang concern nila yung GASPE, yung pera na ginagamit sa pagsubsidized ng gobyerno sa mga private schools. So yan ang binabantayan nila kapag nagkakaroon ng mga budget, kung paano palalakahin yung budget na binibigay ng gobyerno sa mga private schools through GASPE Program, yan yung concern nila, kasi school owners naman talaga sila. Ahh meron pa pala, Manila Teacher, multibillionaire, yung lending to eh, na nagpapautang sa mga teacher, nagtayo narin sila ng party-list. Lacson yun eh, Lacson, ang pangalan nila Manila Teacher, nakakuha sila ng isang seat, pautangan naman sila. R: Sa tingin niyo po ba yung current formula ng Party-List System ay ito na bpo ba yung ideal na formula?

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I: Hindi eh, under the, marami pag kailangan na i-improve. Halimbawa, bukod doon sa actual representation, kasi marami kapag papalapit na yung election, mga overnight nagtatayo yung mga party- list. Dapat may provision sa batas and the Comelec would implement that, yung tignan yung track record, may minimum man lang atleast na 5 years or 10 years and history ng organization, no. Kasi karamihan, nagtatayuan sila sa malapit na, o halimbawa, this year ang election no, o this year lang nila itatayo yung party-list nila. Wala talaga silang record na, yung track record. Kasi magyayabang yan na ano, na this and this programs na naga-alleviate sa aming marginalized sector. Eh dapat may provision sa batas na dapat ang mga ma-accredit lang under the Comelec ay yung may urban track record, either five years minimum na dapat nage-exist na yung organization niyo. Hindi lang yung simpleng dapat, sa ruling currently kasi ma-prove mo lang na may chapter ka si iba‘t-ibang municipality and provonces pwede na. Eh madaling magawa yun eh, lalo na yung may pondo at mayroong network. Halimbawa yung Manila Teacher, eh dahil lending company yan, eh halos lahat ng region mayroon yan, kasi pautangan yan eh, edi mabilis sila na nakapparehistro. Dapat may ganung provision, tapos dapat,umh, dapat nga ano eh, yung nominee, i-require ng batas, una, dapat nakabuyangyang, yung sa simula‘t simula palang ng application ng registration yung sa Comelec ay i-labas na ang pangalan ng nominee. You know, last election, hindi nila inilabas kagad yung mga nominees. Kasi kapag nakita mo na yung mga pangalan ng mga nominees, malalaman mo nakagad kung anong klaseng party-list to, no. Marami dyan napakapamilyar yung apelido, nasa political clan, nasa dynasty, political dynasty. Ang ginagawa ng Comelec, tinatago nila to, hindi nila pinu-public, publicize no, yung nominees. Kahit nga kami naghihingi eh, ayaw i-release eh. So dapat ang batas, maroong pag-ensure na dapat lahat ng nominees ay nakalabas, naka-public, hindi nakatago. And, dapat, mayroong waiver lahat ng mga nominee na ilalabas niya yung ano niya bank record, no, yung SALN niya, kung government employee. Pero kung dahil kung private, dapat willing siya-idivulge yung, kasi you‘re, sinasabi mo representative ka eh, ng marginalized, anong itatago mo kung marginalized ka edi walang kang itinatagong yaman, diba. So kung may ganung provision ng batas na dapat sa mga nominees ng party-list, ay dapat mayroong waiver ang nominee na dapat silipin ang Comelec ang kanilang bank record. O diba makikita doon, eh pucha ano pala eh, milyonaryo to eh, eh hindi pwede. So, yun yung mga nakikita kong no, pwedeng idagdag pa para lalong maging, ano to, may pakinabang yung party-list rep. Kaya lang, kabaliktaran na nga ang nangyare no. Nawa-water down na nga eh kasi pumapasok na talaga yung mga politicians, yung mga dynasties kahit sa party-list. R: Ano po ba yung mga hinihingi po ng Comelec na requirements para po sa pagiging nominee ng isang party-list at kanyang representatives. I: Kung nominees lang, wala siyang nire-require eh, affidavit lang, ako ay, na ako ay si an nakatira sa, pero kung government employee ka, you are required to resign. Halimbawa, si France, public school

229 teacher no, teacher sa Quirino, dito sa Quezon City. Eh kailangan niya magresign as teacher kasi hindi pwede tumakbo kung ikaw ay government employee. R: Paano naman po yung mga requirements para sa party-list. I: Ah kung pagpaparhistro ka sa Coemelc, magpaparehistro. Una mayroon kang yung basic, consti and by-laws, plan of action, and proof na ikaw ay nage-exist nationaly, so kailangan mo magpakita ng list of officers and members sa mga majority of the provinces and municipalities. Yun medyo matrabaho yun. Kailangan may headquearts no, sa hindi namn majority, atleast no sa mga regional ahh, centers, so papakita mo yun complete with pictures, ganyan ganyan. R: Ano naman po masasabi ninyo sa pagkakaroon ng information drive ng Comelec kasi hanggang ngayon po, ang baba parin po ng voters‘turnout sa party-list, mayroon po ba kayong alam na mayroon pong driv yung Comelec. I: Wala, kulang nga eh, kulang sila sa information drive, sa party-list ano, pero malaki narin ang inabot niya, in terms of, sabagay na dahil pumasok na itong mga traditional politicians, edi kasama na sa kinakampanya nila. Halimbawa, itong mga district congressman na ito, may mga nakakabit na na party- list eh, so makikita na sa campaign paraphernalia nila, sila, bilang mga district congressman tapos mayroong pangalan ng party-list. So mas ano pa, mga kanditato pa ang nangangampanya ng party-list, pero yung Comelec wala masyado. R: Ano naman po yung masasabi ninyo sa pronouncement ni Pres. Duterte, kasi ito po yung natigil po yung ceasefire, na tatanggalin daw niya po yung Party-List System kasi bastardized na daw po siya, at nabanggit rin po niya, dahil yun nga po yung nag-end yung ceasfire, na yung pondo naman po ng mga Makabayan Bloc ay ginagamit raw para pambili ng armas ng mga NPA, Tapos gagawin naman daw po yun sa pinaplano niyang Con-Ass. I: Una, tama naman siya talagang nababastardize, kasi hindi solusyon ang pagbuwag no. Parang mali naman yun ang kailangan mo, i-address yung bakit na-bastardize, so kailangan, kinakailangan reproma na kailangan gawi sa Party-List System. Pahigpitin lalo, halimbawa, yung pagsasala ng nominee, yung paga- accredit ng party-list. So dapat talaga na may gawin kaugnay sa, ito ba ay party-list ba na totoo, ng marginalized o hindi. Mas ganun eh, ito na nga lang ang paraan para makapagdala ng marginalized agenda dito sa Congress. Tama yung suri niya na-bastardize, pero mali naman ang solusyon niya na buwagin, so ano ang nangyare, edi mas na domina ng traditional politicians ang Kongreso. Ngayon, hindi naman totoo yun, na ginagamit ang, siguro yung pinapatungkol niya yung party-list na Makabayan. Hindi totoo yun na, ano ba to, ginagamit ng pondo. Wala ngang binibigay sa party-list ever since na, yung, gaya ng tinatanggap na regular na congressman at ibang party-list na hindi naman progressive na tinatawag na pork barrel, o PDAF, o DAP. Wala, wala ever since, wala nga kaming hawak na project, o medical support, kanina nga may humingi ng medical assistance, san namin kinukuha yan, sa MOE, sa panggastos

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, sa pang araw araw yan. Ano pang pambibili ng armas, ng bala, ibigsabihin, wala kaming capacity, na yung gaya na inaakusa niya na ginagamit na pambili ng armas, hindi. R: Ano naman po yung mga magiging kawalan kapag tinanggal po yung party-list system? I: Para sa sambayanan wala masyado. Kasi, kawalan, ganito namin tinitignan, ipaglalaban namin na manatili parin yung party-list kasi meron naman ding nakukuhang pakinabang yung mamamayan, no. Pero, tinitignan lang namin yung arena na ito, yung legislation, one arena lang ito sa amin, ahh, marami pang arena sa pagpu-push ng agenda ng mamamayan no, one arena lang tong legislation. Kung tatanggalin yan sa amin, marami pa kaming arena. Sabi ko nga eh. 1983, hindi pa naman uso ang party- list nakikipaglaban na kami ng karapatan, hindi pa kami bahagi ng Kongreso. Hindi masyadong ano sa amin yan, kumbaga hindi namin ipagpatayan yung system. May pakinabang oo, pero kung bubuwagin, edi maghahanap pa kami ng ibang arena ulit, na gagamitin namin yung ibang arena, sanay naman kami eh. Halimbawa, yung pinaka-latest na ginawa sa amin dito, tinanggalan ng chairmanship. Kasi hindi kami bumoto in favor sa death penalty. Eh hindi namin ano, hindi namin ipagpapalit ang aming prinsipyo para lang doon sa pagboto. Parang ganun din, yung seat namin sa Kongreso, bagamat na pinagkatiwalaan kami ng aming constituents, ipaglalaban namin to. Pero, hindi malaking kawalan na mawala ang aming seat, aming Congress seat namin, kasi ilalaban namin to sa ibang forms. Totoo lang, ang hirap hirap dito magpasa ng legislation na may kapakinabang directly sa taong bayan, mahirap, dahan-dahan ka hangga‘t walang go signal ng Malacanag, hindi sinabing urgent yung bill mo, kahit napakaganda ng bill mo. Isipin mo yung SSS ni Neri, wala na si Neri dito pero ever since andito si Neri finile na niya yun, napakahirap, so ganun talaga yun. R: Sa tingin niyo po ba na itutuloy po ni Pres. Duterte? I: Knowing the president, he says something, tapos iba na naman. Hindi pa naman, wala pa naman kaming nakikitang moves, na seriously towards that action, kahit ung Charter Change wala pa eh, na gustong baguhin yung Constitution. Wala, wala pa kaming nakikita, nararamdaman namin yan dito eh, nasa majority kasi kami eh, baka nga matanggal narin kami sa majority. Hindi rin namin ipapagpatayan kung tanggalin kami sa majority. Wala, wala pa kaming nakikitang moves dito si Alvarez. R: For reforming naman po kayo no, hindi naman po for scrapping? I: Yes i-reform ang party-list towards mas lalo pang maging maraming maka-access na marginalized no. Halimbawa, Piston, sana nakapasok ang Piston, eh hindi sila nakapasok, sayang. Marami pang party-list, Katribu halimbawa, sila yung sa indigenous, towards na marami pang maka-acces na marami pang marginalized na sectors, and towards sa masmaghigpit sa mga nais pang mag-bastardize which is mga politicians. R: May mga maidadagdag pa po ba kayong reforms besides sa nasabi ninyo kanina?

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I: Kanina nasabi ko na, so one, una kailangang i-divulge ng nominee, una kailangan, una, publicize no, yung officers ng party-list, kailangan naka-pulish din ang mga nominees niya, five nominees, kasi ang requirement five, kailangan ilabas yun, at ang importante sakin, may waiver sila, pwede naman hindi i- publicize pero na pwede lang makita ng Comelec ang bank accounts nila. So yun yung mga initial ko na nakikita. Dapat nga ano eh, kung yung maidentify lang talaga na marginalized to, dapat nga i-subsidized yung campaign fund eh, kasi halimbawa kami ang hirap hirap, ang hirap mag ah, pag palapit na yung election hindi na namin alam kung paano magproduce ng campaign fund. R: May naiiisip po ba kayo na pwedeng ibang sistema na pwedeng ipalit sa Party-List System, parang na- imagine niyo lang po o nabanggit ng Makabayan Bloc na pwede tayong ganto? I: Ako personally, baguhin mismo ang Congress, para hindi na kailangan ng party-list, ibigsabihin itong Congress dapat ito ay for the people para hindi na kailangan ng law for the party-list. Ibigsabihin ang composition ng Congress ay coming from the basic sectors. May proposal nga ko dyan eh 1/3 1/3 1/3, 1/3 sa manggagawa, 1/3 sa magsasaka, 1/3 sa other sectors, mga middle-class. Yun sana magandang composition, para hindi marerender, hindi na kailangan ng party-list kasi andito na, Pero to do that, kailangan mo ng matinding political ano, changes, kasi hindi naman, syempre, ito namang mga political dynasties, and traditional political politicains ay hindi naman, So ganun ang radical change sa composition ng Congress. R: May estimate po ba kayo kung ilan po yung members ng ACT? I: Umh, nationwide, siguro aabot ng mga ano, mga, yung ano ah, may tinatawag kami ano eh, ang base kasi ng ACT Teachers, yung union. Yung union, para ka makarehistro sa union, kailangan mo sa DOLE 5% ng population ng region, and then, para maka-accredit ka, majority 50 percent ng teachers. Currently may apat kaming accredited regional union. Aabot siguro ng mga ano, 150,000. Kasi dito sa NCR ang union paying dues ng ACT and yung union is almost 25,000 so nationwide, papatak ng mga 25,000, although 600,000 ang mga public school teachers. R: So hanggang doon nalang po yung mga tanong. I: Okay. (End of Interview)

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