Volume5HALF 9/30/03 12:30 PM Page 1

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF THE EARLY MODERN WORLD 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page ii

EDITORIAL BOARD

EDITOR IN CHIEF Jonathan Dewald University at Buffalo, The State University of New York

ASSOCIATE EDITORS George C. Bauer Linda F. Bauer University of , Irvine

James J. Bono University at Buffalo, The State University of New York

Paul F. Grendler University of Toronto, Emeritus

Paul D. Griffiths State University

Donald R. Kelley Rutgers University

Nancy Shields Kollmann Stanford University

H. C. Erik Midelfort University of Virginia

Carla Rahn Phillips University of , Twin Cities

William Weber California State University, Long Beach

Madeline C. Zilfi University of Maryland, College Park Volume6TITLE 10/6/03 5:28 PM Page 1

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF THE EARLY MODERN WORLD

Volume 6 Tasso to Zwingli; Index

Jonathan Dewald, Editor in Chief 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page iv

Europe 1450 to 1789: Encyclopedia of the Early Modern World Jonathan Dewald, Editor in Chief

© 2004 by Scribner’s Sons ALL RIGHTS RESERVED For permission to use material from this product, Charles Scribner’s Sons is an imprint of The Gale No part of this work covered by the copyright submit your request via Web at http://www.gale- Group, Inc., a division of Thomson Learning, Inc. hereon may be reproduced or used in any form or edit.com/permissions, or you may download our by any means—graphic, electronic, or mechanical, Permissions Request form and submit your request Charles Scribner’s Sons® and Thomson Learning™ including photocopying, recording, taping, Web by fax or mail to: are trademarks used herein under license. distribution, or information storage retrieval Permissions Department For more information, contact systems—without the written permission of the The Gale Group, Inc. Charles Scribner’s Sons publisher. 27500 Drake Rd. An imprint of The Gale Group Farmington Hills, MI 48331-3535 300 Park Avenue South New York, NY 10010 Permissions Hotline: 248-699-8006 or 800-877-4253, ext. 8006 Fax: 248-699-8074 or 800-762-4058

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA

Europe 1450 to 1789 : encyclopedia of the early modern world / Jonathan Dewald, editor in chief. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-684-31200-X (set : hardcover) — ISBN 0-684-31201-8 (v. 1) — ISBN 0-684-31202-6 (v. 2) — ISBN 0-684-31203-4 (v. 3) — ISBN 0-684-31204-2 (v. 4) — ISBN 0-684-31205-0 (v. 5) — ISBN 0-684-31206-9 (v. 6) 1. Europe—History—15th century—Encyclopedias. 2. Europe—History—1492–1648— Encyclopedias. 3. Europe—History—1648–1789—Encyclopedias. 4. Europe—Intellectual life—Encyclopedias. 5. Europe—Civilization—Encyclopedias. I. Title: Encyclopedia of the early modern world. II. Dewald, Jonathan. D209.E97 2004 940.2—dc22 2003015680

This title is also available as an e-book. ISBN 0-684-31423-1 (set) Contact your Gale sales representative for ordering information. Printed in United States of America 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page v

CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME

VOLUME 6 Travel and Travel Literature Trent, Council of Triangular Trade Pattern Tudor () Using the Encyclopedia . . . xxi Tulip Era (Ottoman Empire) Maps of Europe, 1453 to 1795 . . . xxiii Tulips List of Abbreviations . . . xxxi Turkish Literature and Language Tyranny, Theory of

T Tasso, Torquato U Taxation Ukraine Technology Ukrainian Literature and Language Teresa of Ávila Uniates Teutonic Knights Union of Brest (1596) Textile Industry Universities Theology Urban VIII (pope) Thirty Years’ War (1618–1648) Utopia Thomasius, Christian Utrecht, Peace of (1713) 3 May Tiepolo, Giovanni Battista Tilly, Johann Tserclaes of Time, Measurement of () V Tintoretto Vagrants and Beggars Valois Dynasty () Tobacco Van Dyck, Anthony Toledo Dynasty () Toleration Vasari, Giorgio Topkapi Palace Vasilii III (Muscovy) Torture Vaughan, Thomas Tournament Veduta (View Painting) Trading Companies Vega, Lope de

v 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page vi

CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME

Velázquez, Diego Weights and Measures Wesley Family Venice, Architecture in Westphalia, Peace of (1648) Venice, Art in Widows and Widowhood Vermeer, Jan Wieland, Christoph Martin Veronese (Paolo Caliari) Wilkins, John Versailles William and Mary Vesalius, Andreas William of Orange Vico, Giovanni Battista Winckelmann, Johann Joachim Victoria, Tomás Luis de Witchcraft Witt, Johan and Cornelis de Vienna, Sieges of Wittelsbach Dynasty () Viète, François Wladyslaw II Jagiello () Vigée-Lebrun, Elisabeth Wolff, Christian Villages Women Vilnius Women and Art Vincent de Paul Wren, Christopher Violence Württemberg, duchy of Virtue Vivaldi, Antonio Vives, Juan Luis Vizier XYZ Voltaire Youth Vouet, Simon Zinzendorf, Nikolaus Ludwig von Zoology Zurbarán, Francisco de W Zwingli, Huldrych Wages Wallenstein, A. W. E. von Walpole, Horace Wars of Religion, French Systematic Outline of Contents . . . 267 Warsaw Watteau, Antoine Directory of Contributors . . . 281 Weather and Climate Index . . . 303

vi EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page vii

CONTENTS OF OTHER VOLUMES

VOLUME 1 Anabaptism Anatomy and Physiology Ancien Régime Ancient World Using the Encyclopedia . . . xxiii Ancients and Moderns Preface . . . xxv Andrusovo, Truce of (1667) Introduction . . . xxix Anglo-Dutch Naval Wars Maps of Europe, 1453 to 1795 . . . xxxix Anguissola, Sofonisba Anna (Russia) List of Maps . . . xlvii Anne (England) List of Abbreviations . . . xlix Chronology . . . li Anne of Anticlericalism Apocalypticism A Apothecaries Absolutism Archaeology Academies, Learned Architecture Academies of Art Arctic and Antarctic Accounting and Bookkeeping Aristocracy and Gentry Acoustics Aristotelianism Addison, Joseph Armada, Spanish Advice and Etiquette Books Arnauld Family Africa Art North Art Exhibitions Sub-Saharan The Art Market and Collecting Agriculture Art Theory, Criticism, and Historiography Alba, Fernando Álvarez de Toledo, duke of Artistic Patronage Alchemy The Conception and Status of the Artist Aldrovandi, Ulisse Artisans Alembert, Jean Le Rond d’ Asam Family Alexis I (Russia) Asia American Independence, War of (1775–1783) Assassination Amsterdam Astrology

vii 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page viii

CONTENTS OF OTHER VOLUMES

Astronomy Bodin, Jean Atheism Boehme, Jacob Atlantic Ocean Boerhaave, Herman Bohemia Augsburg, Religious Peace of (1555) Boileau-Despréaux, Nicolas Augustus II the Strong (Saxony and Poland) Bordeaux Austria (Russia) Austrian Succession, War of the (1740–1748) Borromeo, Carlo Austro-Ottoman Wars Borromini, Francesco Authority, Concept of Bossuet, Jacques-Bénigne Autocracy Boston Avvakum Petrovich Boswell, James Botany Boucher, François Bourbon Dynasty (France) B Bourbon Dynasty () Bach Family Bourgeoisie Bacon, Francis Boyle, Robert Balkans Brahe, Tycho Balloons Brandenburg Baltic and North Seas Brant, Sebastian Baltic Nations Britain, Architecture in Banditry Britain, Art in Banking and Credit British Colonies Bankruptcy The Caribbean Barcelona India Barometer North America Baroque Brittany Basque Country Browne, Thomas Bassi, Laura Bruegel Family Bavaria Bruno, Giordano Baxter, Richard Bayle, Pierre Budé, Guillaume Beaumont and Fletcher Buenos Aires Beccaria, Cesare Bonesana, marquis of Buffon, Georges Louis Leclerc Behn, Aphra Bullinger, Heinrich Belarus Bunyan, John Bellarmine, Robert Burgundy Benedict XIV (pope) Burke, Edmund Berkeley, George Burney, Frances Buxtehude, Dieterich Bernini, Gian Lorenzo Bérulle, Pierre de Bèze, Théodore de Bible C Interpretation Cabala Translations and Editions Cádiz Biography and Autobiography Calderón de la Barca, Pedro Biology Calendar Sea Steppe Callot, Jacques

viii EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page ix

CONTENTS OF OTHER VOLUMES

Calvin, John Childhood and Childrearing Christina (Sweden) , League of (1508) Chronometer Cambridge Platonists Church and State Relations Camera Obscura Church of England Camisard Revolt Churchill, John, duke of Marlborough Camões, Luís Vaz de Cisneros, Cardinal Francisco Jiménez de Canova, Antonio Cities and Urban Life Capitalism Citizenship Caravaggio and Caravaggism City Planning Caricature and Cartoon City-State Carnival Class, Status, and Order Carracci Family Classicism Carriera, Rosalba Claude Lorrain (Gellée) Cartesianism Clergy Cartography and Geography Protestant Clergy Casanova, Giacomo Girolamo Roman Catholic Clergy Castiglione, Baldassare Russian Orthodox Clergy Clocks and Watches Catalonia, Revolt of (1640–1652) Clothing Cateau-Cambrésis (1559) Clouet, François Catherine II (Russia) Cobos, Francisco de los Catherine de Médicis Coins and Medals Catholic League (France) Colbert, Jean-Baptiste Catholic Spirituality and Mysticism Coligny Family Catholicism Cavendish, Margaret Caxton, William Cecil Family VOLUME 2 Cellini, Benvenuto Censorship C (CONTINUED) Census Cologne Central Europe, Art in Colonialism Ceramics, Pottery, and Porcelain Columbus, Christopher Cervantes, Miguel de , Jan Amos Chardin, Jean-Baptiste-Siméon Commedia dell’Arte Charity and Poor Relief Commerce and Markets Charles I (England) Communication, Scientific Charles II (England) Communication and Transportation Charles VIII (France) Comuneros Revolt (1520–1521) Charles V () Concubinage Charles VI (Holy Roman Empire) Condé Family Charles II (Spain) Condorcet, Marie-Jean Caritat, marquis de Charles III (Spain) Confraternities Gustav (Sweden) Constantinople Charles XII (Sweden) Constitutionalism (Burgundy) Consumption Charleston Conversos Charleton, Walter Copernicus, Nicolaus Chemistry Cornaro Piscopia, Elena Lucrezia

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 ix 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page x

CONTENTS OF OTHER VOLUMES

Corneille, Pierre Italian Correggio Spanish and Portuguese Corsica Dresden Cortés, Hernán Dryden, John Cosmology Dublin Duel Coulomb, Charles-Augustin de Duma Court and Courtiers Dürer, Albrecht Cracow Dutch Colonies Cranach Family The Americas Crime and Punishment The East Indies Crisis of the Seventeenth Century Dutch Literature and Language Cromwell, Oliver Dutch Republic Cromwell, Thomas Dutch Revolt (1568–1648) Cullen, William Dutch War (1672–1678) Czech Literature and Language

E D : Art Historical Daily Life Interpretations Dance Earth, Theories of the Dashkova, Princess Catherine Éboli, Ruy Gómez de Silva, prince of David, Jacques-Louis Economic Crises Death and Dying Edinburgh Decorative Arts Education Dee, John Edward VI (England) Defoe, Daniel El Greco Deism Elizabeth I (England) Democracy Elizabeth (Russia) Empiricism Descartes, René Enclosure Design Encyclopédie Determinism Devolution, War of (1667–1668) Civil Diamond Necklace, Affair of the Military Diaries England Dictionaries and Encyclopedias English Civil War and Interregnum Diderot, Denis English Civil War Radicalism Dientzenhofer Family English Literature and Language Diplomacy Enlightened Despotism Dissemination of Knowledge Enlightenment Dissenters, English Ensenada, Cenón Somodevilla, marqués de la Divine Right Kingship Enthusiasm Divorce Environment Donne, John Epistemology Dort, Synod of Equality and Inequality Drama , Desiderius English Espionage German Estates and Country Houses

x EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page xi

CONTENTS OF OTHER VOLUMES

Estates-General, French Frederick William I () Estates-General, 1614 Frederick William II (Prussia) Estates-General, 1789 Free and Imperial Cities Ethnography Free Will Euler, Leonhard Freemasonry Europe and the World French Colonies Exclusion Crisis The Caribbean Exploration India North America and Language Fronde F Fugger Family Fur Trade False Dmitrii, First North America Family Russia Farnese, Isabel (Spain) Febronianism Feminism VOLUME 3 Fénelon, François Ferdinand I (Holy Roman Empire) Ferdinand II (Holy Roman Empire) Ferdinand III (Holy Roman Empire) G Ferdinand VI (Spain) Gabrieli, Andrea and Giovanni Ferdinand of Aragón Gainsborough, Thomas Festivals Galileo Galilei Feudalism Galleys Fielding, Henry Gallicanism Firearms Gama, Vasco da Fischer von Erlach, Johann Bernhard Gambling Florence Games and Play Florence, Art in Gardens and Parks Floridablanca, José Moñino, count of Gassendi, Pierre Folk Tales and Fairy Tales Gattinara, Mercurino Fontainebleau, School of Gdan´sk Food and Drink Gender Food Riots Forests and Woodlands Genoa Forgeries, Copies, and Casts Gentileschi, Artemisia Fragonard, Jean-Honoré Gentleman France Geoffrin, Marie-Thérèse France, Architecture in Geology France, Art in George I (Great Britain) Francis I (France) George II (Great Britain) Francis II (Holy Roman Empire) George III (Great Britain) Franck, Sebastian German Literature and Language François de Sales Germany, Idea of Frankfurt am Main Gessner, Conrad Frederick III (Holy Roman Empire) Ghetto Frederick I (Prussia) Giambologna (Giovanni da Bologna) Frederick II (Prussia) Gianonne, Pietro Frederick William (Brandenburg) Gibbon, Edward

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 xi 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page xii

CONTENTS OF OTHER VOLUMES

Gilbert, William Henry VII (England) Henry VIII (England) Glisson, Francis Henry II (France) Glorious Revolution (Britain) Henry III (France) Gluck, Christoph Willibald von Henry IV (France) Goa Heraldry , Johann Wolfgang von Herder, Johann Gottfried von Goldoni, Carlo Hermeticism Góngora y Argote, Luis de Hesse, Landgraviate of Goya y Lucientes, Francisco de Hetmanate (Ukraine) Granada Historiography Grand Tour Hobbes, Thomas Graunt, John Hogarth, William Greece Hohenzollern Dynasty Greuze, Jean-Baptiste Holbach, Paul Thiry, baron d’ Grimm, Friedrich Melchior von Holbein, Hans, the Younger Grimmelshausen, H. J. C. von Holy Leagues Grotius, Hugo Holy Roman Empire Guicciardini, Francesco Holy Roman Empire Institutions Guilds Homosexuality Guise Family Honor Gustavus II Adolphus (Sweden) Hooke, Robert Gutenberg, Johannes Hooker, Richard Hospitals Housing Huguenots H Humanists and Humanism Habsburg Dynasty Hume, David Austria Humor Spain Hungarian Literature and Language Habsburg Territories Habsburg-Valois Wars Hunting Hagiography Hussites Haller, Albrecht von Huygens Family Hals, Frans Hymns Handel, George Frideric Hanover Hanoverian Dynasty (Great Britain) I Hansa Idealism Harem Ignatius of Loyola Harley, Robert Imperial Expansion, Russia Harrington, James Index of Prohibited Books Hartlib, Samuel Industrial Revolution Harvey, William Industry Haskalah (Jewish Enlightenment) Inflation Hastings, Warren Inheritance and Wills Haydn, Franz Joseph Inquisition Helmont, Jean Baptiste van Inquisition, Roman Helvétius, Claude-Adrien Inquisition, Spanish

xii EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page xiii

CONTENTS OF OTHER VOLUMES

Insurance Khmelnytsky, Bohdan Intendants Khmelnytsky Uprising Interest Kiev Ireland Kircher, Athanasius Isabel Clara Eugenia and Albert of Habsburg Klopstock, Friedrich Gottlieb Isabella of Castile Knox, John Islam in the Ottoman Empire Kochanowski, Jan Islands Kollataj, Hugo Italian Literature and Language Italian Wars (1494–1559) Ivan III (Muscovy) L Ivan IV, “the Terrible” (Russia) La Bruyère, Jean de La Fayette, Marie-Madeleine de La Fontaine, Jean de La Mettrie, Julien Offroy de J La Rochefoucauld, François, duc de Jacobitism Jadwiga (Poland) Laborers Jagiellon Dynasty (Poland-Lithuania) Laclos, Pierre Ambroise Choderlos de James I and VI (England and Scotland) Lagrange, Joseph-Louis James II (England) Landholding Janissary Las Casas, Bartolomé de Lasso, Orlando di Jenkins’ Ear, War of (1739–1748) Jesuits Latin Jewelry Laud, William , Attitudes toward Lavoisier, Antoine Jews, Expulsion of (Spain; Portugal) Law Jews and Judaism Canon Law Joanna I, “the Mad” (Spain) Common Law Johnson, Samuel Courts Jones, Inigo International Law Jonson, Ben Lawyers Joseph I (Holy Roman Empire) Roman Law Joseph II (Holy Roman Empire) Russian Law Josephinism Law’s System Journalism, Newspapers, and Newssheets Le Brun, Charles Journals, Literary League of Augsburg, War of the (1688–1697) Juan de Austria, Ledoux, Claude-Nicolas Jülich-Cleves-Berg Leeuwenhoek, Antoni van Julius II (pope) Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm Leipzig Leo X (pope) Leonardo da Vinci K Leopold I (Holy Roman Empire) , Union of Lepanto, Battle of Kant, Immanuel Lerma, Francisco Gómez de Sandoval y Rojas, Kauffmann, Angelica 1st duke of Kepler, Johannes Lessing, Gotthold Ephraim

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 xiii 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page xiv

CONTENTS OF OTHER VOLUMES

Lettre de Cachet Mansart, François Levant Mantua Leyden, Jan van Mantuan Succession, War of the (1627–1631) L’Hôpital, Michel de Marburg, Colloquy of Liberalism, Economic Marguerite de Navarre Liberty (Holy Roman Empire) Libraries Mariana, Juan de Lima Marie Antoinette Linnaeus, Carl Marie de l’Incarnation Lipsius, Justus Marie de Médicis Lisbon Marillac, Michel de Literacy and Reading Marlowe, Christopher Lithuania, Grand Duchy of, to 1569 Marriage Lithuanian Literature and Language Marseille (1558–1583) Martyrs and Martyrology Locke, John Marvels and Wonders Logic Mary I (England) London Mathematics Lorraine, Duchy of Matter, Theories of Lottery Matthias (Holy Roman Empire) Louis XII (France) Maulbertsch, Franz Anton Louis XIII (France) Maximilian I (Holy Roman Empire) Louis XIV (France) Maximilian II (Holy Roman Empire) Louis XV (France) Mazarin, Jules Louis XVI (France) Mazepa, Ivan Louvois, François Le Tellier, marquis de Mechanism Lübeck Medici Family Lublin, Union of (1569) Medicine Lully, Jean-Baptiste Medina Sidonia, Alonso Pérez de Guzmán, Luther, Martin 7th duke of Mediterranean Basin Lviv Mehmed II (Ottoman Empire) Lyon Melanchthon, Philipp Mendelssohn, Moses Mengs, Anton Raphael Mercantilism VOLUME 4 Mercenaries Merian, Maria Sibylla Mersenne, Marin M Mesmer, Franz Anton Macau Messianism, Jewish Machiavelli, Niccolò Methodism Madness and Melancholy Mexico City Romanov (Russia) Magellan, Ferdinand Michelangelo Buonarroti Magic Midwives Malpighi, Marcello Mandeville, Bernard Military Manila Armies: Recruitment, Organization, Mannerism and Social Composition

xiv EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page xv

CONTENTS OF OTHER VOLUMES

Battle Tactics and Campaign Strategy Nature Early Modern Military Theory Navigation Acts Historiography Navy Milton, John Neoclassicism Miracles Neoplatonism Missions, Parish Nepotism Missions and Missionaries , Art in the Asia Art in the Netherlands, 1500–1585 Spanish America Art in Flanders, 1585–1700 Mobility, Geographic Art in the Northern Netherlands, 1585–1700 Mobility, Social Netherlands, Southern Mohyla, Peter Neumann, Balthasar Molière New York Monarchy Newton, Isaac Money and Coinage Nikon, patriarch Central and Eastern Europe Noble Savage Western Europe Northern Wars Monopoly Novalis Montaigne, Michel de Novikov, Nikolai Ivanovich Montesquieu, Charles-Louis de Secondat de Monteverdi, Claudio Moral Philosophy and Ethics Moravian Brethren More, Henry O More, Thomas Moriscos Obstetrics and Gynecology Moriscos, Expulsion of (Spain) Occult Philosophy Morozova, Boiarynia Odalisque Officeholding Motherhood and Childbearing Old Age , Wolfgang Amadeus Old Believers Munich Oldenbarneveldt, Johan van Münster Oldenburg, Henry Muratori, Ludovico Antonio Olivares, Gaspar de Guzmán y Pimentel, count of Murillo, Bartolomé Esteban Opera Museums Oprichnina Music Optics Music Criticism Orphans and Foundlings Orthodoxy, Greek Orthodoxy, Russian Ottoman Dynasty N Ottoman Empire Oxenstierna, Axel Nantes, Edict of , Art in Naples, , Revolt of (1647) Nasi Family P National Identity Pacific Ocean Natural History Pacifism Natural Law Painting

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 xv 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page xvi

CONTENTS OF OTHER VOLUMES

Palatinate Poisons, Affair of the Palestrina, Giovanni Pierluigi da Poissy, Colloquy of Palladio, Andrea, and Palladianism Poland, Partitions of Papacy and Papal States Poland to 1569 Poland-Lithuania, Commonwealth of, 1569–1795 Police Polish Literature and Language Polish Succession, War of the (1733–1738) Political Parties in England Parma, Alexander Farnese, duke of Political Philosophy Pascal, Blaise Political Secularization Passarowitz, Peace of (1718) Pompadour, Jeanne-Antoinette Poisson Passions Pompeii and Herculaneum Pastel Poniatowski, Stanislaw II Augustus Patiño y Morales, José Pope, Alexander Patriarchy and Paternalism Patriot Revolution Patronage VOLUME 5 Paul I (Russia) Paul III (pope) P (CONTINUED) Paul V (pope) Popular Culture Pawning Popular Protest and Rebellions Peasantry Pornography Peasants’ War, German Porte Peiresc, Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Portrait Miniatures Pepys, Samuel Portugal Perrault, Charles Portuguese Colonies Persecution Africa Peter I (Russia) Brazil Petty, William The Indian Ocean and Asia Philadelphia Madeira and the Azores Philip II (Spain) Portuguese Literature and Language Philip III (Spain) Postal Systems Philip IV (Spain) Potosí Philip V (Spain) Poussin, Nicolas Philosophes Poverty Philosophy Physics Prague, Defenestration of Physiocrats and Physiocracy Preaching and Sermons Picturesque Prévost d’Exiles, Antoine-François Pietism Priestley, Joseph Pilon, Germain Printing and Publishing Prints and Popular Imagery Piranesi, Giovanni Battista Early Popular Imagery Pitt, William the Elder and William the Younger Later Prints and Printmaking Pius IV (pope) Progress Pius V (pope) Prokopovich, Feofan Pizarro Brothers Property Plague Prophecy

xvi EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page xvii

CONTENTS OF OTHER VOLUMES

Prostitution Revolutions, Age of Proto-Industry Reynolds, Joshua Providence Rhetoric Provincial Government Richardson, Samuel Prussia Richelieu, Armand-Jean Du Plessis, cardinal Psychology Rights, Natural Public Health Ritual, Civic and Royal Public Opinion Ritual, Religious Pugachev Revolt (1773–1775) Robertson, William Purcell, Henry Rococo Puritanism Roma (Gypsies) Pyrenees, Peace of the (1659) Romania Romanov Dynasty (Russia) Romanticism Rome Q Rome, Architecture in Rome, Art in Quakers Rome, Sack of Queens and Empresses Rosicrucianism Quietism Rousseau, Jean-Jacques , Peter Paul Rudolf II (Holy Roman Empire) Russia R Russia, Architecture in Rabelais, François Russia, Art in Race, Theories of Russian Literature and Language Racine, Jean Russo-Ottoman Wars Rákóczi Revolt Russo-Polish Wars Rameau, Jean-Philippe Ruysch, Rachel Ramus, Petrus Raphael Ray, John Razin, Stepan S Reason Sade, Donatien-Alphonse-François de , Catholic St. Bartholomew’s Day Massacre Reformation, Protestant St. Petersburg in Eastern Europe: Protestant, Saint-Simon, Louis de Rouvroy Catholic, and Orthodox Salamanca, School of Refugees, Exiles, and Émigrés Salons Regency Salzburg Expulsion Religious Orders Sanitation Religious Piety Santa Cruz, Álvaro de Bazán, first marquis of van Rijn Sarmatism Sarpi, Paolo (Pietro) Rentiers , duchy of Representative Institutions Saxony Republic of Letters Scarlatti, Domenico and Alessandro Republicanism Schiller, Johann Christoph Friedrich von Resistance, Theory of Schmalkaldic War (1546–1547) Restoration, Portuguese War of (1640–1668) Scholasticism

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 xvii 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page xviii

CONTENTS OF OTHER VOLUMES

Schütz, Heinrich Sovereignty, Theory of Scientific Illustration Spain Scientific Instruments Spain, Art in Scientific Method Spanish Colonies Scientific Revolution Africa and the Canary Islands Scotland The Caribbean Scudéry, Madeleine de Mexico Sculpture Other American Colonies Sea Beggars Peru Secrets, Books of The Philippines Seminary Spanish Literature and Language Sensibility Spanish Succession, War of the (1701–1714) Sepúlveda, Juan Ginés de Spas and Resorts Serbia Spenser, Edmund Serfdom Spinoza, Baruch Serfdom in East Central Europe Sports Serfdom in Russia Sprat, Thomas Servants Star Chamber Seven Years’ War (1756–1763) State and Bureaucracy Sévigné, Marie de Statistics Seville Steele, Richard Sexual Difference, Theories of Steno, Nicolaus Sexuality and Sexual Behavior Stephen Báthory Shabbetai Tzevi Sterne, Laurence Shakespeare, William Stock Exchanges Sheridan, Richard Brinsley Stockholm Shipbuilding and Navigation Stoicism Shipping Strasbourg Shops and Shopkeeping Strikes Sidney, Philip Stuart Dynasty (England and Scotland) Sigismund II Augustus (Poland, Lithuania) Sublime, Idea of the Sugar Sinan Suicide Sixtus V (pope) Suleiman I Skepticism: Academic and Pyrrhonian Sultan Slavery and the Slave Trade Sumptuary Laws Sleidanus, Johannes Surgeons Smith, Adam Surveying Smollett, Tobias Sweden Smotrytskyi, Meletii Swedenborgianism · Smyrna (Izmir) Swedish Literature and Language Sofiia Alekseevna Swift, Jonathan Songs, Popular

xviii EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page xix

USING THE ENCYCLOPEDIA

Tables of contents. Each volume contains a table of contents for the entire Encyclopedia. Volume 1 has a single listing of all volumes’ contents. Volumes 2 through 6 contain “Contents of This Volume” followed by “Contents of Other Volumes.” Maps of Europe. The front of each volume contains a set of maps showing Europe’s political divisions at six important stages from 1453 to 1795. Alphabetical arrangement. Entries are arranged in alphabetical order. Biographical articles are generally listed by the subject’s last name (with some exceptions, e.g., Leonardo da Vinci). Royalty and foreign names. In most cases, the names of rulers of French, German, and Spanish rulers have been anglicized. Thus, Francis, not François; Charles, not Carlos. Monarchs of the same name are listed first by their country, and then numerically. Thus, Henry VII and Henry VIII of England precede Henry II of France. Measurements appear in the English system according to United States usage, though they are often followed by metric equivalents in parentheses. Following are approximate metric equivalents for the most common units: 1 foot = 30 centimeters 1 mile = 1.6 kilometers 1 acre = 0.4 hectares 1 square mile = 2.6 square kilometers 1 pound = 0.45 kilograms 1 gallon = 3.8 liters Cross-references. At the end of each article is a list of related articles for further study. Readers may also consult the table of contents and the index for titles and keywords of interest. Bibliography. Each article contains a list of sources for further reading, usually divided into Primary Sources and Secondary Sources. Systematic outline of contents. After the last article in volume 6 is an outline that provides a general overview of the conceptual scheme of the Encyclopedia, listing the title of each entry.

xix 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page xx

USING THE ENCYCLOPEDIA

Directory of contributors. Following the systematic outline of contents is a list- ing, in alphabetical order, of all contributors to the Encyclopedia, with affiliation and the titles of his or her article(s). Index. Volume 6 concludes with a comprehensive, alphabetically arranged index covering all articles, as well as prominent figures, geographical names, events, institutions, publications, works of art, and all major concepts that are discussed in volumes 1 through 6.

xx EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page xxi

MAPS OF EUROPE, 1453 TO 1795

The maps on the pages that follow show political boundaries within Europe at six impor- tant stages in the roughly three hundred and fifty years covered by this Encyclopedia: 1453, 1520, 1648, 1715, 1763, and 1795.

xxi 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page xxii

MAPS OF EUROPE, 1453 TO 1795

a N i Norwegian n Europe, 1453 h t o International border Sea B f o City f l Y u N A G E 0 100 200 mi. W D

0 100 200 km R E nd nla f Fi O f o W ul RUSSIAN G N STATES S Stockholm Moscow

a

e SCOTLAND S TEUTONIC c KNIGHTS North i t Edinburgh DENMARK l Sea Copenhagen B a IRELAND Danzig ENGLAND POLAND- Dublin B LITHUANIA r an de nb Warsaw urg London S ile Cologne Bohemia s i Prague a ATLANTIC Moravia HOLY M O L ROMAN D A OCEAN Brittany Paris Vienna V Buda I A EMPIRE Austria Pest FRANCE HUNGARY Bay of WALLACHIA Black Milan Venice V Biscay E Sea N I C BOSNIA NAVARRE Genoa E Bulgaria Florence A PAPAL d SERBIA Constantinople STATES r i VENICE O a t i c T S T Corsica e a O L ARAGÓN (Holy Roman Rome N A M A P A Empire) L N G Barcelona E Madrid S E M U VENICE P Minorca I R E Lisbon T CASTILE (Aragón) Tyrrhenian R (Aragón) O Majorca Sea P Iviza (Aragón) Athens (Aragón) Ionian VENICE GRANADA (Aragón) Sea VENICE

Crete (Venice) Mediterranean Sea

1453. In the years around 1450, Europe settled into relative political stability, following the crises of the late Middle Ages. France and England concluded the Hundred Years’ War in 1453; the Ottoman Turks conquered Constantinople in the same year and established it as the capital of their empire; and in 1454 the Treaty of Lodi normalized relations among the principal Italian states, establishing a peaceful balance of power among Venice, Florence, the duchy of Milan, the Papal States, and the Kingdom of Naples.

xxii EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page xxiii

MAPS OF EUROPE, 1453 TO 1795

a i N n h Europe, 1520 Norwegian t o B International border Sea f o f City l Y u G N A E 0 100 200 mi. W D R E d 0 100 200 km lan Fin O f f o W ul G RUSSIAN N S Stockholm STATES Moscow

a

e

SCOTLAND S

c North i t Edinburgh DENMARK l a TEUTONIC Sea Copenhagen B KNIGHTS IRELAND ENGLAND Danzig Dublin Riga Wittenberg Warsaw POLAND- LITHUANIA London

Cologne Bohemia OL Prague NG HOLY MO ATLANTIC KHANATES ROMAN OCEAN Brittany Paris Vienna EMPIRE Buda Austria Pest OTTOMAN HUNGARY EMPIRE FRANCE Bay of M WALLACHIA Black I V L Biscay A E Sea N N I C NAVARRE E GENOA Florence A PAPAL d VENICE Constantinople STATES r i O a t i c T S T Corsica e a O L (Genoa) Rome M A N A AP N G Madrid Barcelona L ES E M U P I R E Minorca T SPAIN Lisbon (Spain) Sardinia Tyrrhenian R (Spain) O Majorca Sea P Iviza (Spain) Athens (Spain) Ionian Seville Sicily (Spain) Sea

Crete (Ottoman Empire) Mediterranean Sea

1520. In 1520, the Habsburg prince Charles V was elected , uniting in his person lordship over central Europe, Spain, the , parts of Italy, and the newly conquered Spanish territories in the Americas. For the next century, this overwhelming accumulation of territories in the hands of a single dynasty would remain the most important fact in European international politics. But in 1520 Habsburg power already faced one of its most troublesome challenges: ’s Reformation, first attracting widespread notice in 1517, would repeatedly disrupt Habsburg efforts to unify their territories.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 xxiii 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page xxiv

MAPS OF EUROPE, 1453 TO 1795

a N Norwegian i Europe, 1648 n h t Sea o International border B f o City f l u

Y G 0 100 200 mi. A E N D W 0 100 200 km E d R Helsingfors n nla W f Fi O o lf S u N G Christiania Estonia RUSSIA Stockholm (Sweden)

D Livonia Moscow

N

a (Sweden)

A e

S K SCOTLAND c

R i t

A l North a

Edinburgh M B Copenhagen

N Lithuania

Sea Königsberg E PRUSSIA

IRELAND D Dublin UNITED NETHERLANDS rg POLAND bu en Brand ENGLAND Warsaw Amsterdam Berlin London Hanover S Saxony il es Brussels Dresden ia HOLY ROMAN Bohemia ATLANTIC Netherlands OCEAN Brittany Paris Bavaria Vienna Moldavia Buda Transylvania Munich Pest Austria Hungary ITZERLA FRANCE SW ND Bay of O Wallachia Black Milan T SAVOY VENICE Biscay Venice T Sea Parma Bosnia O Avignon Genoa Modena M (Papal States) Florence VENICE A A Lucca PAPAL d N TUSCANY STATES r MONTENEGRO Constantinople i a RAGUSA t i Cattaro (Venice) E c M Corsica S A L e P (Genoa) Rome a l I b R A Naples E a G Madrid (Spain) n A i n U a Minorca a t Lisbon T (Spain) Sardinia o SPAIN Corfu l R (Spain) Tyrrhenian (Venice) i a O Majorca Sea P (Spain) Cephalonia Athens Iviza (Venice) (Spain) Sicily Ionian (Spain) Zante Sea (Venice) Tangier (Spain) Algiers Bona Tunis Melilla (Genoa) Crete (Spain) (Spain) (Venice) FEZ AND BARBARY STATES Mediterranean Sea MOROCCO

1648. The 1648 Peace of Westphalia ended the Thirty Years’ War, one of the most destructive wars in European history. The peace treaty formally acknowledged the independence of the Dutch Republic and the Swiss Confederation, and it established the practical autonomy of the German principalities—including the right to establish their own religious policies. Conversely, the Holy Roman Empire lost much of its direct power; although its institutions continued to play some role in German affairs through the eighteenth century, the emperors’ power now rested overwhelmingly on the Habsburg domain lands in Austria, Bohemia, and eastern Europe.

xxiv EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page xxv

MAPS OF EUROPE, 1453 TO 1795

a N i Europe, 1715 n Norwegian h t o International border B Sea f o City f l Finland u

Y G N 0 100 200 mi. A E D W 0 100 200 km E d R n Helsingfors nla St. Petersburg W f Fi O o lf S u N G Christiania Estonia Stockholm (Sweden)

D

N Livonia (Sweden) Moscow

A

a

e K

S RUSSIAN R

A c EMPIRE

North i M t Edinburgh Copenhagen l

N a

GREAT BRITAIN Sea B Lithuania

E Königsberg D PRUSSIA AND IRELAND UNITED Dublin NETHERLANDS Ireland i a POLAND s s er P r u England Amsterdam Hanov Warsaw Berlin Hanover London S Saxony il es Brussels Dresden ia HOLY ROMAN Austrian Bohemia ATLANTIC Netherlands EMPIRE

OCEAN Paris Bavaria Vienna HUNGARY Munich Buda Pest Austria Transylvania Berne FRANCE ITZERLA Bay of SW ND Black SAVOY Venice Biscay VENICE Sea Turin Parma Bosnia OTTOMAN Avignon Genoa Modena VENICE EMPIRE (Papal States) Florence A Lucca PAPAL d TUSCANY STATES r i Constantinople a RAGUSA MONTENEGRO t i c VENICE Rumelia S e Corsica A L a (Genoa) Rome l A b Madrid Naples a G Naples n A (Austria) i n U a Minorca a t T (Great Britain) o Lisbon SPAIN Corfu l R Sardinia Tyrrhenian (Venice) i a (Austria) Athens O Majorca Sea Cephalonia P Iviza (Spain) (Venice) Morea (Spain) (Venice) Sicily Ionian (Savoy) Sea

Ceuta (Spain) Tunis Algiers Crete (Ottoman Empire) TUNIS FEZ AND ALGERIA Mediterranean Sea MOROCCO

1715. The (1713) ended the War of the Spanish Succession, the last and most destructive of the wars of the French king Louis XIV. The treaty ended Spain’s control over present-day Belgium and over parts of Italy, and it marked the end of French hegemony within Europe. In the eighteenth century, France would be only one of five leading powers.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 xxv 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page xxvi

MAPS OF EUROPE, 1453 TO 1795

a i N n h Europe, 1763 Norwegian t o B International border Sea f o f Internal border l u Finland City G Y

A N 0 100 200 mi. E W D E nd R la St. Petersburg 0 100 200 km Helsingfors Fin W of O f ul G N S Christiania Stockholm

D

N

A

a Moscow

e K

Scotland S

R A RUSSIAN North c i

M t Edinburgh Copenhagen l EMPIRE

Sea N GREAT BRITAIN B a E Königsberg

D PRUSSIA AND IRELAND UNITED Dublin NETHERLANDS Ireland Prussia POLAND England Berlin Warsaw Amsterdam Hanover London Saxony Brussels Austrian HOLY ROMAN ATLANTIC Netherlands EMPIRE M o Bavaria l OCEAN Paris Vienna d Munich a Buda v Austria i Pest a HUNGARY ITZER SW LAND Bay of FRANCE hia Black lac Milan V E Wa Biscay Turin Venice N Sea I C SAVOY Modena Bosnia Genoa E Florence A Monaco Lucca d MONTENEGRO TUSCANY r i Constantinople a t O PAPAL i c RAGUSA T STATES S e T Corsica a A O L (Genoa) Rome l M A KINGDOM b A a N G Madrid OF THE TWO n E Naples SICILIES i a M U Minorca P I R E T SARDINIA Lisbon SPAIN (Great Britain) Corfu R Tyrrhenian (Venice) O Majorca Athens Sea Cephalonia P Iviza (Spain) (Spain) (Venice) Ionian Zante Sicily (Venice) Sea (Great Britain) Tunis Ceuta (Spain) Algiers Crete (Ottoman Melilla TUNIS Empire) (Spain) ALGERIA Mediterranean Sea FEZ

1763. The 1763 Treaty of Paris ended the Seven Years’ War, a war that involved all the major European powers and included significant campaigns in North America and southern Asia, as well as in Europe. The war made clear the arrival of Prussia as a great power, at least the equal of Austria in central and eastern Europe.

xxvi EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page xxvii

MAPS OF EUROPE, 1453 TO 1795

a i N n h Europe, 1795 Norwegian t o B International border Sea f o f Internal border l u Finland City G Y A E N D 0 100 200 mi. W E nd R la St. Petersburg Helsingfors Fin 0 100 200 km W of O f ul G N S Christiania Stockholm

D

N

A Moscow

a

Scotland K e

R S

North A c M i

Edinburgh t RUSSIA N Copenhagen l Sea a

E B Königsberg

Ireland D GREAT BRITAIN UNITED Dublin NETHERLANDS PRUSSIA

England Hanover Warsaw Amsterdam Berlin

London Prussia Saxony Brussels HOLY GALICIA Austrian Netherlands ROMAN ATLANTIC Bohemia EMPIRE OCEAN Vienna Paris HUNGARY TRANSYLVANIA Munich Buda Bavaria Austria Pest SWISS CONFED. Bay of FRANCE Black Biscay Milan Sea Venice Genoa Florence A d TUSCANY r i Constantinople a t O i c T S e T Corsica a A O L (France) Rome l M A b A a N G Madrid SICILY- n E Minorca Naples i M U (Great NAPLES a P I R E Lisbon T SPAIN Britain) SARDINIA R Tyrrhenian Corfu

O (Venice) Athens Majorca Sea P Iviza (Spain) Cephalonia (Spain) (Venice) Ionian Zante Sicily (Venice) Sea Tunis Algiers Crete (Ottoman Empire) TUNIS FEZ ALGIERS Mediterranean Sea

1795. By 1795, French armies had repelled an attempted invasion by Prussia, Austria, and England, and France had begun annexing territories in Belgium and western Germany. These military successes ensured the continuation of the , but they also meant that European warfare would continue until 1815, when the modern borders of France were largely established. Warfare with France did not prevent the other European powers from conducting business as usual elsewhere: with agreements in 1793 and 1795, Prussia, Austria, and Russia completed their absorption of Poland.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 xxvii 66253_DEME_Vol-6_FM.qxd 10/15/2003 1:44 PM Page xxix

COMMON ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THIS WORK

A.D. Anno Domini, in the year of the Lord MS. manuscript (pl. MSS.) A.H. Anno Hegirae, in the year of the n.d. no date Hegira no. number (pl., nos.) b. born n.s. new series B.C. before Christ N.S. new style, according to the Gregorian B.C.E. before the common era ( = B.C.) calendar c. circa, about, approximately O.S. old style, according to the Julian C.E. common era ( = A.D.) calendar ch. chapter p. page (pl., pp.) d. died rev. revised ed. editor (pl., eds.), edition S. san, sanctus, santo, male saint e.g. exempli gratia, for example SS. saints et al. et alii, and others Sta. sancta, santa, female saint etc. et cetera, and so forth supp. supplement exh. cat. exhibition catalogue vol. volume fl. floruit, flourished ? uncertain, possibly, perhaps i.e. id est, that is

xxix Volume1HALF 9/30/03 12:26 PM Page 1

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF THE EARLY MODERN WORLD DEMEifc-emap.qx4 10/21/03 9:21 AM Page 1 T

in to the Ferrarese Inquisition for spiritual examina- TASSO, TORQUATO (1544–1595), Ital- tion; in June he attempted to stab a servant whom ian poet. Tasso was born in Sorrento, where his he suspected of spying on him. After this incident, father Bernardo was serving as secretary to the Alfonso imprisoned him within the ducal palace; prince of Salerno. Like many courtiers, Bernardo Tasso escaped and spent the next two years traveling had a peripatetic career, and Torquato’s childhood around Italy. In 1579 he returned to Ferrara, but included stays in Naples, Rome, Bergamo, and after he directed an abusive outburst at the duke, Pesaro. In 1560 Tasso entered the University of Alfonso had him locked up in the hospital of Padua to study law, but soon dedicated himself to Sant’Anna, where he was confined for the next philosophy and literary pursuits; two years later he seven years. During Tasso’s confinement, a pirated, transferred to the University of Bologna, but left incomplete text of his epic was printed. Tasso subse- when he was held responsible for a lampoon identi- quently oversaw the publication of a corrected text, fying homosexual students and faculty. Tasso re- published as Gerusalemme liberata (Jerusalem de- turned to Padua in 1564 and entered the service of livered) in 1580 and in many editions thereafter. Cardinal Luigi d’Este, brother to Alfonso II, Duke The poem was an immediate pan-European success, of Ferrara. In 1572, the poet entered the duke’s although Tasso himself was never satisfied with the service and took up residence at the d’Este court. Liberata and continued to revise his epic until 1593, Tasso’s first years in Ferrara were happy and when he published a substantially new poem enti- productive. His pastoral play Aminta was per- tled Gerusalemme conquistata (Jerusalem con- formed at court to great acclaim in 1573, and by quered). The Conquistata has never met with the Liberata’s success. After his release from Sant’Anna 1575 he had largely completed the epic poem on in 1586, Tasso spent his final decade in the courts of the First Crusade on which he had been working for Mantua, Florence, Naples, and Rome, never re- over a decade. The poem was eagerly awaited, not maining long in one place. He died in the monas- least by the duke, but Tasso had doubts about its tery of Sant’Onofrio in Rome shortly before he was acceptability on both literary and religious grounds, to be crowned poet laureate. and sent drafts to several prominent intellectuals, soliciting their suggestions. Hoping for reassurance, Tasso wrote prolifically throughout his life. His Tasso instead received detailed criticisms, which ex- works include an early chivalric epic, Rinaldo; a acerbated his doubts. He became bogged down in pastoral drama, Aminta; a philosophical poem, Il revising the poem, and during this period his mental Mondo Creato; two treatises on poetics, twenty- health deteriorated sharply. He grew increasingly eight dialogues, and hundreds of lyrics; in addition, paranoid and irascible and was tormented by reli- over a thousand of his letters survive. It is the Lib- gious anxieties. In May 1577 Tasso turned himself erata, however, that secures Tasso’s reputation as

1 TAXATION

Spenser’s The Faerie Queene (1590, 1596) and John Milton’s Paradise Lost (1667). Apart from his literary influence, Tasso’s life became the stuff of romantic legend. A play on ‘‘Tasso’s Melancholy’’ was performed in London in the ; Goethe and Byron wrote poetic versions of his story, both attributing the poet’s mental dis- turbance to a hopeless love for Duke Alfonso’s sister Eleonora. (Tasso’s only definitively attested love affairs were with men.) Even stripped of romantic myth, however, Tasso’s career makes a poignant story: that of an immensely talented poet who suf- fered personally and artistically from the insecurities of a life of courtly dependence, and from the chilly cultural climate of the Italian Counter-Reforma- tion.

See also Italian Literature and Language; Milton, John; Spenser, Edmund.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Tasso, Torquato. Aminta. In Three Renaissance Pastorals: Tasso—Guarini—Daniel. edited by Elizabeth Story Donno, pp. 1–54. Binghamton, N.Y., 1993. A seven- teenth-century translation of Aminta by Augustine Ma- thews. —. ‘‘Discourses on the Art of Poetry.’’ In The Genesis of Torquato Tasso. Title page from Gerusalemme liberata, Tasso’s Narrative Theory: English Translations of the 1590, with portrait of Tasso. Early Poetics and a Comparative Study of Their Signifi- cance, translated by Lawrence F. Rhu, pp. 99–155. De- troit, 1993. Translation of ‘‘Discorsi dell’arte poetica’’ the greatest Italian poet of the latter sixteenth cen- with essays on Tasso’s early poetics. tury. In his poem Tasso strove to reconcile Virgilian —. Jerusalem Delivered. Edited and translated by An- epic, chivalric romance, and Counter-Reformation thony M. Esolen. Baltimore, 2000. Translation of Catholicism; the Liberata achieves an uneasy but Gerusalemme liberata. remarkably successful balance of these three ele- Secondary Sources ments. From the moment the Liberata appeared, it Brand, C. P. Torquato Tasso: A Study of the Poet and of His has been compared to the other great sixteenth- Contribution to English Literature. Cambridge, U.K., century Italian epic, Ludovico Ariosto’s Orlando 1965. furioso (1516). Since Tasso admired and emulated Getto, Giovanni. Malinconia di Torquato Tasso. Naples, Ariosto’s poem, it is misleading to view them as 1986. polar opposites, but they do offer different plea- Zatti, Sergio. L’uniforme cristiano e il multiforme pagano: sures. Tasso lacks Ariosto’s sense of humor and saggio sulla ‘‘Gerusalemme liberata.’’ Milan, 1983. delight in intricate, multiplotted storytelling; but TOBIAS GREGORY Tasso reaches greater heights of lyricism, and draws his characters with greater psychological subtlety. Whether one prefers Ariosto or Tasso, the Liberata counts among the handful of Renaissance epics of TAXATION. was home lasting impact. It served as an important model for to a bewildering array of taxes. The church collected the two major English Renaissance epics, Edmund tithes, lords exacted feudal dues, towns imposed

2 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TAXATION customs duties, and rulers levied state taxes. Al- teen-fold between the late sixteenth and early eigh- though there were multiple channels by which fiscal teenth centuries; expenditure in Denmark and the resources were extracted and redistributed through- United Provinces also accelerated dramatically. out society, this essay will focus on state taxation, Consequently, rulers across Europe scrambled to which expanded most dramatically in this period. find revenue by increasing ‘‘ordinary’’ taxes and To meet growing costs of war and debt, rulers creating new ‘‘extraordinary’’ ones that, with time, across Europe raised taxation to unprecedented lev- would be deemed ordinary as well. Monarchs be- els, forming what historians call ‘‘tax states.’’ The came keenly aware of the fact that projecting power tax state was not wholly powered by a modern abroad depended on financial strength at home. centralized bureaucracy, but it had a profound ef- For ambitious sovereigns, however, there fect on early modern politics and society. On the seemed never to be enough tax revenue available to one hand, it reinforced social inequality, as rulers finance military campaigns. Thus, in the city-states created fiscal alliances with elites and levied taxes on of Italy and the Netherlands, and then in unified the common people. On the other hand, the tax monarchies, rulers began to borrow and accumulate state shaped early modern politics, as revenue-hun- debt. This recourse to credit, in turn, contributed to gry sovereigns clashed with representative institu- the growth of taxation, because short-term war debt tions and provoked popular tax rebellions. Even as was often consolidated into long-term debt serviced popular tax revolts subsided in the eighteenth cen- with tax revenue. If, in the sixteenth century, taxes tury, ideas linking taxation, citizenship, and political were used principally to pay for burgeoning state representation fueled revolution in the British colo- administrations as well as war, in the seventeenth nies and in France. and eighteenth centuries, the vast majority of tax revenue was spent on military campaigns and the THE RISE OF THE TAX STATE increasingly large debts they generated. As a result, Taxation was essential to the development of the belligerent states in the seventeenth and eighteenth modern state. In the Middle Ages, kings mainly centuries confronted a spiral of war, debt, and taxa- ‘‘lived of their own,’’ that is, supported themselves tion that, as we shall see, profoundly shaped the with revenues from the royal domain, which in- political life of the age. cluded income from crown lands and various feudal and regalian dues. Over the early modern period, Although the fiscal weight of the state grew however, European monarchies expanded beyond rapidly in the early modern period, it should not be the medieval domain to levy taxes. Tax revenues inferred that states developed modern centralized mounted steadily across Europe in the sixteenth bureaucracies of the kind associated with century, even taking high population growth and ‘‘absolutism.’’ Today, historians stress the limits of inflation into account, and soared to new heights in the absolute state and emphasize how powerful the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Not all monarchs like Louis XIV (ruled 1643–1715) had to European countries followed this trend; Branden- negotiate with elites and regional and local institu- burg-Prussia relied heavily on domain revenue as tions. late as the eighteenth century. But the overall pat- In practice, even ‘‘absolute’’ sovereigns could tern is clear: the early modern tax state eclipsed the not tax at will. Although there was little theoretical medieval domain state and considerably expanded recognition of the citizen’s right to consent to taxa- the financial resources of rulers. tion before the eighteenth century, rulers regularly The tax state was a child of war. In this period of sought the consent and cooperation of corporate ‘‘military revolution,’’ as armies grew spectacularly institutions to reduce resistance to the tax levy. In in size and required increasingly intensive training addition to dealing with law courts, church organi- and elaborate supply networks, the costs of war zations, and municipal governments, monarchs skyrocketed. French military expenses increased five consulted with a host of representative bodies that to eight times during the seventeenth century; flourished in the early modern period. The Spanish Spanish war expenditure peaked in the 1650s; the monarchy negotiated with the Castilian Cortes; the English budget increased, in real terms, at least six- Holy Roman emperor dealt with the Imperial Diet

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 3 TAXATION

money, Parliament reacted by asserting its right to consent to taxation. In 1640, after Charles I refused to work with Parliament, the crisis turned into a bloody civil war in which the king was executed. Ironically, the English Civil War and the Glorious Revolution of 1688, both of which secured for Par- liament a central role in the English constitution, ultimately made it easier for the English state to raise taxes. Eighteenth-century England and the Netherlands experienced the highest rates of taxa- tion in Europe, owing in large part to the sense of legitimacy that representative institutions in both countries bestowed on tax levies. Elsewhere in Europe, the relationship between monarchs and corporate bodies evolved differently. In the Fronde of 1648, the of Paris chal- lenged the fiscal policies of the crown, but it was not nearly as successful as the English Parliament. The French monarchy not only quelled the Fronde, but stopped calling the Estates-General after 1614– Taxation. A 1468 painting by Sano di Pietro shows two men 1615 and replaced many provincial Estates with paying taxes in Siena. ᮊARCHIVO ICONOGRAFICO, S.A./CORBIS more easily controlled royal officers. But even in ‘‘absolutist’’ France the monarchy did not com- pletely prevail, for the surviving provincial Estates (just as territorial princes in the German lands (in and Brittany, for instance) contin- worked with provincial diets); French kings sum- ued to drive hard bargains with kings and to admin- moned the Estates-General and provincial Estates; ister taxes in their regions down to 1789. Yet an- and the English crown consulted Parliament. Rep- other scenario unfolded in Castile, the heart of the resentative bodies haggled over the weight and Spanish empire, where the once instrumental form of taxes but usually found it in their interest to Cortes faded from power in the seventeenth century compromise with monarchs, who rewarded their as the Spanish monarchy grew weaker. acquiescence with fiscal and administrative privi- leges. Representative institutions were also willing Just as we should be careful not to infer that the to compromise at times, because the elite social rise of the European tax state automatically reflected groups they represented (clergy, nobility, urban no- the development of absolutist institutions, we tables) were heavily invested in state debt and did should not assume that rising tax levels were the not want to interfere with taxes that funded their result of increasingly efficient and centralized ad- interest payments. In this respect, there was an in- ministrations. On the contrary, early modern tax herent tension between the financial interests of systems were extremely fragmented. Many rulers ordinary taxpayers, who wished to minimize the tax relied on tax farming, a practice whereby taxes were burden, and those of wealthier state creditors, who franchised to semiprivate financiers who paid fixed sums of money in return for the right to collect feared that poor tax yields might jeopardize returns taxes. These tax farmers were allowed to pocket the on their investments. difference between the amounts of revenue they Negotiations between rulers and corporate collected and the lump sums they had advanced. bodies did not, however, always run smoothly. In Not all taxes were farmed. Rulers also entrusted the seventeenth-century England, fiscal strife combined task of levying certain taxes to official state adminis- with religious conflict to produce a constitutional trators, but even in this case administrators could crisis and civil war. When the early Stuart kings not collect taxes without the active participation of sought to levy new subsidies, forced loans, and ship villages and local heads of household. Consider the

4 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TAXATION example of the taille, the main direct tax in France but in bad times, when wages stagnated or unem- from the fifteenth century to the French Revolu- ployment rose, they could become quite oppressive. tion. Every year, the global sum of the taille was divided among the kingdom’s parishes. Each parish Levied on landed income and property, we was assigned a lump sum of money and was held might expect direct taxes to have been less regres- responsible for collecting and forwarding that sum sive. But this was not usually the case, because the to tax receivers. Royal financial officials supervised wealthy and powerful often held the privilege of the levy, pressuring recalcitrant villages and adjudi- exemption. Consider once again the example of the cating disputes, but the crucial tasks of drawing up principal direct tax in France, the taille. The most tax rolls and collecting revenue were left to parish remarkable feature of the taille was the number of assessors and collectors appointed by local village people who did not have to pay it. In much of assemblies. Without the participation of thousands France, clergymen, nobles, bourgeois, venal office- of village assemblies across France, even the mighty holders, royal administrators, and residents of cer- French crown would not have been able to levy the tain provinces and towns enjoyed at least partial taille. exemption from the taille. This meant that the weight of the tax fell overwhelmingly on the peas- FORMS AND SOCIAL INCIDENCE antry. It has been estimated that in the late seven- OF TAXATION teenth century the taille and other direct taxes ab- The burden of the tax state was not shouldered sorbed on average one-fifth of the peasantry’s gross equally by all social groups. Although it is difficult to determine with precision who paid taxes in early production. Wealthier peasants appear to have car- modern Europe, it is safe to say that the two main ried most of this burden, but the poorest peasants types of taxes, direct and indirect, were generally had a difficult time scraping together enough cash regressive. In both cases, common people—the to pay even the tiniest assessments. In a hierarchical peasants and artisans who made up the majority of society riddled with privilege, the taille was so the population—paid higher proportions of their closely associated with low status that Cardinal Ri- income than did wealthy elites. chelieu (1585–1642) believed it unwise to relieve the common people of this burden because ‘‘they Indirect taxes, which many monarchs and town would lose the mark of their subjection and conse- magistrates preferred because they were less intru- quently the awareness of their station.’’ Similar sen- sive than direct taxes, predominated in urban and timent existed in Sweden, the German lands, and commercial areas of Europe such as England, Italy, Castile, where the payment of direct taxes was also a and the Netherlands. Taking the form of tolls, excise taxes on consumer goods, and taxes on salt, sign of common birth. tobacco, and other goods sold by state monopolies, If regressive taxation reflected the steep social indirect taxes fell on consumers in a highly regres- hierarchy of the early modern period, so too did the sive fashion. Levied on such staples as grain, meat, ways in which the state spent the tax revenue it beer, wine, and salt, indirect taxes imposed a pro- collected. As historians have recently emphasized, portionally heavy burden on urban workers who monarchs not only drew the lion’s share of tax reve- had to purchase basic commodities with relatively nue from peasants and artisans but, with state little disposable income. In the towns of Castile, where excise taxes on wine and oil could double the spending, redistributed that revenue up the social price of such goods, wage earners suffered a reduc- hierarchy to nobles, officeholders, and other elites. tion of purchasing power on the order of 30–50 In seventeenth-century Languedoc, as much as a percent. In Paris, whose residents enjoyed privileges third of the province’s tax revenue passed directly to with respect to direct taxes, indirect taxation was regional notables in the form of pensions, salaries, rather heavy. It has been calculated that in 1789, the and interest payments. Extracting and redis- average Parisian head of household needed fifty-six tributing tax revenue on a massive scale, early mod- days to work off his taxes. During periods of eco- ern states doubly reinforced the social inequalities of nomic growth, indirect taxes were easier to bear, the age.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 5 TAXATION

POPULAR TAX REVOLTS tax relief to authorities. When such acts of protest Given the weight and incidence of taxation, it may proved unsuccessful, crowds gathered to tax come as no surprise that levies encountered a good officials at bay—by force if necessary. Moved by a deal of popular resistance in the early modern pe- sense of communal justice, taxpayers enacted mock riod. The medieval notion that a king was supposed trials and burned tax officials in effigy, broke into or ‘‘to live of his own’’ did not quickly fade, leading burned down tax collectors’ houses, and verbally or many to believe as late as the seventeenth century physically harassed collectors to run them out of that regular taxation was a dangerous innovation. In town. Although the most violent incidents of col- such a climate, any attempt to create a new tax or lective action involved beating or stoning officials, increase an old one, even when the justification of such activity was not revolutionary in the modern military defense was invoked, could be met with sense of the term. Appealing to God, king, and great skepticism. Ever dubious and resourceful, tax- custom rather than revolutionary principle, crowds payers found ways to evade or at least minimize believed that their attempts to block new taxes (or their fiscal obligations. Heads of households es- sudden tax increases) were part of a larger plan to caped full liability for direct taxes by hiding or falsely restore the traditional order. ‘‘Long live the king reporting their wealth or, in the case of powerful without the salt tax,’’ French protesters cried, look- individuals, by exerting influence over local tax as- ing backward to a time when the crown supposedly sessors. As for indirect taxes, smugglers formed vast did not impose harmful fiscal innovations. Just be- underground networks that circumvented customs cause revolts were backward-looking, however, and excise taxes to supply consumers with untaxed does not mean that they failed to achieve practical commodities at lower prices. results. Revolts did achieve temporary successes, Resistance could also take the more direct form when tax collectors were chased out of town or of open revolt. In addition to, and sometimes linked when controversial tax initiatives were withdrawn. to, the challenges to taxation mounted by represen- But revolts were just as likely to provoke brutal tative institutions, popular tax revolts broke out repression by the royal army. sporadically across Europe throughout the early One of the most extraordinary features of tax modern era. From the late sixteenth to the mid- revolts was the participation of different social seventeenth century, when intense warfare was cou- groups. It is not surprising that destitute peasants, pled with economic and demographic crisis, a par- artisans, and day laborers joined the fray, since taxa- ticularly destabilizing series of tax rebellions erupted tion threatened to take what little cash they pos- in the German lands, Spain, Portugal, Naples, En- sessed. But in seventeenth-century France, wealth- gland, and France. It is important to note that these ier peasants and artisans, local elites, and even revolts were not irrational explosions of violence nobles were similarly moved to participate in revolts carried out by the hopelessly poor. Rather, as recent or at least abet them from behind the scenes. research emphasizes, revolts were deliberate politi- Wealthier peasants paid the bulk of direct taxes and cal acts in which a variety of social groups partici- so had a strong interest in stopping tax increases. pated. Noble landlords saw rebellion as a means to retain The revolts that shook France in the first half of regional liberties and expand their power, but they, the seventeenth century are particularly well stud- too, had a financial interest in tax revolts, for they ied, and they suggest how and why uprisings oc- competed with the crown for the economic surplus curred. It should be stated at the outset that rebel- produced by the peasantry. Although nobles paid lions in this period were not aimed solely at taxes; comparatively little in taxes, they understood that crowds also gathered to protest military conscrip- higher taxes on the peasantry would lead to lower tion, the billeting of troops, high food prices, seign- rents and feudal dues. Thus, when Louis XIII (ruled eurial dues, and religious heresy. But from 1630 to 1610–1633) dramatically increased taxes in the 1660 tax revolts were by far the most prominent 1620s and 1630s, many nobles supported popular form of protest in France. In this period of eco- sedition. Not all joined in, for some elites feared nomic, military, and fiscal turmoil, taxpayers assem- that revolt would cut off royal revenue and endan- bled on numerous occasions to submit petitions for ger the financial perquisites they received from the

6 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TAXATION crown, but for many the prospect of losing revenue tered by a royal bureaucracy, was applied unevenly from their land outweighed other considerations. and fell dramatically over the century in proportion to total tax revenue. Likewise, the income tax was REFORM AND REVOLUTION IN THE quickly repealed once France was defeated. The two EIGHTEENTH CENTURY taxes demonstrate that while English elites were Although traditional tax revolts died down in the willing to contribute direct taxes to a state in which eighteenth century, taxation became a key issue in they enjoyed representation, they did not intend to the American and French Revolutions. In both pay too much for this political privilege. Indeed, cases, revolution stemmed from the tremendous fis- despite notable innovations in direct taxation, cal burden that weighed on Britain and France as crown and Parliament ensured that indirect taxa- the two countries engaged one another in a series of tion, in particular the regressive excise tax, would protracted, global, and costly wars that have been become the true backbone of the eighteenth-cen- likened to a second Hundred Years’ War. For both tury English fiscal system. Climbing to dizzying countries, the financial response to the burden of heights over the century, the excise tax raised the war would have far-reaching political consequences. vast majority of the revenue that funded the loans of From the Glorious Revolution of 1688 to the the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763) and the Ameri- defeat of revolutionary France in 1815, Britain as- can War of Independence (1775–1783). Backed by cended to great power status on the wings of a parliamentary statute and staffed by an astonishingly ‘‘financial revolution’’ in which Parliament guaran- modern bureaucracy, the excise administration teed the security of a permanent and rapidly ex- made English consumers pay for the nation’s inter- panding national debt. Although historians once national power. believed that the spectacular growth of English If Britain excelled in the fiscal rivalry that char- public credit compensated for the country’s suppos- acterized eighteenth-century international rela- edly weak tax system, today they attribute much of tions, it did so despite the rebellion of its North the success of English credit to the efficiency and American colonies. In light of the critical role Parlia- reliability of taxes. At bottom, England’s tax system ment played in lending legitimacy to English taxes, was effective because elites consented to taxation it is not all that surprising that North American through their representatives in Parliament. In the colonials balked when the crown attempted to im- , for example, Parliament agreed to the levy of pose new taxes in the wake of the costly Seven Years’ a land tax on the propertied classes that would spare War. In the absence of colonial representation in no landowner, be he gentleman or cleric. The land Parliament, and with the elimination of the French tax was significant not only because it touched elites threat in North America, colonials perceived the and provided an important source of revenue, espe- new taxes and duties of the late and early cially to 1714, but also because it secured the politi- 1770s as the work of a despotic government. ‘‘No cal power of Parliament—and the landed gentry taxation without representation,’’ they exclaimed, that the institution represented—in a new constitu- insisting that all British taxpayers had a right to tional order. The English monarchy learned that it national political representation. With the spread of had much to gain financially by consulting Parlia- such constitutional ideas, what began as a tax revolt ment; Parliament learned to tolerate the fiscal and quickly turned into republican revolution. administrative expansion of the English state in re- Taxation was also an important cause of the turn for the right to scrutinize public finances. At French Revolution. Because French kings periodi- the end of the eighteenth century, Parliament re- cally repudiated debts (and were therefore known as placed the land tax with a modern income tax, a risky borrowers), the French royal debt was more remarkable innovation that required all heads of expensive to service than English national debt, put- household with annual incomes above fifty pounds ting additional stress on the French tax system. As in to declare their wealth for assessment. England, France increasingly relied on indirect taxes We should be careful, however, not to exagger- over the eighteenth century, but French indirect ate the fiscal generosity of English elites. The land taxes never reached the proportions of total tax rev- tax, which Parliament never allowed to be adminis- enue that English indirect taxes did. Direct taxes

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 7 TECHNOLOGY remained essential in France, and it was here that BIBLIOGRAPHY the French crown initiated its most ambitious re- Beik, William. Absolutism and Society in Seventeenth-Century France: State Power and Provincial Aristocracy in Lan- forms. The crown not only conducted land surveys guedoc. Cambridge, U.K., and New York, 1985. in certain provinces to improve the repartition of Berce´, Yves Marie. History of Peasant Revolts: The Social the taille; it also created new universal taxes (the Origins of Rebellion in . Translated capitation, dixie`me, and vingtie`me) aimed at indi- by Amanda Whitmore. Cambridge, U.K., 1990. viduals, including nobles, who had formerly en- Bonney, Richard, ed. Economic Systems and State Finance. joyed the privilege of tax exemption. (The creation Oxford and New York, 1995. of universal taxes in France was part of a general —. The Rise of the Fiscal State in Europe, c. 1200–1815. trend among eighteenth-century European govern- New York, 1999. A useful collection of essays on early ments to end noble tax privileges; similar reforms modern public finance in several European countries. were instituted in Artois, Flanders, , Bossenga, Gail. ‘‘Taxes.’’ In A Critical Dictionary of the Savoy, Holland, and Prussia). Although French uni- French Revolution. Edited by Franc¸ois Furet and Mona Ozouf. Translated by Arthur Goldhammer. Cam- versal taxes bolstered direct tax revenues, they were bridge, U.K., 1989. woefully inadequate to the task of funding military Brewer, John. The Sinews of Power: War, Money and the expenditure and debt. Even when combined with English State, 1688–1783. London and Boston, 1990. A rising indirect tax revenue, they did not substantially compelling study of the fiscal changes behind England’s raise the incidence of real, per capita taxation. rise to power in the eighteenth century. Collins, James B. Fiscal Limits of Absolutism: Direct Taxa- Looked at another way, however, the new uni- tion in Early Seventeenth-Century France. Berkeley, versal taxes proved all too successful. Because they 1988. did indeed strike nobles and other privileged Herlihy, David, and Christiane Klapisch-Zuber. Tuscans and groups, they alienated elites who, unlike their coun- Their Families: A Study of the Florentine Catasto of terparts across the channel but much like Britons in 1427. New Haven, 1985. North America, did not enjoy representation in a Hoffman, Philip T., and Kathryn Norberg. Fiscal Crises, national legislature. As a result, French courts of law Liberty, and Representative Government, 1450–1789. Stanford, 1994. Analyzes the relationship between fiscal became increasingly sensitive to the issue of taxation and political development in England, the Netherlands, and publicized the need for an institutional bulwark Spain, and France. against the monarchy. Seeking to fend off increases Kwass, Michael. Privilege and the Politics of Taxation in in universal taxes from the Seven Years’ War on, Eighteenth-Century France: Liberte´, E´ galite´, Fiscalite´. courts disseminated subversive concepts of national Cambridge, U.K., and New York, 2000. sovereignty, political representation, and the rights Mathias, Peter, and Patrick O’Brien. ‘‘Taxation in Britain of citizenship. In 1789, revolutionaries drew on this and France, 1715–1810.’’ Journal of European Eco- nomic History 5 (1976): 601–650. and other fiscal-political rhetoric to launch both a constitutional revolution, in which a National As- Tilly, Charles. The Contentious French. Cambridge, Mass., 1986. Contains descriptions and analysis of French tax sembly would seize the power to tax from the mon- revolts in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. archy, and a social revolution, in which the Third Tracy, James D. ‘‘Taxation and State Debt.’’ In Handbook of Estate would claim political rights based on its tax European History, 1400–1600: Late Middle Ages, Re- contributions to the state. Once in power, revolu- naissance, and Reformation. 2 vols. Edited by Thomas tionaries abolished indirect taxes, expunged vestiges A. Brady Jr., Heiko A. Oberman, and James D. Tracy. of privilege from direct taxation, and formally linked Leiden and New York, 1994. taxation and citizenship by extending political MICHAEL KWASS rights to taxpayers. By the late eighteenth century, taxation had become invested with revolutionary significance. TECHNOLOGY. Early modern Europeans See also Absolutism; Military; Popular Protest and Rebel- paid new attention to the machines and technical lions; Representative Institutions; Revolutions, Age processes that created most of their material goods. of; State and Bureaucracy. Appreciation of rapidly advancing arts and inven-

8 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TECHNOLOGY tions was not particularly new—the Middle Ages cal world in a more efficacious way. They did not so also having been an era in which myriad new tech- much dignify craftsmen as seek to appropriate from nologies appeared in Europe. What was becoming craftsmen universal principles by which the arts noticeably different by the middle of the fifteenth could be directed. The capture of those principles century was that new technologies were becoming a became a major goal of scientific enquiry and un- force in the shaping of Europeans’ intellectual derwrote a new professional engineer with status framework—just as they shaped social frameworks and learning meant to distinguish him from the through the expanding manufactories in mining, mere craftsman. ordnance, papermaking, printing, and textiles. Both the material and the mental landscapes of early WONDERS OF THE AGE modern Europe were dramatically reconfigured By 1548, the French physician and astronomer Jean over these centuries, and in a very self-consciously Fernel (1497–1558) could proclaim the inventions interdependent way. that testified to ‘‘the triumph of our New Age’’: the compass, the cannon, and the printing press. Of HOMO FABER these, the printing press, nearly one hundred years ‘‘Technology’’ did not really exist as a concept until old, was the newest. The full impact of the compass, at least the seventeenth century; what we see in the cannon, and printing press was not obvious until the early modern period is the attempt to create a realm end of the fifteenth century and depended on the that constantly straddled growing scientific thought development of other technologies. and developing industrial practices. Technology Compass. The introduction of the magnetic com- continues today to ambiguously refer both to the pass gave mariners not only a new way of navigating practices and tools of material construction, and to in open sea, but, perhaps even more importantly, a the knowledge (the -ology) about how these prac- means of recording their journeys in a readable and tices and tools operate. In the centuries spanning fairly precise way. The portolan map, fully devel- the invention of the printing press and the first oped by the fifteenth century, was produced by experiments with electricity, technology gave rise to drawing coast lines and islands according to con- a particular vision of human effort and learning, one stant lines of compass bearing. The remarkable ad- whose central image was that of ‘‘progress.’’ vance this offered can only be appreciated visually. Mechanical arts in the ancient and medieval pe- In the middle of the fifteenth century, this advan- riod had often been disregarded by scholars and tage to navigation was joined by a new ship design philosophers and by the makers of literate culture. that allowed greater maneuverability. The medieval To a large extent, the name ‘‘mechanic,’’ because carrack was replaced by the three-masted ship, associated with manual labor, remained tainted which offered more sail area, the ability to sail throughout the early modern period (and remains windward, and larger sterns for cargo and crew. By so today). However, starting in the Renaissance, 1488, Portuguese sailors, who were also learning Europeans began to reframe their concept of learn- the system of winds, were able to circumnavigate the Cape of Good Hope. Oceanic voyages quickly ing around the study of human productivity. This opened up new prospects for trade with the East, reframing contributed significantly to the restruc- and, after 1492, a New World. turing of the existing system of Aristotelian natural philosophy. The knowledge of machines and tech- Cannon. The development of gunpowder artillery nical processes became clues to the natural forces changed the balance of power both between Euro- that govern both natural and artificial processes. peans and other peoples, and, intermittently and Galileo Galilei’s (1564–1642) formulation of kine- temporarily, between the emerging nation-states of matic motion, for example, was completed at the Europe. Invented sometime in the early fourteenth end of long years studying projectiles in the context century as a rather cumbersome, if effective, bom- of military engineering. Early modern theorists of bard, gunpowder artillery underwent a great deal of science and enlightenment articulated the faith that development throughout the fifteenth century. Eu- philosophical knowledge can be derived from tech- ropeans learned to cast and bore cannons (rather nical arts, and then reapplied to organize the techni- than barrel together hoops of forged metal) to spe-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 9 TECHNOLOGY cific calibers; they designed gun carriages for better ogy, which in the previous 150 years had largely mobility; they learned to make nitrates for the salt- replaced parchment (scraped animal skins) and peter necessary to gunpowder production, and to greatly reduced the expense of books. It also de- corn (or ball) the gunpowder for better storage. pended on sophisticated metallurgy; steel was diffi- The main effect the advent of widespread cannon cult to produce, and the metals used had to perform warfare had on noncombatants was to change the properly. faces of their cities. Older town walls (and often a Other arts. Aside from these ‘‘revolutionary’’ tech- number of townsmen’s houses) were demolished nologies, a host of smaller-scale innovations en- for newer, lower, and thicker geometrical circuits. riched domestic interiors between 1450 and 1550. Polygonal, bastioned fortifications, the trace Venetian glassmakers pioneered a refined clear glass Italienne, were built around numerous continental in the late fifteenth century, and Italian potters be- European cities. A secondary effect of military engi- gan to manufacture brightly painted majolica. The neering concerns was to focus attention on the European silk industry expanded greatly. In the problems of projectile motion, impact, and the re- sixteenth century, the French potter Bernard Palissy sistance of materials—all areas of concern in the (1510–1589) formulated a pure white glaze in imi- establishment of a new physics. tation of porcelain. All these products offered do- In the field, the integration of small arms mestic alternatives to goods that had previously worked to further alter the conduct of open battle. been imported from the Middle or Far East. Mean- The shoulder-carried harquebus or musket, already while, techniques for quicksilvering mirrors and the in use by the 1480s, developed into a common development of oil paints that could capture dra- weapon of the infantry, even if pikemen continued matic lighting effects offered new adornments. to be of essential importance into the seventeenth With printing, the techniques of numerous arts century. A more sudden transformation took place were recorded in printed books. By the end of the in the cavalry as a result of the spread of the wheel- sixteenth century, books were available on the em- lock pistol in the mid 1500s. Employed by mounted ployments, tools, and ‘‘secrets’’ of trades as diverse German Reiters, and further developed as a cavalry as fishing, pyrotechnics, metallurgy, and architec- weapon by the French under Henry IV (ruled ture. Many were written by practicing artisans and 1589–1610), the adoption of the pistol led to the mechanics. Some of these books amounted to little dethroning of the armored lance, and ‘‘the end of more than lists of recipes, while others eloquently knighthood.’’ discussed the relationship between art and nature, Printing press. The political theorist Jean Bodin and insisted on the need for both theory and prac- (1530–1596) wrote, ‘‘The art of printing alone tice in the proper execution of crafts. These discus- would easily be able to match all the inventions of sions offered an alternative discourse on these sub- the ancients.’’ Printing had transformed intellectual jects to that available through elite education. Later life. Before its advent around 1450, a personal li- promoters, apologists, and organizers of technolog- brary of fifty volumes was considered sumptuous; by ical knowledge drew heavily on this vast literature. Bodin’s writing, noblemen routinely collected hun- ARCHITECTS AND HUMANISTS dreds; pamphlets and other cheap print were avail- Renaissance artists created some of the most impres- able to most literate people. sive engineering feats of their day. Filippo Brunel- The printing press relied on a set of standard- leschi (1377–1446) awed his contemporaries with sized raised letters, cast in a matrix that had been the construction of the enormous duomo atop the impressed with the letter’s impression by a steel Florentine cathedral. The dome was constructed punch, and then set into a form. The system of without centering or beams by connecting eight punches, matrices, and forms was the most signifi- spears above the cathedral. Even Brunelleschi’s scaf- cant (and expensive) aspect of the invention, and folding and lifting machine designs were copied by established printing as the first industry to employ other artists. The most developed mechanical interchangeable parts. The success of the print trade knowledge available was no doubt cultivated by relied on the earlier development of paper technol- architects. This was particularly obvious in Italian

10 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TECHNOLOGY cities, where architects and other artists were highly engineering professional that was just then begin- trained in practical mathematics, and constantly ex- ning to emerge. perimented, at least in sketches, with various combi- nations of machine elements. Leonardo da Vinci’s NATURAL MAGIC AND ALCHEMY (1452–1519) well-known breadth of interests— No easy category existed during the late Renais- stretching from his designs of ingenious devices to sance in which to place figures who performed tech- sculpture to painting—was not uncommon. Fran- nological feats. The Syracusan Archimedes (c. 287– cesco di Giorgio (1439–1502) also developed great 212 B.C.E.), for example, was famous as the maker expertise in the fields of engineering and hydraulics, of a wooden bird that flew all by itself, and as the along with his more decorative work. Architects di- engineer whose special mirrors burned Roman ships rected sometimes dramatic refigurement of major in the harbor—both accomplishments that early cities. Rome was largely rebuilt in the sixteenth cen- modern engineers attempted to recreate well into tury and Paris in the seventeenth. Architects also the eighteenth century. In the language of Renais- designed dams and waterways, fortifications, and sance Neoplatonism, the term magus often served stage machinery. best to characterize such figures. The magus was As works of architecture and engineering figured as a wise man whose knowledge of occult gained greater cultural capital as markers of status (hidden) natural properties allowed him to unleash and power, scholars and patrons themselves often operative forces and create amazing effects. Scholars came to seek the knowledge of the architects and to of magic—among the most learned of the age— share their literate culture. Leon Battista Alberti developed a doxography that linked magical, philo- (1404–1472) was a humanist who carved a new role sophical, and religious figures in historical progres- for himself as the technical counselor to powerful sions: from the legendary Egyptian magus Hermes men. His treatises detailing mathematical and con- Trismegistus, to Moses, to Pythagoras, to Platonic ventional rules for painting, sculpture, and architec- and Aristotelian philosophers, to Ptolemy as a judi- ture became classics even in manuscript. Coopera- cial astrologer, and thence to the Hellenistic mathe- tion between elites and architects centered on matician and reputed engineer Archimedes. military engineering and the study of ancient tech- Meanwhile engineers themselves, military engi- nical texts, works that promised the secrets of recre- neering writers such as Conrad Keyser (1366– ating the splendid world of the ancients. The duke 1405) and Giovanni da Fontana (1395?–1455?), of Urbino, Federigo Montefeltro (1422–1482), had cultivated a mixture of technology and magic. himself tried to aid Francesco di Giorgio in a transla- ‘‘Natural magic’’ pointed to the operative power tion of De architectura by the Roman architect inherent in technology, and offered a framework Vitruvius. Alberti had given up making sense of this outside that of Aristotelian causality. By the turn of text, but the first editions came from practicing the seventeenth century, discussions of technology architects: Fra Giovanni Giocondo da Verona’s often adopted the name ‘‘magic’’ as ‘‘the practical (c. 1433–1515) Latin text of 1511, and Cesare Ce- part of natural philosophy.’’ Influential writers such sariano’s vernacular edition in 1521. Other texts as Tommaso Campanella (1568–1639) and Giam- considered clues to ancient marvels of engineering battista della Porta (1535?–1615) continued to were also routed to prominent architects and configure technological work as natural magic. painters by their patrons. Texts of Archimedes, the Della Porta in particular had himself demonstrated hydraulics of Hero, and the mechanical collections success experimenting with lenses and was a key of Pappus were books examined by scholars of both member of the Accademia dei Lincei before Galileo, elite and artisanal status. with his mathematical-philosophical approach to By the end of the sixteenth century, mathemati- technology, gained center stage among the academ- cians such as Federico Commandino (1509–1575) icians. In England the connection remained intact and Guidobaldo del Monte (1545–1607) had de- through Robert Fludd (1574–1637), whose work veloped their own elaboration of a classical rational explicitly drew together mechanical technologies mechanics. This work remained rooted to the world and divinatory arts within a mystical Christian of the mechanic, but began to address a new sort of framework. The work of John Wilkins (1614–

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 11 TECHNOLOGY

1672) is a late echo of the connection between cisms of the current state of knowledge and reme- mathematics, technology, and magic. His compen- dies. Bacon advocated the redirection of philosophy dium of the most current work in rational and prac- away from erudition and logical terminology, tical mechanics was entitled Mathematical Magic, toward experience and the advancement of material but the ‘‘magic’’ was completely removed from oc- wealth. Mechanics, mathematicians, physicians, al- cult overtones, and merely captured the transfor- chemists, and magicians, Bacon noted, had hands- mative power of technology. on knowledge of nature, ‘‘but all [have met with] Another tradition of natural magic ran from faint success.’’ Bacon had patience neither to wait Hermes to alchemical thinkers such as the medieval for the happenstance of a lucky discovery or inven- Islamic alchemist Geber and the learned friar Roger tion, nor to suffer the ‘‘fanciful philosophy’’ ad- Bacon (c. 1220–1292). Alchemy was a repository vanced by alchemists and others who presumed too of knowledge for a variety of distillation and metal- much based on a narrow base of technical knowl- lurgical techniques. Before a more rationalized no- edge. ‘‘Knowledge and human power are synony- menclature could be instituted, alchemical lore was mous,’’ he proclaimed. While he advocated a pro- often veiled in occult language and bizarre images. gram of experimentation, he was decidedly more Alchemy enjoyed something of a vogue in the six- articulate about a more descriptive collection of teenth and seventeenth centuries and occupied facts from the natural and technological worlds. For some of the finest minds of the age, including the example, from a ‘‘history of trades’’ that would twenty-year concentrated studies of Isaac Newton chart information from all manner of tradesmen, the (1642–1727). Alchemy consisted of distillation and philosopher would draw out axioms of principal metallurgical techniques, and created seemingly import. The axioms could then be used to organize new substances through the combination and heat- and further the trades. ing of reagents. These practices were often con- ceived within a theory of metals and a religious- Bacon’s program, with the approach of the spiritual view of nature and human labor. Probably 1640 Puritan Revolution, appeared to some to offer due to the shapes of mineral veins, metals were the prospect of a ‘‘new Albion,’’ an Edenic England believed to grow inside the earth; over long periods created through technology in a great reform of of time all metal would mature into gold. Alchemy religion, mind, and social organization. Samuel was the art and labor by which nature could be Hartlib (c. 1600–1662), for example, worked hastened and perfected. While alchemists did in- toward such a vision. Hartlib was in fact central to deed believe it was possible to turn base metals into the circle of men who later founded the Royal gold, the operations of alchemy also provided both Society. consumable products and an observable, experi- mental analog to the processes of nature. Metallur- The Royal Society, founded on explicitly Baco- gists utilized the literature and techniques of al- nian inspiration, at first tried to fulfill the role of chemy, and Paracelsus (Philippus Aureolus collectors of histories of trades. While this project Theophrastus Bombastus von Hohenheim, 1493– was not successful, the society often centered 1541) developed a chemical medicine and al- around the experiments made by its curator. Infor- chemical view of nature that found numerous fol- mation on mines, machines, and other technologi- lowers throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth cal news was assiduously collected along with ac- centuries. counts from physicians, mathematicians, and naturalists, and was printed in the Philosophical BACONIANS AND THE DIRECTION OF PROGRESS Transactions. Exhaustive histories of trades were Francis Bacon (1561–1626) spent much of his finally realized at the end of the eighteenth century forced retirement from politics writing on a reform in France. The overt Baconians Denis Diderot of knowledge that would account for and extend (1713–1784) and Jean Le Rond d’Alembert the success of technological traditions but avoid the (1717–1783) and the more staid Acade´mie des Sci- drawbacks of its current practices. His Novum Or- ences both produced encyclopedias of arts and ganum (1620; New organon) detailed both criti- trades in the decades before the French Revolution.

12 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TECHNOLOGY

TECHNOLOGIES FOR SCIENCE; eased practical calculations. The foundations of al- SCIENCE FOR TECHNOLOGIES gebraic analysis were meanwhile made by Pierre de While Bacon had fully recognized the mutual rela- Fermat (1601–1665), and a century later the use of tionship between the reform of natural philosophy analysis became essential to the cadets of France’s and the progress of the arts, he had paid relatively technical institutes, and made possible a new style of little attention to the technologies that were them- engineering. Meanwhile, projective geometry, al- selves transforming the practices of science. While ways to some extent a tool of architects and engi- mechanics, architects, and craftsmen had always neers, had been highly developed and integrated used mathematical measuring instruments in their into perspective by Ge´rard Desargues (1591– work, and these themselves underwent great refine- 1661). Descriptive geometry was institutionalized ment in the sixteenth century, the new scientific in technical drawing, again at the French e´coles, by instruments of the seventeenth century—the tele- Gaspard Monge (1746–1818). scope, microscope, air pump, and to a lesser degree thermometers and barometers—depended on tech- PROJECTORS, ARTIFICERS, AND nologies and offered possibilities on a whole new THEIR PATRONS level. The telescope and the microscope extended In his fable of the ideal technological and moral human vision enormously and produced experien- society, the New Atlantis (1627), Francis Bacon tial evidence in debates such as that over the Coper- had presented a kind of intellectual mirror opposite nican hypothesis. The air pump, as it was developed of mercantilist programs. In his imaginary by Robert Boyle (1627–1691) and his mechanic- Benthalem, technological secrets were constantly client, Robert Hooke (1635–1703), consisted of a imported by explorers and developed by techni- ratchet and piston system that could evacuate a glass cians; no technologies, however, would be exported receiver one cylinder-volume at a time. This served to other nations. This speaks both to concerns as a stage of observation for an artificial environ- about industrial espionage and difficulties caused by ment of evacuated air and allowed Boyle to make undeveloped patent laws that infected all states in claims concerning the nature of the tiniest units of Europe. It also indicates some of the enthusiasm matter. This was a sort of instrument that had never political and cultural leaders had in the wholesale been used in natural philosophy before. Such instru- collection of technical knowledge, and their reliance ments were difficult to get to work dependably, and on mechanical workers to feed their interests. often relied on the skills of a mechanic like Robert Hooke. European rulers had long tried to prohibit the export of technologies on which their economies Meanwhile, both elite and practical mathemati- depended. Venice, for example, forced glassmakers cians developed mathematical skills that were meant to swear they would not take their art outside of the to aid the design of ever more complicated technical city’s dominion. The importance of technological tasks. Vernacular editions of Euclid had been avail- transference through the migration of skilled per- able since Niccolo` Tartaglia’s (1499–1557) 1543 sons is most forcefully demonstrated in the case of Italian edition. Above all, these editions spread and Lucca’s silk-throwing machine, the filotoio. Anyone popularized geometrical proportioning techniques. carrying knowledge of this machine outside the Simultaneously, in the early seventeenth century the confines of the city was threatened with death. Scottish nobleman John Napier (1550–1617) and Meanwhile, a design of the machine had been pub- the Swiss watchmaker Joost Bu¨rgi (1552–1632) licly available for years in Vittorio Zonca’s Novo developed logarithms that would make trigonomet- Teatro di Machine et Edificii (1607). It was not rical computations much easier. Napier in particular until the eighteenth-century industrial spy John drew explicit attention to the ways logarithms Lombe spent two years studying the machine in would ease tasks in military engineering and survey. Italy that the machine could be reproduced and Napier also employed the decimal notation devel- operated. oped by the Dutch engineer and counselor to Mau- rice of Nassau (1567–1625), Simon Stevin (1548– Semi-itinerant mechanics often haunted ba- 1620). Decimal notation eased work with fractions. roque courts. Mechanicians such as Dutch-born Proportional compasses and calculating sectors also Cornelis Drebbel (1572–1633) attracted attention

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 13 TECHNOLOGY in England (and for a short time in Prague) with tivated in personal collections and gardens. Self- perpetual motion machines, inventive skills for such moving statues, ingenious fountains, and hydraulic devices as diving bells, and technical know-how for devices designed by architects like Salomon de Caus such major works as the draining of fens. As a (1576–1626) delighted visitors. Mechanical mar- projector in various German courts, the alchemist vels were often placed next to exotic naturalia and and mechanic Johann Joachim Becher (1635– antiquities. In the eighteenth century, automatons, 1682) rose to something of a patron himself. He such as those designed by Jacques de Vaucanson solicited secrets from a range of artificers, and prob- (1709–1782), were exhibited in shows and fairs. ably used his alchemical skills to advertise his ideas for a new political economy based on trade and More serious forms of enlightened infotain- technology rather than agriculture. Numerous en- ment were provided by popularizers of Isaac New- thusiasts and scientific gentlemen cultivated rela- ton’s work. Jean Theophilus Desaguliers (1683– tionships with their own artificers to construct ma- 1744), for example, offered ten-week courses at a chines. cost of two guineas a head. Demonstrators of ‘‘Newtonian’’ devices showed their wares from CLOCKS AND WATCHES town to town. The abbe´ Jean-Antoine Nollet The first town clocks were constructed in the Mid- (1700–1770) made presentations of the new phys- dle Ages, usually as way of letting workmen know ics, and was a favorite in French salons. These popu- when shifts should change in new textile factories. lar mechanical demonstrations and lectures were While watchmakers themselves continually refined probably one of the best venues in which to learn methods of gear-cutting throughout the period, about applied mechanics. The automatons and scientists dramatically innovated clocks in the mid- demonstration devices, however, belonged to a seventeenth century. Clocks became more accurate larger cultural context in which machinery powered and more convenient and promised a solution to the more tasks, and automation of labor was becoming problem of determining longitude at sea—one of more prevalent. the most long-standing obstacles to navigation—as well as offering advantages to positional astronomy. MILLS: AGE OF WATER AND WOOD If one could accurately keep track of the time of the If the nineteenth century was predominantly an age home port and local time, longitude could easily be of coal and iron, the preceding centuries were calculated. In 1656, the Dutch scientist Christiaan largely characterized by water and wood. The verti- Huygens (1629–1695) designed a clock using a cal water wheel and the windmill were both im- pendulum oscillator with a tautochronic, one-sec- ported to the Latin West in the Middle Ages. By ond period. The pendulum clock, however, proved 1450, these sources of power were already applied inappropriate for the pitching deck of a ship. In the to brewing, hemp production, fulling, ore stamp- mid 1660s, Huygens turned to oscillators formed of ing, tanning, sawmills, blast furnaces, paper produc- a spiral hair spring—just as Robert Hooke was also tion, and mine pumping. Their use and develop- investigating the use of a hair spring. This gave rise ment continued throughout the early modern to a bitter, ultimately unresolved controversy over period. The principle of translating circular wheel patents. However, neither watch proved accurate motion into other forms of translational motion was enough to serve the purposes of a marine chronom- also applied through human or animal labor. Con- eter. The government prize for the solution of the cern for milling and water-lifting machines is testi- longitude problem, £20,000, was finally awarded in fied by the printed machine books of Agostino 1765 after the Yorkshire watchmaker John Harrison (1693–1776) improved accuracy through advances Ramelli (1531–c. 1600), Jacques Besson (1540– in workmanship rather than design. 1576), and Vittorio Zonca (born c. 1580). These books present the intricate connection of wheels, AUTOMATONS AND gears, cams, and winches. Concurrent with the POPULAR DEMONSTRATIONS pressing need for machines to power manufactories In the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, was the need for machines that could pump or raise mechanical devices for delight had largely been cul- water. The latter were everywhere employed for

14 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TECHNOLOGY drinking-water, for evacuating deep mines, for later. He continued to mechanize the industry with draining swamps, and for building canals. carding machines and a drawing frame. The Netherlands, not surprisingly, led Europe MINING, METALLURGY, AND THE in these technologies, both because of the su- STEAM ENGINE perabundance of water and the need to drain the With a demand for more intensive mining, and land and dredge ports. Because prevailing westerlies often entrepreneurial investment, sixteenth-century dependably blow over its lands, the Dutch also per- mining employed a vast array of machines and tech- fected windmills. Top sails could be rotated (either niques, including the first form of the railroad. because mounted on a rotating cap or because the These were detailed in the elaborately illustrated bottom of the tower could be rotated on wheels) to volume De Re Metallica by the humanist Georgius face wind. The Wimpolen drove bucket chains that Agricola (1494–1555). Deep ore deposits required drained water from the soil, then dumped it into the pumps to evacuate water; the ore had to be raised; it canals, and was part of land reclamation projects. was then roasted to make crushing easier. By the Dutch experts in water reclamation and water wheel sixteenth century, most crushing was done by machinery were in high demand throughout the power-driven stamping mills. Ores were then fired seventeenth century. in a blast furnace to extract the metals, and finally The main drawback of these early modern ma- refined through a variety of metallurgical tech- chines was that they were made of wood. By the late niques, depending on the metals present. sixteenth century, Europe had been largely defor- The blast furnace was introduced by the begin- ested, and wood became increasingly expensive. ning of the sixteenth century, and adopted across Wood also was a material in which precision tooling Europe. It was larger than its predecessor and re- was limited, and which broke easily and required quired mechanical power to work the large bellows much maintenance. that provided the ‘‘blast’’ of hot air across the smelt- TEXTILES ing metals. The furnace also had to be kept going Textiles were among the first products to be pro- around the clock. These alterations meant that blast duced on a large scale through division of labor and furnaces needed to be built where there were plenti- mechanization. Important textile manufactories ful supplies of water to run the water wheel, timber were well established in Italy and the Netherlands to make charcoal and fuel the furnace, plentiful by the thirteenth century. In the sixteenth and labor, and exploitable ores. The blast furnace also seventeenth centuries, modest mechanized ad- made possible a new product: cast iron. While cast vances in ribbon weaving were introduced. In the iron, particularly English cast iron, had a use in the , John Kay’s (1704–1764) ‘‘flying shuttle’’ making of ordnance, most cast iron was formed into made weaving much faster and allowed broader wrought iron in a secondary process. cloth. This invention was soon followed by methods The iron trade was freed from the expense of that mechanized jacquard weaving and repetitive charcoal fuel and the necessity and drawbacks of pattern weaving. water-driven wheels in the mid-eighteenth century Increased speed in weaving put heavier de- by the innovations of Henry Cort (1740–1800) and mands on the spinning of the yarns. Richard Ark- James Watt (1736–1819). Henry Cort developed a wright (1732–1792) became one of the richest men new style of furnace that made possible the use of in late-eighteenth-century England by mechanizing coal in smelting iron by designing a way in which the spinning process of newly exploitable cotton the sulfurous coke was kept out of direct contact imports. Arkwright’s ‘‘waterframe’’ managed to im- with the metal. Watt improved the Newcomen itate the touch of spinning and drawing out yarns by steam engine used in mine drainage so that it was far hand. Cotton fibers were drawn along through more powerful. Thomas Newcomen’s (1663– three pairs of rollers, each pair spinning at an in- 1729) steam engine was itself a variation of a philo- creasingly faster rate. Arkwright began a spinning sophical curiosity invented by the mechanic Denis mill powering his invention with one horse in 1769, Papin (1647–1712?). The principle of both was to but established a water-powered mill only two years raise a piston in a cylinder by forcing it up with

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 15 TECHNOLOGY steam, then allowing condensation to create a vac- manity. This ideology they shared with many uum so that atmospheric pressure would push the French Revolutionaries. Indeed, their forces were piston down. Watt added a separate condenser and a scattered in 1791 when a mob sacked the house of steam jacket around the cylinder, thus creating a far Priestley and others for their support of the French more rapid and powerful engine. Watt’s steam en- Revolution. gine was later adapted for use in many other manu- See also Academies, Learned; Alchemy; Architecture; Ar- factories, notably in textile and brass production, tisans; Cartography and Geography; Ceramics, Pot- and made possible many new technologies. By the tery, and Porcelain; Chronometer; Clocks and end of the eighteenth century, an average furnace Watches; Communication, Scientific; Design; Edu- consumed at least 2,000 tons of coke, processed cation; Engineering; Enlightenment; Firearms; Guilds; Industrial Revolution; Industry; Libraries; 3,000 to 4,000 tons of iron ore, and produced Magic; Medicine; Monopoly; Nature; Optics; Phys- 1,000 tons of iron per year. ics; Printing and Publishing; Scientific Instruments; Scientific Method; Scientific Revolution; Shipbuild- ENGINEERS, ENTREPRENEURS, ing and Navigation; Textile Industry. AND ENLIGHTENMENT

As a generalization, one might say that the Renais- BIBLIOGRAPHY sance gave rise to the great Italian architect-engi- Braudel, Fernand. The Structures of Everyday Life: The Limits neers; the baroque hailed the itinerant skilled me- of the Possible. Translated and revised by Siaˆn Reynolds. chanic from German and Dutch lands; and the New York, 1981. Enlightenment saw the development of the highly Bredekamp, Horst. The Lure of Antiquity and the Cult of the trained French engineer and fostered the activities Machine: The Kunstkammer and the Evolution of Na- of the English entrepreneurial engineer. ture, Art, and Technology. Translated by Allison Brown. Princeton, 1995. By the end of the seventeenth century, Edmond Cipolla, Carlo M. Before the Industrial Revolution: European Halley (1656–1742), otherwise beholden to vari- Society and Economy, 1000–1700. 3rd ed. Translated ous patronage networks and government service, and revised by Christopher Woodall. London, 1993. set up his own ship-salvaging firm based on his —. Guns, Sails, and Empires: Technological Innovation innovative diving bell and diving suit. James Watt and the Early Phases of European Expansion, 1400– was one of the most successful (in part due to his 1700. New York, 1965. association with Matthew Boulton [1728–1809]) Eamon, William. Science and the Secrets of Nature: Books of and prominent of a number of engineers and inven- Secrets in Medieval and Early Modern Culture. Prince- tors whose businesses flourished in eighteenth- ton, 1994. century England. His association with the Birming- Goodman, David C. Power and Penury: Government, Tech- ham ‘‘Lunar Society’’ is also instructive: a group nology, and Science in Phillip II’s Spain. Cambridge, U.K., 1988. composed of Watt, Boulton, the ceramics manufac- turer Josiah Wedgwood (1730–1795), the botanist Heller, Henry. Labour, Science, and Technology in France, 1500–1620. Cambridge, U.K., 1996. Erasmus Darwin (1731–1802), chemists James Keir (1735–1820) and Joseph Priestley (1733– Jacob, Margaret C. Scientific Culture and the Making of the Industrial West. New York and Oxford, 1997. 1804), among others. These men saw the power of the connection between science and industry, and Jardine, Lisa. Ingenious Pursuits: Building the Scientific Rev- olution. New York and London, 1999. its possibilities for the improvement of society. They themselves had become engineers, curators of Long, Pamela O. Openness, Secrecy, Authorship: Technical Arts and the Culture of Knowledge from Antiquity to the craftsmen, and scientists in eighteenth-century En- Renaissance. Baltimore, 2001. gland’s free mix of popular science and artisanal me- McCray, Patrick W. Glassmaking in Renaissance Venice: The chanics; however, they advocated a more rigorous Fragile Craft. Aldershot, U.K., and Brookfield, Vt., scientific education for following generations. 1999. Whatever the workers in the mills, mines, and man- McNeil, Ian, ed. An Encyclopaedia of the History of Technol- ufactories might have thought, members of the Lu- ogy. London and New York, 1996. nar Society saw the values and products of science Rossi, Paolo. Philosophy, Technology, and the Arts in the Early and technology as those most likely to lead to the Modern Era. Translated by Salvator Attanasio. Edited moral, intellectual, and material liberation of hu- by Benjamin Nelson. New York, 1970.

16 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TERESA OF A´ VILA

Schaffer, Simon. ‘‘Machine Philosophy: Demonstration De- vices in Georgian Mechanics.’’ Osiris 2nd ser., 9 (1995): 157–182. —. ‘‘Natural Philosophy and Public Spectacle in the Eighteenth Century.’’ History of Science 21 (1983): 1– 43. Singer, Charles, E. J. Holmyard, and A. R. Hall, eds. A History of Technology. Vol. 2, From the Renaissance to the Industrial Revolution, c. 1500–c. 1750. Oxford, 1957. Smith, Pamela. The Business of Alchemy: Science and Culture in the Holy Roman Empire. Princeton, 1994. Stewart, Larry. ‘‘A Meaning for Machines: Modernity, Util- ity, and the Eighteenth-Century British Public.’’ Jour- nal of Modern History 70, no. 2 (1998): 259–294. —. The Rise of Public Science: Rhetoric, Technology, and Natural Philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 1660–1750. Cambridge, U.K., 1992.

MARY HENNINGER-VOSS

TELESCOPE. See Scientific Instruments. Teresa of A´ vila. Sixteenth-century gouache portrait. THE ART ARCHIVE/CARMELITE COLLECTION CLAMART/DAGLI ORTI

TERESA OF A´ VILA (1515–1582), founder Teresa came to her career as a religious reformer of the Discalced Carmelites and a patron saint of relatively late in life. She joined the Carmelite Con- Spain. Teresa of A´ vila was born Teresa de Cepeda y vent of the Incarnation just outside A´ vila in 1535 ´ Ahumada in Avila, Spain, to Beatriz de Ahumada and took vows in 1536 as Teresa of . In the and Alonso Sa´nchez de Cepeda. Her mother came Book of Her Life (1562–1565) she wrote that she from an Old Christian family with a small estate in withheld her wholehearted consent to the vocation ´ Gotarrendura, a village near Avila. Her paternal until 1556, when she had two spiritual experiences grandfather, once a prosperous textile merchant in that definitively turned her away from secular life. Toledo, moved to A´ vila after the Inquisition con- For these twenty years of irresolution, during which victed him of Judaizing, or practicing the Jewish she suffered serious illnesses and experienced fright- religion or customs after having converted to Chris- ening visions that some confessors attributed to the tianity, and sentenced him to a humiliating public devil, Teresa blamed the mitigated or relaxed rule in ritual of penitence that usually resulted in loss of social reputation and business failure. In A´ vila, Carmelite convents, which among other liberties Teresa’s grandfather and his sons employed legal permitted nuns to come and go freely and to receive and financial routes to establish their right to the unlimited visitors. In condemning such lapses in privileges of gentlemen, including a tacit agreement monastic enclosure, Teresa participated in six- to overlook their genealogy. Teresa’s contemporar- teenth-century movements to reform the Roman ies would have known of her converso heritage, but it from within, or the Counter- was not publicly acknowledged until 1946. Teresa Reformation. In 1560 Philip II (ruled 1556–1598) was the third child and first daughter born to called on Spanish monasteries to contribute to his Alonso and Beatriz, whose ten children joined two war against the Protestant Reformation by intensify- surviving offspring from Alonso’s first marriage. ing religious discipline.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 17 TEUTONIC KNIGHTS

On 24 August 1562 a house in A´ vila was conse- lowed by the devotional instruction in Way of Per- crated as the Convent of Saint Joseph under a con- fection (composed 1566–1569; published 1588), stitution Teresa based on the 1247 formulation of descriptions of her mystical experiences in The Inte- Carmelite rule requiring strict asceticism and com- rior Castle (composed 1577; published 1588), a plete poverty. For the austere dress Teresa de- chronicle of the origins of the Discalced Carmelites signed—habits of coarse fabrics and straw sandals— in The Foundations (composed 1582; published initiates were labeled Discalced (Barefoot) Carmel- 1610), and several short works and numerous let- ites. The new convent faced immediate threats to its ters. existence. Some church officials considered that Teresa probably would be remembered only as Teresa, known to practice a spirituality based on a charismatic reformer but for reports that her body, contemplation, might lead her nuns to abandon when exhumed nine months after her death, had vocal prayer for mental prayer, which threatened not deteriorated. Stories of other miracles accumu- both ecclesiastical authority and ecclesiastical in- lated, and in 1591 the bishop of Salamanca initiated ´ come. Municipal officials of Avila brought a lawsuit the process that in 1622 made her a saint. In 1970 that was probably motivated by concern that a con- she became the first female doctor of the church. vent without an endowment could become depen- dent on civic financial resources. See also Catholic Spirituality and Mysticism; Conversos; Reformation, Catholic; Religious Orders. Teresa’s project of religious reform brought her allies as well as enemies in the church, monastic BIBLIOGRAPHY orders, and aristocracy. Giovanni Battista Rossi Primary Sources (1507–1578), the Carmelite prior general from Teresa, of A´ vila, Saint. The Collected Works of St. Teresa of Rome, found Saint Joseph’s so impressive on his A´ vila. Edited and translated by Kieran Kavanaugh and 1567 supervisory visit that he gave Teresa permis- Otilio Rodriguez. 3 vols. Washington, D.C., 1976– sion to found monasteries throughout Spain, with 1985. the explicit exception of Andalusia. Having secured —. The Complete Works of Teresa of Jesus. Edited and this credential, Teresa began her travels around translated by E. Allison Peers. 3 vols. London, 1944– 1946. Spain in horse-drawn wagons. She eventually founded fifteen convents and monasteries herself —. Santa Teresa de Jesu´ s: Obras completas. Edited by Efre´n de la Madre de Dios and Otger Steggink. Madrid, and authorized other Discalced Carmelites to found 1951–1959. two more. Teresa garnered much of her financial support and numerous recruits from converso fami- Secondary Sources lies, who found most monastic orders, including the Bilinkoff, Jodi. The A´ vila of Saint Teresa: Religious Reform Carmelites after 1566, closed to them. in a Sixteenth-Century City. Ithaca, N.Y., 1989. Efre´n de la Madre de Dios and Otger Steggink. Tiempo y Teresa also continued to provoke controversy. vida de Santa Teresa. 2nd ed. Madrid, 1977. Rossi eventually had to reprimand her for making Slade, Carole. St. Teresa of A´ vila: Author of a Heroic Life. foundations in Andalusia at Beas and Seville. By late Berkeley, 1995. 1575 the Inquisition was investigating her on sev- Weber, Alison. Teresa of A´ vila and the Rhetoric of Feminin- eral charges, and Carmelite officials had divested her ity. Princeton, 1990. of all leadership roles and had ordered her to stay in CAROLE SLADE a Castilian convent. She probably owed permission to make more foundations, which came with the 1580 recognition of the Discalced as a separate province, to aristocratic friends holding high church TEUTONIC KNIGHTS. The Teutonic Or- and state positions. der was founded as a hospital in Acre (now Akko) Around 1562, Teresa began writing prolifically, in 1190. It became a military order in 1198 and both at the command of confessors and for her own expanded rapidly, particularly under the leadership purposes: first, the autobiographical Book of Her of (1210–1239). In 1226 Life (composed 1562–1565; published 1588), fol- Frederick II’s of Rimini granted Prussia

18 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TEXTILE INDUSTRY to the and this, together with the began fighting the Turks from its commanderies in bulls of Gregory IX in 1230, laid the basis for the eastern Austria, notably under Grand Master Arch- order’s territorial power. Wars of conquest contin- duke Maximilian of Austria (1585/1590–1618). ued throughout the thirteenth century, and by However, the order suffered further losses in 1290 the order had subjugated both Prussia and and Lorraine during the French Revolution and was Livonia. After the fall of Acre in 1291 and the loss of abolished at the Peace of Pressburg in 1805. It was the Holy Land, the order’s headquarters moved to revived in Austria in 1834 and took on a charitative Venice, and then in 1309 to Marienburg. During role, providing field hospitals and convalescent the fourteenth century the focus of warfare switched homes for soldiers until 1918. Following the col- to Lithuania, ruled by Grand Duke Gediminas lapse of the Austrian monarchy after World War I, it (ruled 1315–1341) and his successors, and the or- was recognized as a spiritual order by the Austrian der consolidated its power, which reached its apo- state and the papacy, and it survives in that form. gee under Grand Master Winrich von Kniprode See also Lithuania, Grand Duchy of, to 1569; Poland to (1351–1382). 1569; Prussia; Religious Orders. Prussia became the main resort for members of the European nobility intent on continuing the cru- BIBLIOGRAPHY sading tradition, notably King in Arnold, Udo. ‘‘Eight Hundred Years of the Teutonic Or- 1329 and Henry Bolingbroke (later Henry IV of der.’’ In The Military Orders: Fighting for the Faith and England) in 1390 and 1392. By the end of the Caring for the Sick. Edited by Malcolm Barber. Al- dershot, U.K., and Brookfield, Vt., 1994. fourteenth century, however, the order was faced with rising unrest in the towns in Prussia, while the Christiansen, Eric. The Northern Crusades: The Baltic and the Catholic Frontier, 1100–1525. London, 1980. wars against the Turks, which began in 1396, di- verted the flow of crusaders away from northern MARY FISCHER Europe. The baptism of Gediminas’s grandson, Jogailo, and his election as Władysław II Jagiełło of Poland (1386–1434), saw the beginning of an at- tack by Poland and Lithuania on the order’s territo- TEXTILE INDUSTRY. Between 1450 and rial expansionism and on the legitimacy of the con- 1800, textile production was second only to agricul- cept of military orders as such. The conflict ture in economic importance. It employed more culminated in the order’s decisive defeat at the bat- people and produced more profit than any other tle of Gru¨nwald (Tannenberg) in 1410. The treaty manufactured product. Production and trade ex- of Torun´ in 1466 compelled the order to return to isted at two levels. Everywhere peasants and vil- Poland all the land on either side of the Vistula that lagers turned locally grown wool and flax into fabric it had conquered since 1309 and parts of Prussia and clothing for themselves and their neighbors. conquered since 1250, including its headquarters at The cloth they produced was of poor quality and Marienburg. The remnants of East Prussia were not designed for export to distant markets. On top ruled from Ko¨nigsberg, but the grand masters had of this local market sat a large and lucrative luxury to swear an oath of allegiance to the kings of Po- trade in silk, wool, linen, and (eventually) cotton land. Finally, in 1525 the Grand Master Albert of fabric, the most important of which were heavy Brandenburg implemented Luther’s recommenda- woolens. The customers for these fabrics were tion that he should establish a secular duchy in wealthy landowners, government and church offi- Prussia and that the knights there should renounce cials, merchants, financiers, aristocrats, and master their vows and marry. A Catholic remnant of the craftsmen in Europe, Asia and the Levant. order regrouped in Franconia with a new grand Ireland and the Baltic region supplied much of master and a residence in Mergentheim. Europe’s flax, although it was widely grown and The order survived in Livonia until 1562, but available. In the sixteenth century, Venice and other the impact of the Reformation meant the loss of Italian cities acquired silkworms and mulberry trees, much of its land and infrastructure in the empire. and began silk manufacturing. From there, the silk During the second half of the sixteenth century it industry made its way north to Holland, Zurich,

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 19 TEXTILE INDUSTRY

Lyon, Cologne, and Spitalfields (East London), En- sive part of the process. Estimates vary, but six spin- gland. At the same time, cotton thread and fabric ners (or more) seem to have been required for every began to arrive from India and became wildly popu- loom that was in operation. Yarn that was spun with lar. a drop spindle was stronger than wheel-spun yarn and was used for the looms’ warps. Wheel-spun yarn Most important of all the textile industries was was wound onto bobbins and used for the weft. the trade in raw wool and wool fabric. Sheep raising abounded everywhere. In the fifteenth century, the Weavers usually wound their own warps and best fleeces came from England. In the sixteenth prepared their own bobbins for the loom. The best century, Spanish merino sheep knocked English woolens were woven on broadlooms that produced 1 sheep into second place. French sheep were consid- fabric that was 1 ⁄4 meters wide and 22 to 23 meters ered to produce the third best wool. Two types of long. It commonly took two men and one child wool fabric were produced in Europe—woolens (most often, probably, a boy in training) to operate and worsteds. Of the two, the market for woolens a loom and weave the cloth. Once the woolen cloth was by far the larger. Woolens were made from was woven, it passed into the hands of fullers who short-staple wool fibers that were swirled together cleaned and softened it by dunking it in water that before spinning. The cloth had a soft-textured ap- contained various kinds of detergents and soaps that pearance and feel. Worsteds were made from long- dissolved or absorbed the fat that had been added to staple wool and had a harder, smoother finish. Soft the wool before it was carded or combed. Lye, stale woolens were considered far more desirable than human urine, ashes, and fuller’s earth were com- the harsher worsteds and dominated the wool trade. monly used. Fullers placed the folded cloth in a vat and trod on it with their feet, periodically removing Turning raw wool into fabric was a long, com- and refolding the cloth so it would be evenly fulled. plicated process. The sheep’s fleece was sheared in one continuous piece, rolled, sacked, and sold to After fulling, the cloth was dried, stretched, merchants (drapers) or clothiers or their agents. The bleached, and perhaps dyed. Teaselers raised the fleeces were dirty and greasy, not uniform, and far nap by brushing the cloth with the burr of the teasel from ready for spinning and weaving. Fleece break- plant to impart a soft finish. It was clipped smooth ers opened up the fleece and removed the large by shearmen, pressed, and returned to the merchant pieces of debris that were caught in it. The fleece for sale. The entire process involved twenty people was then pulled apart, and the wool was sorted into (not including dyers) for each piece of cloth pro- three or four grades. Next, the sorted wool was duced and took at least six weeks. Women worked cleaned. Any remaining debris was removed from as carders, combers, and spinners, while men per- the fleece by beating it with sticks, and then it was formed most of the other tasks. The finer the cloth, washed in alternating hot and cold, soapy and clean the larger the labor force and the longer the time it water. Some fleeces were dyed at this point, but took to produce it. (More finely spun yarn required dyeing raw wool produced dull colors, and it was more spinners, for instance). The finishing of wor- common to dye fabric after it was completed rather steds was much simpler (they did not require full- than when the wool was raw. Whether it was dyed ing, teaseling or shearing, for instance), but the or not, the fleece was now lubricated with butter or market for them was much smaller. oil to make it easier to work. In the fifteenth century, textile manufacturing After breaking, cleaning, and oiling, the wool was an urban industry, controlled by wealthy mer- passed into the hands of combers and carders. Their chants (drapers) who purchased raw wool, had it task was to convert a mass of tangled, curling wool turned into cloth, and then sold it, often to other into long, straight, smooth fibers for worsteds by craftsmen who performed the final finishing steps, combing, or into a smooth ball of short wool fibers including dyeing and teaseling. These were capital- for woolens by carding. Spinners converted the intensive crafts, and cloth merchants often preferred combed or carded wool into continuous lengths of not to be involved in them. Before the seventeenth yarn by pulling, twisting, and turning it into a thin, century, most English cloth was dyed and finished continuous thread. This was the most labor-inten- in Holland. In England, in addition to merchants

20 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TEXTILE INDUSTRY who only bought and sold, clothiers, themselves factors: access to raw materials, including raw wool often master weavers, controlled a great deal of the and chemicals for dyeing; labor supply; access to woolen trade. trade routes and transportation systems, including ships and overland carriages; changing political alle- In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, textile giances; warfare; access to water for washing and workers dominated the population of towns like fulling; demographic growth or stagnation; con- Venice and Leiden. By the sixteenth century, how- sumer demand; government laws and guild regula- ever, merchants had discovered that they could tions; entrepreneurship; and fluctuating interna- avoid the high wages, labor shortages, and quality tional markets. controls imposed by urban guilds and governments by hiring peasants to do manufacturing work in In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, their homes. Urban merchants continued to control combinations of these factors inaugurated a series of production, but much of the work force was spread important changes in the textile industry. Flanders, out through the countryside. Alternately referred to northern Italy, and southern Germany lost their do- as the putting-out system, cottage manufacturing, minance of woolen production to England, the and the Verlag system, merchants (Verlagers) found Netherlands, and the Walloon region between the they could save money (rural workers could work Meuse and Rhine Rivers. The woolen industries of for less because they produced much of their own Lille and Hondschoote disappeared rapidly. Venice, food) and increase production at the same time. the largest producer of luxury broadcloths in the Trained cottage workers could be as skilled as urban sixteenth century, saw its woolen industry wither workers, but many alternated farming and manufac- away. One region’s loss was often another’s gain. turing and produced goods of lesser quality. The England’s woolen and worsted industries grew high-end woolen trade remained important, but markedly with the government’s decision to stop many merchants began to reorient their businesses exporting wool fleeces in 1660. Leiden, adapting to away from the luxury market and toward lower- a growing demand for lighter-weight fabrics, grew quality, lower-priced, and more rapidly produced from a town of 12,000 in 1600 to a city of 80,000 in goods. 1640, and then was outstripped by the nearby cities The building of fulling mills (first mentioned in of Lie`ge and Verviers, where labor costs were lower. accounts c. 1000) that beat the woven cloth with Often, the key to success was adaptability, espe- hammers raised by water wheels to replace the lab- cially in the eighteenth century. The economic or-intensive hand (or foot) fulling provided another downturn of the seventeenth century and changing incentive for merchants to put work out into the consumer tastes had dampened demand for luxury countryside and was a major determinant of the woolens. Regions that had access to a variety of location of woolen production. In the eighteenth wool thread and flax or cotton began to produce century, when merchants expanded employment to ‘‘the new draperies,’’ hybrid cloths made of both increase production, many rural villages became as long and short staple wool (serges and says), wool much, or even more, dependent on the textile in- and flax, wool and cotton, and cotton and flax dustry as they were on farming. Following the lead (fustians and siamoises—that is, cotton and linen of Franklin Mendels, historians now call this intensi- fabric produced in ). Worsted produc- fication of cottage industry proto-industrialization tion also profited from the demand for lighter- to distinguish it from its earlier, perhaps more be- weight cloth. nign, manifestation, when cottage workers toiled fewer hours and produced goods for local markets. Cotton fabrics from India and the Levant ar- rived in Europe in the sixteenth century or earlier. NEW MARKETS AND NEW FABRICS By the eighteenth century, the Dutch and English Success in the textile industry was never permanent East India Companies began to import substantial in the early modern world, and even the seemingly amounts of pure cotton cloth (calicoes) from India most secure industrial cities could watch their pre- and the Levant to Europe. To protect the woolen dominance and control of trade decline precipi- industry, England forbade the importation of pure tously. Survival and growth depended on a host of cotton cloth in 1700. Other countries followed suit.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 21 TEXTILE INDUSTRY

Textile Industry. An illustration of a loom for making passementerie lace and a template for a lace pattern, from the Encyclope´ die, 1751–1772. Lace became popular in the mid-sixteenth century; by the mid-seventeenth century it was being produced commercially and was a particularly important textile product in several regions of France. THE ART ARCHIVE/DAGLI ORTI (A)

22 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TEXTILE INDUSTRY

Raw cotton and cotton thread continued to arrive, a time, and in the 1600s, Italians invented a ma- however, imported not only from the Middle East chine for throwing silk that revolutionized silk man- and India, but also, beginning in the early eigh- ufacturing. At considerable risk, the plans for these teenth century, from the West Indies. The woolen machines were smuggled into England in 1717. industry remained the largest of the textile indus- Not all machines were immediately successful. John tries throughout the eighteenth century, but the Kay’s flying shuttle (1733) was slow to catch on market for cotton and linen fabric grew as fast as or because it speeded up weaving, which already con- faster than the supply of raw cotton. (Europeans sumed yarn faster than women could spin it. John were unable to spin cotton thread that was strong Wyatt’s and Lewis Paul’s spinning frame (1738) was enough for warp threads until the introduction of equally unsuccessful, but by mid-century the cul- the spinning frame in the 1770s.) The markets for tural climate was ready for innovation. The carding these hybrid cloths of relatively modest quality were machines invented by Paul and others in the 1750s, substantially different from those for woolen James Hargreave’s jenny (1765), Richard Ark- broadcloths. Many cloths were sent to Africa; others wright’s spinning frame (1769) (also known as the were purchased by European peasants, farmers, and water frame), and Samuel Crompton’s mule (1779) urban workers. In both cases, the more brightly made it possible to produce stronger and finer cot- colored the cloth, the more it resembled the illegal ton thread than ever before. With machinery came calicoes and the more popular it was. factories and the growth of cotton cities. Between In English and Continental cities, woolen and 1760 and 1830, for instance, the population of worsted production continued to increase in the Manchester, England, increased from 17,000 to eighteenth century, despite the competition of the 180,000. Edmund Cartwright devised a power new draperies. In England this growth was fostered loom in the 1780s, but its advantages over hand by the creation of urban cloth halls where the cloth- weaving were slight, and adoption of mechanical iers who oversaw the manufacturing of cloth sold weaving came much more slowly than the adoption their wares to merchants who, in turn, oversaw the of mechanical carding and spinning. Finishing pro- finishing, transportation, and marketing of them. cesses were also transformed. Chemicals replaced The most dynamic sector of the textile industry, the sun as bleaching agents (sulfuric acid in 1756; however, was in cotton. The supply of raw cotton chlorine in the 1790s) and cylinder printing re- was far more elastic than the supply of wool and placed the old block press (1783). hence less expensive to purchase even though it had Almost all of these machines were invented for to be imported from Asia or the Western Hemi- the cotton trade, but they could be and were sphere. The bulk of the heretofore untapped mar- adapted for use in the production of wool fabric. kets for European textiles lay in warm or temperate Worsteds adapted more easily to the new technol- zones with hot summers—North America, Africa, ogy than woolens did. The spinning frame was used south and east Asia, and the West Indies, where to spin long-staple wool for worsteds. Short-staple lightweight cloths were clearly more desired than wool used in woolens was more fragile and much heavy woolens. more difficult to spin by machine, although it, too, was being spun by jennies by the 1780s. The same NEW TECHNOLOGIES was true of mechanical weaving when it spread in As the eighteenth century progressed, the invention the nineteenth century. Stronger threads made it of machines designed primarily to increase both the easier to weave worsteds than woolens. quantity and quality of cotton yarn made the manu- facture of pure cotton fabric possible. Textile ma- At the end of the eighteenth century, the textile chines were not new in the eighteenth century. In industries of Europe were moving rapidly into the 1598 William Lee invented a stocking frame for industrial era. The era of cotton had begun; wor- knitting. By the end of the seventeenth century, it steds were outpacing woolens; factory production had all but eliminated hand knitting. In 1604 Wil- was returning manufacturing to the cities; and mar- liam Dircxz van Sonnevelt invented a ribbon frame kets had expanded well beyond the luxury trade of that allowed one person to weave twelve ribbons at the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 23 THEATER

See also Capitalism; Clothing; Commerce and Markets; others—vied for influence and dominance. On Enclosure; Industrial Revolution; Industry; Proto- many levels, the differences among these schools Industry. were minimal, while on others they were profound, resulting in significant disagreements over church BIBLIOGRAPHY teaching. Ashton, T. S. The Industrial Revolution, 1760–1830. Ox- ford, 1979. As the changes of Renaissance society began to Barnes, Edward. Account of the Woollen Manufacture of En- take hold, the theological approach of the Middle gland. Introduction by K. G. Ponting. New York, Ages no longer met the needs of the times and the 1970. spiritual longings of the people. The spirit of re- Berg, Maxine, Pat Hudson, and Michael Sonenscher, eds. newal that characterized the Renaissance called for Manufacture in Town and Country Before the Factory. an adaptation of traditional teaching, an apprecia- Cambridge, U.K., 1983. tion of the historical context in the study of the Clark, Alice. The Working Life of Women in the Seventeenth Scriptures and the church fathers, and the applica- Century. London, 1982. tion of the Gospel to the personal needs of the Coleman, D. C. ‘‘An Innovation and Its Diffusion: The faithful. Scholasticism, which sought to bridge the ‘New Draperies’.’’ Economic History Review, 2nd series (1969): 417–429. gap between faith and reason by bringing reason to bear on theological matters, seemed to many in the Davis, Ralph. The Rise of the Atlantic Economies. Ithaca, N.Y., 1973. Renaissance to be out of touch with contemporary realities. As Scholasticism immersed itself in dialecti- De Vries, Jan. in an Age of Crisis: 1600– 1750. Cambridge, U.K., 1976. cal speculations, it became more irrelevant, failing to move individuals to a more genuine living out of Gutmann, Myron P. Toward the Modern Economy: Early their Christian commitment. It was Scholasticism’s Industry in Europe 1500–1800. New York, 1988. orientation toward the abstract that drew the criti- Hudson, Pat. The Genesis of Industrial Capital: A Study of cism of Renaissance thinkers such as Francesco Pe- the West Riding Wool Textile Industry c. 1750–1850. Cambridge, U.K., 1986. trarch (1304–1374) and Desiderius Erasmus (1466?–1536), who proposed the ‘‘New Learning’’ Landes, David S. The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe associated with humanism as a means of revitalizing from 1750 to the Present. Cambridge, U.K., 1969. theology. For Erasmus, learning was to lead to vir- Mantoux, Paul. The Industrial Revolution in the Eighteenth tue, scholarship to God, and thus, the restoration of Century. New York, 1961. theology was to be the means toward the revival of a Smail, John. Merchants, Markets and Manufacture: The En- living and lived . glish Wool Textile Industry in the Eighteenth Century. London, 1999. THOMISTIC REVIVAL

GAY L. GULLICKSON Besides the humanist critique, Scholasticism also came under assault by the Protestant reformers. The Summa Theologica of Thomas Aquinas (1225– 1274) was criticized for its treatment of Aristotle THEATER. See Drama. and the Holy Scriptures. Ironically, the polemical engagement with Scholasticism that came to char- acterize the Renaissance and the Reformation re- sulted in a rehabilitation of Thomism itself. Leading THEOLOGY. The common impression that this rebirth of Thomism was the Dominican Jean the theological climate of late medieval and early Capre´olus (c. 1380–1444), whose defense of the modern Europe was monolithic is far from the real- theology of Thomas sparked a new interest in his ity. On the eve of the Renaissance and Reformation, thought in the late fifteenth century. More impor- theology was marked by a pluralism that created a tant for this revival of Thomism was the work of state of ambiguity. The various theological schools another Dominican, Tommaso de Vio (1469– of the day—nominalism, Scotism, Thomism, Au- 1534), known as Cajetan. Between 1507 and 1520 gustinianism, Franciscanism, humanism, and Cajetan wrote what was to become an extremely

24 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 THEOLOGY influential commentary on the Summa Theologica of theological discipline. The major figure in this de- Thomas, which exhibited a refreshing originality. velopment was the Dominican theologian Melchior Cano (1509–1560). In his De Locis Theologicis Thomism received a powerful stimulus and a wide dissemination from the Salamanca School, es- (1563), he put forth the essential role of what he pecially with the work of the Spanish Dominican called auctoritates (‘positive sources’) in the work of Francisco de Vitoria (1486?–1546), who based his theology—Scripture, the church fathers, and the teaching largely on the Summa Theologica. Vitoria councils. He demonstrated that theology took its evolved his own method by considering questions principles from these sources. Thus, the quality of rather than particular sayings of the Summa Theolog- the conclusions in theology was determined by the ica, initiating a new school of Thomistic thought. quality and certitude of these sources. Cano’s work The popularity of his lectures and conferences al- looked to formulating these sources, establishing lowed him to have far-reaching influence. the criteria for assessing their value, and to positing the conditions under which they best served their The new Scholasticism that resulted from the purpose. The work created a theological methodol- revival of Thomism sought, like its medieval coun- ogy that was decisive in the development of a dog- terpart, to reconcile faith and reason. But, unlike the matic theology that was positive in nature. abstractions and speculations of late medieval Scho- lasticism, it sought a theology that was simpler, Dogmatic theology received an important im- clearer, and more relevant to the lives of people. In petus from the Council of Trent, which saw the many ways it was more practical as it reexamined the need to provide an organized body of common method of theological proof, confronted the issues doctrine. This need, together with the concern for raised by the reformers, sought answers to the ethi- the sources and the strong sense of dogma emerg- cal issues raised by the colonization of the New ing from Trent, constituted the first stage of a rec- World, and emphasized popular religious instruc- ognizable dogmatic theology. The first aim of such tion and preaching. By the middle of the sixteenth a theology was to present the actual teaching of the century, Thomism seemed to have triumphed over church together with the theological note proper to other theological schools. Not only did Thomists it, followed by the exposition of that teaching. dominate the Spanish universities, but at the Coun- Hence its aim was pedagogical. cil of Trent (1545–1563), Thomism was clearly in ascendancy. Many of the Tridentine decrees re- PATRISTIC AND BIBLICAL THEOLOGY flected the teaching of Thomas, as did the Roman Humanism’s call for a return to the sources opened catechism and the theological manuals used by the up new possibilities for theology. The importance seminaries. Many of the new religious orders of the placed on the study of the Bible, along with the period, especially the , declared revival of the writings of the church fathers, had a Thomas to be their official teacher. The constitu- significant effect on theology in the Renaissance and tions of the society legislated Thomas, along with the Reformation. In the Scholastic approach to the- the Bible, as the basic text in theology. Given this ology, the Scriptures had lost their centrality and Thomistic emphasis within the Society of Jesus, many of the leading Thomists of the late sixteenth- were relegated to an arsenal of evidence called upon century were Jesuits—Robert Bellarmine (1542– to buttress the speculative arguments of the theolo- 1621), Francisco de Toledo (1515–1582), and gians. However, for the humanists, the concern was Francisco Sua´rez (1548–1617). The climax of this to restore Scripture to its place of centrality from Thomistic revival came with the declaration of which theology itself would emerge. For this to Thomas as a ‘‘Doctor of the Church’’ by Pope Pius happen, theology needed to rely not on the Latin V in 1567. Vulgate, but rather on the original text of the Scrip- tures. Erasmus, in Education of a Christian Prince DOGMATIC THEOLOGY (1516), argues that the great weapon of the Chris- Humanism’s critique of Scholasticism along with its tian is the knowledge of Holy Scripture, since it is desire for a scripturally based theology led to the the wellspring of Christian piety. Through a return development of dogmatic theology as a distinct to Scripture, theology would be reformed. In turn,

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 25 THEOLOGY this scriptural revival would lead to a reform of line of controversialists who championed the cause Christian life and society. of the Counter-Reformation. The recovery of the patristic sources was an MYSTICAL THEOLOGY equally important contribution of humanism to the- Another offshoot of the return to the sources was ology. Here again, Erasmus played a significant role. the deepening of mystical theology. The renewed He saw the fathers as engaged in genuine theology interest in Pseudo-Dionysius (c. 500 C.E.), along as opposed to the theologians of the day. Their with the scriptural revival, particularly of the Old authority derived from their closeness in time as well Testament, fostered the mystical theology of the as in spirit to the divine source, and their chief value Renaissance. The mystical theologian focused on lay in their interpreting and helping to understand those Christians who, having conquered sin and its the Scriptures. Moreover, the writings of the fathers evil inclinations, and having grown in grace, drew instructed and inspired individuals in living a Chris- near to Christ and were united to him. Mystical tian life. This reflects Erasmus’s understanding of theology was not concerned with the good or the theology as practical in nature, as a guide to life better so much as what was the best, which con- rather than a subject for debate, and as a matter of sisted in intimate union with God. Thus, mystical transformation rather than speculation. Since Eras- theology emphasized conforming the human will to mus saw in the church fathers a more authentic and the will of God through the successive stages of effective transmission of the teachings of Christ, he purgation, illumination, and contemplation. Mysti- sought to make them better known through his cal theology was especially vital in the life of St. patristic editions. Teresa of A´ vila (1515–1582) and St. John of the Besides the restoration of theology, the writings Cross (1542–1591). of the church fathers became the arsenal for contro- versial theology. This form of theology, which was MORAL THEOLOGY seen as a first step toward the renewal of Catholic Throughout the Middle Ages practical handbooks theology, developed as an answer to the doctrinal for confessors were always available to assist the novelties of the reformers. The fathers provided the faithful in the living out of a good life. The necessary witnesses for those aspects of Catholicism Thomistic revival of the fifteenth and sixteenth cen- that were being challenged by the reformers. Con- turies was a step of considerable importance in the troversial theology set a clear line of demarcation evolution of moral theology, which differed from its between the Catholic faith and the teachings of the medieval counterpart. Moral theology came to be reformers. Consequently, the teaching of theology understood as the science of Christian life and ac- entailed discriminating the true from the false—that tion. It treated of the last end of the human person, is, that which is Catholic from that which is hereti- of the morality of human acts, of natural and posi- cal—in order to prepare for the battle against the tive law, and of ecclesiastical sanctions within the adversary. Controversialists rose up not only in Ger- context of theological reflection. Thus, it became a many with (1486–1543) and Peter science distinct from dogmatic or speculative theol- Canisius (1521–1597), but also in England with ogy, embodied in a new literary genre, the Institu- John Fisher (1469–1535) and Cardinal Reginald tiones morales (Moral instructions). Pole (1500–1558). The most famous of the contro- Distinct from moral theology is ascetical theol- versialists was Robert Bellarmine, who held the ogy, which is less concerned with the good and the chair in controversial theology at the Roman Col- evil, the licit and the illicit, the permitted and the lege run by the Society of Jesus. Bellarmine’s forbidden, but is more interested in the greater and method was highly influential as he surveyed the lesser good. The proper function of this branch of whole field of Protestant-Catholic differences. A theology is to deal with the illuminative way. similar approach was employed by Francisco Sua´rez, who also taught at the Roman College. Sua´rez MARTIN LUTHER (1483–1546) made clear distinctions between traditional church Overthrowing the Scholasticism that he knew, teachings and the novelties of the reformers. Sua´rez, which was mostly nominalist in orientation, Martin along with Bellarmine, came to symbolize the long Luther went back to the Scriptures to rediscover the

26 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 THEOLOGY message of salvation. Distrustful of human reason in grows love, the active expression of the true Chris- fallen humanity, he sought to substitute for Scholas- tian’s faith. Thus, many elements of Catholicism tic theology a theology that was devout and were rejected as unnecessary. scriptural. Proceeding from the authority of Augus- tine, Luther initiated a movement for reform of JOHN CALVIN (1509–1564) Christian doctrine and life that shattered the unity The heart of John Calvin’s theology, the core of of Christendom. which he acquired from Luther, was belief in the transcendent majesty and absolute sovereignty of The theological reformation initiated by Luther God. The knowledge of God was the ultimate aim resulted from a rediscovery of God through Christ of life for Calvin. This knowledge was not an ab- in the Scriptures. This rediscovery culminated in the stract knowledge, rather knowledge of God in rela- twin banners of the Protestant Reformation—sola tion to humanity; it could be acquired through cre- fide (by faith alone we receive Christ and his righ- ation and through Scripture. In the Scriptures we teousness) and sola scriptura (authority resides in know God through Jesus and thus, Calvin under- the Bible alone). The problem that plagued Luther stood the Bible as the only authority for our knowl- was the concept of the iustitia Dei, which he under- edge of God, which reveals all that should and can stood as a punitive justice. In his view, God was a be known about Him. stern judge who weighed merit against sins. It was impossible, in Luther’s mind, for sinners to stand However, Calvin insisted that the essence of before God in righteousness. This was the theologi- God is inscrutable and that an infinite chasm sepa- cal dilemma that culminated in the tower experi- rates the divine from the human. Due to the Fall, all ence, so called because his new insight into the humanity is corrupt and spiritually deformed. Gospel came to him in the tower of the Augustinian Therefore, humans are worthless in the sight of monastery in Wittenberg. The insight he gained in God. Yet, despite humanity’s depravity, God did this experience led Luther to understand God’s not abandon humans. The only mediator possible righteousness not as a demanding justice, rather as between God and humanity is Jesus. Through his his mercy. The righteousness of God is no longer a atoning death on the cross, reconciliation was made demanding justice before which an individual may possible. Through the redemptive grace of Christ stand by virtue of his or her own good works and and the gift of faith received from the Holy Spirit the forgiving grace of God. The righteousness of comes a spiritual union with Christ. This union God is now primarily the grace which transforms brings about a regeneration or sanctification that and makes one righteous. Human activity no longer renders the believer ‘‘born again,’’ becoming a new has any part in the ultimate determination of one’s creature in Christ and the inheritor of salvation. destiny. Grace alone enables one to stand before the This results not from any human merit or effort but righteousness of God. Humanity is righteous before from faith in Christ. God because of the atoning sacrifice of Christ. Be- Calvin took this idea one step further. The jus- lief in that act makes one just. tifying grace of Christ is not for everyone, only for The essence of Luther’s theology rested upon a those whom God preelects. God’s word germinates different conception of the relationship between only in the elect, those whom he has already chosen God and humanity. From his view of salvation based for salvation even before their creation. Only on on faith grew most of the other doctrines of Protes- these individuals does Christ’s redemption have any tantism. Good works played an important role in effect. The rest of humanity is predestined to perdi- Luther’s theology, but always as a result of faith, not tion. the cause of it. Faith frees the individual by separat- ing works from salvation. Once freed from the con- CONCLUSION tinual concern over salvation, the true believer Despite the critiques launched against the church by could devote his or her life to doing good out of many Renaissance humanists, most remained within gratitude to God and not because it would contrib- the institutional framework of Catholicism. Luther- ute to salvation. Therefore, faith is not the end of anism and Calvinism diverged from the mainstream Luther’s theology, rather its beginning. From faith of the Renaissance when it exaggerated the Augus-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 27 THIRD ESTATE tinian focus on the depravity of humanity and the was at stake throughout. If one looks at the Thirty servitude of the human will. Years’ War in a European context, there is some truth in this argument. However, in central Europe, See also Bellarmine, Robert; Bible; Calvin, John; Calvin- ism; Catholicism; Catholic Spirituality and Mysti- in particular in the Holy Roman Empire, the mili- cism; Church of England; Erasmus, Desiderus; Hu- tary and political events of the thirty years between manists and Humanism; Luther, Martin; the defenestration of Prague in May 1618 and the Lutheranism; Methodism; Pietism; Reformation, signing of the Westphalian peace treaties in October Catholic; Reformation, Protestant; Scholasticism. 1648 formed one continuous conflict and were in fact already perceived as such by most contemporar- BIBLIOGRAPHY ies. Althaus, Paul. The Theology of Martin Luther. Translated by Robert C. Schulz. Philadelphia, 1966. THE CAUSES OF THE WAR Bagchi, David V. N. Luther’s Earliest Opponents: Catholic For the outbreak of the war the deepening crisis of Controversialists, 1518–1525. Minneapolis, 1991. the Holy Roman Empire was of crucial importance. Dowey, Edward A. The Knowledge of God in Calvin’s Theol- The crisis had a constitutional and political as well as ogy. New York, 1952. a religious dimension. The emperor’s prerogatives George, Timothy. Theology of the Reformers. Nashville, had never been clearly defined; a ruler who knew 1988. how to exploit his considerable informal powers of Gritsch, Eric, and Robert W. Jenson. Lutheranism: The Theo- patronage could enjoy a great deal of authority, but logical Movement and Its Confessional Writings. Phila- a weak monarch could easily be reduced to a mere delphia, 1976. figurehead. This was very much Rudolf II’s (ruled Kaiser, Edwin G. Sacred Doctrine: An Introduction to Theol- 1576–1612) fate during the last decade of his reign. ogy. Westminster, Md., 1958. The aging emperor, who was increasingly mentally MacKenzie, R. A. F. ‘‘The Concept of Biblical Theology.’’ unstable, was distrusted by both Catholics and Prot- Catholic Theological Society of America Proceedings 10 (1955): 48–73. estants. Moreover, he had managed to antagonize his own family. The power vacuum created by the Niesel, Wilhelm. The Theology of Calvin. Translated by Harold Knight. Philadelphia, 1956. collapse of his authority enabled ambitious princes such as Maximilian I, the duke of Bavaria, or Freder- Olin, John C. Six Essays on Erasmus and a Translation of Erasmus’ Letter to Carondelet. New York, 1979. ick V, the elector palatine, to pursue their own agenda. Their attempts to exploit the simmering Pelikan, Jaroslav. The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development of Doctrine. 5 vols. Chicago, 1971–1989. religious conflict in Germany, which found its ex- pression in the foundation of the Protestant Union, Wendel, Franc¸ois. Calvin: Origins and Development of His Religious Thought. Translated by Philip Mairet. Reprint. led by the Palatinate, in 1608 and the Catholic Durham, N.C., 1987. League (Liga), led by Bavaria, in 1609, were bound to undermine peace and stability. Germany had in FRANCESCO C. CESAREO the past been largely spared the horrors of religious warfare, thanks to the Religious Peace of Augsburg (1555). However, many problems had been left un- THIRD ESTATE. See Bourgeoisie; Estates- resolved in 1555, such as the status of the ecclesias- General, French. tical principalities that were ruled by Protestant prince-bishops, and of ecclesiastical property confis- cated and secularized after 1555. The status of the Calvinists, who almost all Catholics and many Lu- THIRTY YEARS’ WAR (1618–1648). therans wanted to exclude from the benefits of the The Thirty Years’ War was one of the greatest and peace settlement as heretics, was also controversial. longest armed contests of the early modern period. Initially the Imperial Chamber Court (Reichskam- Some historians have argued that it was a series of mergericht)—one of the two highest law courts in separate wars that happened to overlap in time and Germany—had managed to settle disputes between space rather than one coherent sequence of military the religious antagonists, but from the 1580s on- campaigns in which a clearly defined set of issues ward it became increasingly paralyzed, and the Im-

28 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 THIRTY YEARS’ WAR (1618–1648) perial Diet (Reichstag) equally failed to provide a came unlikely at the very moment when the Bohe- forum for compromise. The confessionalization of mian Estates rose against the Habsburgs. A war in politics, culture, and society in the later sixteenth Bohemia and Germany was therefore bound to be- century had in fact created a climate of all-pervasive come part of a wider European conflict sooner or distrust that made such a compromise almost im- later. possible. The enthusiastic adherents of both Coun- ter-Reformation Catholicism and the eschatological THE FIRST DECADE OF THE WAR worldview that most Calvinists and some Lutherans In August 1619 the Estates of Bohemia deposed subscribed to saw the outbreak of armed conflict in Ferdinand II, who had officially succeeded Emperor the long run as both inevitable and even to some Matthias as king of Bohemia in March, and elected extent desirable. Frederick V, elector palatine, the leader of the Cal- vinists in Germany, in his stead. However, Freder- However, whereas such mental attitudes were ick’s rule was short lived. In November 1620 his an important ingredient in the generally belligerent army suffered a crushing defeat in the Battle of the atmosphere that formed a crucial precondition for White Mountain near Prague against the emperor’s the outbreak of hostilities, their more immediate army, which had been reinforced by troops from the cause was the confrontation between the emperor Bavarian-led Catholic League and by Spanish regi- and the Estates of Bohemia and its neighboring ments. Whereas the Catholic League had decided to principalities, in particular Moravia and Upper Aus- support Ferdinand, the Protestant Union preferred tria. Whereas Emperor Matthias (ruled 1612– to stay neutral and was soon dissolved. In fact, some 1619) and his advisers wanted to recover the Protestant rulers, in particular John George of Sax- ground that had been lost by the Catholic Church ony, openly supported the emperor. The fact that and the ruling dynasty alike in the preceding years of Ferdinand had managed to have himself elected domestic crisis, the Protestant opposition empha- emperor in the summer of 1619 gave him an au- sized the elective character of the monarchy in Bo- thority that few German rulers dared to challenge hemia and its subjection to the control of the Es- openly for the time being. The next years were tates. They vigorously defended the privileges of the marked by an almost unbroken series of Catholic Protestant Church that had been confirmed and victories in central Europe. The Palatinate was oc- extended during the last years of Rudolf II’s reign. cupied by Bavarian and Spanish troops in 1622, the Reacting to the relentless Counter-Reformation of- palatine electoral dignity was transferred to Maxi- fensive, which had, by a combination of missionary milian of Bavaria, and the army of the Catholic activity, generous imperial patronage for converts, League led by Count Johann Tserclaes of Tilly and brute force already been successful in Styria, threatened to dismantle the remaining Protestant Carinthia, and elsewhere, they decided to kill the strongholds in northern Germany. The troops of emperor’s governors in Prague in the spring of the Dutch Republic were too busy defending their 1618 by throwing them out of the windows of the own country to intervene in Germany. In fact, the imperial palace during a meeting of the Estates. The important Dutch fortress of Breda had to surrender governors miraculously survived this defenestration, in 1625 to Spanish troops, a victory immortalized but armed conflict had now become unavoidable. by Vela´zquez in his famous painting, La rendicio´n Soon both sides tried to find allies both in Germany de Breda (1634–1635; The surrender of Breda). and in Europe. In Spain the fall of the duke of However, King Christian IV of Denmark, who was Lerma as royal favorite in 1618 marked the victory also, as duke of Holstein, a prince of the empire and of those factions at court that favored a more assert- who hoped to acquire various prince-bishoprics in ive and warlike policy in central Europe, whereas at northern Germany for members of his family, de- the same time in the Netherlands the adherents of cided to stop Tilly’s advance in 1625. Hoping for rigid Calvinism and of an aggressively anti-Spanish financial and military support from the Netherlands policy gained the upper hand in 1618–1619 during and England—Charles I of England was the exiled and after the Synod of Dort (Dordrecht). Thus a elector palatine’s brother-in-law—he mobilized the renewal of the twelve-year truce between Spain and Imperial Circle (Reichskreis) of Lower Saxony for the Netherlands that had been signed in 1609 be- the Protestant cause. However, he had not antici-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 29 THIRTY YEARS’ WAR (1618–1648)

Baltic Sea North Sea DENMARK

Lübeck

Pomerania to Brandenburg to Sweden

ENGLAND to Brandenburg UNITED POLAND PROVINCES Osnabrück Brandenburg Münster Magdeburg, 1631 The Downs, Lutter am 1639 Breda Barenberge, 1626 to Poland Breitenfeld, Lusatia N R Westphalia to Brandenburg h 1631 & 1642 i n e Lützen, 1632 to Saxony to United R to Brandenburg Saxony i Silesia Provinces v e r Moselle River White Mountain, Eger 1632 Prague Bohemia Palatinate Jankov, 1645 to France Moravia Nördlingen, 1634 to Bavaria Lorraine Württemburg Rain am Lech, 1632

Bavaria Upper FRANCE Alsace to France Austria Munich OTTOMAN SWISS Styria CONFEDERATION EMPIRE Carinthia

VENICE Holy Roman 0 100 200 mi. Empire, 1648 0 100 200 km A Holy Roman Empire d r Territory exchanged at i a the Peace of Westphalia t i c Battle Ligurian S City Sea e a

pated that the emperor would raise an army of his increasingly apprehensive about the predominance own (counting initially 30,000 soldiers and growing of Habsburg power and the close cooperation be- fast), commanded by Albrecht von Wallenstein, a tween Ferdinand II and Spain. Moreover, they Bohemian nobleman and the greatest military en- resented the arrogant and ruthless behavior of Fer- trepreneur of his age. Christian’s troops were dinand’s commander-in-chief, Wallenstein, who routed at Lutter am Barenberge (1626). Christian’s had imposed enormous financial burdens on friend ally Charles I of England was equally unsuccessful in and foe alike, raising contributions for his 100,000- his fight at sea against Spain, and France, which man army almost everywhere in Germany. Wallen- might have given support to the opponents of the stein had to resign in 1630 under pressure from Habsburgs, was paralyzed by a Protestant revolt Maximilian of Bavaria and other princes. Ferdinand during the years 1625–1628, in which England tried to rebuild a united Catholic front in 1629 by became involved in 1627. Thus Ferdinand II was passing the , which was de- able to crush his enemies. Christian had to withdraw signed to give all ecclesiastical property secularized from the conflict and signed the Peace of Lu¨beck in since 1552/1555 back to the Roman Catholic 1629, giving up his claims to several prince-bishop- Church. The potential consequences for Protestant- rics in northern Germany but retaining Holstein ism were disastrous. was not out- and Schleswig. However, Ferdinand failed to ex- lawed but was likely to be reduced to the status of a ploit his success adequately. His allies in Germany, barely tolerated and marginalized religious commu- in particular Maximilian of Bavaria, were, in fact, nity in Germany.

30 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 THIRTY YEARS’ WAR (1618–1648)

FROM CATHOLIC AND HABSBURG TRIUMPH mand of one of Philip IV’s brothers, the Cardinal TO ABORTIVE COMPROMISE, 1629–1635 Infante Ferdinand. In February Wallenstein, who At this stage, however, the Habsburg ascendancy in was reluctant to cooperate with Spain and was sus- Europe, successfully reasserted in the early 1620s, pected of treasonous dealings with the enemy, was was seriously challenged by France and Sweden. In assassinated in Eger on the emperor’s orders. To- 1628 La Rochelle, the stronghold of the French gether with the future Emperor Ferdinand III, the Huguenots, had been taken by a royal army led by Cardinal Infante inflicted a crushing defeat on the Louis XIII and the prime minister, Cardinal Riche- Swedes at No¨rdlingen in southern Germany in Sep- lieu, in person. France was now free to intervene in tember. As far as Germany was concerned, central Europe. Initially, however, French troops No¨rdlingen might have been the end of the war. confronted Spain only in Italy (the War of the Man- Ferdinand II did not repeat the mistakes he had tuan Succession, 1628–1631). Here they defied made in 1629 by pursuing an Ultra-Catholic policy. Spanish attempts to occupy the Duchy of Mantua Instead he reached a compromise with the moder- after the main line of the native dynasty, the Gon- ate and essentially loyal Lutherans led by Saxony. zaga, had died out in 1628. The emperor had sent The Peace of Prague (1635) did not revoke the troops to northern Italy to help Spain, but withdrew Edict of Restitution, but suspended it for forty these troops in late 1630. The troops were now years. The position of Protestantism in northern badly needed in Germany itself, where Gustavus II and eastern Germany was now reasonably safe once Adolphus of Sweden landed his army on the coast of more. However, no satisfactory settlement was Pomerania in July 1630. Sweden felt threatened by reached in the Palatinate, in Hesse, or, for the time plans to build an imperial fleet in the Baltic and by being, in Wu¨rttemberg. In constitutional terms the Habsburg support for its old enemy Poland. More- emperor’s authority had been considerably over, the fight for Protestantism was an essential strengthened. He was now officially commander-in- part of the claim to legitimacy of the Swedish dy- chief of all armed forces in the empire. The Catholic nasty, the Vasas, which had won the crown in the League was dissolved, and only Saxony and Bavaria 1590s by ousting the older, Catholic branch of the continued, with the emperor’s permission, to main- family, which continued to rule in Poland. tain armies, which remained semi-independent. The Edict of Restitution had antagonized even This change in the constitutional balance, however, those Protestants who had preferred to stay neutral was silently resented by many German princes and or had in fact supported the emperor for most of the duly revised in 1648. In any case the Peace of 1620s. Their last doubts were dispelled when Mag- Prague was deficient because it had failed to make deburg, a town of great symbolic importance to provision for buying off the Swedes, who still main- Protestants (it had resisted a long siege by Catholic tained troops in many parts of Germany—in partic- armies in the late 1540s) was besieged by Tilly, ular in the north—with territorial or financial con- taken by assault, sacked, and set on fire in May cessions. In fact, the settlement of 1635 proved 1631. Brandenburg and Saxony now joined the abortive, as it was rejected by both Sweden and king of Sweden in the fight against the Catholic France. forces. Having lost the battle of Breitenfeld in Sax- ony in September 1631, Tilly retreated to southern THE LAST PHASE OF THE WAR AND THE Germany and was decisively beaten at Rain am Lech ROAD TO SETTLEMENT in April 1632. Even Munich was now briefly occu- France was now faced by the prospect of a Spanish pied by Swedish troops, and an army from Saxony offensive supported by the emperor’s army against evicted the imperial garrisons from Silesia and Bo- the garrisons it had placed beyond its frontiers, in hemia. In despair Ferdinand II decided to recall Lorraine, Alsace, and along the upper Rhine and Wallenstein to reorganize his army. In the battle of Moselle rivers in the preceding years. In answer to Lu¨tzen in November 1632, an attack on the prince-bishop of , who had won a last victory against Wallenstein but died in become a French ally and client in 1632, Louis XIII action. Sweden, however, maintained its superiority declared war on Spain in May 1635. With the em- for a further two years. In 1634 Spain sent a fresh peror’s own declaration of war on France in March army to Germany across the Alps under the com- 1636, the war in Germany had, it seemed, finally

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 31 THIRTY YEARS’ WAR (1618–1648) fused with the all-European conflict between Spain envoys to Westphalia. Partly because Ferdinand hes- and its enemies, which had already decisively influ- itated to abandon his old ally Spain, it was neverthe- enced events in the empire in the past. Whereas less three years before a settlement was reached. French financial subsidies helped Sweden gradually Peace between France and Spain proved elusive. So recover from the defeat of No¨rdlingen, Spanish re- when the peace treaties were signed at Mu¨nster and sources became increasingly inadequate to finance Osnabru¨ck on 24 October 1648, the Franco-Span- the worldwide war effort of the monarchy in the ish conflict was deliberately excluded from the set- early . Spain suffered important naval defeats tlement. The treaties, known as the Peace of West- against the Dutch off the English coast in 1639 phalia, therefore failed to provide the basis for a (Battle of the Downs) and near Recife in Brazil in truly European peace. The complicated legal ar- 1640. Moreover, in 1640 both Catalonia and Por- rangements that dealt with the various constitu- tugal revolted against Castilian rule in an attempt to tional and religious problems of the Holy Roman shake off the fiscal and political burden imposed on Empire, on the other hand, proved remarkably them by warfare. Spain did not recognize Portugal’s long-lasting and stable, being invoked right up to independence until 1668 and managed to recon- the end of the empire in 1806. quer Catalonia in the 1650s. Nevertheless, it was no longer able to launch major offensive operations in THE NATURE AND IMPACT OF WARFARE central Europe. Emperor Ferdinand III (ruled Most countries—the Dutch Republic, which bene- 1637–1657), reluctantly supported by the majority fited from a flourishing economy in the midst of of the German princes, was now virtually on his own military conflict, was probably one of the few excep- in his fight against both France (which had com- tions—waged war between 1618 and 1648 with mitted a major army to operations in southern Ger- financial resources that were grossly inadequate. many) and Sweden. Nevertheless, the war dragged Some countries such as Sweden nevertheless man- on for another eight years. aged to finance their armies for long periods of time primarily out of contributions raised in areas under The logistics of warfare in a country that had military occupation. Others tried, with limited suc- been utterly devastated by continuous fighting and cess, to rely on taxation. France, for example, man- lacked the most essential provisions proved a major aged to double its income from domestic revenues obstacle to large-scale offensive operations. For this in the 1630s and early 1640s. However, the enor- reason, victories won in battles could rarely be fully mous fiscal pressure provoked a series of popular exploited. Moreover, a war between Denmark and revolts in France that prevented further increases in Sweden (1643–1645) gave the emperor’s army taxation and finally led to bankruptcy and civil war time to recover after the devastating defeat it had in 1648–1652. Most participants in the war en- suffered in the second battle of Breitenfeld in No- trusted the raising and maintaining of troops at least vember 1642. However, in March 1645 the Swedes to some extent to military entrepreneurs who had beat the imperial army decisively at Jankov in Bohe- their own sources of income and credit, thereby mia. Although Ferdinand III was able to buy off complementing the insufficient resources of the Sweden’s ally Transylvania, which had once more, state. These entrepreneurs hoped to recoup their as in the 1620s, intervened in the war (supported investments and to make a profit by extorting pay- halfheartedly by the sultan), by territorial and reli- ments, not to mention downright plunder and con- gious concessions in Hungary, he was now forced to fiscation, from occupied provinces. The hardship come to terms with his opponents. His allies in this involved for the civilian population was consid- Germany became increasingly restless and either erable. France, however, which was reluctant to rely withdrew from active participation in warfare alto- on military entrepreneurs because of the dangerous gether or insisted on ending the war. Reluctantly domestic implications of such a system, was hardly the emperor entered into negotiations with Sweden more successful in asking noblemen to pay for the in Osnabru¨ck and with France in neighboring units under their command partly out of their own Mu¨nster in autumn 1645. Against his wishes, the pockets without giving them, in compensation, full German princes and Estates were allowed to partici- legal ownership of their regiments. Spain initially pate in the peace conference, sending their own had a fairly sophisticated state-controlled system of

32 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 THIRTY YEARS’ WAR (1618–1648) organizing and financing warfare, but gradually Empire); France; Gustavus II Adolphus (Sweden); more and more responsibilities such as the recruit- Habsburg Dynasty; Habsburg Territories; Holy Roman Empire; La Rochelle; Louis XIII (France); ment of soldiers were delegated to local magnates Mantuan Succession, War of the (1627–1631); Mil- and urban corporations, and thereby decentralized. itary; Netherlands, Southern; Palatinate; Richelieu, This phenomenon may be seen as a wider-ranging Armand-Jean du Plessis, cardinal; Rudolf II (Holy process of administrative refeudalization, as some Roman Empire); Saxony; Spain; Sweden; Tilly, historians have argued. Johann Tserclaes of; Wallenstein, A. W. E. von; Westphalia, Peace of (1648). The often chaotic way in which armies were recruited and financed was at least in part responsi- BIBLIOGRAPHY ble for the widespread lack of discipline among sol- Primary Sources diers often remarked upon by contemporaries. Al- Briefe und Akten zur Geschichte des Dreißigja¨hrigen Krieges, though some of the accounts of wartime atrocities, Neue Folge, Die Politik Maximilians von Baiern und such as most or all tales of cannibalism, for example, seiner Verbu¨ndeten 1618–1651. Part I, vol. I and II, have to be dismissed as unreliable, the excesses sol- edited by G. Franz and A. Duch; Part II, vol. I–X, diers regularly committed when dealing with the edited by W. Goetz, D. Albrecht and K. Bierther. Leip- zig, Munich, and Vienna, 1907–1997. Important edi- local population in friendly as much as in enemy tion of sources based mainly on the records of the Ba- provinces were sufficient to severely disrupt civilian varian state archive in Munich; latest volumes so far deal life. Combined with the rapid spread of infectious with Peace of Prague (1635). diseases among soldiers and civilians alike and the Documenta Bohemica Bellum Tricennale Illustrantia. Edited partial breakdown of trade, commerce, and agricul- by J. Kocı´ et al. 7 vols. Prague, 1971–1981. Sources ture, these effects of warfare had serious demo- from archives in the . graphic consequences. This was true in particular Germany in the Thirty Years’ War. Edited by Gerhard for the Holy Roman Empire but to a lesser extent Benecke. London, 1978. Brief selection of sources in also for some areas of northern Italy and of France. English. In the empire population figures were reduced by at Secondary Sources least 25 percent and possibly by up to 35 to 40 Asch, Ronald G. The Thirty Years’ War: The Holy Roman percent (about 6 million) during the course of the Empire and Europe, 1618–1648. Basingstoke, U.K., war. Some regions in northeastern Germany such as and New York, 1997. Concise survey, concentrates on Pomerania and parts of Brandenburg, but also central Europe without neglecting the role Spain and Wu¨rttemberg in the southwest, had hardly more France played in the war. than a third of their prewar population in 1648. It Bireley, Robert, S. J. Religion and Politics in the Age of the took Germany almost a hundred years to recover Counterreformation: Emperor Ferdinand II, William demographically from the war. Nevertheless, older Lamormaini, S. J., and the Formation of Imperial Policy. Chapel Hill, N.C., 1981. Excellent on the influence of accounts that have seen the war, and also the Peace court chaplains and on Counter-Reformation policy in of Westphalia, as responsible for a general decline of general. the Holy Roman Empire and the German states no Burkhardt, Johannes. Der Dreißigja¨hrige Krieg. Frankfurt longer command widespread assent. Not only did am Main, 1992. Stimulating and well-argued account the empire survive as a political and legal system by a leading German scholar. Particularly good on pro- providing reasonably effective protection and secu- paganda and contemporary pamphlets. Occasionally rity to its members, but the rise of the Habsburg somewhat idiosyncratic and fanciful in its assessment of Monarchy after 1648, for example, and the flourish- the international situation. ing baroque culture of many German courts in the Bußmann, Klaus, and Heinz Schilling, eds. 1648: War and later seventeenth century, show that in some areas at Peace in Europe. 3 vols. Mu¨nster/Osnabru¨ck 1998. least the war had brought about changes that stimu- Important exhibition catalogue and two comprehensive volumes of essays covering almost all relevant topics, lated rather than stunted new growth once peace particularly rich on cultural history. had been regained. Elliott, John H. The Count-Duke of Olivares: The Statesman See also Augsburg, Religious Peace of (1555); Bohemia; in an Age of Decline. New Haven and London, 1986. Dort, Synod of; Dutch Republic; Ferdinand II Majestic biography of the leading Spanish statesman of (Holy Roman Empire); Ferdinand III (Holy Roman the age.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 33 THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES

Israel, Jonathan I. The Dutch Republic and the He was the son of Jakob Thomasius, himself an World 1606–1661. Oxford, 1982. Important work by influential Aristotelian moral philosopher of the one of the leading experts on Dutch early modern his- Altdorf School, which sought to introduce some of tory. the ideas of Francisco Sua´rez (1548–1617) into Langer, Herbert. The Thirty Years’ War. New York, 1980. German Protestant Scholasticism. Trained and edu- Good on the social history of warfare. cated at the Universities of Frankfurt an der Oder Parker, Geoffrey, et al. The Thirty Years’ War. 2nd ed. and Leipzig, he was a product of the intellectual London and New York, 1997. Standard account in English, in which a number of scholars have cooper- synthesis between Lutheran Protestantism and ated; sees the war very much as an all-European conflict. Scholastic Aristotelianism, which had been bro- kered originally by Philipp Melanchthon (1497– Parrott, David. Richelieu’s Army: War, Government and So- ciety in France, 1624–1642. Cambridge, U.K., and New 1560). But Thomasius broke decisively with this York, 2001. Detailed study of French military organiza- intellectual orthodoxy when appointed as a young tion which shows how ill prepared France was for the Privatdozent at Leipzig in the : he was the first confrontation with Spain. academic to regularly give lectures in German as Redlich, Fritz. The German Military Enterpriser and his opposed to Latin, a practice he later carried through Work Force: A Study in European Economic and Social into his published writings. He was required to History. 2 vols. Wiesbaden, 1964–1965. Unrivaled ac- leave Leipzig in 1690 and sought employment in count of the social and economic aspects of warfare and Prussia at the newly founded University of Halle, of recruitment in this period. where he went on to hold senior chairs in philoso- Stier, Bernhard, and Wolfgang von Hippel. ‘‘War, Economy phy and law. During this transitional period he and Society.’’ In Germany: A New Social and Economic History. Vol. 2, 1630–1800, edited by Sheilagh Ogilvie, developed his ‘‘practical philosophy’’ and initial pp. 233–262. London, 1996. Good survey of the im- proposals for reform of the traditional university pact of the war and the slow recovery after 1648, incor- curriculum. In a series of works, notably Institu- porating a great deal of recent research. tiones Jurisprudentiae Divinae (1688; Institutes of RONALD G. ASCH divine jurisprudence) and Introductio ad Philo- sophiam Aulicam (1688; Introduction to court or civil philosophy) he transformed the innovative epistemological insights of Samuel Pufendorf’s De THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES. See Church Jure Naturae et Gentium (1672; On the law of of England. nature and of nations) into a radical separation of moral philosophy from theology. What drove this program was not a commit- ment to ‘‘Enlightenment rationality,’’ as has been THOMASIUS, CHRISTIAN (1655– argued anachronistically by some historians, but a 1728), German philosopher. Christian Thomasius perception that the mingling of theology and moral was the leading legal theorist and university re- and political sciences within the framework of meta- former in Protestant Germany during the early En- physics had produced a fundamental form of institu- lightenment. A self-consciously controversial figure tionalized corruption that was damaging both to who built on the writings and influence of his men- true religion and to healthy philosophy. Only by tor Samuel von Pufendorf (1632–1694), he devel- separating theology and ethics could religion be oped a new philosophical outlook, eclecticism, saved from mere dogmatism, and a useful prepara- which united all of his contributions to many intel- tory curriculum devised that would produce the lectual fields. It also underpinned his high-profile jurists, administrators, and pastors appropriate for a assaults both on the outmoded Scholastic pedantry coherently governed and properly ordered absolut- of German university life and on several contempo- ist state. Educational reform, stemming from a revi- rary instances of what he took to be intolerance and sion of the traditional responsibilities of the faculties superstition in wider society, notably witchcraft of philosophy, law, and theology, would thus usher prosecutions and the use of torture to extract con- in substantial changes for ecclesiology, political re- fessions. sponsibility, and confessional coexistence. On this

34 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 3 MAY CONSTITUTION account Thomasius offered a powerful program for BIBLIOGRAPHY completing the desacralization of state forms, a pro- Hochstrasser, T. J. Natural Law Theories in the Early En- lightenment. Cambridge, U.K., and New York, 2000. cess left incomplete in the political and philosophi- cal debates that had followed the Peace of Westpha- Hunter, Ian. Rival Enlightenments: Civil and Metaphysical Philosophy in Early Modern Germany. Cambridge, U.K., lia in 1648. Yet this was undertaken not on behalf of and New York, 2001. the cause of secularization but rather so that Protes- Schro¨der, Peter. Christian Thomasius zur Einfu¨hrung. tant Christianity could acquire once more a purified Hamburg, 1999. spiritual identity free from the accretions of TIMOTHY HOCHSTRASSER ‘‘priestcraft.’’ True religion was to be a matter of promoting the inward relationship of the individual with Christ in the manner of the early church. At first, these convictions naturally drew Thomasius 3 MAY CONSTITUTION. The first Polish close to the contemporary doctrines of the Pietists. constitution was adopted by the Four-Year Sejm However, he and his followers drew back from this (parliament) on 3 May 1791. It was the first such assimilation once it became clear that Pietism would basic law in written form in Europe and the second not accept his radical reduction of the state’s right in the world after the constitution of the United to intervene in religious affairs to the minimal level States (1787). The Constitution of 3 May was of threats to civil safety. In this respect too, drafted at the Four-Year Sejm (1788–1792) by re- Thomasius went well beyond the more conservative formers led most actively by King Stanisław II Au- positions of Pufendorf. gust Poniatowski, Hugo Kołła˛taj, and Ignacy Thomasius was considered as a thinker of Potocki. The constitution was preceded by two acts weight and significance for much of the eighteenth regarded as integral to it: the Reorganization of the century, and until the 1750s his views were pro- Sejmiki [provincial diets] Act (adopted on 24 March pounded at German universities against the doc- 1791) and the Act on the Status of Towns and trines of Christian Wolff (1679–1754), Leibniz’s Townsmen’s Rights (18 April). most distinguished follower. However, the restric- In accordance with Enlightenment ideas, the tion of the publication of many of his works to Constitution and these two related documents in- German limited his intellectual influence beyond troduced the principle of the nation’s sovereignty German borders, as was not the case with Pufen- and the separation of the legislative, executive, and dorf’s Latin texts. Moreover, the antisystematic, judicial powers. Landless noblemen (usually depen- practical, and problem-solving bias of his work left it dent on magnates) were excluded from the Sejm more vulnerable to supercession once the debates of and the sejmiki, and townsmen were given the op- his own day had faded from the forefront of political portunity to acquire nobility through the purchase and intellectual discussion. In sum, Thomasius can of a landed estate or by virtue of services rendered to be considered as one of the first writers in Germany the country or professional work. The citizens of to place the individual at the heart of moral and royal towns were guaranteed personal immunity legal theory, although he did not draw the same and were granted the right to purchase landed es- liberal consequences for political theory as were ex- tates and hold junior official posts. The towns re- tracted elsewhere by John Locke (1632–1704) and ceived the right to send their representatives to the other contemporary philosophers. In this respect, Sejm, where they would have an advisory voice on together with other thinkers in the German En- matters concerning towns. State protection of the lightenment, he did not substantially shift his ac- Jews was confirmed. The constitution maintained count of sovereignty far from that of Thomas serfdom, but peasants were to be put under the Hobbes (1588–1679), a balance that emphasizes protection of the law and the government, inter his transitional status between the thought-world of alia with regard to contracts concluded with land- the baroque and the fully mature Enlightenment. owners.

See also Enlightenment; Melanchthon, Philipp; Pietism; The constitution abolished the election of Universities. kings; after the death of the current king, the

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 35 TIEPOLO, GIOVANNI BATTISTA was to be hereditary in the Saxon dynasty. Legisla- This was a compromise between the Lithuanians’ tive power was vested in a bicameral Sejm (with a aspiration for sovereignty and reform of the political Chamber of Deputies and a Senate), which was to system, on the one hand, and the tradition of union be responsible for legislation and taxation and between the two states and the preservation of the would have broadly conceived control over the gov- Commonwealth’s federal character, on the other. ernment as well as jurisdiction in offenses against The constitution gained the support of the majority the nation and the state. Laws were to be adopted of the nobility, townsmen, and many magnates. In by a majority vote; the deputies (204 plus 24 1792 its opponents set up the Targowica confedera- plenipotentiaries of towns) were to be elected for a tion in defense of the old system and asked Russia to term of two years. The competency of the Senate intervene militarily. The achievements of the Con- was restricted to a suspensory veto; if the Chamber stitution of 3 May were canceled by the fall of the of Deputies upheld its decision, the bill became law Commonwealth with the Third Partition in 1795. without the consent of the Senate. The role of the See also Catherine II (Russia); Lublin, Union of (1569); sejmiki, and indirectly also of the magnates, was Poland, Partitions of; Poland-Lithuania, Common- restricted. The executive was strengthened: confed- wealth of, 1569–1795; Poniatowski, Stanisław II erations (a form of legal rebellion) were banned and Augustus. the liberum veto (the principle of unanimity that allowed a single deputy to dissolve the Sejm and BIBLIOGRAPHY invalidate its decisions or even to prevent it from Kowecki, Jerzy, ed. Konstytucja 3 maja 1791: Statut assembling) was abolished. Zgromadzenia Przyjacio´ł Konstytucji. Warsaw, 1981. Leœnodorski, Bogusław. Dzieło Sejmu Czteroletniego 1788– The Council of Ministers, called the Guardians 1792: Studium historyczno-prawne. Wrocław, 1951. of the Laws, was to be the highest executive body. It —. Institutions polonaises au Sie`cle des Lumie`res. War- was to be composed of the king, who had the deci- saw, 1962. sive voice, the primate, and five ministers, and was Rostworowski, Emanuel. Ostatni kro´l Rzeczypospolitej: to direct the central administration and supervise Geneza i upadek Konstytucji 3 maja. Warsaw, 1966. five commissions (ministries)—education, foreign MARCIN KAMLER affairs, justice, war, and treasury. The monarch was responsible to no one, while the ministers were re- sponsible to the king and the Sejm for their policies and could be brought before the Sejm court if they TIEPOLO, GIOVANNI BATTISTA broke the law—this was thus the world’s first legally (1696–1770), Italian painter, master of Venetian formulated principle of ministerial responsibility. school. Tiepolo was famous in his own lifetime as a The reform of the judiciary united the various no- superb painter in fresco and a brilliant draftsman. A blemen’s judicial courts into uniform collegiate highly inventive artist, he could create spectacular country courts of first instance; courts of appeal effects in difficult sites, from the narrow gallery at were set up in towns. The constitution was a great the patriarchal palace at Udine in the mid- to step forward toward a centralized government. It the vast staircase ceiling in the Residenz at laid the foundations for cooperation between land- Wu¨rzburg in the early 1750s. Contemporaries rec- owners and rich burghers and opened possibilities ognized his spirited, dynamic approach to subject for the further political and legal transformations matter and his frankly sensuous manner of painting. that would be indispensable for the development of Tiepolo is comparable in his restless energy and Poland’s fledgling capitalism. imaginative power to Peter Paul Rubens, and essen- The Constitution of 3 May was supplemented tially he worked with a similar baroque language of on 20 October 1791 by the Mutual Pledge of the myth, allegory, and history, which he infused with a Two Nations, which emphasized the federal charac- sense of freshness and modernity. His approach to ter of the state and the equal status of the Grand religious art is characterized by candor and natu- Duchy of Lithuania and the Polish Kingdom. The ralism, while he was responsive to the different con- Duchy was to have the same ministerial posts as cerns of patrons and viewers at a time when the Poland, and it retained its separate system of laws. church was faced with new kinds of devotion and

36 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TIEPOLO, GIOVANNI BATTISTA criticism. With the advent of neoclassicism, Tie- tion in Domenico Lovisa’s Gran Teatro di Venezia polo’s art fell from favor: In an age that prized of 1717. His early involvement with the thriving archaeological correctness, rationality, and ideals of Venetian engraving and publishing world was re- improvement, his witty, Veronese-inspired concep- newed in 1724 when he made drawings of antique tion of historical or classical subjects seemed frivo- sculpture as illustrations for Scipione Maffei’s lous, while his visually seductive qualities were seen Verona Illustrata, an experience that gave Tiepolo as inimical to the serious intellectual aims of the new an imaginative empathy with fragmentary antique art. Nevertheless, his drawings and oil sketches con- remains, which recur in his drawings, etchings, and tinued to appeal to collectors, including Antonio paintings. As well as studying the art of the past, Canova. Tiepolo looked to the tenebrism of Federico Bencovich (1677–1753) and the realism and mon- The son of a Venetian shipping merchant, Tie- umentality of Giovanni Battista Piazzetta (1682– polo was apprenticed in 1710 to Gregorio Lazzarini 1754). In 1719 Tiepolo married Cecilia Guardi, (1655–1730), an artist of international reputation with whom he was to have nine children. By then, patronized by prominent Venetian families. Before the artist was working for a network of mercantile becoming an independent master, he worked in the and noble patrons on religious and secular subjects. household of Doge Giovanni Corner; members of the Corner family were to be his most steadfast and Tiepolo’s reputation was assured, however, liberal patrons. Lazzarini encouraged his pupils to with the success of his employment by Patriarch study Venetian sixteenth-century art, and Tiepolo Dionisio Dolfin on a complicated iconographic pro- made drawings of some famous works for publica- gram of fresco decoration at the patriarch’s palace in

Giovanni Battista Tiepolo. Apollo and Europe, detail from the fresco cycle Apollo and the Continents in the main staircase at Wu¨ rzburg Palace, created 1753. ᮊSANDRO VANNINI/CORBIS

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 37 TILLY, JOHANN TSERCLAES OF

Udine around 1725–1727; other members of the a time when he had numerous commissions in hand, family commissioned a series of large oil paintings Tiepolo was pressed by the Venetian government to on martial Roman themes for the Ca’Dolfin in Ven- accept. With Domenico and Lorenzo, he worked on ice, painted in 1726–1729. A variety of commis- various frescoes at the royal palace from 1762, and sions followed in the north of Italy, with fresco on religious commissions, until his death in Madrid decoration at the Archinto and Dugnani palaces in in 1770. Milan (c. 1729–1731) and at the Villa Loschi near See also Baroque; Rubens, Peter Paul; Venice, Art in. Vicenza (1734) of particular importance, generat- ing further commissions from Milanese and BIBLIOGRAPHY Vicentine patrons. By 1736 Tiepolo was sufficiently Aikema, Bernard. Tiepolo and His Circle. Translated by An- renowned for the Swedish ambassador in Venice to drew McCormick. Cambridge, Mass., 1996. invite him to decorate the new royal palace in Stock- Barcham, William L. The Religious Paintings of Giambattista holm. Both local and foreign clients appreciated Tiepolo: Piety and Tradition in Eighteenth-Century Ven- how his distinctive qualities of lucidity, gracefulness, ice. Oxford and New York, 1989. and spirited handling contrasted with Piazzetta’s Brown, Beverly L., ed. Giambattista Tiepolo: Master of the more intense and rugged style. Thus, the newly Oil Sketch. Fort Worth, Tex., 1993. elected archbishop elector of Cologne, who visited Christiansen, Keith, ed. Giambattista Tiepolo 1696–1770. Venice in 1734, was to commission altarpieces from Venice and New York, 1996. both artists. Among Tiepolo’s celebrated works in Gemin, Massimo, and Filippo Pedrocco. Giambattista Tie- Venice are the frescoes of 1737–1739 at the Do- polo. I dipinti. Opera completa. Venice, 1993. minican church of S. Maria del Rosario, and those of Knox, George. Giambattista and Domenico Tiepolo: A Study 1743–1745 at the Discalced Carmelite church of S. and Catalogue Raisonne´ of the Chalk Drawings. Oxford Maria di Nazareth (later destroyed), together with and New York, 1980. the decoration of the grand salon at the Palazzo Kru¨ckmann, Peter O., ed. Tiepolo in Wu¨rzburg: Der Himmel Labia (c. 1746–1747) with sumptuous scenes from auf Erden. Munich and New York, 1996. the story of Antony and Cleopatra. Francesco Levey, Michael. Giambattista Tiepolo: His Life and Art. New Algarotti became a close friend in the early , Haven, 1986. commissioning paintings and seeking his artistic Puppi, Lionello, ed. Giambattista Tiepolo: Nel terzo cente- advice; they shared a passion for the art of Paolo nario della nascita. Venice, 1998. Veronese (born Paolo Caliari). Around this time, Whistler, Catherine. ‘‘Devozione e decoro nelle pale di Tiepolo worked on two series of etchings, the Vari Giambattista Tiepolo ad Aranjuez.’’ Arte Veneta 52 Capricci and the Scherzi di Fantasia, which con- (1998): 70–85. temporaries compared to the work of Rembrandt CATHERINE WHISTLER and Giovanni Benedetto Castiglione. He ran a busy studio, with his sons Giovanni Domenico (1727– 1804) and Lorenzo (1736–1776) gradually taking on important roles. TILLY, JOHANN TSERCLAES OF (1559–1632), general of the army of the Catholic In late 1750 Tiepolo traveled to Wu¨rzburg with League (1620–1632). Johann Tserclaes of Tilly was Domenico and Lorenzo, working over the next probably born in February 1559 (we do not know three years on fresco decoration at the prince- the precise date) in (in the Spanish Nether- bishop’s residence and on a variety of altarpieces and lands), the son of Martin Tserclaes and Dorothea cabinet paintings. After his return to Venice, Tie- von Schiersta¨dt. Because his father had been in- polo’s achievements included fresco decoration at volved in the uprising of the Dutch noblemen the Villa Valmarana near Vicenza in 1757, where he (known as the ‘‘Gueux’’) against the Spanish painted themes from epic poetry, side by side with crown, he spent his early years in exile. With his son Domenico’s enchanting genre scenes, and the brother Jacob, young Tilly attended the Jesuit Col- large, majestic Saint Thecla altarpiece (1759) for the lege at Cologne for a brief period. He did not join cathedral at Este. Invited to Madrid in 1761 to the order, but became a fervent supporter for the decorate the throne room of the new royal palace at rest of his life.

38 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TILLY, JOHANN TSERCLAES OF

After his family reconciled with the Habsburgs, tactics of the Swedish army. Those defeats were at Tilly entered military service. He began as a private least partly due to the political tensions within the but soon rose to higher ranks. Having fought under Catholic party, which prevented him from exe- Alexander Farnese, , against the re- cuting his planned offensives. bellious Dutch, he went to Hungary and led an Tilly was also blamed for the sacking and burn- imperial regiment against the Turks. He supported ing of Magdeburg (20 May 1631), a catastrophe Rudolf II (ruled 1576–1612) in his struggle with that did not reflect well on his military skills. Con- his brother, Archduke Matthias (who succeeded temporary critics held him responsible for this disas- Rudolf as emperor in 1612 and ruled until 1619), ter, but modern historians have refuted this verdict, but in 1610 he left Prague and entered Bavarian pointing out that he would never have willingly service. Duke Maximilian I of Bavaria made him destroyed a stronghold of such importance to his general lieutenant—commander in chief. In the forthcoming campaigns. Thirty Years’ War, Tilly led the army of the Catholic Tilly can be regarded as a transitional figure, League, while Maximilian was its political spirit. balanced between the classic type of military enter- Although we know little about his early years, priser and the emergent type of modern officer. the details of Tilly’s life become more accessible Along with Wallenstein, he developed into one of the with the beginning of the Bohemian campaign most successful enterprisers to make his fortune in a (1620). In the 1620s his victories helped to estab- time of war. For his services, Tilly was remunerated lish the military and political dominance of the im- with money and property (the most important was perial-Catholic rule throughout most of the Old Breitenegg, a lordship in the Upper Palatinate), and Reich. He won the Battle of White Mountain (at in 1623 he was made a count. In contrast to Wallen- Prague, 8 November 1620), had several encounters stein, he confined himself strictly to military affairs with Ernst of Mansfeld (he lost at Wiesloch/ and did not try to gain political influence. He re- Mingolsheim, 27 April 1622, but won at Wimpfen, mained absolutely loyal to his prince and was willing 6 May 1622), crushed the army of Christian of to obey even in controversial matters. Maximilian of Brunswick twice (Ho¨chst near Frankfurt am Main, Bavaria, as the undisputed political leader, and Tilly, 20 June 1622, and Stadtlohn near the Dutch bor- as successful military commander, formed one of the der, 6 August 1623), forced the Danish King Chris- most successful teams in the Thirty Years’ War. tian IV (ruled 1588–1648) to retreat (Lutter am Because he never married and remained Barenberge, 27 August 1626), and gained control childless, Tilly’s nephew Werner von Tilly contin- of northern Germany. After A. W. E. von Wallen- ued his line in Bavaria. stein’s dismissal in 1630, he took command of the imperial troops as interim general. In the Swedish See also Gustavus II Adolphus (Sweden); Matthias (Holy Roman Empire); Parma, Alexander Farnese, duke campaign of 1631 he captured Magdeburg (20 of; Rudolf II (Holy Roman Empire); Thirty Years’ May), but lost the battle of Breitenfeld against War (1618–1648); Wallenstein, A. W. E. von. Gustavus II Adolphus (17 September). Trying to stop the Swedish invasion of Bavaria, he was de- BIBLIOGRAPHY feated again at Rain am Lech (15 April 1632), Junkelmann, Marcus S. ‘‘Feldherr Maximilians: Johann where he was fatally wounded (he died at Ingolstadt Tserclaes von Tilly.’’ In Um Glauben und Reich: on 30 April 1632). Kurfu¨rst Maximilian I. Beitra¨ge zur Bayerischen Geschichte und Kunst 1573–1651, edited by Hubert Tilly’s fame as a general derived from his suc- Glaser, pp. 377–399. Munich, 1980. cessful campaigns throughout the 1620s, when he Kaiser, Michael. Politik und Kriegfu¨hrung: Maximilian von developed a unique battle-seeking strategy. The di- Bayern, Tilly und die Katholische Liga im Dreißig- sastrous outcome of the Swedish war, however, tar- ja¨hrigen Krieg. Mu¨nster, 1999. nished his military reputation. Though he is nor- —. ‘‘Tilly in Ko¨ln: eine biographische Episode im mally characterized as belonging to the Spanish Kontext der Traditionsbildung.’’ Geschichte in Ko¨ln, 41 (August 1997): 5–29. Especially useful for its discus- school (regarded as obsolete at the time) of military sion of Tilly’s early years; also includes a bibliography on strategy, his failure against the Swedish cannot be biographical works from the seventeenth century to the adequately explained by invoking the more modern present.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 39 TIME, MEASUREMENT OF

Klopp, Onno. Der dreißigja¨hrige Krieg bis zum Tode Gustav and spring-driven clocks and watches are timekeep- Adolfs 1632. 4 vols. Paderborn, 1891–1896. As there is ers and time showers. Once set functioning, they no English biography yet, this German one remains the count and display time without interruption. If most comprehensive. deranged, however, they cannot of themselves find MICHAEL KAISER time again, but have to be set against a sundial. Throughout the early modern period, therefore, there was an essential complementary relationship between clocks, watches, and sundials, which are TIME, MEASUREMENT OF. From be- frequently found combined, or in close proximity to ing important in the mid-fifteenth century only to each other. Sandglasses are timekeepers but re- structured communities (monasteries, military stricted to specific short periods, usually up to sixty camps, universities) and large-scale industrial un- minutes. They were used for measuring the often dertakings (quarries, building sites, textile manufac- predetermined length of tasks such as university les- tories), measured time by the late eighteenth cen- sons, sermons, naval or military watches, and indus- tury had become the fundamental structural trial activities. element of European social life. If the incidence of time control was felt more strongly in towns and Technical innovations in time-measuring ma- industrial units than in the country, the sonorous chines during this period were many and fundamen- hour indications of village church bells nonetheless tal. Although the usefulness of the force exerted by a brought it even to remote agrarian regions. This coiled metal strip was recognized from at least the extension of time control in society was paralleled thirteenth century, it was not until the invention in by major advances in the reliability and precision of the mid-fifteenth century of devices such as the time-measuring machines, but the causal relation- fusee and the stackfreed, which equalized the force ship between the two is complex and only begin- exerted as the spring uncoiled, that it could be ning to be investigated. useful in time measurement. Despite this, the be- havior of sixteenth-century clocks and watches was Time measurement was available in early mod- affected by so many mechanical insufficiencies as to ern Europe through the use of shadows (sundials be highly erratic if not closely surveyed by the clock and moon dials), gravity (water clocks, sandglasses, keeper, who was a regular appointment in towns weight-driven clocks), or artificial force (spring- and royal and noble establishments. Watches in the driven clocks and watches). Sundials and wa- sixteenth century were as much valued as jewels as terclocks derived from antiquity, mediated by hu- timekeepers, and public clocks were as important as manist scholars; weight-driven clocks were an in- symbols of social and economic status and for the vention of medieval craftsmen, probably in the mid- astronomical/astrological indications they offered thirteenth century. Spring-driven timekeepers can as they were for telling time. Indeed their behavior be claimed as an early modern invention, a response in the latter respect is frequently criticized in late- in the mid-fifteenth century to need for a portable seventeenth and eighteenth-century literature. timekeeper comparable with pocket sundials, The mathematical analysis of natural phenom- which, known since antiquity, multiplied from the ena that characterized seventeenth-century research fourteenth century onward. Sandglasses were prob- into the natural world, however, led to important ably invented in Europe at about the same time as innovations. Galileo (1564–1642), having recog- weight-driven clocks, in the mid-thirteenth century. nized the isochronous nature of a pendulum, also For all, the ultimate time standard was that deter- recognized its potential as a controller for clock mined by the Earth’s movements in relation to the mechanisms and produced initial designs. Concur- Sun. rently, but probably independently, Christiaan The various time-measuring instruments avail- Huygens (1629–1695) produced different designs able had complementary functions. Sundials find for this purpose and not only published its theory in time and display it; even if interrupted in their oper- his Horologium Oscillatorium (1672) but in 1676 ation by lack of sunshine, they will immediately revealed the isochronal properties of a flat spiral show time again once sunlight reappears. Weight- spring when applied to a watch balance.

40 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TIME OF TROUBLES (RUSSIA)

These two fundamental innovations reduced The first and most crucial cause was the tempo- the running error of clocks and watches from some rary delegitimation of royal authority following the twenty to thirty minutes a day to only a few minutes. extinction of the Riurikid dynasty in 1598, when Such precision allied with increased reliability in the Tsar Fedor Ivanovich died without an heir. Fedor’s performance of timekeepers, resulting from im- successor, Tsar Boris Godunov (ruled 1598–1605), provements in lubrication, bearings, and tooth pro- was never able to fully legitimate himself because of files, meant that timekeepers now became viable court factionalism, his failure to marry into an emi- machines for use in longitude determination, a task nent family, and the suspicion that he had that had been proposed for them as early as 1532. engineered the mysterious death of Tsarevich Although immense technical difficulties remained Dmitrii Ivanovich in 1591. to be overcome, by the 1780s viable longitude A second cause was economic dislocation and timekeepers existed and could be simplified for gen- social unrest in Muscovy’s northwestern and south- eral use. Similarly, in the late eighteenth century, ern provinces. In the northwest, the Livonian War, newly reliable timekeepers became an integral part of the development of timed industrial activity, and border wars with the Swedes, and overtaxation had of the development of interlocking, time-tabled stripped the gentry of most of their peasant tenants. transport systems. None of this affected the watch as This greatly hampered Moscow’s ability to mobilize a status symbol, but it did transform its appearance troops from this region, traditionally the largest res- as emphasis shifted from the watch as conspicuous ervoir of military manpower. By contrast, the entire jewel to the watch as elegant precision timepiece. southern frontier from Seversk in the west to the Precision in the eighteenth century became the hall- Volga in the east was experiencing accelerated mili- mark of quality, the equitable operation of the new tary colonization to protect against Crimean Tatar timekeepers, of which Paris, London, and Switzer- raids. Because the colonists were given smaller land land were the chief producers, being both source and cash entitlements than prevailed in central Mus- and reflection of a new, absolute, Newtonian time. covy and because they settled among state peasants on crown frontier lands who paid corve´e, consider- See also Calendar; Clocks and Watches; Galileo Galilei; able social discontent arose on the southern fron- Huygens Family; Newton, Isaac; Scientific Instru- tier. The upper stratum of the middle service class in ments. Riazan’ region was also increasingly alienated from

BIBLIOGRAPHY Godunov’s government because it felt denied the Brusa, Giuseppe. L’arte dell’orologeria in europa: Sette secoli precedence honor and promotion opportunities de orologi meccanici. Busto Arsizio, 1978. due it. Landes, David S. Revolution in Time: Clocks and the Making The third cause was Muscovy’s vulnerability to of the Modern World. Cambridge, Mass., and London, entanglement in the conflict between Sweden and 1983. the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. War be- Rossum, Gerhard Dohrn-van. History of the Hour: Clocks tween King Sigismund III Vasa of Poland and and Modern Temporal Orders. Translated by Thomas Charles IX of Sweden (ruled 1604–1611) had bro- Dunlap. Chicago, 1996. ken out in 1600. This war eventually spilled over Thompson, E. P. ‘‘Time, Work-Discipline and Industrial into northwestern Muscovy, because that region Capitalism.’’ Past & Present 38 (1967): 56–97. had been weakened during the last Livonian War A. J. TURNER and because of the growing weakness of Boris Godunov’s regime. The first phase of the Troubles (1598–1606) TIME OF TROUBLES (RUSSIA). The was primarily a dynastic crisis after the death of Tsar Time of Troubles (1598–1613), a complex political Fedor and took the form of boyar intrigues and then crisis manifested in repeated palace coups, civil war, mass revolt against the ‘‘usurper’’ Boris Godunov. and foreign occupation, nearly resulted in the shat- The spread of famine and banditry in 1601–1603 tering of the Muscovite state. The Time of Troubles finally provided Godunov’s old enemies—the Ro- (smutnoe vremia) had three interconnected causes. manovs, Nagois, and other boyar clans—with the

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 41 TIME OF TROUBLES (RUSSIA) opportunity to turn the populace against him. They those surviving Tushinite elites unwilling to seek began circulating rumors that Tsarevich Dmitrii Vasilii’s forgiveness entered into negotiations with Ivanovich had not after all perished at Uglich in Sigismund and invited him to send Crown Prince 1591 but had escaped Godunov’s assassins and was Władysław to rule Muscovy. A Polish army under returning to reclaim the throne. In 1603 a pre- Stanisław Z˙ o´łkiewski routed Tsar Vasilii’s tender Tsarevich Dmitrii surfaced in the grand Russo-Swedish forces at Klushino (June 1610). The duchy and received recognition and military sup- next month Vasilii was deposed by the Golitsyns, port from several powerful Polish and Lithuanian Riazan’ gentry leaders, and agents of Fedor Ro- magnates. This False Dmitrii invaded in 1604 and manov. quickly won support across the southern frontier After the overthrow of Tsar Vasilii a council of and into central Muscovy. When Tsar Boris died seven holding power in Moscow accepted suddenly in April 1605, his generals came over to the bargain offered by the Tushinites and Polish the False Dmitrii, abandoning Boris’s heir Fedor commanders and invited Władysław to rule on the Borisovich and allowing the False Dmitrii to take condition that he take the Orthodox faith. But in- the throne in June 1605. The First False Dmitrii stead of Władysław they were sent a Polish occupa- ruled less than a year. In May 1606 the boyar Vasilii tion army. In this third phase of the Troubles Shuiskii, the Golitsyns, and Metropolitan Hermo- (1610–1613) no tsar ruled in Moscow, but rather a gen incited riots in Moscow against the presence of Polish military dictatorship under siege by a succes- the large Polish retinue of Dmitrii’s bride, Marina sion of national liberation militias raised by Musco- Mniszech, and in the course of these disorders vite provincial elites (military town governors, Dmitrii was assassinated. wealthy merchants, Riazan’ gentry) in uneasy alli- The second phase of the Troubles (1606– ance with cossack leaders. fell to King 1610) was marked by a series of regional outbreaks Sigismund; a Swedish army occupied Novgorod. against Tsar Vasilii Shuiskii, which ultimately pro- The Second False Dmitrii was assassinated by his vided both the Swedes and Poles grounds for mili- own lieutenants; more new appeared (in- tary intervention. The first such insurrection began cluding an Infant Brigand, the son of the Second in Seversk in 1606 and spread across the south and False Dmitrii and Marina Mniszech) but were un- into central Muscovy, much like the movement that able to attract large followings. In 1611 a liberation had supported the late False Dmitri. Although led militia led by Prince Dmitry Pozharsky established a by Ivan Bolotnikov, a former military slave, and provisional government at Iaroslavl; with Cossack involving a significant number of peasant insur- support it finally drove the Poles from Moscow in gents, it was not a ‘‘peasant war’’ but included many October 1612. An Assembly of the Realm (Zemskii gentry. Bolotnikov was defeated at Tula in 1607, Sobor) in early 1613 elected Fedor Romanov’s six- but his forces regrouped and joined with Cossacks teen-year-old son, Michael, as tsar. and Polish and Lithuanian mercenaries to form a Incursions by Polish forces acting in the name new army under the nominal leadership of a Second of Władysław continued for another five years. An False Dmitrii. After an unsuccessful siege of Mos- armistice signed at Deulino in 1618 required that cow, they established a rival government at nearby Smolensk and parts of Seversk and Chernigov be Tushino (1608). Several powerful boyars, most sig- restored to the commonwealth. Karelia was ceded nificantly the monk Fedor Romanov (who had been to Sweden in return for the recovery of Novgorod. tonsured under Boris Godunuv), abandoned Tsar Much of northwestern and central Muscovy had Vasilii and went over to the Tushinites. Vasilii re- been depopulated, and political reconstruction was sponded by launching a counteroffensive using hampered by the loss of several important chancel- troops levied from Novgorod and the far north and lery archives in the great conflagration at Moscow in a large number of Swedish mercenaries. The Second 1612. False Dmitrii was put to flight. But by inviting in Swedish mercenaries Tsar Vasilii had now given The Troubles did not permanently alter the po- King Sigismund III pretext to invade Muscovy and litical and social order, however. The consultations place Smolensk under siege. Fedor Romanov and of Tsar Michael with the Zemskii Sobor did not mean

42 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TINTORETTO that patrimonial autocracy had given way to estate- is evident. But Tintoretto’s conceptual and formal representative monarchy; the power of the boyar individualism, like his penchant for leaving the elite had not declined, and there was no broad (although thinly loaded) marks of his brush ‘‘ascendancy’’ of the provincial middle service class. exposed on the picture surface, took his art beyond Reconstruction (under the guidance of Tsar Mi- such sources and also beyond anything yet seen chael’s father, now patriarch) involved the expan- within Venetian Renaissance art. His production of sion and refinement of mid-sixteenth-century insti- paintings at high speed and in great volume, and his tutions: the central chancelleries, the military town readiness to offer them at a low price, quickly be- governors, and the pomest’e system of service-condi- came notorious. But the strategy proved very suc- tional land tenure. cessful at a time in which demand for paintings was rapidly increasing. See also Boris Godunov (Russia); False Dmitrii, First; Livonian War (1558–1583); Michael Romanov Tintoretto did not select between patrons as (Russia); Romanov Dynasty (Russia); Russia; Titian did: rather than prioritizing prestigious for- Russo-Polish Wars; Sigismund II Augustus (Po- land, Lithuania); Vasa Dynasty (Sweden). eign clients, he concentrated on fulfilling local de- mands. By 1560 he was already the dominant

BIBLIOGRAPHY painter across the city. From this point onward, he Dunning, Chester S. L. Russia’s First Civil War: The Time of was almost constantly at work in the Ducal Palace. Troubles and the Founding of the Romanov Dynasty. Following two disastrous fires in the palace (1574 University Park, Pa., 2001. and 1577), Tintoretto and his workshop undertook Platonov, S. F. The Time of Troubles. Translated by John T. a series of large-scale commissions, culminating in Alexander. Lawrence, Kans., 1970. the vast Paradise (c. 1588–1590) for the main State

BRIAN DAVIES Room. He also produced many paintings for the city’s non-noble lay confraternities (the so-called Scuole, or Schools). In 1548 he made his name with the startling Miracle of the Slave (Accademia, Ven- TINTORETTO (Jacopo Robusti; c. 1518– ice) for the Scuola di San Marco, and between 1564 1594), Italian painter. Jacopo Tintoretto was easily and 1588 produced more than sixty paintings for the most prolific painter in late-sixteenth-century the meeting house of the Scuola di San Rocco. Venice. The son of a Venetian cloth dyer, he adver- These included wall paintings showing scenes tised the fact in his professional nickname. Unlike from the Life of Christ and the Virgin, and certain other leading artists of the time, Tinto- typologically related scenes from the Old Testament retto—‘‘the little dyer’’—did not seek to conceal on the ceiling of the upper room (Sala Superiore). his lower-class social origins. He was trained in an The enormous Crucifixion (1565) is the most im- unidentified Venetian workshop during the 1530s. portant work of Tintoretto’s maturity, painted in an Early reports that he was summarily ejected from epic narrative style that brilliantly combines passages Titian’s shop may represent nothing more than of earthy naturalism with more idealized formal se- flattering legend. But the older master’s profes- quences. In later paintings such as The Baptism and sional hostility is nonetheless corroborated by a The Agony in the Garden (both 1578–1581), com- number of other early sources and was probably an plex formal masses are cloaked in brownish shadow, important shaping factor in Tintoretto’s career. illuminated only at certain points by angled shafts of In very early works, such as the dramatic Christ golden light, which imply the immanent presence of among the Doctors (c. 1541–1542, Museo del the divine. But this spiritualized schema is brought Duomo, Milan), Tintoretto’s style and technique alive by the inclusion of startling passages of natu- pointedly depart from Titian’s long-established nat- ralism, for example in the extraordinary Annuncia- uralistic idiom. Forms twist and writhe in arbitrary tion (1581–1582). The unprecedented formal fashion within a vertiginous spatial recession that manipulations exacted at San Rocco reflect Tinto- relegates the protagonist to the far distance. In retto’s mature commitment to an ideal of sacred many of his earlier works, the painter’s debt to the poverty, which brings together the selfless spiritual art of central Italy, and particularly to Michelangelo, ideals of the commissioning confraternity with

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 43 TITIAN

Tintoretto. The Crucifixion, 1565. ᮊARTE &IMMAGINI SRL/CORBIS those of the wider Catholic Counter-Reformation, proach is very different from that of artists such as but also refers to his own lowly artistic identity as Giorgione or Titian. It is, though, the very resis- the ‘‘little dyer.’’ tance of Tintoretto’s manner to an easy integration within artistic tradition that makes it so interesting Tintoretto’s dynamic manner dominated for for the contemporary viewer. only a short while in Venice: Veronese and even the old Titian were influenced by his art in certain ways, See also Painting; Titian; Venice, Art in. while El Greco and Palma Giovane were probably members of his workshop. After his death in 1594, BIBLIOGRAPHY the Tintoretto workshop continued to operate into Nichols, Tom. Tintoretto: Tradition and Identity. London, the 1630s under the control of his painter sons, 1999. Domenico and Marco. But Tintoretto’s artistic in- Pallucchini, Rodolfo, and Rossi, Paola. Tintoretto. Le opere dividualism, particularly in matters of technique, sacre e profane. 2 vols. Milan, 1982. meant that his style was not easily emulated, and it Rossi, Paola, and Puppi Lionello, eds. Jacopo Tintoretto nel was increasingly perceived as antithetical to the clas- quarto centenario della morte. Venice, 1996. sicism of European artistic tradition. Despite John TOM NICHOLS Ruskin’s ecstatic appreciations in the post-Roman- tic era, Tintoretto has continued to be an elusive figure in the history of art. Recent attempts to see his work as mannerist typically founder on the pas- TITIAN (Tiziano Vecelli; 1488/1490–1576), sionate drama of his style and the radical abbre- Italian painter. Born in the Dolomite village of viations of his brushwork. And while his exposed Cadore about 1490, Titian was trained in the Vene- paint surface owes something to the earlier Venetian tian workshops of Gentile and in the Renaissance tradition of coloring (colorito), his ap- early years of the sixteenth century. It was, however,

44 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TITIAN the younger and more progressive Giorgione who based on subtle modulations of red, gold, and sil- had the greatest influence on his development. very gray, nonetheless controls our apprehension of Titian’s early paintings (for example, Three Ages of form. Titian went on to revolutionize the Venetian Man, c. 1512–1513, , Edinburgh) altarpiece in a sequence of outstanding paintings, are often set in lush pastoral landscapes and have a culminating in the lost St. Peter Martyr altarpiece brownish Giorgionesque tonality. Titian also (1526–1530, destroyed 1867; formerly SS. Gio- adopted Giorgione’s improvising approach to paint- vanni e Paolo, Venice). In the Pesaro altarpiece ing, exploiting the special translucency of oil paint in (1519–1526, SS. Giovanni e Paolo), he subverted building up forms and colors. Titian did, on occa- the standard Venetian type of the sacra con- sion, make drawings, but typically preferred to work versazione (sacred conversation) by making the do- out his compositions in color on the picture surface. nor family central to the iconography and spatial organization. Despite the similarities, Titian’s early paintings are increasingly distinct from Giorgione’s in their Between 1518 and 1524 he completed three muscularity of form, clear placement of figures in so-called Bacchanals (The Worship of Venus, The space, and typically precise definition of surface tex- Andrians, both Museo del Prado, Madrid; ture. In the great altarpiece showing the Assump- and Ariadne, National Gallery, London) for Al- tion of the Virgin (1516–1518, Sta. Maria dei Frari, fonso I d’Este, duke of Ferrara. The paintings were Venice), the bulky forms of the protagonists recall conceived as re-creations (ekphrases) of classical the idealized figure types of Michelangelo and works of art described in literary texts by Phi- Raphael. But the intense vibrancy of Titian’s color, lostratus, Catullus, and Ovid, and feature complex

Titian. The Venus of Urbino, 1538. ᮊERICH LESSING/ART RESOURCE, N.Y.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 45 TITIAN nude or seminude figures that insistently recall clas- Philip’s commission, and this may have encouraged sical friezes and relief sculptures. The antique world him to take an open-ended approach in which the is here imagined as a place of sensual delight, the free ‘‘poetic’’ association of ideas is preferred to lighthearted tone owing little to the learned allegor- more traditional iconography. ical approach to mythological painting championed The paintings are loosely conceived in pairs, by earlier masters such as Sandro Botticelli or An- showing contrasting views of female nudes. But drea Mantegna. rather than being simply erotic, the poesie draw at- It was Titian’s brilliant transformation of the tention to the pain and suffering associated with field of portraiture, however, that made his name sexual desire and love. This is the case, for example, with the aristocratic and royal houses of Europe. In in the extraordinary Venus and Adonis (1551– portraits such as Federico II Gonzaga, Duke of Man- 1554, Prado), in which the traditionally supine tua (1529, Prado) Titian depicted his high-ranking goddess of love turns puce-faced in restraining her sitter with an unprecedented degree of intimacy, mortal lover from his doom. As in many of the other showing him gently caressing a favored pet dog. poesie, her figure is modeled directly on a classical Pendant portraits such as Duke Francesco Maria relief, yet the translation of the form into paint della Rovere, Duke of Urbino and his wife, Eleonora yields a new expressive intensity to her straining Gonzaga (both 1536, Galleria degli Uffizi, Flor- posture. Titian’s abandonment of the Renaissance ence) were more formal. But the duke’s son Guido- sense of the classical world as a place of innocent baldo also acquired a mysterious erotic painting sensual delight is also evident in the Diana and known as The Venus of Urbino (1538, Uffizi). Titian Acteon and Diana and Callisto (both 1556–1559, here referred directly to Giorgione’s Sleeping Venus, National Gallery, Edinburgh). Here the dire conse- a painting he himself had completed about 1510. quences of crossing (even inadvertently) the god- But in the Urbino painting, the reclining woman is dess of chastity are made apparent. And yet these relocated to a contemporary bedroom, her knowing paintings possess an existential force that takes them glance at the viewer and the bravura painting of her beyond the redemptive schema offered by orthodox exposed flesh combining to generate an image of Christianity. unprecedented erotic immediacy. The two Diana paintings, along with subse- The painting is typical of the confident original- quent poesie such as The Rape of Europa (1559– ity that characterizes Titian’s mature work. In paint- 1562, Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum, Boston) ings such as The Vendramin Family (1545–1547, and The Death of Acteon (c. 1560–1562, National National Gallery, London) and The Martyrdom of Gallery, London) are painted in a remarkable sum- Saint Lawrence (1547–1556, Gesuiti, Venice), mary manner that threatens to dissolve form into a Titian refers to existing visual and iconographic myriad dabs of broken color. The mosaiclike effect types in Venetian painting. But these are trans- provides a kind of technical analogue to the process formed by the master’s brilliant awareness of the of cataclysmic physical and emotional change de- expressive possibilities of oil paint, and the sensual scribed in the paintings. But Titian also used the and emotive power of color. In the same period, technique in his religious imagery and portraiture Titian also worked for the Holy Roman emperor, from about 1560 onward (for example, Portrait of Charles V (as in Charles V at the Battle of Mu¨hlberg, , 1567–1568, Kunsthistorisches Mu- 1548, Prado), and the patronage of the Habsburg seum, Vienna; Pieta`, 1575–1576, Accademia, Ven- family increasingly came to dominate his career. In ice). Despite doubts about the status, or even the 1551 Charles’s son (the future king of Spain, Philip very existence, of Titian’s ‘‘late style,’’ it seems clear II) commissioned Titian to paint a series of myth- that it is best taken as a kind of intensification of the ologies (known as the poesie) based on Ovid’s Meta- colorito (coloring) he had long practiced. The style morphoses. The resulting paintings are among the developed organically as a result of his deepening masterworks of sixteenth-century painting. But response to the subject matter of his paintings. their relation to one another and their more precise meaning remain unclear. It appears that Titian en- Titian, who died in 1576, was easily the most joyed an unusual degree of autonomy in fulfilling successful painter in sixteenth-century Venice. The

46 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TITIAN

Titian. Assumption of the Virgin, 1518, Santa Maria Gloriosa dei Frari, Venice.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 47 TOBACCO international scope of his patronage meant that his physicians that tobacco had antiseptic and analgesic influence was quickly transmitted across Europe, properties and could tackle a host of conditions and his work had a major impact on painters as from chilblains to intestinal worms and from halito- different as Peter Paul Rubens, Nicolas Poussin, sis to gout. Tobacco was used in a variety of oint- Diego Vela´zquez, Rembrandt van Rijn, Franc¸ois ments and poultices, formulas, and concoctions. Boucher, and Sir Joshua Reynolds. In the age of modernism, Titian’s popularity has hardly dimin- SMOKERS AND SMOKING ished, the sensuous and emotional naturalism of his While European science was discovering the medici- style, along with his experimentalism in matters of nal potential of tobacco, Europeans in the New technique, assuring that his paintings continue to World were experimenting with more medicinally speak to a very wide audience. ambiguous patterns and modes of ingestion by See also Giorgione; Painting; Poussin, Nicolas; Rem- smoking, snuffing, and chewing tobacco as part of brandt van Rijn; Rubens, Peter Paul; Vela´zquez, their everyday lives. By 1550 smoking was prevalent Diego; Venice, Art in. in Spanish, Portuguese, and French colonial out- posts. Sailors and adventurers returning from the BIBLIOGRAPHY New World brought their tobacco-consuming hab- Crowe, J. A., and G. B. Cavalcaselle. The Life and Times of its back with them to European ports. Particularly in Titian. London, 1877. London in the 1590s, putting dried leaves from a Hope, Charles. Titian. London, 1980. faraway land ‘‘in a pipe set on fire and suckt into the Joannides, Paul. Titian to 1518: The Assumption of Genius. stomacke, and thrust foorth again at the nosthrils’’ New Haven and London, 2001. became a popular pastime (Gerard, p. 287). Wethey, Harold E. The Paintings of Titian: Complete Edi- Smokers such as Sir Walter Raleigh and Christopher tion. 3 vols. London, 1969–1975. Marlowe made smoking fashionable, particularly in TOM NICHOLS male society. Numerous depictions of smoking soon appeared in poems and plays, such as Ben Jonson’s Every Man out of His Humour (1600), in which smoking was often seen as a gentlemanly TOBACCO. Tobacco first attracted attention in recreation. Perceptions of women smoking were Europe as an Amerindian curiosity. Christopher generally negative but, as numerous seventeenth- Columbus, Amerigo Vespucci, Jacques Cartier, and century Dutch paintings, and plays such as Jonson’s other European explorers reported the apparently Bartholomew Fair (1611) illustrate, some women omnipresent but varied use of a green herb by the did smoke. people they encountered. For recreational, spiritual, and medicinal reasons, tobacco was externally ap- Smoking spread in England as a social activity plied to wounds, chewed (alone or with other sub- (often in alehouses) and was commonly referred to stances), inhaled as a powder, or smoked (through as ‘‘drinking’’ tobacco. The practice quickly became canes, as rolled up leaves, or stuffed into a reed or a controversial, prompting a medical and moral de- pipe). In the mid-sixteenth century, European bate in the early seventeenth century. Smokers pro- scholars described the strange New World plant as claimed tobacco’s medicinal benefits: ‘‘nothing that part of the botanical renaissance. By the late , harmes a man inwardly from his girdle upward, but tobacco’s medicinal properties were being widely may be taken away with a moderate use of Ta- investigated by people such as in bacco’’ (Chute, p. 19). Critics such as King James I Zurich, Pietro Mattioli in Bohemia and, most fa- & VI, who wrote A Counterblaste to Tobacco in mously, by the French ambassador to Lisbon, Jean 1604, condemned smokers for their wanton abuse Nicot. In 1571, Nicola´s Monardes, a physician of of the new medicine and for their patently non- Seville, presented an influential assessment of the medicinal, wasteful, and apparently compulsive con- medical use of Nicotiana. His text, the English sumption. Smoking had been identified as a vice. translation of which was entitled Joyfull Newes out of English physicians, while confirming the medicinal the Newe Founde Worlde (1577), became a standard power of tobacco, warned against unnecessary and medical textbook across Europe. Monardes told excessive smoking because it could disrupt humoral

48 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TOBACCO balance, provoking death ‘‘before either Nature revenues were generated from customs and other urge, Maladie enforce, or Age require it’’ duties on tobacco. Ongoing complaints about the (Gardiner). Some commentators argued that smok- dangers of smoking to body and soul were ing bred soot and cobwebs in the body, leading to subsumed by the vested interests of the govern- enfeeblement, infertility, and a thirst for alcohol. ments, colonists, and merchants responsible for supplying tobacco to consumers. Despite such warnings, in the first half of the seventeenth century smoking and other recreational Throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth forms of tobacco use continued to spread in En- centuries, Europeans continued to find medical uses gland and across Europe. The Dutch were particu- for tobacco and to consume it for pleasure. Ornate larly avid smokers and were soon growing tobacco tobacco pipes and snuffboxes were produced, of- and manufacturing distinctive pipes, such as the fering opportunities for the display of status and meerschaum. In France, state-regulated tobacco refinement. In eighteenth-century England, snuff cultivation supplied French smokers and snuff- became particularly popular. Later, the cigars fa- takers. By 1650, the use of tobacco as a medicine vored by Spanish consumers distinguished the gen- was widely accepted throughout Europe, but in tlemen from the more plebeian smokers of clay many countries attempts were made to curb its rec- pipes. Whatever the status of the consumer or the reational use. In Sicily, the pipe was declared illegal. mode of ingestion, tobacco had become as inte- In Denmark, Sweden, parts of Germany, Switzer- grated into European culture and society as it had land, Austria, and Hungary attempts were made to been in pre-Columbian America. Like tea, coffee, prohibit smoking, prevent tobacco cultivation, and and sugar, tobacco had become an integral part of inhibit its importation. The Russian patriarch con- European lifestyles. sidered smoking a deadly sin and in 1634 banned it on pain of execution for persistent offenders. In See also British Colonies: North America; Commerce and Markets; Consumption; Medicine; Public Health. 1642, following a complaint by the dean of Seville that the entrance to his church was being defiled by BIBLIOGRAPHY tobacco juice, Pope Urban VIII threatened both clergy and congregation with excommunication if Primary Sources they smoked, chewed, or snuffed tobacco in church. Chute, Anthony. Tabacco. London, 1595. Pope Innocent X issued another antismoking bull in Gardiner, Edmund. The Triall of Tabacco. London, 1611. 1650. Original title: Phisicall and Approved Medicines, 1610. Gerard, John. The Herball, or, Generall Historie of Plantes: TOBACCO AND ECONOMIES Gathered by John Gerarde. London, 1597. Persistent and growing demand for tobacco in Eu- James I & VI, King. A Counterblaste to Tobacco. London, rope promoted increasing crop cultivation in the 1604. New World. Spanish, Portuguese, and English colo- Monardes, Nicola´s. Joyfull Newes out of the Newe Founde nies thrived by exporting vast quantities of the plant Worlde. London, 1577. grown by slaves and indentured servants on large plantations. In 1626, 500,000 pounds of Virginia Secondary Sources tobacco reached England. By the late 1630s, mil- Dickson, Sarah A. Panacea or Precious Bane: Tobacco in Sixteenth Century Literature. New York, 1954. lions of pounds of tobacco were being shipped each year from Virginia, Maryland, and the English Ca- Goodman, Jordan. Tobacco in History: The Cultures of De- pendence. London and New York, 1993. ribbean, much of it re-exported to mainland Europe and beyond. As production increased, prices fell, Price, Jacob M. Tobacco in Atlantic Trade: The Chesapeake, making tobacco more readily available to all social London, and Glasgow, 1675–1775. Aldershot, 1995. classes. The growing international trade in tobacco Stewart, Grace. ‘‘A History of the Medicinal Use of Tobacco attracted mercantile investment and presented gov- 1492–1860.’’ Medical History 11 (1967): 228–268. ernments with tax-raising opportunities. In En- Walton, James, ed. The Faber Book of Smoking. London, gland, where tobacco growing had been prohibited 2000. since 1619 (to aid colonial producers), substantial A. R. ROWLEY

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 49 TOLEDO

jurados, both of which were supervised by a crown- TOLEDO. Toledo was an important city of appointed corregidor. The jurados did not vote on Spain for much of the early modern period. Symbol- issues, but they could protest to the crown about ic of this prominence are the large fortress (alca´zar) injustices. They formed part of the small commit- built by the monarchs, the vast and richly decorated tees that did much of the actual work for the city, cathedral, and the impressive archdiocesan palace and they were entitled to supply one of the two built by the prelates of Toledo, primates of the deputies who attended the Castilian Cortes, the rep- Spanish church. resentative assembly. The regidores were divided Toledo’s importance owes much to its geo- into two benches, citizens and the more prestigious graphic location. Security from outside attacks was nobles, and into two factions according to the side enhanced by the deep, fast-flowing Tagus (Tajo) on which they sat, the Silva on the right and the River, which offered a natural protective border on Ayala on the left. Frictions between the two benches two-thirds of the city’s perimeter and amplified the and the two factions were constant, although after resistance offered by sturdy city walls and the the Comuneros Revolt, which took a heavy toll on heights of the interior space. Also, Toledo was at the the Ayala faction, the battles were largely verbal and center of the Iberian Peninsula, so it was a natural legal rather than physical. The crown added yet an- stopping-off point for travelers and merchandise, other division among the regidores in 1566, when a whether from Lisbon to the west or on the north- pure-blood statute was imposed on the citizens’ south routes in the . Within the bench. This ruling was directed against conversos, region of New Castile, Toledo was the largest city Jews who had converted to Christianity, whose and dominated the economy for much of the six- bloodlines were seen as impure. Many citizen teenth century. This changed after Philip II (1527– regidores were conversos, and a few openly protested 1598) settled his court in the nearby city of Madrid to the crown about the new ruling, but to no avail. in 1561. By the 1580s the two cities were compet- By 1639, however, the citizens bench was abol- ing for grain in local villages, and in the 1630s they ished, thus eliminating two of the three divisions competed over rights to plant vines and sell wine. that had previously divided the regidores. The population of Toledo expanded during the Toledo had an active converso population that first three-quarters of the sixteenth century. Accord- was especially visible in certain occupations. They ing to the first census of 1528, some 30,000 people accounted for two-thirds of the public notaries, (5,898 households) lived in Toledo, and this figure probably a majority of the city’s jurados, and cer- doubled to approximately 62,000 people (12,412 tainly a majority of the local merchants and tax households) by 1571. This appears to be the high farmers. They built up the textile industries, most point of the city’s demographic expansion, as in prominently silk and wool, of their native city. Many 1597 only 54,665 people (10,953 households) merchants kept a flock of sheep, and wool was sold were recorded. Baptismal records indicate a decreas- to Toledo weavers, including cap makers, whose ing number of births in the first decade of the seven- teenth century, when the city was struck by plague products were sold locally and were exported. Some and then a subsistence crisis in 1605–1606. Popula- merchants traveled to local fairs to buy wool cloth tion was also lost through emigration, especially to woven by villagers, which they took to Toledo to be Madrid. Finally, among the city’s wealthy families, finished. But Toledo is best known for the manufac- fewer marriages were celebrated, in part because the ture of silk products. Toledo families farmed the crown’s chaotic monetary policies ruined many and royal tax levied on Granada silk, and this post af- in part because numerous individuals of both sexes forded Toledo merchants the opportunity to obtain preferred celibacy and a church career. By 1632 the the best silk of the Iberian Peninsula, although silk population had contracted to only 22,686 inhabi- was also bought in Murcia and . In 1562 tants, fewer that those recorded in the first census of the master silk weavers of Toledo numbered 423. 1528. Unfortunately Toledo’s textile industries followed the same downward path as the population. The oligarchy that governed Toledo consisted of a council of regidores and another council of See also Conversos; Madrid; Spain.

50 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TOLERATION

Toledo. View of Toledo, 1604, by El Greco.

BIBLIOGRAPHY community respects differences between groups Brown, Jonathan. El Greco of Toledo. Boston, 1982. and/or among individuals within the social totality. Martz, Linda. A Network of Converso Families in Early Mod- Toleration is thus antithetical to the persecution or ern Toledo: Assimilating a Minority. Ann Arbor, Mich., repression (systematic or individualized) of ideas, 2003. beliefs, and practices that differ from one’s own. —. Poverty and Welfare in : The Exam- Indeed, a tolerant person or society will protect the ple of Toledo. New York, 1983. ability of such ideas, beliefs, and practices to persist Montemayor, Julian. Tole`de entre fortune et de´clin (1530– even while acknowledging disagreement with them. 1640). Limoges, France, 1996. Ringrose, David R. Madrid and the Spanish Economy, 1560– In early modern Europe, the main object of 1850. Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1983. toleration in reality and as an ideal was difference of

LINDA MARTZ confession among religious communities, all of which claimed to be Christian. The Protestant Re- formation had fragmented—permanently, as it turned out—the institutional and doctrinal unity of TOLERATION. Toleration (or its cognate, the Latin Christian Church that the faith had sup- tolerance) denotes the readiness of an individual or posedly upheld since the time of St. Paul. During a community to permit the presence and/or expres- the sixteenth century, under the impact of Lutheran sion of ideas, beliefs, and practices differing from and Calvinist condemnations of the impurity of the what is accepted by that individual or by the domi- visible Roman Church, not to mention the English nant part of the community. Toleration demands Church’s institutional break with Rome and the forbearance only; it does not require approval or emergence of extreme sects such as the Anabaptists, endorsement of the tolerated ideas, beliefs, and Christianity was forced to reinvent itself as a creed practices. A tolerant person respects differences be- united in faith but divided in rite. This situation has tween him- or herself and other people; a tolerant commonly led scholars to conclude that only in the

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 51 TOLERATION post-Reformation context did the ideal vision and quistador Bartolome´ de Las Casas (1476–1566) real conduct of tolerance enter into Europe, ex- composed a series of writings in Spanish as well as pressed by various proclamations of toleration as Latin defending the rights of the native population well as by the theoretical statement found in the to maintain their cultural, political, and religious Epistola de Tolerantia (1689; Letter on toleration) traditions and practices—even such controversial of John Locke (1632–1704). rites as human sacrifices, not to mention refusal of Christian missionaries and resistance to conquest. Yet the assertion of the singular modernity of In a famous debate with the Scholastic advocate of toleration, arising in the aftermath of the Protestant Reformation, masks the complexity of its history. Spanish dominion over the Indians, Juan Gine´s de Prior to the sixteenth century, certain voices at the Sepu´lveda, held at Valladolid in 1550, Las Casas core as well as on the periphery of European society used the materials of Aristotle’s corpus, Thomism, were prepared to countenance the presence of dis- and canon law to refute the assertion by the Spanish senters and even heretics within Christianity as well crown of its right to impose religion and civilization as the existence of various non-Christian convic- at swordpoint upon indigenous Americans. Rather, tions. Moreover, other important issues, such as the a Christian attitude toward the Indians—rooted in discovery of the New World with its large popula- divine and natural law as well as the teachings of the tion previously unexposed to the Christian faith, pagan philosophers—demanded forbearance of also drove the debate about the extension of for- their way of life, even if Europeans found their faith bearance to cultures and religious rites utterly alien and rituals abhorrent. to Europe. Finally, no particularly compelling evi- At one time, scholars viewed the Reformation as dence suggests that the desire to persecute forms of a singularly positive stimulus to the promotion of difference and dissent—in religion as in other fields toleration. It is true that Martin Luther, at least in of human endeavor—abated with the rise of mod- some contexts, appears to defend tolerance on the ern Europe. Even those prepared to tolerate certain grounds that the magistrate should be concerned divergent Christian confessions were equally ready only with the care of the body and does not have the to exclude and brutally suppress other self-identified tools at his disposal to control or alter the state of a Christians—Roman Catholics, Anabaptists, Hut- person’s soul. But other reformers, most notably terites, millenarians—not to mention deists, athe- John Calvin (1509–1564), were inclined to deny ists, and similar free thinkers. any measure of forbearance for religious positions This context needs to be considered when as- that did not strictly conform to their new ortho- sessing the strengths and weaknesses of the modern doxy. Indeed, one of the important early defenders European approach to toleration. Even before the of toleration during the sixteenth century, Sebastian monk Martin Luther (1483–1546) nailed his Castellio (or Se´bastien Chaˆteillon) (1515–1563), Ninety-Five Theses to the church door at Witten- published pseudonymously a treatise entitled De berg in 1517, Europeans were grappling with the Haereticis, an Sint Persequendi (‘Of heretics, consequences of their encounter with the indige- whether they should be persecuted’) in reaction to nous peoples of the Americas following the discov- Calvin’s instruction to the city of Geneva in 1553 to eries of the . Spain and Portugal in particular burn a visiting Spanish heretic theologian, Michael sought and received the authorization of the Ro- Servetus, who opposed the doctrine of the Trinity. man Church to conquer and settle the lands of the Castellio argued that coercion is an inappropriate Caribbean and Central and South America under tool for effecting a change of religious views, since the guise of evangelizing and converting the native Christian belief must be held with sincere convic- populace. Some thinkers recoiled with considerable tion. Hence, clerics and magistrates must refrain horror from the slaughter and enslavement that from the persecution of convinced Christians who ensued. The towering figure of the School of Sala- cling to doctrines that do not coincide with official manca, Francesco de Vitoria (c. 1486?–1546), ob- teachings. While Castellio did not go so far as to jected to the appropriation of the Aristotelian cate- license broad dissemination of heterodox theology, gories of barbarism and slavery by nature. Following he maintained that a Christian’s duties extended to de Vitoria, the Dominican bishop and former con- tolerating the free and honest faith of fellow be-

52 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TOLERATION lievers even in the face of disagreements of under- tion of tolerance, either because the relative merits standing and interpretation. of creeds cannot ultimately be demonstrated or be- cause dialogue makes us realize that all religions In the short term, voices such as Castellio’s have their merits and demerits. The text of the Col- went unheeded. Rather, in places such as France loquium was passed around secretly in manuscript and Germany, where the Reformation enjoyed for centuries, none daring to publish until the mid- greatest support, violent harassment of religious mi- dle of the nineteenth century such a reputedly noto- norities—Catholic or Protestant—persisted and of- rious challenge to the self-evident superiority of ten threatened to erupt into full-scale religious war- Christianity. fare. It is true that some rulers and regions found ways to stamp out conflict, either by fiat or by The cause of toleration became more visible as a negotiation. The most famous resolutions, such as political and intellectual force during the seven- the Religious Peace of Augsburg (1555) and the teenth century. As a practical aim, the Levellers in Edict of Nantes (1598), tended to be short-lived. England during the 1640s made freedom to dissent But in Switzerland, where Reformed and Catholic from the established religion a central plank of their communities often lived side-by-side, accommoda- political program. Likewise, major figures in Euro- tion concerning the sharing of power and mutual pean philosophy weighed in on the side of freedom respect for different rites succeeded in eliminating of religion. Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679) recog- persecution in many areas. The Dutch Republic nized the mischief that religion caused to the main- managed to achieve a similar arrangement, as did a tenance of public peace and order. His solution to number of eastern European states, including Po- the potential for religious conflict was not persecu- land, Transylvania, and Moravia. tion of dissent but acknowledgment that, since faith was an inward matter, coercion of belief pertained These tolerant practices were certainly approved to neither church nor state. So long as one’s convic- by many thinkers who subscribed to a range of tions about God and the afterlife did not produce confessions. Desiderius Erasmus (1466?–1535), external political dispute, Hobbesian logic required one of the leading humanists of the age and a that the sovereign permit subjects to embrace what- Catholic who nonetheless sympathized with the ever confession they liked. Baruch Spinoza (1632– cause of reform, promoted a vision of toleration that 1677) followed Hobbes in recognizing the inability he derived from the principles of classical rhetoric. of the government to control the inward faith of According to Erasmus, violence was an inadequate, individuals. He therefore claimed a broad applica- as well as un-Christian, means of dealing with tion for a right to liberty of thought and conviction unbelief. Only by speech might those who strayed without inference from a sovereign’s (or a church’s) from truth be convinced of the error of their ways. determination of the truth or falsity of an individ- And both preaching and conversation—the two ual’s ideas. On the one hand, Spinoza proposed to predominant ways in which the orthodox express employ the armed might of the state to rein in the truth to the errant—demanded that one tolerate activities of intolerant clergymen and mobs. On the the heterodox, if only in order to achieve conver- other hand, he set clear limits on the power of the sion. Another humanist, Jean Bodin (1529/30– magistrate to persecute all forms of religious and 1596), pushed this discursive paradigm of tolerance intellectual dissent. The German jurist Samuel even further. In his Colloquium Heptaplomeres de Pufendorf (1632–1694), too, advocated the pro- Rerum Sublimium Arcanis Abditis (1588; Collo- tection of religious freedom in the name of the quium of the seven about secrets of the sublime), interests of the state. The sovereign must exercise Bodin adapted the standard literary genre of the control over the affairs of religion, not in order to interreligious dialogue, in this case between advo- impose ‘‘true’’ religion, but in order to ensure that cates of the major world religions and of various ‘‘hotheads, pride, fame, and ambition’’ do not lead philosophical interpretations of divinity. Unlike pre- to civil conflict and sedition. vious texts of interreligious dialogue, however, Bodin’s discussion produced a stalemate: no one When viewed from the perspective of this intel- changed his mind and no conversions occured. lectual backdrop, the concept of tolerance proposed Bodin’s point has been understood as the promo- by John Locke does not appear especially innovative

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 53 TOLERATION or creative. Locke built his theory on a clear distinc- The themes highlighted by seventeenth- tion between the aims of the church and the pur- century proponents of toleration received further poses of government. The church seeks to care for elaboration during the eighteenth century, in par- souls, whose condition cannot be changed by force ticular, the problem of balancing personal liberty of but only by persuasion. Since the role of govern- conscience against the need for public order and ment is the protection of the life, liberty, and estate obedience. For instance, the journalist and novelist of subjects, its work cannot extend to the business Daniel Defoe (1660–1731) railed in his writings of religion. For Locke, the magistrate should main- against conformity, and he was only too happy to tain public tranquility and defend individual rights. satirize the foibles of the persecutorial impulse. Al- Thus, liberty of conscience was justified in the case though a dissenter himself, he once dared to publish of most Christian (and perhaps some non-Chris- a hoax pamphlet, ‘‘The Shortest Way with Dis- tian) rites. Of course, Locke insisted that govern- senters’’ (1702), purportedly written by a High ment must take an appropriate interest in religious Church spokesman, that called for the hanging en ideas and rites when they were capable of under- masse of religious nonconformists. mining social trust and political obedience. For this The two most intellectually powerful eigh- reason, he sought to exclude atheists and to ban any teenth-century proponents of toleration were religious institutions that taught the superiority of Christian Thomasius (1655–1728) and Immanuel the church to the temporal magistrate in civil affairs. Kant (1724–1804). Thomasius, a central figure of While Locke’s account of toleration has re- the so-called ‘‘civil Enlightenment,’’ adopted a ju- ceived by far the most attention, the version pro- risprudential approach according to which all sup- posed by the pre-Enlightenment thinker Pierre posed heresies were framed in a historical light, and Bayle (1647–1706) is perhaps the most consistent the charge of dissent was viewed simply as a means and thoroughgoing of the late seventeenth century. for different sects to vilify one another. Theological Bayle is sometimes termed a Calvinist advocate of and metaphysical questions should be set aside in tolerance. Seeking to refute a range of arguments favor of a prudential law of religion (Staatskirchen- for persecution, Bayle baldly asserted that all forms recht) that permitted and regulated expressions of of suppression of religious diversity encourage hy- religious diversity. Like Hobbes, Thomasius pocrisy and erode social order. Indeed, to harass showed how an absolutist conception of govern- religious dissenters constitutes an affront to God. ment might yield a thoroughgoing principle of tol- An erring conscience, if it be held in good faith, erance. Kant was certainly the more famous figure in deserves as much protection as a correct one—a the promotion of tolerant attitudes. His essay Was principle that Bayle extended even to atheists. Un- ist Aufkla¨rung? (1784; What is enlightenment?) like many of his predecessors, he did not embrace a pronounced a human duty to become liberated strict distinction between the inward and the out- from self-imposed mental chains and to develop an ward, and he thus took seriously the ability of the independent capacity for critical reflection. This re- threat of coercion to weaken the beliefs of individu- quires a public sphere that is fully tolerant of differ- als. But should a person be forced to surrender his ences in thought and action among individuals. Yet or her inner convictions, an act of sacrilege has been Kant also asserted the overriding duty that each per- committed because God forgives error on account son has to obey government, so that the subjects of of the purity of the intention. A false belief sincerely a ruler have a supererogatory responsibility to re- held was regarded by Bayle to be superior in the eyes frain from public expression of ideas or doctrines of God to a true conviction held only as a result of that might promote disobedience to the sovereign external compulsion. Bayle did admit that rites will. For Kant, too, toleration did not necessitate which are likely to detract directly from civil order the institutional primacy of rights associated with may be constrained or excluded, but his main con- political liberalism. cern seems to be fanatical sects that inspire their Despite Kant’s insistence upon obedience, a adherents to engage in conduct that endangers the considerable number of Enlightenment thinkers in health and well-being of other inhabitants of the fact defended various forms of toleration in the community. eighteenth century. Thomas Paine (1737–1809)

54 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TOPKAPI PALACE dismissed the terminology of ‘‘toleration’’ itself as Murphy, Andrew R. Conscience and Community: Revisiting inherently intolerant, since it depended upon the Toleration and Religious Dissent in Early Modern En- gland and America. University Park, Pa., 2001. grant of the state, preferring to speak of basic rights associated with freedom of conscience and thought. Nederman, Cary J. Worlds of Difference: European Discourses of Toleration, c. 1100–c. 1550. University Park, Pa., The French philosophes, who were the main cham- 2000. pions of enlightenment, likewise announced them- Nederman, Cary J., and John Christian Laursen, eds. Differ- selves to be defenders of tolerance. But perhaps it ence and Dissent: Theories of Religious Toleration in was with the ‘‘Declaration of the Rights of Man and Medieval and Early Modern Europe. Lanham, Md., the Citizen,’’ approved by the National Assembly of 1996. France on 26 August 1789, that such a basic liberal Remer, Gary. Humanism and the Rhetoric of Toleration. conception of liberty of belief and worship received University Park, Pa., 1996. its characteristic statement. Waldron, Jeremy. God, Locke, and Equality: Christian Foun- dations of John Locke’s Political Thought. Cambridge, See also Anabaptism; Bayle, Pierre; Bodin, Jean; Calvin, U.K., 2002. John; Defoe, Daniel; Dissenters, English; Enlight- enment; Erasmus, Desiderius; Hobbes, Thomas; CARY J. NEDERMAN Jews, Attitudes toward; Kant, Immanuel; Las Casas, Bartolome´ de; Locke, John; Luther, Martin; Nantes, Edict of; Philosophes; Reformation, Protestant; Revolutions, Age of; Salamanca, School of; Spinoza, TOPKAPI PALACE. The palatial complex Baruch; Thomasius, Christian. built by the Ottoman Turkish sultan Mehmed II (ruled 1444–1446 and 1451–1481), completed in BIBLIOGRAPHY 1465, Topkapi occupied the site of the ancient Primary Sources acropolis of Byzantium at the northeastern tip of the Bodin, Jean. Colloquium of the Seven about Secrets of the Istanbul peninsula. Designed as the administrative Sublime. Edited by Marion Leathers Kuntz. Princeton, center of a highly centralized imperial polity and as a 1975. royal residence, the Topkapi was inhabited by the Erasmus, Desiderius. The Collected Works of Erasmus. 22 Ottoman dynasty until the 1850s. vols. to date. Toronto, 1974–. Located within a walled enclosure, Topkapi was Las Casas, Bartolome´ de. In Defense of the Indians. Edited by Stafford Poole. DeKalb, Ill., 1974. built around three consecutive courtyards, each of which was entered through a monumental ceremo- Locke, John. A Letter Concerning Toleration in Focus. Ed- nial gate. The layout and architecture of the struc- ited by Susan Mendus and John Horton. London, 1991. ture were determined by several factors: notions of imperial seclusion, which underlined the divine and Pufendorf, Samuel. Of the Nature and Qualification of Reli- gion in Reference to Civil Society. Translated by J. Crull. absolute authority of the sultan, and division of the Edited by Simone Zurbuchen. Indianapolis, 2002. structure into outer (public) and an inner (private) spaces, with strict rules governing the uses of all Secondary Sources rooms and spaces. The administrative buildings in Creppell, Ingrid. Toleration and Identity: Foundations in the second court, the council hall, the chancery, and Early Modern Thought. New York, 2003. the public treasury housed the government offices; Grell, Ole Peter, and Roy Porter, eds. Toleration in Enlight- architecturally these spaces bespoke the administra- enment Europe. Cambridge, U.K., 2000. tion of justice by the sultan’s extended household. Laursen, John Christian. Religious Toleration: ‘‘A Variety of Beyond the northern gate lay the inner palace, Rites’’ from Cyrus to Defoe. New York, 1999. which featured the sultan’s audience hall, the palace Laursen, John Christian, ed. Histories of Heresy in Early school and the dormitories for pages, a mosque, the Modern Europe: For, Against, and Beyond Persecution privy chamber, and a treasury-bath complex where a and Toleration. New York, 2002. lofty gallery offered spectacular views of the city. Laursen, John Christian, and Cary J. Nederman. Beyond the Lacking a strictly axial, geometric layout, Topkapi Persecuting Society: Religious Toleration before the En- conveyed messages of imperial power through the lightenment. Philadelphia, 1998. use of symbolic elements such as the monumental

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 55 TORTURE

Topkapi. Aerial view of the palace. ᮊYANN ARTHUS-BERTRAND/CORBIS gates and the belvedere tower, through the strictly century was reflected in the extensive redecorations codified and hierarchical use of space, and through of this period. After being converted to a museum in rooms that commanded sweeping views, reflecting 1924, Topkapi now also houses the palace archives the monarch’s dominion over the territories of the and library. empire. See also Constantinople; Mehmed II; Ottoman Empire; The main layout of Topkapi changed little Suleiman I. throughout the following centuries. Nevertheless it became a repository of styles that reflected the BIBLIOGRAPHY changes in tastes and structure of the Ottoman C¸ig˘, Kemal, Sabahattin Batur, and Cengiz Ko¨seog˘lu. The house. The privy chamber was remodeled after Topkapi Saray Museum: Architecture, the Harem and 1517, to house the relics of the prophet Muham- other Buildings. Translated and edited by J. Michael Rogers. Boston, 1988. mad and his companions brought to Istanbul fol- lowing the Ottoman conquest of Egypt. The expan- Necipog˘lu, Gu¨lru. Architecture, Ceremonial, and Power: The Topkapi Palace in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries. sions of the harem section during the reigns of Cambridge, Mass., 1991. Suleiman and Murad III corresponded to the royal So¨zen, Metin. Topkapi. Istanbul, 1997. family’s move into the palace and to the growing role of women in the political realm. New kiosks C¸ IG˘ DEM KAFESCIOG˘ LU and seaside residences were built beyond the central core, and former ones were replaced with more lav- ish structures, from the later sixteenth century on- wards. In 1719 Ahmed III built a library in the third TORTURE. Torture (in Latin: quaestio; in Ger- court, to house the palace’s manuscript collection. man: peinliche Frage, Folter, or Marter; in French: la The eclectic and westernized taste of the eighteenth question, gehene, gene) was an integral part of medi-

56 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TORTURE eval and early modern criminal procedure. Because for God to decide, however, ill suited the emerging a voluminous body of law covered every stage of conception of a rational, hierarchically organized torture, the system is called judicial torture. During judicial system. The result of the ordeal could not be the early modern period torture gradually lost its challenged, nor could it be changed by the higher importance, and it was finally abolished at the end of courts. The centralization of political power under- the period. mined the old European judicial systems, replacing lay judges with professional jurists. These profes- THE BACKGROUND OF JUDICIAL TORTURE sional judges were learned in Roman and canon law, Judicial torture was no medieval or early modern distinct and alien from the system of proof based on invention. The Roman third-century lawyer Ulpian ordeals, oaths, and combat. Many judges were defined torture as ‘‘the torment and suffering of the probably familiar with formal logic and saw it as a body in order to elicit the truth.’’ The actual juris- basis for all legal decision making and law drafting. prudence of torture, however, only developed in One of the most widespread forms of medieval legal connection with the twelfth-century ‘‘legal revolu- scholarship became the so-called ordines iudiciarii, tion,’’ as the revival of Roman law at the newly manuals of procedural law, in which both civil and founded universities of Northern Italy is often criminal procedure, including the law of proof, were called. Before this, crimes were mostly prosecuted laid out in the minutest detail. The new procedure privately, with no public officials taking an active was based on learned law and written documents. role in criminal investigations. The predominance of private prosecution came under threat as popes, TORTURE AS PART OF THE STATUTORY kings, and princes increasingly centralized their po- THEORY OF PROOF litical authority in the twelfth century. The process A new law of proof emerged, then, as part and began in Northern Italy in the twelfth century and parcel of these developments. The Roman canon gradually spread to most other parts of Europe in law of proof drew its elements, like medieval Roman the remaining centuries of the Middle Ages. law in general, from the materials of Emperor Jus- tinian’s Corpus Juris Civilis (Corpus of Civil Law; The inquisitorial procedure (inquisitio), as also spelled Corpus Iuris Civilis), which had origi- against the older accusatorial procedure (accusatio), nated in the sixth century. In canon law, ordeals was introduced to papal legislation as a means of were expressly prohibited at the Fourth Lateran controlling errant churchmen in the late twelfth Council in 1215. The building blocks of Roman law century. In the inquisitorial procedure, the initia- were combined with those produced by the emerg- tion of an action was entrusted to the court official, ing canon law to build what has been called Roman- and the judge was actively involved in the investiga- canon law of proof, or the statutory or legal theory tion of the case. Inquisitorial procedure had been of proof. The theory then came to circulate as part used in ancient Rome, and had also of the European ius commune, ‘common law’, in the made use of it, but this type of procedure had fallen procedural law treatises of writers such as Albertus into disuse since the ninth century. In the thirteenth Gandinus (d. c. 1310) and William Durandus century, inquisitorial procedure was soon extended (c. 1237–1296). In contrast to the archaic system to the crime of heresy and other serious canon law of oaths, ordeals, and combat, the new system as- crimes and soon spread to secular crimes as well. A signed the decisions on evidence to human judges, parallel development (although not as yet thor- not God, thus placing decisive emphasis on judicial oughly researched) was that serious crimes were cat- torture. However, the change from one painful egorized as exceptional (crimen exceptum), to stage of criminal procedure to another—from which the normal rules of procedure did not apply. ordeal to torture—may not have seemed as signifi- The early medieval law of proof had left difficult cant to ordinary people as it was to the theoretician. cases to be decided by ordeal, oath, and judicial Because the statutory theory of proof reached combat. Behind these archaic, ‘‘irrational’’ modes its maturity in the thirteenth century and remained of proof lay the belief that God continuously inter- virtually unchanged until the early modern period, vened in the lives of the people and would let truth it is convenient to describe the theory as it appears in prevail in court as well. Leaving judicial problems sixteenth-century jurisprudence and legislation.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 57 TORTURE

Torture. Engraving c. 1500 shows a prisoner being tortured on the wheel by clerics of the . In this version of the widely used torture method, a fire below the wheel is used as the source of pain and injury. In other versions, the wheel was used simply to hold the victim while torturers beat him or her with metal bars. In some cases, the wheel was fitted with spikes. GETTY IMAGES

Among the many influential writers on criminal evi- circumstantial evidence (indicia). Full proof could dence embracing the statutory theory were the Ital- consist only of the statements of two eyewitnesses or ian Prosperus Farinaccius (1544–1618), the the defendant’s confession. Circumstantial evi- Dutchman Joost van Damhouder (1507–1581), dence, no matter how plentiful, could only amount and the German Benedict Carpzov (1595–1666). to partial proof, and combination of one eyewitness All these writers further elaborated and refined the and circumstantial evidence did not constitute full theory of torture. The last important doctrinal de- proof. Without full proof, however, the accused fense of judicial torture was written by a could not be convicted of a capital crime. Frenchman, Pierre Franc¸ois Muyart de Vouglans Sacramental confession had gained significance (1713–1791), in 1780. in the twelfth-century canon law and had been Statutory theory of proof, as it was received made an annual obligation on all Christians at the from medieval literature in the works of Farinacius, Fourth Lateran Council of 1215. Because of its Damhouder, Carpzov, and their colleagues, was increased cultural significance, it is no wonder that based on the notions of full proof, half proof, and confession had become ‘‘the queen of proofs’’ (re-

58 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TORTURE gina probationum) in criminal procedure as well. torture. Both in theory and in practice it was, how- The problem, however, was how to obtain full proof ever, largely left to the judge’s discretion to deter- if no eyewitnesses were available. This is where judi- mine when there was enough circumstantial evi- cial torture offered a solution. Judicial torture was dence, although literature provided examples and never evidence in itself, but was a means of acquir- guidelines. Compared to modern standards of proof ing evidence in the form of confession. necessary for conviction, the standard of evidence required for torture was often higher. THE THEORY OF JUDICIAL TORTURE At the beginning of the early modern period, the ius Other safeguards were provided to help mate- commune theory of torture was basically the same as rial truth prevail as well. Contemporaries were well it had been in the works of Gandinus and Durandus. aware of the dangers that torture entailed from the The basic rules were similar across Europe. The use point of view of finding out what had actually hap- of torture was confined to capital crimes, for which pened. Leading questioning was thus prohibited, the death penalty or mutilation could apply. Tor- and the confession extracted under torture was to ture was intended as the last resort in situations in be repeated in court within a certain time limit. which no other means of gathering evidence was Only the voluntary confession given thereafter, available. If there was already full proof in the form within twenty-four hours or so, served as proof, and of two eyewitnesses or voluntary confession, torture not the confession given under torture. The practi- was not necessary. The accused was to be threatened cal significance of this safeguard was seriously un- with torture before it was actually applied, for in- dermined by the fact that the accused could be stance, by showing him the instruments of torture. taken back to the torture chamber should he or she The investigating judge was to follow the accused to decide to recant the confession. Much of the litera- the torture chambers and interrogate him as he was ture recommended the practice of verifying the in- being tortured, while a notary recorded the find- formation obtained through torture, but many legal ings. Sometimes a doctor’s presence was also re- experts complained that courts paid too little atten- quired; no advocate, however, was allowed for the tion to verification in practice. If the accused, never- accused. theless, managed to resist torture and did not con- fess, he or she had to be acquitted, at least until new Torture was meant to establish whether the incriminating evidence appeared. accused had committed the crime, the commission of which (corpus delicti) had already been estab- The statutory theory of proof, together with lished by other means. This legal safeguard did not, judicial torture, was not only limited to legal litera- however, apply to witchcraft cases. They were re- ture but was incorporated into some of the major garded as crimina excepta, ‘exceptional crimes’, in European legislative pieces of the early modern pe- that their ‘‘traces disappeared with the act’’ (facti riod, for example, the Constitutio Criminalis Caro- transeuntis). The law excluded certain classes of lina of imperial Germany (1532), the French Or- people from liability to judicial torture. Pregnant donnance Royale (1539) and Grande Ordonnance women, children below the age of twelve or four- Criminelle (1670), and the Nueva Recopilacio´n of teen, and old people (if torture might put their lives Spain (1567). In some parts of Europe torture was at risk) could not be tortured. Noble persons, public used not only on the accused, but also on those officials of a certain standing, clergy, physicians, and against whom full eyewitness proof had already doctors of law were exempt from torture in some been produced. The idea was to secure confession, parts of Europe. Torture could not take place on considered necessary for salvation, or to obtain evi- Sunday or other legal holidays. dence about possible accessories. The most important legal safeguard in restrict- The legal literature was not greatly concerned ing the use of torture had to do with the amount of with the form that judicial torture could take; this circumstantial evidence required to initiate it. Ac- was largely a matter of local custom. In each case, cording to the law, half proof in the form of the the individual judge selected the method of torture, testimony of one eyewitness or a sufficient amount supposedly taking into consideration the serious- of circumstantial evidence was necessary to initiate ness of the charge. The most widespread torture

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 59 TORTURE device was the strappado (corda, cola), ‘‘the queen was thus the jury, not the Roman canon law of of torments,’’ in which the accused’s hands were proof, that replaced the archaic modes of evidence tied behind the back, and he or she was lifted up in the Middle Ages in England. The jury developed with a rope, sometimes with weights attached to the considerable freedom in evaluating evidence and ankles. Or metallic devices, such as leg-braces, leg- condemning on circumstantial evidence, making screws, and thumbscrews, were used to press the torture to extort confessions unnecessary. A regu- accused’s limbs or fingers and to crush them. Other larized system of judicial torture thus never devel- widely used methods included keeping the accused oped, and its use was limited to political cases. An- awake; being stretched on the rack; and inducing other reason for England’s rejection of torture was the sensation of drowning by wetting a rag stuffed that, unlike the Continent, England’s judicial sys- into the accused’s throat. tem developed on the basis of unpaid lay judges, to whom it would have been dangerous to entrust a THE DECLINE OF TORTURE system of torture. In the seventeenth century, the system of judicial torture began to lose its practical significance, al- THE ABOLITION OF TORTURE though it formally remained part of the law in most When Muyart de Vouglans wrote his treatise on European countries until the late eighteenth and criminal procedure in 1780, the medieval law of early nineteenth centuries. An important reason for proof that had formed the basis of judicial torture its gradual disappearance was the erosion of its theo- had been eroded, and the philosophical and legisla- retical basis, the statutory theory of proof. In the tive attack on torture was already well under way. sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, new forms of The best known critique of torture is Cesare Bec- punishment were introduced as alternatives to death caria’s (1738–1794) On Crimes and Punishments to cope with serious criminality, the most important (1764), to which Muyart de Vouglans’ work was in being the galley, the workhouse, and the practice of fact a response. Voltaire (1694–1778) joined Bec- exile and transportation. The new punishments caria in fiercely condemning torture in some of his called for more discretion in choice of punishment essays. According to the philosophes, torture could and sentencing. When the increased range of pun- not secure correct judgments, since so much de- ishments and sentencing was combined with the pended upon the ability of the accused to resist the different amounts of evidence available in practice, a physical pain involved. Torture was also wrong be- revolution in the law of proof occurred. As John cause it inflicted pain on people who had not been Langbein has shown, the ‘‘punishment upon suspi- shown to deserve it. However, as Piero Fiorelli has cion’’ or ‘‘punishment for lying’’ (Verdachtstrafe, demonstrated, these arguments were not the dis- Lu¨genstrafe) developed as a result of this. For lesser coveries of the eighteenth-century philosophers, evidence, a lesser punishment now followed. Al- having been voiced by individual critics since the though the death penalty still required full proof, Middle Ages. Recent scholarship, especially the both executions and incidents of judicial torture works of Fiorelli, Langbein, and Peters, has indeed decreased from the sixteenth and seventeenth cen- shown that the historian of torture must look be- turies in many European regions. yond the writings of the Enlightenment philoso- phers to understand why judicial torture was abol- Thus, Sweden, where the statutory theory of ished. proof was only adopted in the seventeenth century, and in its already changed form, could always boast European states abolished torture from their of not having accepted judicial torture. In practice, statutory law in the late eighteenth and early nine- however, torture was not completely unknown teenth centuries. Prussia was the first to abolish it in there. The same can be said of Arago´n, another state 1754; Denmark abolished it in 1770, Austria in that did not formally allow the use of torture. The 1776, France in 1780, and the Netherlands in English experience demonstrates particularly clearly 1798. Bavaria followed the trend in 1806 and the close connection between torture and the law of Wu¨rttemburg in 1809. In Spain the Napoleonic proof. The English jury system began to develop conquest put an end to the practice in 1808. Nor- before the reception of Roman law in Europe. It way abolished it in 1819 and Portugal in 1826. The

60 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TOURNAMENT

Swiss cantons abolished torture in the first half of Secondary Sources the nineteenth century. By the mid-nineteenth cen- Bartlett, Robert. Trial by Fire and Water: The Medieval tury, European legislators had thus harvested the Judicial Ordeal. Oxford, 1988. fruits that the early modern revolution of proof, Fiorelli, Piero. La tortura giudiziaria nel diritto commune I–II. Milan, 1953–1954. followed by Enlightenment philosophy, had pro- duced. As Langbein and Peters observe, the final Langbein, John H. Prosecuting Crime in the Renaissance: England, Germany, France. Cambridge, Mass., 1974. abolition of torture occurred gradually and in close connection with a general revision of criminal law. —. Torture and the Law of Proof: Europe and England in the Ancien Re´gime. Chicago, 1977. Legislative reforms took place partly simultaneously Peters, Edward. Torture/Edward Peters. New York, 1985. with, but in general slightly after, the Enlighten- ment philosophers’ attack on judicial torture. HEIKKI PIHLAJAMA¨KI

See also Crime and Punishment; Inquisition; Law; Star Chamber. TOURNAMENT. Medieval tournaments had

BIBLIOGRAPHY originally been serious exercises in martial training. Primary Source As the introduction of firearms into warfare gradu- Beccaria, Cesare. On Crimes and Punishments and Other ally made knightly armor obsolete, however, joust- Writings. Edited by Richard Bellamy. Translated by ing lost much, although not all, of its practical Richard Davies. Includes the translation of ‘‘Dei delitti rationale. The 1559 tilt at Paris in which French e delle pene’’ (1764). Cambridge, U.K., 1995. King Henry II received a fatal blow was already a

Tournament. Woodcut of knights practicing in the tilting ring, 1592. ᮊBETTMANN/CORBIS

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 61 TOURNAMENT somewhat archaic contest. Although tilts and other Arthur) and Ludovico Ariosto’s Orlando furioso man-to-man encounters (often with blunted lances) (1515–1533; The madness of Roland) included continued to be held here and there into the eigh- episodes of jousting or tilting at the barrier. Plan- teenth century, noncombative contests, such as run- ners of new, less earnest tournaments began to imi- nings at the ring or at the head, became more com- tate situations or plots like those of the romances, so mon. With the decline of serious martial there were many variations on chivalric themes. For encounters, the medieval tournament tradition gave example, at Whitehall in 1581, courtier and poet Sir birth to several new theatrical genres that would Philip Sidney (1554–1586) and three other knights apparently acted out a prearranged failure to capture flourish in early modern times. the Fortresse of Perfect Beautie, which symbolized The new genres, meant almost exclusively for Queen Elizabeth’s virginity and integrity. In 1605, courtly, aristocratic circles, may be said to have after a poetic debate between allegorical ladies rep- come into being by way of chivalric literature, resenting Truth and Opinion, sixteen knights who whose popularity was undimmed by the progress of supported the proposition that marriage is superior classical revival. Romances such as Sir Thomas to the single life tilted on foot across a barrier with Malory’s Le morte d’Arthur (1485; The death of sixteen others championing the opposite view. This

Tournament. Painting of a tournament in Turin by Antonio Tempesta, seventeenth century. ᮊARCHIVO ICONOGRAFICO, S.A./CORBIS

62 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TRADING COMPANIES

English contest was planned by the poet Ben written extensively on tournaments. See especially Jonson (1572–1637) and the architect Inigo Jones Chapters 8 and 9. (1573–1652) as the second part of a whole entitled Watanabe-O’Kelly, Helen. ‘‘Tournaments in Europe.’’ In Hymenaei: or the Solemnities of Masque and Barriers Spectaculum Europaeum: Theatre and Spectacle in Eu- rope; Histoire du spectacle en Europe (1580–1750), ed- at a Marriage. On the first day of the grand 1664 ited by Pierre Be´har and Helen Watanabe-O’Kelly, entertainments at Versailles, remembered as Les pp. 593–639. Wiesbaden, 1999. Easily the most com- Plaisirs de l’Iˆle Enchante´e (Pleasures of the Be- prehensive and systematic general study. Includes an witched Island), a troop of actors and dancers, in- extensive bibliography and a multilingual glossary of cluding the young King Louis XIV, interpreted a terms applying to tournaments (pp. 595–596). chivalric episode of Ariosto’s Orlando. The Ver- Young, Alan. Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments. London sailles entertainments were apparently inspired in and Dobbs Ferry, N.Y., 1987. An illustrated scholarly survey covering the whole period of the English Renais- part by others held two years earlier at the court of sance, with a bibliographical chronology extending to Bavaria, the planners of which had been, in turn, 1626. inspired by Italian examples. BONNER MITCHELL Despite such cross-influences, the evolution of tournament forms varied enormously across Eu- rope. There were dramatic or literary tournaments, operatic tournaments, and many hybrids of tourna- TRADING COMPANIES. The early ment and ballet, including horse ballets, in which seventeenth century saw the foundation of Dutch specially bred and highly trained horses executed and English trading companies with exclusive rights graceful movements that sometimes simulated com- over vast areas in various parts of the globe. These bat. Two of the most elaborate performances of the organizations were essentially merchant guilds that last kind, both of them put on at the Medici court in represented an ‘‘institutional innovation’’ that en- Florence during 1616, are handsomely represented abled them to conduct large-scale trade with distant in engravings by the artist Jacques Callot (1592– shores. They came to exercise functions that were 1635). By now, the grandest theatrical tourna- usually the prerogative of national states. The main ments, having been extremely expensive to pro- companies were the East India Company, or EIC duce, were usually recorded in engravings and pub- (1600–1858), the Hudson’s Bay Company lished accounts. There were also books on the art of (founded in 1670 and still active) and the Royal planning such feˆtes, the best-known of them being African Company (1672–1750), all English, as well as the , or VOC Claude-Franc¸ois Me´nestrier’s Traite´ des tournois (Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie, 1602– (1669; Treatise on tournaments). 1799) and the Dutch West India Company, or WIC See also Festivals; Louis XIV (France); Prints and Popular (1621–1791). Imitation companies were estab- Imagery; Versailles. lished in numerous states, including Denmark, France, Genoa, Portugal, and Sweden. BIBLIOGRAPHY The commercial success of Dutch fleets in Asia Primary Source led to the foundation of the two foremost East India Me´nestrier, Claude-Franc¸ois. Traite´ des tournois, ioustes, car- companies. The return of four Dutch ships from the rousels, et autres spectacles publics. Lyons, 1669. (Photo- graphic reprint with introductory notes by Stephen Indian Ocean in 1599 laden with spices prompted Orgel. New York and London, 1979.) Combined theo- the English Parliament to award a monopoly of retical treatise and historical survey written by a scholar trade with the East Indies to the EIC (31 December responsible for planning a number of courtly festivals in 1600). Whereas the English Russia and Turkey France. Companies had previously failed to get access to spices through the Asian land routes, the English Secondary Sources would henceforth use only the route around the Anglo, Sydney. The Martial Arts of Renaissance Europe. New Haven and London, 2000. A detailed study of the Cape of Good Hope. Across the English Channel, theory and practice of martial training covering most of the so-called pre-companies, regionally based the early modern period, by an author who has also Dutch organizations that had actively traded with

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 63 TRADING COMPANIES the East Indies since 1595, were liquidated to make Military expenditures were one factor that way for the VOC. On 20 March 1602, the Dutch raised overhead costs. From the outset, the VOC States-General granted the VOC a national monop- used force to further its objectives vis-a`-vis Mo- oly that was similar in nature to that of the EIC. luccan natives, Indian merchants, and Portuguese and English rivals to secure footholds, preempt for- THE EAST INDIA COMPANIES eign European settlement, and obtain spice monop- The Dutch and English East India Companies fol- olies. Superior military strength enabled the Dutch lowed in the footsteps of the Portuguese merchants to conquer the spice islands, seize Portuguese forts, in Asia and learned from their experiences. Adopt- and oust the EIC from the Indonesian archipelago ing the model that the Portuguese had successfully around 1623, the year in which the Dutch governor pioneered, the VOC created a string of ‘‘factories,’’ had ten English nationals tortured and executed. fortified trading posts defended by garrisons, from This ‘‘Amboina massacre’’ was a popular English Java to Japan and from Persia to Siam. These posts propaganda tool against the Dutch in the years to were linked by a regular exchange of information come. Other noneconomic means helped the VOC and commodities. The EIC established its own fac- to achieve near-total control of the production and tories across a more limited area. marketing of nutmeg, mace, and cloves by the late 1660s. Clove production was, for instance, re- The EIC and VOC were not the first companies stricted to the island of Amboina, and trees and to enjoy national monopolies, but as chartered com- surplus stocks were destroyed. The spice mo- panies they did display some novel features. Invest- nopsony, which enabled the VOC to fix prices, left ment in long-distance trade was no longer limited the company with huge profits. By contrast, pepper to overseas traders, as had been the case with regu- remained elusive, since it was cultivated over a vast lated companies such as the Turkey Company, but area. Besides, local princes did not always honor the charters allowed domestic merchants to take their agreements. part as well. What is more, the chartered companies evolved into joint-stock companies. This meant that For lack of sufficient financial means, the EIC shares were freely alienable and merchants no operated in the shadow of its Dutch counterpart for longer raised capital for one voyage, but created a most of the seventeenth century. Its directors, how- permanent capital committed to the enterprise. ever, made the best of the EIC’s removal from the Long-term considerations thus determined market- Spice Islands by concentrating operations on India, ing policies. Nor was the working capital of the where the VOC’s presence was small. While the companies limited to their capital stock, since both VOC achieved some of its original aims, the EIC resorted to the capital market to finance their opera- proved masterful in reinventing itself. In the eigh- tions. teenth century, it discovered the marketability in Europe of Indian cloth and Chinese tea. In military A sound commercial policy underlay the VOC’s matters, the EIC underwent a similar metamorpho- remarkable performance. By minimizing its depen- sis. Founded not as a war instrument like its Dutch dence on markets that it did not control, and be- rival, its fleets were relatively poorly equipped and coming the largest buyer and seller, the company offensive actions against Asians or Europeans virtu- drastically reduced its risk. Success did not come ally impossible. However, the company’s new char- overnight, but took decades to achieve. The com- ter of 1661 stipulated that it could make war or pany benefited from the general commercial crisis peace with non-Christian princes or people, and rocking Southeast Asia in the mid-seventeenth cen- very gradually, a more assertive line was adopted, in tury, just as the Dutch partly owed their commercial particular on the Indian subcontinent. By the hegemony in Europe to the prevailing regional po- 1760s, the EIC may be said to have assumed the litical and economic crises. Yet the VOC was not role of a nation-state in India. It is debatable universally successful. Its huge overhead costs whether this expansion was based on a master plan, proved detrimental when competing with Indian or whether the company was sucked into local traders who operated at low cost and could accept a power politics. The theory of reluctant imperialism lower profit margin. has also been applied to the VOC, which was unable

64 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TRADING COMPANIES to achieve its objectives on Java without involving the VOC’s role as chief supplier of precious metals itself in a complex indigenous power struggle. in various Asian markets. Still, while the English became the main nation involved, the VOC easily Wherever the chartered companies conducted a remained the leading European company participat- profitable trade, fellow nationals tried to benefit as ing in intra-Asian trade. interlopers. Exchanging goods from one part of Asia in another, EIC factors and private individuals What was the relationship between private trad- carved out a niche for themselves. Although the ing companies and the home governments? Local EIC initially forbade such trade, considering those magistrates were closely connected to VOC affairs involved as rivals of its own intra-Asian trade, the in the United Provinces. They elected the directors costs that it entailed made the company withdraw of the regional chambers from among the principal from the trade, and its attitude toward the inter- investors. The States-General, for its part, had not lopers changed accordingly. ‘‘Free’’ merchants only delegated sovereign powers to the VOC at the could begin to settle in port cities under English company’s inception, but financially supported it rule, after the EIC issued a series of indulgences, afterward in time of need. This aid proved crucial in starting in 1667. Subsequent English commercial the VOC’s early years, enabling the struggling com- success in Asia cannot be understood without tak- pany to make long-term investments in infrastruc- ing into account private ‘‘country trade.’’ The VOC ture and in military, maritime, and commercial af- showed no such lenience, despite a statement by the fairs, which eventually paid off. The British secretary of its largest regional body, the Amster- government, on the other hand, arbitrarily ex- dam Chamber, in the 1650s that intra-Asian trade ploited the financial resources of the EIC on several were better left to private traders, whose overhead occasions. At the same time, it grew increasingly costs were modest compared with the company’s, alarmed about the way the EIC conducted itself in with its heavily armed ships. Not until 1742 did the India. Concluding alliances and treaties with native VOC allow breaches in its monopoly. On the other princes, and leading territorial expansion, the com- hand, company employees enriched themselves by pany resembled more a sovereign state than a trad- conducting private trade side by side with official ing company. Warfare was also thought to cut into company trade. Fraud and corruption were rampant profits from Asian trade, which was supposedly the in the Dutch factories. company’s chief business. The Dutch also debated the advantages of territorial expansion, but here it In intra-Asian trade, the Portuguese had shown was the VOC’s central board, not the States-Gen- the way. Their country trade was more important eral, that challenged the wisdom of company em- than their trade to Europe. Like the Portuguese and ployees on the ground in Java. the English private merchants, the VOC became active in this trade. Between 1640 and 1688 the Both companies contributed to national pros- Dutch company procured substantial amounts of perity by employing thousands, stimulating the do- Japanese silver and Taiwanese gold for the purchase mestic shipbuilding and textile industries, and of- of Indian textiles, which were then exchanged for fering investment outlets. British financial leaders Indonesian pepper and other spices, although some became involved in the EIC, while company men were sent to Europe. Most pepper and other spices advised the British government on financial affairs. were also sold in Europe, but a certain percentage No such systematic crossovers occurred in the was invested in Persia, India, Taiwan, and Japan. Dutch Republic, not even when the VOC faced The profits made in the intra-Asian trade paid for serious financial problems in the second half of the Asian products, the sales of which in Europe yielded eighteenth century. The fourth Anglo-Dutch War more than the dividend that the VOC paid to its (1780–1784), in particular, had disastrous financial shareholders in this period. The company’s role in consequences. The curtain finally came down for intra-Asian trade was eroded in the last quarter of the VOC following the French invasion of the the seventeenth century, when Indian merchants Dutch Republic (1795). On 1 March 1796 a Com- emerged as serious rivals in the trade to Java, Suma- mittee of East Indian Trade and Possessions re- tra, and the Malay Peninsula. In addition, Japanese placed the company directors. The EIC did not authorities curbed Dutch trade, effectively ending emerge as the great beneficiary of its rival’s demise.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 65 TRADING COMPANIES

Not only had the French and Danish East India pany to abandon some of its monopolies. By 1638, Companies emerged as competitors, the home front only the export of slaves from Africa and ammuni- grew increasingly critical of the company’s moral tion from the Netherlands, and the import of Brazil- and economic record. In 1813 the British govern- ian dyewood, remained in company hands. Private ment stripped the EIC of all its monopolies, except merchants soon dominated the Brazil trade, al- for the tea trade with Canton, and in 1833 all though the dividing line between company interests company trade ceased. After the Great Rebellion in and private concerns was, once again, not as clear as India (1857–1858), the British state assumed the might be expected; WIC directors were among the company’s affairs. principals of the free traders.

THE ATLANTIC WORLD One argument used by advocates of the liberal- Very different conditions obtained in the Atlantic ization of trade was the need to people Dutch Bra- world, where plantation companies such as the Vir- zil. The immigration of ‘‘free’’ settlers—artisans, ginia Company, licensed to establish colonies, were merchants, and other colonists not in company ser- more prominent than pure trading companies, al- vice—so the argument ran, did more to guarantee though in actual practice it is difficult to distinguish the survival of a colony than the presence of soldiers. between the two. In 1621 the Dutch West India Besides, without trade the military was bound to Company received privileges similar to those the become a liability, since soldiers’ salaries and rations VOC had in Asia. Founded expressly as a war ma- would eat away the company budget. A ‘‘free’’ chine that targeted Spanish and Portuguese ships population would create economic activity and pay and settlements, the WIC attracted little invest- import and export duties, as well as bear the burden ment, as Dutch citizens feared the risks to which the of the soldiery. Free trade was also necessary to lure company ships were exposed. They were proven free settlers from the Dutch Republic. wrong in the company’s early days, in particular At a slightly earlier stage, a similar discussion after the celebrated capture of the Spanish silver had erupted over New Netherland, the company’s fleet of 1628, when the company paid a 50 percent colony in North America. After the WIC assumed dividend to its shareholders. control of the colony in 1623, Manhattan and Fort Soon, however, financial problems troubled the Orange (now Albany) were established as trading WIC and proved almost insurmountable. The com- posts to tap the vast hinterland for peltries. These pany faced entirely different circumstances in the posts resembled the VOC factories in Asia. A factory Atlantic from those experienced by the VOC. The would seem to rule out large-scale migration, if only creation of an intricate network of factories did not to curtail defense expenditures, as one company make sense in the Atlantic world. There was no faction argued. Advocates of migration among the Atlantic counterpart to the centuries-old intra-Asian WIC directors emphasized the positive long-term trade in which to participate. Nor was the WIC able effects of investments in agriculture and settlement. to obtain monopsony of the New World commod- Their arguments carried the day, and by 1640 the ity it prized most: sugar. Not even the occupation company’s fur monopoly was abolished. (1630–1654) of northeastern Brazil, the world’s The WIC remained in chronic financial trouble, largest producer, helped the company achieve that as the war with the Iberian countries dragged on. In goal. The Dutch discovered that marketing Brazil- 1644 even a merger with the VOC was discussed, ian sugar was more difficult than was the case with but the VOC refused, although it was forced by the East Indian spices, precisely because of the competi- States-General to pay its counterpart 5 million flo- tion from other areas of sugar cultivation, including rins. In 1674, the WIC went bankrupt and was Java, Bengal, and the island of Sa˜o Tome´ off the replaced by a new one with capable directors, re- African west coast. cruited from the ranks of the shareholders. Out- Unlike its Asian counterpart, the WIC was un- standing shares and bonds were converted into new able to combine a vigorous commercial enterprise shares at a small percentage of their nominal value. with warfare. The costly war with Habsburg Spain In the eighteenth century, the WIC was trans- over Brazil, which began in 1630, forced the com- formed into an organization that managed the

66 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TRADING COMPANIES

Dutch colonies, after it lost its last monopolies, panies, in particular, were designed to increase state including the slave trade. power abroad instead of running a business enter- prise. The Portuguese East India Company (1628– Whereas the WIC originally monopolized com- 1633) faced another problem. While the Dutch and merce in several products in the Atlantic world, mo- English companies had set up the administrative ap- nopolies in England were granted to various corpo- rations. The English slave trade was exclusively paratus in Asia from scratch, Portuguese company conducted by the Royal African Company from officials had to defer to existing authorities. They 1672 until Parliament in 1698 yielded to the de- were forced to operate in a trading empire that had mands of other merchants and opened the slave functioned for more than a century under its own trade to everyone. The Hudson’s Bay Company political and military administration, which was not started out as a fur-trading enterprise before under- going to yield. going a peculiar metamorphosis. It took up explora- See also British Colonies; Dutch Colonies; Dutch Repub- tion on the west coast of North America and in the lic; French Colonies; Fur Trade: North America; Arctic, branched out into land development and Portuguese Colonies; Shipping; Spanish Colonies. real estate, and remains to this day one of Canada’s largest retailers. BIBLIOGRAPHY Ames, Glenn J. Colbert, Mercantilism, and the French Quest IMITATION COMPANIES for Asian Trade. DeKalb, Ill., 1996. If the Dutch and the English invented the typical Blusse´, Leonard, and Femme Gaastra, eds. Companies and chartered company, other Europeans were not far Trade: Essays on Overseas Trading Companies during the behind. Drawing inspiration from the pioneers, Ancien Re´gime. Leiden and Hingham, Mass., 1981. they imitated their examples down to the last detail. Brenner, Robert. Merchants and Revolution: Commercial For example, the management of the Danish East Change, Political Conflict, and London’s Overseas India Company, founded in 1616, was entrusted to Traders, 1550–1653. Princeton, 1993. nine directors who received the Dutch title Chaudhuri, K. N. The Trading World of Asia and the English bewindhebbers. What may help to account for the East India Company, 1660–1760. Cambridge, U.K., adoption of Dutch terms was the role played by and New York, 1978. immigrants from Amsterdam and Rotterdam in es- Disney, A. R. Twilight of the Pepper Empire: Portuguese tablishing the Scandinavian companies. Nor was im- Trade in Southwest India in the Early Seventeenth Cen- tury. Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1978. itation confined to northern Europe; the Dutch West India Company served as the model for a Furber, Holden. Rival Empires of Trade in the Orient, 1600– Spanish privileged trading company, which was dis- 1800. Minneapolis, 1976. cussed at various times during the seventeenth cen- Gaastra, Femme S. De geschiedenis van de VOC. Zutphen, tury. 1991. Haudre`re, Philippe. La Compagnie franc¸aise des Indes au The imitation companies had one element in XVIIIe sie`cle, 1719–1795. Paris, 1989. common. Their founders were obsessed with the Heijer, Henk den. De geschiedenis van de WIC. Zutphen, particular structure of the English and Dutch 1994. models. They found to their cost that elaborate government initiatives only paid off when but- Lawson, Philip. The East India Company: A History. London and New York, 1993. tressed by mercantile activities. The latter, however, were often conspicuously absent. And even where Prakash, Om. The Dutch East India Company and the Econ- omy of Bengal, 1630–1720. Princeton, 1985. there was sufficient support from merchants, un- dercapitalization prevented the companies from Prakash, Om, ed. European Commercial Expansion in Early yielding the expected profits. In either case, private Modern Asia. Aldershot, U.K., 1997. traders were allowed to break up the company mo- Steensgaard, Niels. The Asian Trade Revolution of the Seven- nopolies within a few years. teenth Century: The East India Companies and the De- cline of the Caravan Trade. Chicago, 1974. What also stood in the way of success was the Thomson, Janice E. Mercenaries, Pirates, and Sovereigns: large degree of royal control over the imitation State-Building and Extraterritorial Violence in Early companies. The French East and West India Com- Modern Europe. Princeton, 1994.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 67 TRANSPORTATION

Tracy, James D., ed. The Political Economy of Merchant Em- self drew on the English precedents of Richard pires: State Power and World Trade, 1350–1750. Cam- Eden’s Decades of the New World or West India bridge, U.K., and New York, 1991. (London, 1555), which had been revised and ex- —. The Rise of Merchant Empires: Long-Distance Trade panded by Richard Willes in The History of Travayle in the Early Modern World, 1350–1750. Cambridge, (London, 1577). These in turn can be traced to the U.K., and New York, 1990. Italian collection by Giovanni Battista Ramusio, WIM KLOOSTER Navigationi et viaggi (Navigations and voyages, 3 vols; Venice 1550–1556). Hakluyt inspired several other collections and continuations of travel litera- ture over the centuries, and in the nineteenth cen- TRANSPORTATION. See Communication tury a ‘‘Hakluyt Society’’ was founded, dedicated to and Transportation. the history of navigation and discovery, which exists to this day. Useful for popular entertainment, moral edifi- TRAVEL AND TRAVEL LITERA- cation, and scientific inquiry, travel literature also TURE. Travel writing was perhaps the most di- exerted direct influence on national policy. While verse genre of literature in early modern Europe. A neither Alvar Nun˜ez Cabeza de Vaca’s (c. 1490– single travel account contained nautical information 1557) urging of the Spanish crown to take a greater including wind direction and speed, ocean depth, interest in proselytizing in Central America nor Sir latitude and longitude, astronomical observations, Walter Raleigh’s (1552–1618) advocacy of British and distance traveled each day. Coastlines were exploration in greater Guiana were of direct conse- mapped, interiors explored, exotic plants and ani- quence to national policy, other authors managed mals described for the first time by Europeans, or to get their message heard. William Dampier’s A the observations of previous explorers confirmed. New Voyage round the World (1697), Voyages and Accounts contained military intelligence regarding Descriptions (1699), and A Voyage to New Holland city fortifications, water supplies, populations, (1704) were instrumental in directing England’s at- points of dissent that might be exploited, and notes tention to the Pacific, which previously had been on local commerce. Of great interest to European ceded to the Spanish and the Dutch. John and audiences were the customs and manners of indige- Awnsham Churchill’s Collection of Voyages and nous populations encountered. All of this was rolled Travels (1704), modeled on Hakluyt and inspired together and given a narrative form combining both by Dampier’s commercial success, was a compre- adventure and philosophical reflection on Europe in hensive plan for establishing naval bases in the Pa- the mirror of the other. European audiences were cific for further exploration, commerce, and war- enthralled. Travel literature was the second-best- fare. As the influence of Holland and Spain declined selling genre in the early modern era, behind only in the Pacific in the eighteenth century, England history. and France enjoined rivalry over Pacific hegemony. Already in the sixteenth century enterprising England and France raced to be the first to editors began collecting the accounts of navigators discover the Terra Australis incognita, the southern and voyageurs. Richard Hakluyt’s (1552–1616) continent believed to be a geographic necessity to Principal Navigations, Traffiques and Discoveries balance the landmass of the northern hemisphere. (1589) celebrated the English maritime tradition In the late 1760s the British and French happened from the sixth to the sixteenth century; in a second upon Tahiti nearly simultaneously. In 1767 Samual edition he expanded his collection to include trans- Wallis landed on the islands first, but Louis Antoine lations of French and Italian voyages as well. It is de Bougainville was in the area also from 1766 to only through Hakluyt’s edition that Sir Francis 1769. He dispatched his scientific team to collect Drake’s report of his privateering and circumnaviga- plant and animal specimens from the islands, and he tion of the globe survives, as the original report even brought a native Tahitian named Ahutoru disappeared without being published shortly after back to Paris. Immediately upon his return to he submitted it to Queen Elizabeth I. Hakluyt him- France in 1769 Bougainville announced the discov-

68 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TRAVEL AND TRAVEL LITERATURE ery of the islands he named New Cythera, after the Selkirk, who had been put ashore in the Island of Aegean island where the goddess Venus first washed Juan Fernandez in 1704 and marooned there for ashore. The discovery showed that the French navy five years. They found Selkirk clothed in goat skins, could still compete with the British in the wake of looking ‘‘wilder than the original owners of them.’’ the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763), and thus it He had survived by hunting and fishing and had occasioned a great deal of national pride. The Brit- passed the time ‘‘reading, singing Psalms and pray- ish responded with James Cook’s first voyage ing, so that he said he was a better Christian while in (1768–1771), underwritten by the Royal Society, this solitude, than he ever was before.’’ Selkirk was and in a separate expedition in 1774 Tobias hailed in William Cowper’s 1782 poem ‘‘The Soli- Furneaux brought to London the Tahitian Omai, in tude of Alexander Selkirk:’’ ‘‘I am monarch of all I answer to Ahutoru. Whether French, British, or survey.’’ Selkirk’s experience also formed the out- Spanish, the voyages of discovery were always patri- line of one of the first English novels, Daniel otic endeavors in addition to having geopolitical, Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe (1719). Selkirk’s island, military, and economic significance. some 500 miles west of , , is still officially named Isla Robinson Crusoe. Even Samuel Travel literature created an odd association be- Taylor Coleridge’s ‘‘Rime of the Ancient Mariner’’ tween men of action and men of letters. Shakespeare (1798) has a core of truth, adopted from an episode set his Tempest (c. 1611) on a spooky island, per- described by George Shelvocke (Voyage round the haps inspired by William Strachey’s ‘‘True Reper- World, 1726) of being stuck in the doldrums off tory of the Wracke and Redemption of Sir Thomas Cape Horn, the only sign of life ‘‘a disconsolate Gates’’ in Bermuda (written 1610, published black albatross, who accompanied us for several 1625). Strachey’s shipmates initially found the days, hovering about us as if he had lost himself, till island a desert, ‘‘onley fed with raine water, which Hatley, my second captain, imagining from his neverthelesse soone sinketh into the earth and van- color that it might be some ill-omen, after some isheth away.’’ Other places were populated by bats fruitless attempts, at length shot the albatross, not and indigenous people who did not respond well to doubting, perhaps, that we should have a fair wind the castaways’ kindnesses. Shakespeare’s ‘‘island after it.’’ Instead that minor atrocity brought Hatley seem to be a desert,’’ (II. 1), Sebastian proposed to no better luck than Coleridge’s ancient mariner. ‘‘go a bat-fowling’’ (II. 1), and the native Caliban returned Prospero’s generosity by attempting to James Boswell caught the travel bug while rape his daughter Miranda (I. 2). Even the sprite speaking with Captain Cook between Cook’s sec- Ariel appeared in Strachey’s account of ‘‘an appari- ond and third voyages in 1776. He told Samuel tion of a little round light, like a faint starre, trem- Johnson that ‘‘while I was with the Captain, I bling, and streaming along with a sparkeling blaze, catched the enthusiasm of curiosity and adventure, halfe the height upon the Maine Mast, and shooting and felt a strong inclination to go with him on his sometimes from Shroud to Shroud, tempting to next voyage. JOHNSON: ‘Why, Sir, a man does feel settle as it were upon any of the four Shrouds.’’ It so, till he considers how very little he can learn from remained half the night and finally disappeared at such voyages.’ BOSWELL: ‘But one is carried away dawn. Nevertheless Strachey wanted to disabuse the with the general and distinct notion of A Voyage English of the image of Bermuda as islands that Round the World.’ JOHNSON: ‘Yes, Sir, but a man is ‘‘can be of no habitation to man, but rather given to guard himself against taking a thing in general.’’’ over to devils and spirits’’—but this is precisely the (Boswell, Life of Samuel Johnson, 3 April 1776) legend Shakespeare built upon. ‘‘The enthusiasm of curiosity and adventure’’— In 1708–1711 one of the most influential travel these were the allure of travel literature in the early writers, William Dampier, circumnavigated the modern period. Hardship and desperation brought globe with the Woodes Rogers, who re- out the best of human perseverance and intrepidity, turned with both ships intact and his holds filled whether it was the drama of Cook’s crew desper- with exotic and expensive items, matching the suc- ately bailing water while trying to hoist the En- cess of Sir Francis Drake a century and a quarter deavor off the Great Barrier Reef in 1771 or the earlier. Along the way they rescued Alexander exhilaration of William Bligh’s arrival at Timor after

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 69 TRAVEL AND TRAVEL LITERATURE sailing 1,200 leagues across the South Pacific with curiosity cabinets of the seventeenth-century collec- seventeen men in a twenty-three-foot open boat, tors and the eighteenth-century project of botanical after having been cast adrift by a mutinous crew of and zoological (and human) taxonomy. Following the Bounty. Just as exciting was George Anson’s the lead of his teacher Olof Rudbeck, who in 1695 four-year Voyage round the World (1748), fraught had made an overland journey to , in 1732 with near disaster at every step. Storms off Cape Carl Linnaeus crossed the Arctic Circle to the north Horn reduced a fleet of six raiders to one; raids on coast of , chiefly in search of plant speci- Spanish settlements on the west coast of South mens, the results of which were published as Flora America as part of the War of the Austrian Succes- Lapponica (1737). Several of Linnaeus’s students sion (1740–1748) were beaten back; a treasure ship traveled the globe in the taxonomic effort: Daniel was captured; typhoon winds were so fierce that Solander explored the South Pacific on Cook’s first men lashed themselves to the fore-rigging to serve voyage; on his second voyage Cook picked up An- as sails, and one of the best was blown overboard ders Sparrmann at the Cape of Good Hope and and last seen treading water in the distance with no took him around the world; Karl Peter Thunberg chance of rescue; advanced scurvy was healed with was the first European to visit Japan in over a cen- miraculous swiftness by fruit and fresh water on a tury, where he offered medical information to the South Pacific island. In scene after scene voyage Japanese and took home numerous plant speci- accounts were a read as engaging as any modern mens; and Peter Forska˚l, traveling with a Danish thriller. Hebrew scholar and a German geographer funded Only in rare cases like Dampier and Sir Walter by the Danish crown, sent home drawings and spec- Raleigh did men of action double as men of letters. imens from Egypt and Arabia before the expedition Usually accounts of voyages around the world were was wiped out by malaria in Yemen. J. G. Gmelin ghostwritten (if not overtly so) by another author, spent ten years (1733–1743) observing the flora and in the eighteenth century it was the policy of the and fauna of Siberia on the Russian payroll and British Admiralty board to confiscate the captains’ published both a travel narrative and a scientific logs and other officers’ journals and turn them over treatise, each in four volumes. The French also sent to an author who collated the information and an expedition to Lapland in the 1730s, led by Pierre turned it into literature. In 1771, for example, John Louis Moreau de Maupertuis (1698–1759) not to Hawkesworth was given a £6,000 advance to com- collect plant specimens but to make astronomical pile the scientific journals of Joseph and Dan- observations to confirm the theory that, due to its iel Solander and Cook’s logs in order to produce rotation, the Earth is slightly flattened at its poles. ‘‘the official’’ account of the voyage. J. Reinhold These observations were coordinated with a simul- Forster thought he bore the right to fill taneous expedition to equatorial Peru led by Hawkesworth’s role on Cook’s second voyage for Charles Marie de la Condamine (1701–1774). which he himself was the chief science officer, but Most of the research journeys were government- after Hawkesworth’s performance was panned in funded and of national interest to the funding mon- the British press, Cook asserted control over his logs arch, implicitly pitting the scientists against one and produced his own account. But even here the another in competition. Yet there was a clear sense naval captain had considerable help from John among the scientists themselves that they were Douglas, a canon of Windsor, in composing the members of an international republic of letters, and narrative. Richard Owen Cambridge was assigned through their published travel narratives they shared by the Admiralty to assist Forster, but Forster pulled their findings with each other. out of the deal and turned his notes and journals As the volume of travel literature increased rap- over to his son George, who had also sailed with his idly in the late eighteenth century, scholars began to father and Cook. put it to systematic use. Here the observations of Not all travel in the early modern period in- travelers constituted the raw scientific data of geog- volved overseas navigation, and many overland ex- raphy and climate, of flora and fauna, and of human peditions were specifically scientific in intent. Scien- society and customs. In France Abbe´ Guillaume tific travel marks a major change between the Thomas Franc¸ois Raynal (1713–1796) assembled a

70 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TRENT, COUNCIL OF philosophical and political history of the settlements Raynal, Abbe´ (Guillaume-Thomas-Franc¸ois). Histoire philo- and trade of the Europeans in the East and West sophique et politique des e´tablissements et du commerce des Europe´ens dans les deux Indes. 6 vols. Amsterdam, 1770. Indies on the basis of travel literature. Earlier in the century Anton Yves Goguet (1716–1758) brought Rogers, Woodes. A Cruising Voyage round the World. Lon- don, 1712. a wealth of anecdotes from modern travelers to bear on ancient authors to construct a history of human- Shelvocke, George. A Voyage round the World. London, 1726. ity in its earliest stages. Montesquieu’s Spirit of the Laws (1748) was heavily dependent on travel re- Strachey, William. ‘‘True Repertory of the Wracke and Re- demption of Sir Thomas Gates.’’ In Samuel Purchas, ports. In Britain Henry Home, Lord Kames (1696– Hakluytus Posthumous or Purchas His Pilgrims. Lon- 1782) and William Falconer (1744–1824) pro- don, 1625. Reprinted in 20 vols. New York, 1965. Vol. duced histories of global humanity from travel re- 19, pp. 3–78. ports. In Germany the first glimmer of modern Secondary Sources anthropology emerged in the reading of travel liter- Beaglehole, J. C. The Life of Captain James Cook. Stanford, ature by Isaac Iselin (1728–1782), Johann Gott- 1974. fried Herder (1744–1803), and Christoph Meiners Elliott, J. H. The Old World and the New, 1492–1650. Cam- (1747–1810), whose Grundriß der Geschichte der bridge, U.K., 1970. Menschheit (1785; Outline of the history of human- Warner, Oliver. English Maritime Writing: Hakluyt to Cook. ity) contained an eighty-page bibliography of cited London, 1958. travel literature. MICHAEL CARHART See also Botany; Cartography and Geography; Coloniza- tion; Ethnography; Europe and the World; Explora- tion; Herder, Johann Gottfried von; Linnaeus, Carl; Montesquieu, Charles-Louis de Secondat de. TRENT, COUNCIL OF. Considered the nineteenth general council of Western Christen- BIBLIOGRAPHY dom, the Council of Trent met after much delay in Primary Sources response to the call of both Lutherans and Catholics Bougainville, Louis Antoine de. A Voyage round the World. at the Nuremberg Reichstag of 1524 for ‘‘a general Translated from French by Johann Rheinhold Forster. free Christian council in German lands’’ to reform London, 1772. the church. Paul III (reigned 1534–1549), having Cook, James. A Voyage Towards the South Pole, and round failed to assemble a council in the imperial city of the World Performed in His Majesty’s Ships the Resolu- Mantua in 1537 due primarily to inadequate secu- tion and Adventure, in the Years 1772, 1773, 1774, and rity arrangements and in Venetian Vicenza in 1538 1775. London, 1777. due to the attendance of only five bishops, ordered Dampier, William. A New Voyage round the World. 3 vols. the council to meet in 1542 in Trent. This Holy London, 1697–1709. Roman Empire city had a population of about six Forster, Georg. A Voyage round the World (1778). Edited by thousand, of whom a quarter were German-speak- Nicholas Thomas and Oliver Berghof. Honolulu, 2000. ing, was ruled by a prince-bishop, and was situated Gmelin, Johann Georg. Flora Sibirica. 4 vols. St. Petersburg, on the Italian side of the Alps about eighty miles 1747–1769. south of an imperial residence in Innsbruck. Hos- —. Reise durch Sibirien. 4 vols. Go¨ttingen, 1751– tilities between France and the empire delayed the 1752. opening of the council until 1545. Hakluyt, Richard. The Principal Navigations, Voiages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation. 3 vols. GOALS AND SESSIONS OF THE COUNCIL London, 1598–1600. The goals formally assigned to the council by Paul Hawkesworth, John. An Account of the Voyages Undertaken III in 1542 were to define doctrine, correct morals, by the Order of His Present Majesty for Making Discov- restore peace among Christians, and repel infidels. eries in the Southern Hemisphere. London, 1773. Pius IV in 1560 made explicit the goal that ‘‘schisms Raleigh, Walter. The Discoverie of the Large, Rich, and Beau- and heresies may be destroyed.’’ The pope initially tiful Empire of Guiana. London, 1596. gave priority to a clarification of Catholic doctrine,

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 71 TRENT, COUNCIL OF

Council of Trent. Painting by Hermanos Zuccarelli, c. 1560–1566. ᮊARCHIVO ICONOGRAFICO, S.A./CORBIS the emperor to a reform of abuses. The compromise the first period, attendance varied from about 30 to was to treat simultaneously the removal of any 70 prelates per session; in all there were about 100 abuses related to a teaching that was defined. members with a deliberative vote: 5 cardinals, 12 archbishops, 76 bishops, 3 abbots, and 6 generals of Period I. The council can be divided into three religious orders, plus two procurators of absent periods. Period I, under Paul III, consisted of ses- German bishops who had only a consultative voice. sions 1 to 8 (13 December 1545 to 11 March Most prelates were Italians, the Spanish were well 1547), which met in Trent. Claiming an outbreak represented, and only a few came from other Catho- of typhus, the pope had the council transferred to lic lands. During this period the prelates focused on Bologna in the Papal States despite the opposition the teachings of Martin Luther (1483–1546), of the 27 bishops from Habsburg lands, who re- Huldrych Zwingli (1484–1531), and their fol- mained in Trent. Sessions 9 and 10 (21 April and 2 lowers in Germany and Switzerland. June 1547) issued no doctrinal or disciplinary de- crees, and after the general congregation of 29 Feb- Period II. Period II, under Julius III (reigned ruary 1548 the council was suspended. In subse- 1550–1555), included sessions 11 to 16 (1 May quent periods the council would return to Trent. In 1551 to 28 April 1552). Attendance varied between

72 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TRENT, COUNCIL OF

44 and 51 prelates, with a total of about 59 prelates. Stanislaus Hosius (1504–1579, Polish controver- As many as 13 German bishops were represented, sialist theologian and bishop of ), and Gio- including the personal presence of the powerful vanni Morone (1509–1580, Milanese diplomat, electoral archbishops of Mainz, Cologne, and Trier. conciliatory theologian, former bishop of Modena, Lutheran states agreed to send delegations: that and target of the Roman Inquisition, whose diplo- from Brandenburg accepted the authority of the matic skills rescued the council after the deadlock council and was incorporated at the 13th session; over episcopal residence in 1563). The council pres- those from Wu¨rttemberg and the imperial cities led idents had the difficult task of resolving disputes— by Strasbourg were allowed to read their mandates traditionalists versus conciliationists, papalists ver- at the general congregation of 24 January 1552. sus conciliarists and episcopalists, curialists and ex- Hopes that agreement could be found with so many empt religious versus diocesan bishops, Scholastics Germans present were dashed by the reopening of versus humanists, Scotists versus Thomists versus military conflict. Augustinians, and rival national delegations eager for uniformity in teaching and practice (Spanish and Period III. Period III, under Pius IV (reigned Italians) or for reconciliation with the Protestants in 1559–1565), consisted of sessions 17 to 26 (18 their lands (Germans and French) or for preserving January 1562 to 3–4 December 1563) and was their ruler’s patronage rights and prerogatives noteworthy for the arrival of a delegation of 13 (Spanish, Portuguese, and French). bishops, 3 abbots, and 18 theologians from France and for the increased attention to the teachings of Among the other leading prelates at the council John Calvin (1509–1564) and the situation in were the Italians: Pietro Bertano, O.P. (Fano), France. There were 117 prelates at the 17th session, Tommaso Campeggio (Feltre), Giulio Contarini (Belluno), Cornelio Musso, O.F.M. (Bitonto, then which rose to 228 at the 24th. About 270 bishops in Bertinoro), and Tommaso Stella, O.P. (Salpe, then all attended during this period, the vast majority Lavello, and finally Capodistria); the Spanish: being Italians (187), but Spanish (31) and French Martı´n Pe´rez de Ayala (Guadix, then ), (26) were also well represented, and bishops from Pedro Guerrero (Granada), Pedro Pacheco (Jaen), other Catholic lands attended too. The final decree and Melchor Alva´res de Vozmediano (Guadix); the was signed by 255 prelates and procurators. Alto- Portuguese Bartolome´ dos Martires, O.P. (Braga) gether, the council sat for five years and one month. and Joa˜o Soarez, O.E.S.A. (Coimbra); the French- men Antoine Filheul (Aix), Charles de Guise ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE AND ATTENDEES (Reims), and Nicolas Psaume (Verdun); the Ger- The organizational structures given to the council mans Friedrich Grau [Nausea] (Vienna) and Julius allowed it to achieve most of its goals. The popes von Pflug (Naumburg); the Scot Robert Wauchop were usually represented by cardinal legates, who (Armagh); the Croatian Georg Draskovich (Pe´cs); served as council presidents and were in regular the Moravian Anton Brus von Mu¨glitz (Prague); communication with the pope and congregation of and the exiled Swede Olof Ma˚nsson Store cardinals in Rome, who set the agenda and at times (Uppsala). made crucial decisions. ‘‘The Holy Spirit arrived in Theologians, who had only a consultative vote the saddle bags of papal couriers,’’ quipped the in the proceedings, were sent by the pope and historian Paolo Sarpi (1552–1623). The most im- Christian rulers or brought along as advisers (periti) portant presidents were Cardinals Giovanni Maria by the bishops and generals of religious orders. Ciocchi del Monte (1487–1555, Tuscan canonist, Known as ‘‘minor theologians’’ (theologi minores) administrator, and future Julius III), Reginald Pole to distinguish them from prelates who were also (1500–1558, cousin of Henry VIII, friend of Sir theologians, the vast majority were members of reli- Thomas More, conciliatory theologian, and arch- gious orders, and of these over half were Franciscans bishop of Canterbury under Mary Tudor), Giro- and about a quarter Dominicans. In the first period lamo Seripando (1493–1563, Neapolitan, concilia- they numbered about 35; their numbers rose until tory theologian, reformer, former general of the in the last period there were about 100, of whom Augustinian friars, and archbishop of Salerno), only 34 were allowed to speak on a topic, for a half-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 73 TRENT, COUNCIL OF hour each; the others could submit their thoughts and disputations. Critical editions and translations in writing prior to a debate. Among the leading were subject to ecclesiastical censorship. The Bible theologians were the Jesuits and papal theologians was to be interpreted according to the sense given Diego Lainez and Alfonso Salmeron; the Domini- to it by the church over the centuries. Unwritten can Thomists Melchor Cano, Domingo de Soto, apostolic traditions, whether dictated orally by Bartolome´ Carranza de Miranda, and Ambrogio Christ or by the Holy Spirit, were also a source of Catarino (Lancellotto de’ Politi); the Franciscan saving truths and rules of conduct. It restated the Scotists Alfonso de Castro and Andre´s Vega; and teaching of the Council of Orange (529) on the the secular priests Johann Gropper, Francisco de existence, nature, and effects of original sin, reject- Torres, and Ruard Tapper. ing both Pelagian optimism and Lutheran pessi- mism. It taught that justification, whereby one’s The council developed its own organizational sins were remitted and one became just and could structures. It began with classes or group meetings grow in holiness through good works ‘‘done in in which bishops and theologians together debated God,’’ was an unmerited gift of God, but that those the theological issues, frequently in the form of sus- with the power of discretion must freely cooperate pect quotations extracted from the writings of the with grace. The traditional seven sacraments (bap- Protestants. When the bishops soon came to hate tism, confirmation, Eucharist, penance or reconcili- this procedure (odiossima), the legates had the theo- ation, extreme unction or anointing of the sick, holy logians debate the topics on their own with the orders, and matrimony) were taught as having been bishops listening. Once ideas were clarified and a instituted by Christ (whether immediately or medi- consensus emerged, the bishops met on their own ately is not defined), to contain the graces they in particular congregations to draw up draft decrees. signify, and in the case of baptism, confirmation, Reform decrees were drafted by commissions (nom- and holy orders to leave an indelible mark on the inated by the legates and approved by the prelates) soul so that they could not be repeated. Baptism by from various proposals submitted by bishops and water even of children was necessary for salvation. ambassadors. Drafts of decrees were debated in gen- In the Eucharist the bread and wine were changed eral congregations, where they were modified and into the true Body and Blood of Christ (transub- approved. Formal approbation was done at a ses- stantiation), the pope was to decide when and sion, a liturgical ceremony with a mass, sermon, and where it was prudent to allow reception of the Eu- formal vote on the decree. The decrees were issued charist under both forms, the Mass was a sacrifice, in the name of the council with the papal legates auricular confession of one’s mortal sins to a priest presiding and not in the name of the council repre- was required, and marriage to be valid was hence- senting the universal church, as the more conciliarist forth to be contracted before a priest and witnesses. types preferred. Beginning with the fifth session, the The existence of purgatory and the veneration of council condemned certain theological statements saints, relics, and sacred images were also decreed. as anathema (contrary to Catholic teaching and practice) and then gave the reasons for the condem- Among the principal reform decrees were those nation. From the sixth session onward the doctrinal requiring a bishop to preach and reside in his dio- decrees began with chapters that stated positively cese. A bishop was to conduct a visitation of his the Catholic position and ended with canons that diocese and celebrate a synod annually. He was also condemned unacceptable teachings. The canons to establish a lectureship on the Bible and to see that had the greater doctrinal weight. catechetical instruction was provided for the laity in parishes and that his clergy were properly trained in DECREES ecclesiastical disciplines in colleges—this led to the The council issued a number of important doctrinal establishment of seminaries. Parish churches (and decrees. It affirmed that all the books of the Bible, not confraternity churches and private chapels) were including the Apocrypha or deuterocanonical books to be the settings for the laity’s regular religious not found in the Hebrew bible and rejected by worship and instruction. Books were not to be pub- Luther, were inspired and that the Vulgate version lished until their orthodoxy had been determined was ‘‘authentic,’’ that is, could be used in sermons by the local ordinary or pope—this led to the issu-

74 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TRENT, COUNCIL OF ance of lists or indices of forbidden books. Religious on the local level, pushed forward by papal nuncios, art was encouraged as a means for instruction and reforming bishops and religious, and dedicated incitement of piety, but care was to be exercised that Catholic rulers, took many generations to effect. no false doctrine or unbecoming and confusing See also Bible: Interpretation; Borromeo, Carlo; Catholi- scene was depicted and no superstitious practices cism; Clergy: Roman Catholic Clergy; Index of Pro- allowed. Avoiding more restrictive prescriptions, hibited Books; Jesuits; Lutheranism; Marriage; Paul the council decreed that music was allowed in III (pope); Pius IV (pope); Reformation, Catholic; church provided it was not ‘‘base and suggestive,’’ Religious Orders; Ritual, Religious; Sarpi, Paolo and it ordered seminarians to be taught to chant. (Pietro); Seminary. The council entrusted to the pope the completion of a number of tasks it was unable to finish, and BIBLIOGRAPHY asked him to confirm its decrees. Primary Sources Concilium Tridentinum: Diariorum, Actorum, Epistu- By the bull Benedictus Deus, dated 26 January larum, Tractatuum Nova Collectio. Edited by the 1564 but issued on June 30th, Pope Pius IV con- Go¨rres-Gesellschaft. 13 vols. Freiburg im Breisgau, firmed all the decrees of the council unaltered and 1901–2001. A critical edition of the primary sources for ordered their implementation. The first official edi- the council. tion of the decrees had been printed in Rome by Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils. Original texts edited by Paolo Manuzio on 18 March 1564. The pope Giuseppe Alberigo et al., translation editor Norman P. Tanner, S.J., 2 vols. London and Washington, D.C., forbade the publication of any glosses or com- 1990. Vol. II, pp. 657–799. mentaries on them and established the Congrega- tion of the Council on 2 August 1564 to interpret Secondary Sources them. The principal doctrinal teachings of the coun- Alberigo, Giuseppe, and Iginio Rogger, eds. Il concilio di cil he summarized in the Professio Fidei Tridentina, Trento: nella prospettiva del terzo millennio. Istituto di to which all university professors (10 November Scienze Religiose in Trento, Religione e Cultura, 10. Brescia, 1997. 1564) and prelates (13 November 1564) were re- quired to swear. Support for implementing the de- Ba¨umer, Remigius, ed. Concilium Tridentinum. Wege der Forschung, 313. Darmstadt, 1979. Collection of the crees was sought and secured from the rulers of important articles on the council, plus useful bibliogra- Catholic states: Spain, Portugal, Venice, and Po- phy. land-Lithuania in 1564, the Catholic Swiss Cantons De La Brosse, Olivier, Joseph Lecler, Henri Holstein, in 1565, and the Catholic Estates of the Empire in Charles Lefebvre, and Pierre Adne`s. Latran V et Trente. 1566. When the king and Estates-General of France Histoire des conciles oecume´niques, 10 and 11. Paris, repeatedly refused to confirm the decrees of Trent, 1975–1981. French bishops met on their own and did so in Jedin, Hubert. Geschichte des Konzils von Trient, 4 vols. in 5. 1615. Provincial councils applied Trent’s decrees on Freiburg, 1948–1975. Vols. 1 and 2 translated by Er- the local levels. The decrees of the six Milanese nest Graf as A History of the Council of Trent. St. Louis provincial councils (1565–1582) held under Carlo and London, 1957–1961. Borromeo (1538–1584) and published together in —. Girolamo Seripando: Sein Leben und Denken im 1582 as Acta Ecclesiae Mediolanensis became the Geisteskampf des 16. Jahrhunderts. 2 vols. Wu¨rzburg, model throughout Catholic Europe for much of the 1937. Translated by Frederic C. Eckhoff as Papal Leg- ate at the Council of Trent: Cardinal Seripando. St. implementing legislation on the provincial and di- Louis, 1947. ocesan levels. The papacy brought to completion —. Krisis und Abschluss des Trienter Konzils 1562/63: the tasks assigned to it by the council, issuing re- Ein Ru¨ ckblick nach vier Jahrhunderten. Herder vised indices of forbidden books (1564 and 1596), Bu¨cherei, 177. Freiburg im Breisgau, 1964. Translated the first Roman Catechism (1566), and corrected by N. D. Smith as Crisis and Closure of the Council of editions of the Breviary (1568) and Missal (1570). Trent: A Retrospective View from the Second Vatican The decisions of the Congregation of the Council Council. London and Melbourne, 1967. imposed on Catholicism a uniformity and passive Tallon, Alain. La France et le concile de Trente (1518–1563). deference to Rome that became known as Tri- Rome, 1997. dentinism. The implementation of Trent’s decrees NELSON H. MINNICH

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 75 TRIANGULAR TRADE PATTERN

and their exchange value. Cloth, for example, was TRIANGULAR TRADE PATTERN. popular in Senegambia (the area of modern day The transatlantic slave trade involved more than the Senegal and Gambia), because it could serve as a European purchase of slaves in Africa and their sale kind of money or be made into clothes. The same in the New World. Historians have identified as a was true of iron, which had a high exchange value triangular trade pattern a typical voyage of a slave but could also be made into tools, utensils, and ship consisting of three distinct legs: in the first, the weapons. ship would sail from a European port to coastal Africa and exchange its goods for slaves, who were For lack of facilities to intern the slaves on the then taken to the New World and sold for colonial coast, the European purchase of slaves could take a produce. The ship then returned home to Europe long time. The average slaving vessel spent several laden with colonial cash crops, completing the tri- months in Africa, the captain sailing up and down angle. The triangular trade found its classic, al- the coast or traveling inland until the ship’s hold though not its original, expression in Eric Williams’s was filled. Once the so-called Middle Passage (the seminal Capitalism and Slavery (1944). Williams Africa-Americas run) had been completed, the argued that the triangular trade was Great Britain’s slaves were sold. Payments were a perennial prob- primary trade in the seventeenth and eighteenth lem in the New World, since ships often arrived centuries, and gave a triple stimulus to British indus- outside of the harvest season and, even when they try. British manufactures were used to buy slaves in arrived at the opportune time, most of their cus- Africa, and once the slaves were put to work on tomers were heavily indebted planters. Due to the American plantations, they were dressed—along delay of payments, slave merchants were frequently with their owners—by British industries and fed by compelled to advance credit to the planters, the New England agriculture and Newfoundland interest for which was credited to the slave trader. fisheries. Finally, the New World commodities that Under this system, slave factors—traders in the em- the slaves produced were processed in Britain, thus ploy of European merchant houses—served as in- giving rise to new industries. termediaries between the trader and the planter by arranging for the sale of slaves. In the British slave Williams went on to suggest that this multiple trade, the debt problem led to the adoption of a new stimulus was so significant that the British triangular system of remitting the proceeds of slave sales to trade paved the way for the industrial revolution. England. This system, first introduced in the Carib- There was a link, he argued, between the capital bean in the 1730s, forced the slave factors to pay accumulated in the slave trade of Liverpool, Brit- outstanding debts at specific times and to remit the ain’s largest slave-trading port, and the emergence proceeds of the slave sales in either cash, produce, or of manufactures in Manchester. Up to 1770, one- bills of exchange, effectively shifting the burden of third of Manchester’s textiles exports went via supplying credit from the trader to the planter. If Liverpool to the African coast, and one-half to the the factor cleared a debt with a bill of exchange, it American and West Indian colonies. Other histo- had to be drawn against a British mercantile firm or rians have pointed out that long-term credits from guarantor. Manchester manufacturers were used to finance Slave traders relied increasingly on these bills of Liverpool’s trade. However, it has not been possible exchange, as well as on the transport of produce on to determine the extent to which industrial develop- board ships other than slavers. The third leg of the ment was linked directly to the slave trade. triangular trade thus deviated from the model in Africa was always the first stop in the triangular that slave vessels did not usually carry large amounts trade, and the Europeans quickly learned that they of slave-produced goods from America to Europe. needed a variety of goods in order to do business Many of the ships returning to the United Provinces there. The specific merchandise brought to barter from Suriname sailed in ballast, weighed down by differed according to the place of trade, and it was sand and water. On the other hand, it was excep- important for slaver merchants to keep up with local tional for slave vessels returning to British ports demand. European goods were highly valued in the from Virginia and Jamaica to sail in ballast. Overall, local African economies, both for their usefulness it is hard to establish what percentage of the goods

76 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TUDOR DYNASTY (ENGLAND) carried back represented payment for the slaves, al- though it is clear that the volume of goods that TSERCLAES, JOHANN. See Tilly, Johann slavers transported from the New World to Europe Tserclaes of. was relatively small.

SHUTTLE OR ROUND-TRIP VOYAGES In Atlantic trade generally, it was actually not the TUDOR DYNASTY (ENGLAND). triangular trade that predominated, but the shuttle Henry Tudor (ruled 1485–1509) traced his royal (also called round-trip) voyage, which did not in- blood through his mother, Margaret Beaufort, who clude the New World–Europe leg of the triangle was a descendant of , the younger son trip. Round-trip voyages produced experienced of Edward III (ruled 1327–1377). After the death captains and increased the chance of a punctual de- of Henry, Prince of Wales, son of Henry VI (ruled livery and of a landing around harvest time. By the 1470–1471), in 1471, Henry Tudor was the survi- last quarter of the seventeenth century, the trans- ving male heir of the . In 1485 he port of African slaves in the South Atlantic was deposed the usurper, Richard III (ruled 1483– partially a shuttle trade, in which the tobacco 1485) at the Battle of Bosworth Field, and was planters near Brazil’s capital of Bahia exchanged crowned Henry VII. Henry survived numerous their crop for bonded Africans on the Gold Coast. A plots early in his reign but seemed secure on the similar bilateral trade developed between Rio de throne by 1500. His heir, Prince Arthur (born Janeiro and Angola. The largest of all slave trades, 1486) died in 1502 and his brother, Henry, duke of that of Brazil, was therefore not triangular at all. York, succeeded to the throne in April 1509 as Henry VIII, shortly after marrying his brother’s Nevertheless, although the African slave trade widow, Catherine of Arago´n. Henry’s desire for a was often conducted separately from the trade be- male heir led him, in the late 1520s, to seek a tween Europe and the Americas, the services it sup- divorce from his wife. This could only be achieved plied to the latter were indispensable. And while by breaking with the Roman Catholic Church and doubt has been cast on the overall effect of the thus heralded the beginning of the English Refor- triangular model on British industrialization, the mation. triangular trade pattern forms part of the web of dependence that connected Europe, Africa, and the Henry died in 1547, leaving the throne to Ed- New World in the age of the slave trade. ward VI, his nine-year-old son by his third wife, Jane Seymour. Edward actively supported Protes- See also British Colonies: North America; Commerce and tant reform but on his premature death in 1553, the Markets; Slavery and the Slave Trade. throne passed to his elder sister, Mary, the daughter of Catherine of Arago´n, despite efforts to place the BIBLIOGRAPHY Protestant Lady Jane Grey on the throne. Mary Klein, Herbert S. The Atlantic Slave Trade. Cambridge, restored Catholicism and in 1554 married the Span- U.K., 1999. ish prince, who became King Philip II in 1556. Minchinton, Walter E. ‘‘The Triangular Trade Revisited.’’ Mary died childless in 1558 and the throne passed In The Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic His- tory of the Atlantic Slave Trade, edited by Henry A. to Elizabeth, Henry VIII’s daughter by his second Gemery and Jan S. Hogendorn, pp. 331–352. New wife, Anne Boleyn. Elizabeth again broke from York, 1979. Rome and asserted her authority by refusing to Richardson, David. ‘‘The British Slave Trade to Colonial marry or name her successor. The second half of South Carolina.’’ Slavery & Abolition 12, no. 3 (De- Elizabeth’s reign was dominated by war with Spain cember 1991): 125–172. from 1585 over English support for Philip’s rebel- Searing, James F. West African Slavery and Atlantic Com- lious Dutch subjects. Elizabeth survived the plots of merce: The Senegal River Valley, 1700–1860. Cam- her Stuart rival, Mary, Queen of Scots (whom she bridge, U.K., 1993. had executed in 1587) and the Spanish Armada of Williams, Eric. Capitalism and Slavery. Chapel Hill, N.C., 1588. Despite a decade of war, factional intrigue at 1944. court, and economic crisis, it was Elizabeth’s great- WIM KLOOSTER est achievement to pass the throne peacefully to her

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 77 TULIP ERA (OTTOMAN EMPIRE) chosen successor, James VI of Scotland, who be- man society. The vivid account of Ottoman women came James I of England in 1603. by Lady Mary Wortley Montagu (1689–1762), wife of the British ambassador, is based on her See also Church of England; Edward VI (England); Eliza- beth I (England); England; Henry VII (England); unusual access to the harems of privileged Otto- Henry VIII (England); James I and VI (England mans when she was in Istanbul with her husband, and Scotland); Mary I (England); Stuart Dynasty 1717–1718. It was France, however, that the re- (England and Scotland). gime regarded as a kindred state and looked to as a model during this period. The empire’s most im- BIBLIOGRAPHY portant embassy, to France in 1720, created a sensa- Brigden, Susan. New Worlds, Lost Worlds: The Rule of the tion in Paris—one of the earliest demonstrations of Tudors, 1485–1603. London, 2000. European ‘‘turcomania.’’ In a reciprocal effect, the Guy, John. Tudor England. Oxford, 1988. Ottoman court flirted with European exotica. DAVID GRUMMITT Among the wealthy, and to some extent in society at large, there was experimentation with European en- tertainment styles and clothing fashions. The changes that Ottoman women introduced into their TULIP ERA (OTTOMAN EMPIRE). outdoor attire seemed minor to outsiders, but they Lasting from 1718 to 1730, the Tulip Era was a provoked criticism in conservative circles, including transitory period in the Ottoman Empire that was the established guilds. marked by cultural innovation and new forms of elite consumption and sociability. The Tulip Era (in FROM OPPOSITION TO REBELLION Turkish, Laˆle Devri) coincides with the latter half of The return of the Paris embassy fed the court’s the reign of Sultan Ahmed III (ruled 1703–1730), consumerist appetites with luxury goods, reports of specifically the twelve-year grand vizierate of Ah- French manners, and drawings of palaces and wa- med’s son-in-law (damad ), Nevs¸ehirli Ibrahim terworks displays. Some features of the pleasure cul- (d. 1730). The period is known for several break- ture were extended to the larger public, which was through achievements, including the first Muslim treated to new amusement parks and new, non- printing press in the empire, various innovations in religious holidays on which to enjoy them. As with the arts and urban design, and the first cultural clothing fashions, the spread of public entertain- embassies to Europe. It is also remembered for the ments—in particular women’s presence in mixed extravagance of the imperial court and the emer- company—led to moralist objections. In 1727, gence of a Western-inspired, elite pleasure culture. prior to establishing the first Ottoman Muslim press The period gets its name from court society’s pas- under the direction of a Hungarian convert to sion for tulips, which were especially prized as a Islam, Ibrahim Mu¨teferrika (1674–1745), Ahmed cultivar and artistic motif. Grandees imported tulip III and Ibrahim took care to obtain an authorizing bulbs at great expense, experimented with hybrid- fetva (‘edict’) from the chief mufti (‘judge’) in or- ization, and, planting them by the thousand, cele- der to hold down opposition to their innovation. In brated their blooms in candlelit ‘‘tulip illumina- a further compromise, the press was restricted to tions’’ in gardens throughout Istanbul. publishing nonreligious works, such as historical chronicles, maps, and dictionaries. The regime’s un- COURTING EUROPE popularity increased during the late 1720s. The In both domestic and foreign affairs, the sultan fol- court’s spending habits and social style became lowed the lead of his grand vizier. Since the empire’s more and more contentious as economic problems disastrous defeats at the end of the seventeenth cen- worsened and the empire became enmired in war tury, the Ottomans had been obliged to recognize with Iran (Persia, as it was known to Westerners). the importance of diplomacy. Under Ibrahim’s When the empire suffered a military defeat on the leadership, the regime pursued a policy of peace on eastern front and the government failed to act in the western front. Diplomatic relations with Europe 1730, there was a seditious uprising led by an Alba- were expanded, and European delegations in Istan- nian seaman, later a bath attendant and janissary, bul were allowed to circulate more freely in Otto- Patrona Halil, and the regime was overthrown. The

78 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TULIPS sultan was forced to abdicate, and along with his family was put under house arrest; Ibrahim and his closest associates, the main targets of the rebellion, were killed. The excesses of court society served as rallying cries for the mob, but the regime’s other ventures—ill-conceived reforms and wartime mis- adventures—had already created important ene- mies, particularly within the military. Ahmed’s suc- cessor, Mahmud I (ruled 1730–1754) all but closed the Tulip Era’s cultural openings. Further experi- mentation with Europe as a cultural site would have to wait until the end of the century.

See also Harem; Islam in the Ottoman Empire; Janissary; Ottoman Dynasty; Ottoman Empire; Paris; Print- ing and Publishing; Tulips; Vizier.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Go¨c¸ek, Fatma Mu¨ge. East Encounters West: France and the Ottoman Empire in the Eighteenth Century. New York, 1987. Refik, Ahmet. Laˆle Devri. Istanbul, 1997. Silay, Kemal. Nedim and the Poetics of the Ottoman Court: Medieval Inheritance and the Need for Change. Bloom- ington, Ind., 1994. Zilfi, Madeline C. ‘‘Women and Society in the Tulip Era, 1718–1730.’’ In Women, the Family, and Divorce Laws Tulips. Illustration of Tulipa gesaeriana by Jacopo Ligozzi in Islamic History, edited by Amira El Azhary Sonbol, (c. 1547–1632). ᮊSCALA/ART RESOURCE, N.Y. pp. 290–303. Syracuse, 1996.

MADELINE C. ZILFI Habsburg Netherlands. Clusius helped establish the Imperial Botanical Garden at Vienna at the behest of Emperor Maximilian II and then created another TULIPS. The tulip made its first impact on Eu- botanical garden in Frankfurt before his appoint- ropean history in 1389 in Kosovo, when the son of ment as Horti Praefectus at the recently established the Ottoman sultan rode into battle against the University of Leiden in the Netherlands in 1592. Serbs wearing a shirt embroidered with tulips. The Clusius had the largest collection of tulip bulbs in tulip is a plant native to Turkey and much revered in Europe and ensured that the university’s botanical that country, where it is known as lale. The Western garden included numerous varieties of tulips. name probably derives from a mispronunciation of By then the tulip had already become a fashion- the Turkish word tulband, ‘turban’, which was re- able item in aristocratic gardens; in the Dutch Re- ported back by early travelers as tulipam. It is possi- public it was to become a truly popular flower. In ble that the similarity of the shape of the turban and 1612 Emanuel Sweerts (1552–1612) of Amster- the flower caused the linguistic confusion. In 1559 a dam published his Florilegium, the first sales cata- Swiss physician and botanist, Conrad Gessner logue that included tulips. Dutch agriculture was (1516–1565), published the first account and the already highly commercialized and quick to pick up first picture of tulips in western Europe. this new product. As it was, the soil directly behind In the sixteenth century tulips were cultivated in the dunes in the vicinity of Haarlem proved excep- Europe by a mere handful of botanists. Most nota- tionally suitable for the growing of bulbs. The inter- ble among them was Charles de L’E´ cluse, or Car- est in tulips reached fever pitch during the 1630s, olus Clusius (1526–1609), a native of Arras in the when a single bulb could change hands for the price

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 79 TURKISH LITERATURE AND LANGUAGE

mess, which left numerous people bankrupt. Al- though observers at home and abroad insisted it had taught the speculators a lesson, the tulip mania turned out to be a publicity scoop. It would estab- lish in the public mind, for centuries to come, the closest possible connection between Holland and bulbs. Thanks to its flowers, Dutch agriculture is still one of the largest exporters in the world.

See also Botany; Commerce and Markets; Dutch Repub- lic; Gessner, Konrad.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Dash, Mike. Tulipomania: The Story of the World’s Most Coveted Flower and the Extraordinary Passions It Aroused. London, 1999. Pavord, Anna. The Tulip. London, 1999. Both books con- tain extensive bibliographies.

MAARTEN PRAK

TURKISH LITERATURE AND LAN- GUAGE. The term Turkish literature refers to the literature produced in the Asian and Eastern European lands of the Ottoman Empire and com- posed in the Western Turkic, Oghuz-Turcoman dialects, of which the literary languages were Otto- man and Azeri Turkish. Ottoman literature here refers to the high-culture literature of the Ottoman Tulips. Flower Bouquet with Tulips, painting by Ambrosius period (c. 1326–1860). During early modern Bosschaert, 1609, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. times, the Eastern Turkic, Kipchak-Chaghatai dia- ᮊERICH LESSING/ART RESOURCE, N.Y. lects produced their own distinctive literature, which flourished in Central Asia and the eastern of a sizable house on one of Amsterdam’s fashiona- parts of the Middle East. This literature is conven- ble canals. Especially in demand were the so-called tionally referred to by the general term Turkic liter- broken varieties, which displayed flamed patterns of ature, of which the predominant high-culture mani- many colors, instead of the more common solid festation is called Chaghatai literature. coloring. Twentieth-century laboratory tests would OTTOMAN ORIGINS reveal that breaking occurred as the result of a viral Late in the eleventh century, Muslim Oghuz- infection of the bulb. In the seventeenth century it Turcoman armies coming from the East had driven was only understood that the broken varieties were the Byzantines out of much of Asia Minor and rare, and therefore valuable. Of the Semper Augus- established the Persianized sultanate of the Seljuks. tus, perhaps the rarest of them all, only twelve bulbs In the aftermath of the Mongol invasions of the were known to exist, and at a certain point they were thirteenth century, Seljuk hegemony ended, and all owned by Adriaen Pauw (1581–1653), who was Asia Minor disintegrated into a hodge-podge of the pensionary, the most important civil servant, fiefdoms headed by local dynasts who favored the first of Amsterdam and later of Holland. Turkish culture of their nomadic power base rather In 1637 the tulip bubble burst, and it took the than the Persian high-culture focus of their Seljuk Dutch authorities years to sort out the financial predecessors. The early Ottoman state originated in

80 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TURKISH LITERATURE AND LANGUAGE western Anatolia on the borders of Byzantium dur- Arabic and Persian vocabulary and elements of ing the late thirteenth century as an assemblage of syntax within an overall Turkish grammatical Turcoman seminomads under the command of a scheme. As the Ottomans expanded into the Bal- chieftain named Osman (Arabic ‘Uthma¯n, from kans and Greece, Turkish became a European lan- which the name ‘‘Ottoman’’ derives). Successful in- guage and imported some vocabulary from the cursions into Byzantine territory brought a flood of many languages of the empire. Although a number recruits into the Ottoman army and expanded Otto- of conquered Europeans adopted Ottoman lan- man domination throughout western Asia Minor guage and culture, and former captives became and into eastern Europe. With the capture of Con- noted Ottoman poets and authors, literary influ- stantinople (Turkish, Istanbul) in 1453, the Otto- ences coming directly from Europe are impossible mans stood poised on the threshold of becoming to trace with any certainty. The common people— the largest and arguably the most powerful empire villagers, nomads, urban non-elites, low-level mili- of early modern times. tary—continued a popular tradition of Central Asian Turkic literatures that was generally monolin- LITERARY CURRENTS gual (Turkish), largely oral, most often sung, con- Implicit in the origins of the Ottoman state are servative, and local or tribal. However, despite the linguistic, literary, and cultural currents that reso- differences between these two trajectories, differ- nate through almost six hundred years of Turkish ences exaggerated by the tendency of academic in- literary history. The Turkic peoples who entered the stitutions to distinguish between ‘‘literature’’ and Middle East in migratory military waves from Cen- ‘‘folklore,’’ there was continual commerce between tral Asia brought with them traditional literary them, as exemplified by poet-musicians (as¸ik, forms, which had taken on an Islamic overlay. The ‘lover’), who performed in both villages and urban territories they entered were dominated by a Perso- areas, composing relatively accessible verses that Arabic high culture that had developed in concert moved easily between the forms, styles, themes, and with the expansion of Islam. Legitimacy for any base vocabulary of both traditions. ambitious ruler depended upon his being perceived as the defender of the Islamic community and its THE POPULAR TRADITION traditions, which included Islamic high culture and The literature of the village, the countryside, and its canonical languages—Persian and Arabic. Thus, the lower classes was based on a long tradition of the early Turkish rulers of Asia Minor drew their Turkic poetry predating Islam. Popular poetry em- military support from the nomadic Turcoman tribes ployed ‘‘syllable counting’’ rhythms (in Turkish, and therefore needed to speak their language and parmak hesabi, or ‘finger counting’), which identi- respect their traditions. However, as their domains fied groups of syllables separated by minor caesuras ם ם extended, successful Turkish rulers came under in- (for example, the pattern 4 4 3 syllables). The creasing pressure to conform to the cultural norms folk poet (as¸ik, or ozan) most commonly composed associated with Islamic monarchical models. in stanza forms, which were sung to the accompani- ment of the ‘‘long lute’’ or saz and were often ex- As a result, Western Turkish literature diverged temporized. The elite poetry of the Turks was urban early onto two main trajectories. The leadership— and set in private gardens, parks, and taverns, while the court, the court-dependent elites, the educated, the popular poetry sang of mountains, forests, and educating, and administrative classes—adopted the fields, where a wandering minstrel sought his dream genres, forms, themes, and rhetoric of the Islamic beloved and flirted with enticing village maids or Perso-Arab tradition. Educated people were often sought mystical union with the Divine, who was trilingual and tended to think of the elite literary imagined as a coy and inaccessible beauty. Popular culture of what they called ‘‘the three languages’’ literature included love songs, folk songs particular (Arabic, Persian, Turkish) as a single global culture to various regions, poems about military heroism, with three voices. Ottoman poets wrote verses in religious verses reflecting the popular mysticism of Persian and Arabic as well as in Turkish, and the villagers and nomads, songs of passages such as Ottoman court was lavish in its support of visiting weddings and death, and a host of oral prose tales. Persian poets. Elite literature extensively employed The folk poet’s verses had a counterpart in the prose

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 81 TURKISH LITERATURE AND LANGUAGE of the meddah or ‘storyteller’, who enthralled audi- poet’s collected works (divan) would commonly ences in villages, coffeehouses, bazaars, and taverns contain from a few hundred to thousands of gazels. with a repertoire of tales in a variety of rhetorical Rooted in a generic Islamic mysticism expressed in styles. Although it is possible to discern when the the Neoplatonic imagery and understanding of elite early modern Ottoman literary tradition gave love—differing only in minor details from what one way to a distinctly modern literature, much of the would find, for example, in Ficino’s De Amore— popular tradition persisted substantially unchanged gazel poetry features a love-crazed, melancholic into the modern period, where it had a profound lover tormented by desire for a cruel and indifferent influence on the language, style, and themes of beloved who is at times a beautiful boy or (far less modern authors and poets who turned from the often) a beautiful girl, at times a beloved patron or elite tradition. ruler, at times God in the form of the mystical Divine, and many times a conflation of all three. The THE ELITE TRADITION: interactions of lover and beloved are carried out and OTTOMAN LITERATURE reflected in conventional settings with a conven- To the Ottoman elites, ‘‘literature’’ was, first and tional cast of characters. Typically, there is a wine foremost, poetry. The elite literature adopted the party, attended by a group of close friends who genres of the Perso-Arab poetic tradition, including share an esoteric understanding of the universal, the rhythmical scheme, called aruz, which, via Per- mystical meaning of the intoxications of passionate sian, depended on metrical feet formed by the regu- love and wine, which are misunderstood by igno- lar alternation of ‘‘long’’ and ‘‘short’’ syllables, rant and censorious outsiders. In the party, the car- which do not exist naturally in Turkish. A ‘‘long’’ ouser is served wine by an attractive boy in a tavern syllable consists of either a consonant and a long or in a secluded garden where each flower and tree, vowel or a ‘‘closed’’ syllable (consonant-vowel- bird and animal also acts out the drama of lover and consonant); a ‘‘short’’ syllable is an ‘‘open syllable,’’ beloved. Beneath the esoteric and mystical pre- a consonant, and a short vowel. The metrical feet tenses of gazel poetry, however, lay direct connec- are conventionally expressed as mnemonic word tions to the actual erotic lives and entertainments of forms derived from the Arabic root meaning ‘‘to educated urban elites. Many gazels were composed do.’’ For example, one common metrical foot is to honor or attract famous beautiful boys. Poets symbolized by the word fa¯ila¯tun (fa¯’i-la¯-tun, long, caroused in taverns run by Jews or Europeans, who short, long, long). The basic formal unit of elite were not bound by Islamic prohibitions against poetry is the couplet (beyt), which is composed of wine. two hemistiches (misra), based on set patterns of metrical feet. The most common rhyme scheme for The kaside (Arabic, qası¯dah) is a long (often lyric poetry and its relatives is a monorhyme with a running to more than one hundred couplets), mo- rhyming first couplet (aa, ba, ca, da, etc.). There norhyming, occasional poem, usually in praise of also exist stanzaic forms, which are thought of as God, the Prophet Muhammad, the monarch, a expansions of couplets created by adding hemi- highly placed official, or a patron. In addition, some stiches to a base couplet. Longer narrative poems kasides were composed to commemorate holidays, were written in rhyming couplets (aa, bb, cc, etc.). festivals, military victories, weddings, circumcisions, It was the custom for a poet’s work, exclusive of deaths, or buildings and monuments. A kaside usu- narrative poems, to be collected into a single vol- ally begins with a prelude referencing a theme from ume called a divan, which would contain hundreds erotic love poetry: love, a garden, a wine party, the and often thousands of poems. For this reason, elite heavens, a festival, and so forth. It then makes a Ottoman poetry is often referred to, especially in transition linking the prelude to praise, which is modern Turkey, as ‘‘Divan Poetry.’’ followed by mention of the poet and, in many cases, by a specific request for favors. The kaside was The dominant poetic genre of Ottoman litera- expected to be a tour de force and kasides formed ture was the short, approximately sonnet length the second largest section in a poet’s divan. (most often ten or fourteen hemistiches, five or seven couplets), erotic (and erotic-mystical) love The narrative poem is known generically as poem called the gazel (Arabic, ghazal ). A respected mesnevıˆ (Arabic, mathnawıˆ), which means ‘‘rhym-

82 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TURKISH LITERATURE AND LANGUAGE ing couplets’’ and distinguishes this kind of poem who is considered today as one of the greatest Otto- from the monorhyming genres. Narrative poems in man poets. Fuzulıˆcompiled major poetry collections rhyming couplets told and retold the classical ro- in Persian and Arabic and wrote in the Azeri dialect of mantic tales of the Perso-Arab tradition, most of Western Turkish. which, by Ottoman times, had taken on a distinct The latter half of the sixteenth century and the mystical, theosophical overlay. Poets also composed early years of the seventeenth saw extensive regu- works such as verse histories, mystical and theologi- larization of appointments to the bureaucracy, eco- cal treatises, Islamic legends and tales of the nomic crises, and social unrest, all of which served to Prophet, didactic works, and advice for princes in lessen opportunities for literary talents from outside mesnevıˆ form. the educated and bureaucratic classes. This was the The minor genres of poetry included satire and age of the greatest of the Ottoman court pane- invective, religious verse, riddles and enigmas, war gyrists, Nef’ıˆ (d. 1635), whose magnificent kasides poetry, and chronograms (verses in which the nu- could not save him from being executed for indulg- merical values of Arabic script letters add up to a ing in the vicious lampooning of powerful courtiers. target date). Prose genres, like the poetry, con- During the seventeenth century, the center of liter- tained a heavy burden of Persian and Arabic vocabu- ary production moved from the court in the direc- lary and were generously larded with poetic interpo- tion of the dervish lodges and the educated elites. lations. Some of the prominent prose genres were High-culture poetry tended toward the complex historical works, biobibliographical compendia, mystical esotericism of the Persian ‘‘Indian Style,’’ travel literature, legendary tales, interpretation of exemplified by the poetry of Na’ilıˆ (d. 1666) and the Koran, essays, manuals on style, and treatises on away from the cultural synthesis and public enter- religious, scientific, ethical, political, geographical, tainments of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries grammatical, and philological topics. that had seen beloved shop boys and young soldiers as the recipients of rhetorically refined love poems. HISTORICAL TRENDS The synthesis was left to the burgeoning number of Mehmed II (the Conqueror, ruled 1451–1481) ini- popular as¸iks who performed in coffeehouses and tiated a practice of lavish support for poets and litter- taverns in both the elite and folk styles. During the ateurs. He not only supported Ottoman poets but so-called Tulip Era of the early eighteenth cen- also is known to have patronized the master poets of tury—named after the tulip craze that swept the the Timurid court in Herat: the Persian poet Djami Empire—the court attempted to recapture the ear- and the famed Chaghatai poet Mir Ali S¸ir Nevayıˆ. lier synthesis and the support of a growing class of Through the early glory years of the reign of Sulei- wealthy entrepreneurs by patronizing lavish enter- man (the Magnificent, 1520–1566), support for lit- tainments, pleasure parks, and the work of such erary art remained high and literary talent was a key to poets as the brilliant Nedim (d. 1730), who moved upward mobility. For example, Necatıˆ (d. 1509), easily between the elite style and genres that re- considered the first great voice of Ottoman gazel flected popular verses in simpler Turkish. The latter poetry, began as a slave. One of Necatıˆ’s contempo- years of the eighteenth century saw the last great raries was a woman named Mihrıˆ (d. 1512), whose original mystical narrative poem Beauty and Love by poems—delivered to the court by male intermedi- Sheyh Galip, a Sufi master extensively patronized by aries—won substantial cash rewards from the royal the court. For the Turkish literature of the elites the treasury. Bakıˆ (d. 1600), the sixteenth century early modern period does not end until the middle ‘‘sultan of poets’’ and model of rhetorical complexity of the nineteenth century, when Ottoman intellec- for subsequent generations, was a low-level mosque tuals begin to adapt to European modernism. functionary’s son who became a chief magistrate. See also Ottoman Empire; Suleiman I; Tulip Era (Otto- Hayalıˆ (d. 1557), whose gazels married mysticism, man Empire). eroticism, and libertinism, started as a mendicant dervish youth and ended a provincial governor. The BIBLIOGRAPHY reach of Ottoman literature is attested to by the case Andrews, Walter G. An Introduction to Ottoman Poetry. of Fuzulıˆ (d. 1556), an attendant of a shrine in Iraq, Minneapolis, 1976.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 83 TUSCANY

—. Poetry’s Voice, Society’s Song. Seattle, 1985. less inhibited attitude to tyrannicide was held by Andrews, Walter G., Najaat Black, Mehmet Kalpakli, eds. another Dominican, Jean Petit, who justified the and trans. Ottoman Lyric Poetry: An Anthology. Austin, 1407 murder of Louis of Orle´ans, brother of Tex., 1997. Charles VI of France. Petit’s assertions were criti- Deny, Jean, et al. Philologiae Turcicae Fundamenta. cized by the chancellor of the University of Paris, Wiesbaden, 1965. Contains articles in several languages Jean Charlier de Gerson (1363–1429), who per- on Turkish and Turkic literatures. See especially the suaded the ecclesiastical Council of Constance introductory chapter, ‘‘The Turkic Literatures. Intro- ductory Notes on the History and Style’’ by Alessio (1414–1418) to ban tyrannicide except in the cir- Bombaci. cumstances outlined by Aquinas. Gibb, E. J. W. A History of Ottoman Poetry. Vols 1–6. Lon- don, 1900–1909. The most comprehensive history but THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY marred by nineteenth-century British imperial attitudes. Little was said about tyranny in the century follow- Holbrook, Victoria Rowe. The Unreadable Shores of Love: ing Petit, but the doctrine again became important Turkish Modernity and Mystic Romance. Austin, Tex., during the Reformation, even though Martin Lu- 1994. ther (1483–1546) taught that a tyrant was God’s Silay, Kemal, ed. An Anthology of Turkish Literature. Bloom- punishment for a sinful people, who should suffer ington, Ind., 1996. and obey. Two Protestant exiles during the restora-

WALTER G. ANDREWS tion of Roman Catholicism in England under Queen Mary I (ruled 1553–1558) had a different view. John Ponet, bishop of Winchester (1514– 1556), was the author of A Short Treatise of Politic TUSCANY. See Florence. Power (1556), and Christopher Goodman, profes- sor of divinity at Oxford (c. 1520–1603), wrote How Superior Powers Ought to be Obeyed (1558). Ponet answered his own question ‘‘whether or not TYNDALE, WILLIAM. See Bible: it is lawful to depose an evil governor and kill him?’’ Translations and Editions. in the affirmative, and Goodman expressed similar views. A tyrant was defined not only as one who despoiled the people and refused them justice, but also as one who broke divine law. TYRANNY, THEORY OF. The character- istics of tyranny were defined by Aristotle (384–322 Another advocate of tyrannicide was the Scot- B.C.E.) in his Politics. Tyranny was seen as a corrupt tish Presbyterian humanist George Buchanan form of monarchy where the ruler acted despotically (1506–1582), who composed De Jure Regni apud and preferred his own profit and pleasure to the Scotos (1579; Concerning the law of the kingdom common good. Tyrants were reputed to be greedy, among the Scots) when Mary, Queen of Scots, was lustful, and distrusting. They provoked flattery and deposed in 1567. Buchanan repeated the Aristotel- conspiracy and employed foreign guards. ian marks of tyranny and defined the concept as the treatment of a free people as if they were slaves. Among medieval thinkers whose writings on Among his classical authorities was Marcus Tullius tyranny remained influential in early modern times Cicero (106–43 B.C.E.). His examples of tyrants were the jurists Bartolus of Sassoferrato (1314– were drawn from the Old Testament and Scottish 1357) and Baldus de Ubaldis (1327–1400); the history. In his posthumous Rerum Scoticarum His- papal agent John of Salisbury (1115/1120–1180), toria (1582; History of Scottish affairs), he made whose Policraticus (1159) made the important dis- much of the deposition and killing of Scottish ty- tinction between a tyrant-usurper and a legitimate rants. He described tyrants in general as predatory king who chose to rule by force rather than law; and wolves that any private individual could put to the great Dominican theologian St. Thomas death. Aquinas (1225–1274), who allowed tyrannicide in extreme cases, but only if the consequences were During their armed resistance in the 1560s, the likely to be better than the preceding oppression. A Huguenots made little use of the rhetoric of tyr-

84 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TYRANNY, THEORY OF anny. However, their foremost polemicist, the Cal- The Italian queen mother was also denounced for vinist jurist Franc¸ois Hotman (1524–1690), em- introducing the supposedly perfidious doctrines of ployed such language against the Ultra-Catholic Niccolo` Machiavelli (1469–1527), whose Prince statesman Cardinal Charles de Lorraine in his was seen as a guidebook for tyrants. Perhaps the Epistre envoie´e au tigre de la France (1560; Letter most remarkable tract on tyranny at this time was sent to the tiger of France). In the late 1560s he the Discours de la servitude volontaire (Discourse on drafted his celebrated Francogallia, demonstrating voluntary servitude, also known as the Contr’un)by the long continuance of an ancient constitution in Michel de Montaigne’s friend, E´ tienne de La Boe´tie which the assembly of the realm could judge and (1530–1563). La Boe´tie’s humanist essay was com- depose tyrannical kings. Hotman cited several posed well before the religious wars. It was called Frankish depositions, but his principal tyrant was a into the service of Huguenot propaganda when it more modern king, Louis XI (ruled 1461–1483), was published in part in the Alarm Bell and in full in who had allegedly subverted the constitution. a collection of resistance tracts titled Me´moires de When the Francogallia was published in 1573, the l’estat de France sous Charles neufiesme (1576; year after the massacre of St. Bartholomew, he Memoirs of the state of France under Charles IX). added a preface listing the tyrants of classical antiq- La Boe´tie rehearsed the vices and cruelties of the uity and suggesting the relevance of tyranny to his tyrants of antiquity, concentrating on the Roman own times. tyrants portrayed by Cornelius Tacitus (c. 55– The massacre of the Huguenots endorsed by c. 120 C.E.). Charles IX shifted their theory of resistance into a In the second half of the religious wars the Holy radical phase. However, the two other best-known Catholic League replaced the Huguenots as the works in this vein, Du droit des magistrats (1574; main opponent of the French crown. After the mur- The right of magistrates) by Calvin’s lieutenant der of its leaders in 1588 by Henry III, the league’s The´odore de Be`ze (1519–1605) and Vindiciae con- polemicists became enthusiastic proponents of ty- tra Tyrannos (1579; The defense of liberty against rannicide. The league’s best-known work on the tyrants) by the Huguenot statesman Philippe theme was De Justa Henrici Tertii Abdicatione Duplessis-Mornay (1549–1623), both displayed (1589; The just deposition of Henry III) by Jean some caution about tyrannicide. Although Be`ze Boucher (c. 1548–1644), rector of the Sorbonne. said he would not discuss the Old Testament idea of Apart from its religious and secular arguments God summoning an individual to kill a tyrant, he about tyranny, the book was a violent personal did provide some examples to this end. He distin- diatribe against the last Valois king, who had in fact guished between the tyrant-usurper and the legiti- been assassinated by Jacques Cle´ment shortly before mate king who became a tyrant, but he insisted that it was published. In 1594 Boucher came out with private individuals could not act without the leader- his Apologie pour Jean Chastel (Apology for Jean ship of lesser magistrates. In the case of the usurper, Chastel), who had failed in his attempt to kill the however, they might take arms if the magistrates next king, the Bourbon Henry IV. At this time the failed to do so. Mornay’s argument was similar in Jesuits were somewhat unjustly accused of preach- many respects. His greater juristic subtlety was ing tyrannicide. The practice was, indeed, endorsed probably due to the influence of Bartolus. While he by the independently minded Spanish Jesuit Juan de stressed the need for collective action, he allowed Mariana (1536–1624) in his De Rege et Regis Insti- greater freedom to private individuals under the tutione (1599; On the king and the education of the natural right of self-defense. king). Henry IV was to be murdered by a fanatical Other Huguenot tracts responding to the mas- believer in the doctrine, Franc¸ois Ravaillac, in 1610. sacre were less reticent about tyrannicide. The many-authored Le reveille-matin (1574; Alarm THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY bell) directly attacked Charles IX as a tyrant and The next notorious regicide was the execution of compared his mother, Catherine de Me´dicis, to Jez- Charles I of England in 1649. The theory of tyr- ebel in the Old Testament, who had been killed by anny, however, was seldom invoked against him Jehu, the instrument of God in several tyrannicides. before his trial, although it received mention in

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 85 TYRANNY, THEORY OF general works on political authority. Some so-called tion of the long tradition of the Aristotelian concept ‘‘Levellers,’’ such as John Lilburne (1615–1657) of tyranny in his Discourses. and William Walwyn (1600–1680), made use of the concept, but they applied it to all and sundry—king, THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY Parliament, church, and Cromwellian army council. In the eighteenth century it was the writings of John In his An Arrow against All Tyrants (1646), for Locke (1632–1704), rather than those of Sidney, instance, Richard Overton (c. 1600–c. 1664) chose that influenced the political thought of the Enlight- as his main targets the House of Lords and the enment. Locke described the tyrant as one ‘‘whose Presbyterian clergy. commands and actions are not directed to the pres- ervation of the properties of his people, but the The strongest attack upon Charles I as a tyrant satisfaction of his own ambition, revenge, covet- came from the pen of the republican poet John ousness, or any other irregular passion’’ (Two Trea- Milton (1608–1674). His Tenure of Kings and tises of Government, 1690). However much they Magistrates (1649) was followed by his Pro Populo admired Locke, the French philosophes tended to Anglicano Defensio (1650; Defense of the people of discuss the theme with a certain irony. In his De England), written in answer to the justification of l’esprit des lois (1748; Spirit of the laws), Charles- Charles I by the French scholar, Claude de Saumaise Louis de Secondat, baron de Montesquieu (1689– (1588–1653). Milton discussed the tyranny and 1755) suggested that there was another kind of deposition of other kings, including those listed in tyranny beside monarchical oppression: the force of the Francogallia, but his venom was reserved for cultural tradition. Voltaire (1694–1778) declared Charles I and his champion. in an entry on tyranny in his Dictionnaire philoso- In the next generation two renowned Whig re- phique (1764; Philosophical dictionary) that there publicans discussed tyranny in the context of the were no tyrants left in the Europe of his day, and in attempt to exclude Charles II’s brother, the future any case he preferred a royal tyrant to the tyranny of James II, from the succession because of his Cathol- an assembly. icism. Plato Redivivus (1680; expanded in 1681) by Thomas Paine (1737–1809) took tyranny more Henry Neville (1620–1694) and Discourses con- seriously in the context of the American and French cerning Government (composed 1681–1683, first Revolutions. His Rights of Man (1791) reduced all published 1698) by Algernon Sidney (1622–1683) governments to two types, the hereditary ruler and showed familiarity with the Aristotelian tradition the representative assembly. All hereditary govern- and the French resistance literature of the preceding ment, he argued, was intrinsically a tyranny that had century. They supported what had become known repressed natural rights in past centuries. Far more as ‘‘the Gothic constitution,’’ based on Hotman’s extreme were the ferocious accusations of tyranny idea of the control of government by the sovereign leveled by the Jacobins Antoine Saint-Just (1767– assemblies of the Germanic peoples who had in- 1794) and Franc¸ois-Maximilien Robespierre vaded France, Spain, and England in the fifth cen- (1758–1794) against Louis XVI in the proceedings tury. Like Milton, they both cited Hotman on the that led to the king’s execution in 1793. In the subversion of the ancient French constitution by following year the accusers were themselves labeled Louis XI. They saw the tyranny of Charles II and his tyrants and sent to the guillotine, an event that brother as likely to lead England to a regime compa- rendered Voltaire’s preferences prophetic. rable with Louis XIV’s in France. Sidney had long See also Absolutism; Authority, Concept of; Autocracy; been obsessed with tyranny. In 1660 he had in- Be`ze, The´odore de; Catholic League (France); scribed the visitors’ book at the court of Denmark Charles I (England); Democracy; Divine Right with his Latin motto: ‘‘This hand, opposed to the Kingship; English Civil War Radicalism; Henry IV sword of tyrants, seeks peace under liberty’’ (fron- (France); Law; Liberty; Locke, John; Machiavelli, tispiece to The Works of Algernon Sidney, 1772). Niccolo`; Mariana, Juan de; Milton, John; Monar- chy; Montesquieu, Charles-Louis de Secondat de; Peace was not his forte. In 1683 he was tried and Natural Law; Political Philosophy; Reformation, executed for plotting the assassination of Charles II, Protestant; Republicanism; Revolutions, Age of; leaving to posterity the manuscript of his summa- Rights, Natural; St. Bartholomew’s Day Massacre;

86 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 TYRANNY, THEORY OF

Sovereignty, Theory of; Voltaire; Wars of Religion, Garnett. Cambridge, U.K., and New York, 1994. Ear- French. lier English translations also known as A Defense of Liberty against Tyrants. See Franklin, above. BIBLIOGRAPHY Neville, Henry. Plato Redivivus. In Two Republican Tracts. Primary Sources Compiled by Caroline Robbins. London, 1969. Aylmer, G. E., ed. The Levellers in the English Revolution. Paine, Thomas. The Rights of Man. New York, 1961 [1791]. London, 1975. Extracts from Leveller tracts. Ponet, John. A Shorte Treatise of Politike Pouuer. In John Beza, The´odore (The´odore de Be`ze). Du droit des magis- Ponet (1516?–1556): Advocate of Limited Monarchy, by trats. Edited by Robert M. Kingdon. Geneva, 1970. Winthrop S. Hudson. Chicago, 1942. Buchanan, George. The Powers of the Crown in Scotland. Sidney, Algernon, The Works of Algernon Sydney. London, Austin, Tex., 1949. A translation of De Jure Regni apud 1772. Scotos by Charles Flinn Arrowood. Franklin, Julian H., ed. Constitutionalism and Resistance in Secondary Sources the Sixteenth Century: Three Treatises by Hotman, Beza, Ford, Franklin L. Political Murder from Tyrannicide to Ter- and Mornay. New York, 1969. Extracts from Franco- rorism. Cambridge, Mass., 1985. gallia, The Right of Magistrates, and Vindiciae contra Kelley, Donald R. Franc¸ois Hotman: A Revolutionary’s Tyrannos. Ordeal. Princeton, 1973. Goodman, Christopher. How Superior Powers Oght to be Kingdon, Robert M. Myths about the St. Bartholomew’s Day Obeyd of Their Subjects. Edited by C. H. McIlwain. New Massacres, 1572–1576. Cambridge, Mass., 1988. York, 1931. McFarlane, I. D. Buchanan. London, 1981. Hotman, Franc¸ois. Francogallia. Edited by Ralph E. Giesey and J. H. M. Salmon. Cambridge, U.K., 1972. Morrill, John. ‘‘Charles I, Tyranny and the Civil War.’’ In The Nature of the English Revolution. London, 1993. La Boe´tie, E´ tienne de. Le discours de la servitude volontaire. Edited by P. Le´onard. Paris, 1976. Ranum, Orest. ‘‘The French Ritual of Tyrannicide in the Late Sixteenth Century.’’ The Sixteenth Century Jour- Locke, John. Two Treatises of Government. Edited by Peter nal 11, no. 1 (Spring 1980): 63–82. Laslett. Cambridge, U.K., and New York, 1988. Scott, Jonathan. Algernon Sidney and the Restoration Crisis, Milton, John, The Complete Prose Works of John Milton. Vol. 1677–1683. Cambridge, U.K., and New York, 1991. 4, 1650–1655. Edited by Don M. Wolfe. New Haven, 1953–1982. Walzer, Michael, ed. Regicide and Revolution: Speeches at the Trial of Louis XVI. Translated by Marian Rothstein. Mornay, Philippe Duplessis. Vindiciae, contra Tyrannos: Or, Cambridge, U.K., 1974. Concerning the Legitimate Power of a Prince over the People, and of the People over a Prince. Edited by George J. H. M. SALMON

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 87 U

their traditional powers in the region. It was sup- UKRAINE. Ukraine entered the fifteenth cen- ported nevertheless by the nobility, which as a result tury with no independent state of its own, as the of the union received same political status as the formerly powerful principalities of Galicia and Polish nobility (). After the conclusion of Volhynia—heirs of the once mighty Kievan Rus’— union, the Kingdom of Poland effectively took con- succumbed to the rule of the Kingdom of Poland trol of most of Ukraine, adding to its earlier Ukrai- and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. While the Rus’ nian possessions the Podlasia, Volhynia, Kiev, and elites of the Galicia and Kholm regions, annexed by Bratslav regions. All of the Belarusian lands re- Poland in 1387, played little if any role in the politi- mained within the boundaries of the Grand Duchy cal life of the Polish state, their counterparts in the of Lithuania. The border between the new Com- rest of the Ruthenian (Ukrainian and Belarusian) monwealth partners, in the Pripet River basin, laid territories, which were taken over by the Lithuanian the foundations for the modern Ukrainian-Belarus- princes in the course of the fourteenth century, be- ian border. One of the consequences of the union in came the most influential political force in the the cultural sphere was the gradual replacement of Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Their political clout was Ruthenian as the official language of the area by translated into cultural dominance, which was re- Latin and Polish. The Union of Lublin increased flected in the status of the Ruthenian as the official the Polish presence in Ukraine, as kings granted language of the realm and in the conversion of large latifundia there to Polish nobles. It also helped numerous members of the Lithuanian ruling dy- to initiate a mass migration of the Jewish population nasty to Orthodoxy. The political, economic, and into central and eastern Ukraine. cultural dominance of the Ruthenian elites in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was, nevertheless, short- From the late sixteenth century, the union of lived, as Lithuania, threatened by its northern and the Orthodox and Catholic Christians of the Com- eastern neighbors, strengthened its ties with the monwealth became the leitmotif of a controversial Kingdom of Poland. government policy. The union was proclaimed at the church council of Brest in 1596, and it provoked A number of agreements proclaiming the union a strong negative reaction on the part of Ruthenian of the two states opened the door to growing Polish princes, Orthodox brotherhoods, and the majority political, religious, and cultural influences in the of the monastic clergy. These groups had, in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The Union of Lublin decades leading to the Union of Brest, worked hard (1569) concluded the process of the amalgamation for the revival of Orthodox religious tradition and of the two polities into one state, the Polish-Lithua- culture. The leading role in promotion of Orthodox nian Commonwealth. The union was opposed by learning was played by Prince Kostiantyn Ostrozky, the Ruthenian princes, as it significantly curtailed who founded the Ostrih Academy (c. 1576) and

89 UKRAINE

Baltic Sea r ive a R vin W. D

Minsk POLAND ia 0 50 100 mi. ch LITHUANIA la d 0 50 100 km o Warsaw P Brest MUSCOVY O de r Lublin Chernihiv R iv Lublin Kholm e r er Riv la Luts&k istu Belz Cracow V Belz Kiev Volhynia Kiev Przemys;l Lwow Zboriv, 1649 Poltava, 1709 Do nets Rus' Riv (Galicia) Podolia er D n HABSBURG Kaminets iep Podilskyi Bratislav er R EMPIRE iver Bratislav

r Buda e P S Zaporozhian v r . i u B Sich, 1648 R t D u R n g e R b i i Azov Ias*i v e i u e s v r t e n e r

a r R D OTTOMAN EMPIRE iv e r Crimean Khanate Sea of Ukraine Azov Palatinates which joined Poland in 1569 N Hetmanate state, 1648–1782 Border dividing Russian and Polish Ukraine, c. 1654 Black Sea Battle

sponsored the publication of the Church Slavonic ropolitanate under Mohyla led the entire Orthodox Bible in 1580–1581. The Union of Brest provoked Church along the way to confessionalization. the rise of religious polemics in Ukraine. The writ- ings of Catholic authors, among whom Piotr Skarga THE COSSACKS was most prominent, and Uniate writers, led by An important role in the Uniate-Orthodox conflicts Metropolitan Ipatii Potii, were countered by Or- of the first half of the seventeenth century was thodox polemicists, who included the author of the played by the Ukrainian Cossacks, whose military clout assured the restoration of the Orthodox hier- first Church Slavonic grammar, Meletii Smotrytsky. archy in 1620. The Cossacks, whose existence is first In 1620 the Orthodox managed to restore their recorded in historical sources at the end of the fif- church hierarchy, and by 1633 they assured its rec- teenth century, grew by the mid-seventeenth cen- ognition by the authorities. Peter Mohyla, the first tury into an influential military and political force, ‘‘legitimate’’ Orthodox metropolitan of Kiev since which often raised the banner of Orthodoxy in its the proclamation of the Union of Brest, played a fight against the authorities. The growth of Cos- leading role in the reform of Orthodox Christianity. sackdom was closely associated with the coloniza- He helped establish the Kiev College to raise the tion of the steppe areas of Ukraine, the construction educational level of the clergy, standardized liturgi- of border castles and towns, and the advance of the cal practices, and sponsored the composition of the magnates’ latifundia, which resulted in the gradual Orthodox confession of faith, which was approved enserfment of the peasantry. The transformation of by the eastern patriarchs in 1643. The Kievan met- Ukrainian Cossackdom from bands of fishermen,

90 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 UKRAINE hunters, and freebooters to military formations in Khmelnytsky’s policy of conducting an inde- the service of Polish kings and a new social group pendent foreign policy irrespective of the wishes of striving for recognition on a par with the nobility Muscovy culminated during the tenure of his suc- was marked by a number of violent conflicts with cessor as hetman, former General Chancellor Ivan the authorities. The latter tried to limit the number Vyhovsky. Disappointed with Muscovite policy, of Cossacks in the royal register and thus to curb the Vyhovsky turned to the Commonwealth, signing an access of burghers and peasants to this socially and agreement in September 1658 at Hadiach. This economically privileged group. Another reason for ‘‘union’’ would introduce the Ruthenian nation as a the authorities’ desire to curb the growth of Cos- third partner in the Commonwealth, along with the sackdom was constant Cossack interference in inter- Poles and Lithuanians. It expressed the strivings of national affairs. The Cossacks’ seagoing expeditions the Ukrainian nobility but did not sit well with the to the Ottoman possessions of the Black Sea littoral, Cossack rank and file. And the Polish side was not their raids into the Crimea, and their interference ready to accept the rebellious Ruthenians as equals. into the internal affairs of Moldavia put the Com- Both factors led to the collapse of the Hadiach monwealth on a collision course with the High agreement and the loss of power by Vyhovsky in Porte and forced the Polish authorities to take a 1659. hard line against the Cossacks.

Between 1591 and 1638 there were five major ‘‘RUIN’’ Cossack uprisings against the Commonwealth and a The new hetman, Bohdan Khmelnytsky’s son Iurii, number of smaller conflicts. By far the largest Cos- initially sided with Muscovy, but in 1660 switched sack uprising started in the spring of 1648 under the allegiance to the Commonwealth, thereby creating leadership of the Cossack officer Bohdan Khmelnyt- a split within the Cossack officer stratum. Some, led sky. As with many earlier revolts, this one began at by Colonel Iakiv Somko, denounced the younger the Zaporozhian Sich—the Cossack headquarters Khmelnytsky and remained loyal to the tsar. What in the lower Dnieper area. In a surprising move, the followed was the period which in Ukrainian histori- Cossacks united their forces with their traditional ography is known as the ‘‘ruin.’’ Muscovy fought adversaries the Crimean Tatars and in the course of Polish-Lithuanian and Ottoman armies, each side 1648 and 1649 scored a number of impressive - assisted by competing Cossack factions led by their tories over the armed forces of the Commonwealth. own . The signing of Andrusovo agreement The Cossack military successes were accompanied (1667) between Muscovy and the Commonwealth by the massacre and expulsion of the Polish and effectively divided Ukraine into two parts: territo- Jewish population from the Cossack-controlled ter- ries on the left of the Dnieper together with ritories, as both groups were viewed by the rebels as Kiev (first temporarily and then permanently) went close associates of the oppressive regime in Ukraine. to Muscovy, while the rest of Ukraine remained In August 1649, after a successful battle against under Polish control. An attempt to reestablish Commonwealth forces at Zboriv, the Cossacks Cossack control over both parts of Ukraine was led made an agreement that recognized their control by Hetman Peter Doroshenko, who relied on Otto- over three eastern palatinates of the Common- man help to achieve this goal. His attempt ended in wealth and led to the foundations of a Cossack state failure in 1676 when Doroshenko was forced to known as the Hetmanate. Khmelnytsky’s search for abandon his office and surrender to the pro-Musco- allies in his struggle with the Commonwealth led vite hetman of Left Bank Ukraine. The decades of him first to the formal acceptance of Ottoman continuous war brought devastation to Ukraine. suzerainty in 1651. When the sultan failed to deliver The Right Bank, which was turned into a battle- the expected military assistance, Khmelnytsky ground between the competing Ottoman, Polish, turned to a Muscovite protectorate in 1654. He also and Cossack armies, suffered especially. Between sought other allies in his war against the Common- 1672 and 1699 Podillia and parts of Right Bank wealth, establishing especially close links with Swe- Ukraine were ruled by the Ottomans, but they then den. returned to Polish control.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 91 UKRAINE

Cossack statehood and autonomy survived only dated the Zaporozhian Sich, an autonomous Cos- in Muscovite-controlled Left Bank Ukraine. The sack Host in Lower Dnieper; and finally liquidated relative security and stability of the region attracted the Hetmanate altogether. numerous immigrants from Right Bank Ukraine. The successful wars with the Ottomans in the Among these was the Cossack officer Ivan Mazepa, second half of the eighteenth century and the an- who became hetman in 1687. Mazepa’s name is nexation of the Crimea by the Russian Empire in linked to the Hetmanate’s last attempt to play an 1783 opened the steppes of southern Ukraine to independent role in international politics. Unhappy further colonization and brought numerous settlers with the policies of Peter I of Russia, which aimed to of Russian, Serbian, German, and Mennonite ex- further limit the Hetmanate’s autonomy, in 1708 traction into the region, apart from Ukrainian Cos- Mazepa joined the invading army of Charles XII of sacks and peasantry. The partitions of Poland Sweden. Only part of the Cossack officers followed (1772–1795) brought under Russian control most their hetman, and the defeat of Charles XII and ethnic Ukrainian territories, with the exception of Mazepa’s forces at the hands of the Russian army in Galicia, Bukovina, and Transcarpathia, which were the battle of Poltava in 8 July (27 June O.S.) 1709 ruled by the Habsburgs. The Russian Empire took firmly reestablished Russian control over Left Bank over territories settled mostly by Ukrainian and Ukraine. Mazepa’s ‘‘treason’’ was used by Peter to Belarusian peasants, the majority of whom adhered launch a decisive attack on the remnants of the by that time to the Uniate church and were ruled by Hetmanate’s autonomy. The capital of the Het- Polish, or heavily Polonized, Roman Catholic no- manate was moved closer to the border with Russia, bility. the tsar took over the right to appoint Cossack colonels, his representative took up permanent resi- See also Andrusovo, Truce of; Belarus; Cossacks; Het- dence at the hetman’s court, and eventually the of- manate (Ukraine); Khmelnytsky, Bohdan; Khmel- fice of the hetman itself was abolished and replaced nytsky Uprising; Lithuania, Grand Duchy of, to 1569; Lithuanian Literature and Language; Lublin, in 1722 by the rule of the Little Russian Collegium. Union of (1569); Mazepa, Ivan; Orthodoxy, Rus- sian; Poland to 1569; Poland-Lithuania, Common- ABSORPTION INTO RUSSIA AND THE RISE wealth of, 1569–1795; Reformations in Eastern OF ‘‘LITTLE RUSSIAN’’ IDENTITY Europe: Protestant, Catholic, and Orthodox; Rus- In the course of the eighteenth century the Left sia; Ukrainian Literature and Language; Uniates; Bank Cossack officer stratum developed a new iden- Union of Brest (1596). tity, defined by loyalty to the ‘‘Little Russian’’ na- tion. That identity was deeply rooted in the loyalty BIBLIOGRAPHY to the Hetmanate’s political traditions and institu- Frick, David A. Meletij Smotryc’kyj. Cambridge, Mass., tions. It stressed cultural differences between Russia 1995. and Ukraine, but in most cases complemented the Gordon, Linda. Cossack Rebellions: Social Turmoil in the all-Russian identity of the Hetmanate’s elite. The Sixteenth-Century Ukraine. Albany, N.Y, 1983. sons of Little Russia were among the architects of Gudziak, Borys A. Crisis and Reform: The Kyivan Metropoli- the all-Russian identity through most of the eigh- tanate, the Patriarchate of Constantinople, and the Gen- esis of the Union of Brest. Cambridge, Mass., 1998. teenth century, and although they resented the abolition of their autonomy, after Mazepa they were Hrushevsky, Mykhailo. History of Ukraine-Rus’. Edited by Andrzej Poppe and Frank E. Sysyn. Translated by Marta reluctant to rebel against the tsar. Taking advantage Skorupsky. Edmonton, 1997–. See especially vols. of the change of rulers in St. Petersburg, the Cos- 7 and 8. sack officers managed to restore the hetman’s office Kaminski, Andrzej Sulima. Republic vs. Autocracy: Poland- twice, in 1727–1734 and 1750–1764. Neverthe- Lithuania and Russia, 1686–1697. Cambridge, Mass., less, these temporary successes in preserving the 1993. symbol of Cossack statehood could not reverse the Kohut, Zenon E. Russian Centralism and Ukrainian Au- slowly but evenly advancing process of the imperial tonomy: Imperial Absorption of the Hetmanate, 1760s– absorption of the Hetmanate. This process culmi- 1830s. Cambridge, Mass., 1988. nated under Catherine II, who in the 1760s–1780s Pelenski, Jaroslaw. The Contest for the Legacy of Kievan Rus’. permanently abolished the hetman’s office; liqui- Boulder, Colo., and New York, 1998.

92 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 UKRAINIAN LITERATURE AND LANGUAGE

Plokhy, Serhii. The Cossacks and Religion in Early Modern had published a Ruthenian catechism at Niasvizh Ukraine. New York, 2001. (Nies´wiez˙) in 1562. The architect of the Union of —. Tsars and Cossacks: A Study in Iconography. Cam- Brest, the Polish Jesuit Piotr Skarga, had asserted in bridge, Mass., 2002. 1577 that only Greek and Latin could function as Polonska-Vasylenko, Natalia. The Settlement of the Southern languages of learning and religion, because only Ukraine, 1750–1775. New York, 1955. they possessed grammars and lexicons and thus ‘‘are Sevcenko, Ihor. Ukraine Between East and West: Essays on always the same and never change.’’ Responses Cultural History to the Early Eighteenth Century. Ed- came from centers in Ostrih (the Slavic-Greek-Latin monton, 1996. Academy) as well as Lviv, Vilnius, and Kiev, where Subtelny, Orest. The Mazepists: Ukrainian Separatism in the brotherhoods, schools, and printing presses were Early Eighteenth Century. Boulder, Colo., and New employed in the ‘‘national’’ cause. York, 1981. Sysyn, Frank E. Between Poland and the Ukraine: The Di- Ruthenian scholars sought to answer Skarga’s lemma of Adam Kysil, 1600–1653. Cambridge, Mass., challenge by writing grammars and dictionaries of 1985. Church Slavonic, in which they wished to see a Ru- SERHII PLOKHY thenian Latin. First attempts to produce a grammar (Adelphotı¨s, a Greek grammar with facing Slavonic translation, 1591; Lavrentii Zyzanii’s Slavonic Grammar, 1596) culminated in Meletii Smotryt- UKRAINIAN LITERATURE AND skyi’s Collection of Rules of Slavonic Grammar LANGUAGE. The history of a literary lan- (1618–1619), which served as the norm through- guage in Ukraine begins with the Christianization out the Orthodox Slavic world until the early nine- of Kievan Rus’ about 988 and the adoption of the teenth century. Pamvo Berynda (1627), Iepyfanii Church Slavonic language for use in liturgy and Slavynetskyi (1642), and Slavynetskyi together with literature (chronicles, saints’ lives, sermons). The Arsenii Koretskyi (1649) would offer lexicons and Mongol Tatar destruction of Kiev in 1240 and the dictionaries. fourteenth-century partition of Ukrainian lands, chiefly among Lithuania and Poland, had profound Editions of Holy Scripture and liturgical books effects on the development of languages and litera- were a part of the revival. The Peresopnytsia Gospel tures in the area. In 1433 the Polish king Władysław (1556–1561), a sort of Slavonic-Ruthenian hybrid, II Jagiełło introduced Polish usage in Galician remained in manuscript form. A Church Slavonic chanceries (at first Latin, then Latin and Polish) for apostol (Acts and Epistles) was printed at Lviv in court records and documents of state. In the Grand 1574, and a Bible, the first complete printing in the Duchy of Lithuania, on the other hand (which in- language, at Ostrih in 1580–1581. Metropolitan cluded what would become the Kiev Palatinate at Peter Mohyla directed a project of correction and this point), Ruthenian (ruskii) was employed in the edition of Church Slavonic liturgical books in the chancery. Although the language came to have 1630s and 1640s. Belarusian features at its base, it tolerated Ukrainian With the growth of Catholic and Protestant dialect features as well and could serve as the confessional propaganda and devotional literature ‘‘vulgar tongue’’ (prostyi iazyk, prostaia mova) for a (in both Polish and Ruthenian) came attempts to ‘‘Ruthenian nation’’ that had not yet differentiated establish Ruthenian as a ‘‘national’’ vulgar tongue. into Ukrainians and Belarusians. Borrowing the argumentation of Protestant and After the ‘‘silence’’ of the late fifteenth and early Catholic discussions on the licitness and range of sixteenth centuries, Ukrainian intellectuals helped uses for popular languages, Meletii Smotrytskyi mo- to mount a Ruthenian revival. These activities came tivated his decision in 1616 to offer a Ruthenian in reaction to the confessional and cultural chal- translation of the old Slavonic Homiliary Gospel (a lenges posed by the Reformation and Counter- collection of sermons he hoped would stand in as an Reformation in the Polish-Lithuanian Common- Orthodox postil) with the argument that, although wealth. Among other things, the then Calvinist he would rather use ‘‘the more noble, beautiful, (and future Antitrinitarian) minister Szymon Budny concise, subtle and rich Slavonic language,’’ he had

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 93 UKRAINIAN LITERATURE AND LANGUAGE listened to St. Paul and offered the work now in the Petro Konashevych-Sahaidachnyi, Hetman of the Za- ‘‘baser and more vulgar tongue,’’ since ‘‘it is a more porozhian Army of His Royal Grace (1622), as well useful thing to speak five words in an intelligible as the many encomiastic poems with which Ruthen- tongue, than ten thousand in an unknown tongue ian churchmen and scholars prefaced their works. (especially for the instruction of the people)’’ (1 Among Cossack histories, the Eyewitness Chronicle Cor. 14:19). Although a certain number of works (late seventeenth century) and the works of related to confession and devotion continued to ap- Hryhorij Hrabjanka (after 1709) and Samiilo pear in Ruthenian, Polish soon dominated in these Velychko (c. 1720) deserve mention. Ruthenian areas of Ruthenian letters. The effects of the increas- was also used in school dramas and intermedia. Still, ing Polonization that followed the Union of Lublin it is important to note that Polish continued to (1569) can be seen clearly in the history of the function as a literary language for Ruthenians, even polemic leading up to and following the Union of for the Orthodox: it was in this language that Brest (1596). In the early stages, Orthodox, Un- Mohyla printed Sylvester Kosiv’s version of the lives iates, and Catholics often employed Ruthenian in of the Kievan Caves Fathers (1635) and Afanasii their tracts, sometimes issuing parallel Polish ver- Kolnofoiskyi’s collection of miracles connected with sions. By 1597 the Orthodox side had issued a first the Caves Monastery (1638). polemical treatise in Polish, and after 1628 all sides used Polish exclusively. Ukrainian Ruthenian was employed in the chancery of the Cossack Hetmanate, but its use Thus by the early seventeenth century Ukrai- declined in all areas with the now increasing Rus- nians were using three literary languages: Church sianization of left-bank Ukraine and the continuing Slavonic in its new Meletian codification, Polish, Polonization of the right bank. With Hetman Ivan and Ruthenian. Ruthenian usage began to accept Mazepa’s defeat at Poltava in 1709, the Hetmanate more and more recognizably Ukrainian features; at became more and more a Russian province. In 1720 the same time, Ruthenian texts came to look more Tsar Peter I banned printing of church books in and more like Polish written with Cyrillic letters. Ukraine. In 1723 the Cossack state lost the right to The program of Smotrytskyi and others had been to choose hetmans. In 1775 the Zaporozhian Sich was set Church Slavonic on a level with Latin as the liquidated; in 1783 serfdom was introduced; and in language of Ruthenian culture, education, and high 1785 the Cossack starshyna was incorporated into literature (including poetry), and to set Ruthenian the . Church Slavonic was eventu- next to Polish as a ‘‘vulgar tongue’’ with a wide ally replaced (except for liturgical uses) by the range of usage in literature and private devotion. Slaveno-Russian that Ukrainian philologists helped The program reached far beyond practice. None- to create. The Ruthenian vulgar tongue continued theless, literature in Ruthenian experienced a mod- to find some use in Ukrainian administration until est flourishing in the seventeenth century. The about 1780, during the reign of Catherine the archimandrite of the Kiev Caves Monastery Zahariia Great; from that point the language would be rele- Kopystenskyi produced a monumental statement of gated to mostly private use, allowed, with the ad- the Orthodox position on the confessional debates vent of classicism’s theory of the three styles, to in his Palinodia of 1620–1624, which, however, function only in the ‘‘lowest’’ genres of belles remained in manuscript until 1894. Monk Ivan lettres. Vyshenskyi used Ruthenian in the polemical tracts and epistles he sent to Rus’ from Mt. Athos. The See also Lithuanian Literature and Language; Mohyla, churchmen Leontii Karpovych, Meletii Smotryt- Peter; Polish Literature and Language; Reforma- tions in Eastern Europe: Protestant, Catholic, and skyi, Kyrylo Trankvilion-Stavrovetskyi, Ioannikii Orthodox; Smotrytskyi, Meletii. Haliatovskyi, Antonii Radyvylovskyi, Lazar

Baranovych, Dmytro Tuptalo, and Stefan Javorskyi BIBLIOGRAPHY published Ruthenian sermons, individually and in Primary Source large collections. Among exemplars of Ruthenian Rothe, Hans, ed. Die a¨lteste ostslawische Kunstdichtung, baroque poetry we may note Kasiian Sakovych’s 1575–1647. Bausteine zur Geschichte der Literatur bei Verses on the Sorrowful Funeral of the Noble Knight, den Slawen, vol. 7. Giessen, Germany, 1976–1977.

94 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 UNIATES

Secondary Sources often constituted a sharper definition of ecclesial Cˇ yzˇevsk’yj, Dmytro. A History of Ukrainian Literature. traditions and dogmas, at times by adopting the Translated by Dolly Ferguson, Doreen Gorsline, and tools and methods of their opponents. Ulana Petyk. Littleton, Colo., 1975. Martel, Antoine. La langue polonaise dans les pays Ruthe`nes: The first and major union of the early modern Ukraine et Russie Blanche, 1569–1657. Lille, France, period was that at Brest in the Polish-Lithuanian 1938. Commonwealth in 1596. Initiated by the metropol- Voznjak, Mykhalo. Geschichte der ukrainischen Literatur. itan and bishops of the Kyiv metropolitanate, the Translated by Katharina Horbatsch. Bausteine zur Union of Brest held forth the promise of improving Geschichte der Literatur bei den Slawen, vol. 4. Gies- the situation of the Ruthenian (Ukrainian-Belarus- sen, Germany, 1975. ian) Church in a Catholic-dominated state. Al- DAVID FRICK though supported by the monarch Sigismund III Vasa (ruled 1587–1632), the Uniates were unable to win over all the bishops to the union synod and were opposed by powerful nobles, the urban broth- UNIATES. Throughout the early modern pe- erhoods, numerous monasteries, and the Cossacks. riod, the papacy received into communion with the They also suffered from the derisive attitude of Roman Catholic Church groups of Eastern Chris- many Latin clergy, who preferred outright conver- tians that retained their ecclesiastical structures and sion. Increasingly dependent on the civil authorities local practices. Unlike Protestants, whom the and Rome to combat the Orthodox opposition, the papacy viewed as break-away believers organized in Uniates took on the spirit and institutions of the sects devoid of sacraments and who should be rein- Latin Church, especially through the training of tegrated as individuals into the Latin Church, Or- clergy in Roman and central-European seminaries. thodox and Oriental Orthodox Christians were Led by dedicated hierarchs such as Metropolitans considered bearers of the apostolic succession of Ipatii Potii and Iosyf Rutsky and the Basilian Order, bishops and valid sacraments; thus, these Christians established in 1613 from the monastics who ac- could retain their traditions and ecclesiastical struc- cepted the union, the Uniates survived the reestab- tures when reconciled with the Catholic Church. In lishment of the Orthodox Metropolitanate in 1621 contrast to the attempts for a universal union with and the compromise of 1632, in which the state the Orthodox Church attempted at the Second recognized the legality of the Orthodox and tried to Council of Lyons (1274) and the Council of Flor- divide the eparchies and churches between the two ence (1439–1442), the unions of the early modern metropolitanates. The 1623 murder of Iosafat period were local unions of hierarchies, bishoprics, Kuntsevych, the archbishop of Polatsk, by the bur- and even groups of believers. Post-Tridentine Ca- ghers of Vitsebsk who resisted his attempts to im- tholicism viewed these groups not as local churches, pose the union gave the Uniates a martyr and cult but as Christians following specific rites that could figure. be retained after proper submission. The Khmelnytsky Uprising, which began in The major stimuli for the unions were the poli- 1648, put the very existence of the Uniate Church cies of Catholic states that ruled over Orthodox and in question: in 1650, the king promised the rebels Oriental Christians, the desire of Eastern Christians to return eparchies and churches to the Orthodox. to improve their situation under Catholic or even Its situation worsened in 1654, when Muscovite Islamic rulers by receiving the support of the papacy and Ukrainian Cossack armies invaded the Grand or Western Christian powers, and the attraction to Duchy of Lithuania and destroyed many Uniate the well-organized and dynamic Latin Christian centers on Belarusian territories. From 1655 to world at a time of relative stagnation in Eastern 1665 the Uniate Kyiv metropolitan see was left va- Christendom. In most cases, programs for union cant; during the negotiations for the Union of initiated by either Rome or Eastern Christians were Hadiach (1658) the Ukrainian side demanded the rejected by at least part of the clergy and laity, giving commonwealth abolish the union. Yet with the sup- rise to competing ecclesial structures and fierce po- port of Rome and the restoration of Polish rule in lemics. Orthodox responses to unionizing attempts the Belarus and right-bank Ukraine, the Uniates

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 95 UNION OF BREST (1596) survived and increased in number in the late seven- back to the Middle Ages and renewed in the early teenth century. By the turn of the century all the modern period, resulted in unions and the creation western Ukrainian eparchies accepted the union, of ecclesiastical structures for Orthodox and Orien- and at the Synod of Zamos´c´ of 1720 the church’s tal Orthodox Christians, such as the union of parts structure was strengthened, though Latinized at the of the Assyrian Church of the East in 1553, the same time. In the eighteenth century the Uniates election of a Catholic patriarch among the Syrian comprised the overwhelming number of Eastern Orthodox 1662, the creation of an Armenian Patri- Christians in the commonwealth (approximately archate in Cilicia in 1742, and the creation of the 4.6 million in the 1770s) and maintained a well- Melkite Catholic Church in the early eighteenth developed network of schools and printing presses. century. The partitions of the commonwealth in 1772, Current Catholic thinking has rejected the early 1793, and 1795 radically worsened the Uniates’ sit- modern form of conversion through union in defer- uation. Most came under Russian rule, and Cather- ence to ecumenical contacts with the Orthdox. ine II (ruled 1762–1796) persecuted the church. Nevertheless, Uniate groups have proved resilient in Her successors in the nineteenth century abolished the Middle East and especially in eastern Europe, all the Uniate eparchies and converted all believers where they have reemerged after suppression by to Orthodoxy. In the western Ukrainian lands that Communist governments. Most of these groups went to the Habsburgs in 1772, the Uniates bene- now view the term Uniate as derogatory. fited from grants of equality with the Latin Church and were renamed the Greek Catholic Church and See also Khmelnytsky Uprising; Polish-Lithuania, Com- reorganized in the metropolitan province of Galicia monwealth of, 1569–1795; Reformations in East- ern Europe: Protestant, Catholic, and Orthodox; in 1808. In the seventeenth century the Armenian Ukraine; Union of Brest (1596). archbishop of Lviv also entered into union with

Rome. BIBLIOGRAPHY The extension of Habsburg rule into central Bien´kowski, Ludomir. ‘‘Organizacja Koscioła Wschodniego Europe and the Balkans created numerous Uniate w Polsce.’’ In Kos´c´io´ł w Polsce, Vol. 1. Edited by Jerzy communities. In 1610 a bishop was designated for Kłoczowski. Cracow, 1969, 733–1050. Uniates in Croatia, and in 1646, at the Union of Blazˇejowski, Dmytro. Ukrainian and Armenian Pontifical Uzhhorod, the Ukrainians of Hungary became Un- Seminaries of Lviv (1665–1784). Rome, 1975. iate. The most significant union was that of the Gudziak, Borys. Crisis and Reform: The Kyivan Metropoli- Romanians of Transylvania at Alba Julia in 1700. tanate, the Patriarchate of Constantinople, and the Gen- esis of the Union of Brest. Cambridge, Mass., 1998. Under the distinguished leadership of Bishop Ion Inochentie Micu-Klein (bishop 1729–1751), the Macha, Josef. Ecclesiastical Unification: A Theoretical Framework Together with Case Studies from the History church played a major role in defending Romanian of Latin-Byzantine Relations. Rome, 1974. cultural and political rights. Not all Transylvanians Robertson, Ronald G. The Eastern Christian Churches: A accepted the union, and Maria Theresa (ruled Brief Survey. 5th ed. Rome, 1995. 1740–1780) was forced to permit them to have their own bishop in 1759. FRANK E. SYSYN In western Europe the major Uniate group was the Italo-Albanian, which was formed by the migra- tion of Orthodox Albanians to in the UNION OF BREST (1596). The Union of fifteenth century and later. In 1717 the Uniate Ar- Brest (Berestia) constituted the adherence of a menian Mechtarist fathers took up residence in major part of the hierarchy and part of the clergy Venice. Uniates also emerged in European colonies; and faithful of the Kyiv metropolitan see to the one of the most important Uniate communities Church of Rome and its dogmas on condition of originated with the Christians of St. Thomas in the retaining its rites and elements of autonomy. In the Malabar area of India, who were subordinated to late sixteenth century the Orthodox Church in the the Latin Church by the Portuguese in the late Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth consisted of a sixteenth century. Missionary activities, some dating Kyiv metropolitan subordinate to the patriarch of

96 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 UNION OF BREST (1596)

Constantinople and seven bishops who had vast of Volodymyr (1541–1613) and Kyrylo Terletsky dioceses with millions of faithful. The subject of of Lutsk (d. 1607), conceived a plan for strengthen- discrimination and of proselytization by Catholics ing the church and the role of the hierarchy within it and Protestants, the church was losing elements of through union with Rome. All hierarchs signed a its essential protectors, the Orthodox magnates and letter to Pope Clement VIII (reigned 1592–1605) princes, to other creeds. empowering the two bishops to negotiate for them The arrival of Jesuits into the commonwealth in in Rome. the 1560s revived discussion of church union, last After the bishops’ profession of faith, the papal attempted at Florence in 1439, prior to the fall of bull Magnus Dominus of 23 December 1595 de- Constantinople. At the Florentine Union the Or- clared the acceptance of the bishops and their flock, thodox Church had accepted Roman dogmas on and the bull Decet Romanum Pontificem of 23 Feb- purgatory, the filioque (the procession of the Holy ruary 1596 guaranteed the terms. In return for ac- Spirit through the Son), the primacy of Peter’s see, cepting the Catholic interpretation of the filioque and the legitimacy of the form of Latin Communion and purgatory and the primacy of the pope, the rites but retained its ecclesiastical structure and rituals. and traditions of the Ruthenian Kyivan Church, in- The Florentine Union failed largely because it did cluding the Slavonic liturgical language, married not bring promised Western Christian support for clergy, and local election of bishops and metropoli- beleaguered Byzantium. Temporarily accepted in tan, were permitted. Rome undertook to become an the Ukrainian and Belarusian lands of the kingdom advocate for the Eastern Church to attain equality of Poland and the grand duchy of Lithuania but with the Western Church in the commonwealth, rejected in the Muscovite state, it resulted in the including admission of the Ukrainian-Belarusian division of the Kyiv metropolitan see, with a sepa- bishops into the senate. While in practice the Union rate metropolitan created in Moscow and the Rus- of Brest was a union of a local church with the see of sian church breaking away from the patriarchate of Rome, post-Tridentine Rome’s understanding of it Constantinople. The calls of the Jesuits Piotr Skarga was as a reception of a lost and sinful flock into the (1536–1612), Benedykt Herbest (c. 1531–1598), church, with a beneficent church permitting certain and Antonio Possevino (1533–1611) to make up local customs. Catholic losses to the Reformation by converting Eastern Christians found more favorable resonance The bishops from the first faced opposition to at the court with the election of Sigismund III Vasa the union. Two of their ranks had earlier withdrawn (ruled 1587–1632) as Polish king in 1587. At the their support when it became clear that Prince same time the Orthodox bishops found themselves Ostrozky was opposed to any negotiations that did increasingly challenged by their laity (above all by not include the patriarch of Constantinople and newly forming urban brotherhoods) and by the in- other Eastern churches. The Eastern patriarchs ex- terventions of the mother church, especially after pressed their opposition, as did the urban brother- the trip of Patriarch Jeremiah II (c. 1530–1595) hoods and many monastic communities. Thus the through Ukraine and Belarus on his way to Moscow council called to Brest in October 1596 soon split in 1588–1589, where he healed the breach with the into two factions, one supporting and one opposing Russian church and declared the Moscow see a pa- the union. The king’s confirmation of the union and triarchate. the presence of Roman Catholic bishops as papal Religious ferment also followed the introduc- emissaries did not intimidate the opposition, and tion of printing of Eastern Christian religious books the two opposing councils (synods) anathematized (including the Ostrih Bible in 1580–1581) and the each other. Conflict between those who accepted formation of an Orthodox academy under the pa- the union, or Uniates, and those Orthodox who tronage of the Volhynian magnate Prince Kostian- rejected it went on for generations, but through tyn Ostrozky (1526–1608), who was open to the periods of advance (the late seventeenth century idea of ecumenical discussions among the churches. and early eighteenth century) and regress (the mid- In the 1590s the Orthodox bishops met at a num- seventeenth century and late eighteenth century) ber of reform synods and, led by Bishops Ipatii Potii the union remained an enduring element in East

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 97 UNITAS FRATRUM

European church affairs and created the largest law, civil law, medicine, and the arts subjects of Eastern Christian community in union with Rome. grammar, rhetoric, the classics of ancient Rome and See also Khmelnytsky Uprising; Orthodoxy, Russian; Re- Greece, logic, philosophy, mathematics, and astron- formations in Eastern Europe: Protestant, Catholic, omy, plus other subjects on occasion, such as medi- and Orthodox; Ukraine; Uniates. cal botany and Hebrew. Written statutes told them which texts and disciplines to teach. A limited for- BIBLIOGRAPHY mal academic structure provided rules for instruc- Gudziak, Borys A. Crisis and Reform: The Kyivan Metropoli- tion and student conduct. Students came, lived, tanate, the Patriarchate of Constantinople, and the Gen- studied, and obtained degrees. The university esis of the Union of Brest. Cambridge, Mass., 1998. awarded degrees certifying that the recipient had a Halecki, Oscar. From Florence to Brest (1439–1596). Ham- high level of expertise in a discipline with the ap- den, Conn., 1968. proval of a supreme legal authority, such as em- ˇ Sevcˇenko, Ihor. Ukraine between East and West: Essays on peror, pope, or the ruler of the state in which the Cultural History to the Early Eighteenth Century. Ed- monton and Toronto, 1996. university existed. Wlasowsky, Ivan. Outline History of the Ukrainian Orthodox Europe had forty-seven universities in 1500, Church. Vol. 1, The Baptism of Ukraine to the Union of then added another twenty-eight new universities Berestye, 988–1596. Bound Brook, N.J., 1956. that survived by 1650. Thereafter the number of FRANK E. SYSYN new university foundations slowed considerably, while some older ones were closed or merged. The net gain between 1651 and 1790 was ten, making a total of about eighty-five European universities in UNITAS FRATRUM. See Moravian 1790. The lands that are now Germany, Italy, Brethren. France, and Spain had, in that order, the largest number of universities, while another fifteen were to be found in the rest of Europe. Although any desig- nation of the most important universities is open to UNITED PROVINCES OF THE NETHERLANDS. See Dutch Republic. disagreement, the list would include Bologna, Padua, Pavia, and Pisa in Italy; Paris in France; Co- logne and Heidelberg in Germany; Vienna in Aus- tria; Louvain in Belgium; Leiden in the Nether- UNIVERSITIES. Universities played a vital lands; Oxford and Cambridge in England; St. role in the intellectual life of Europe from 1500 to Andrews in Scotland; Alcala´ de Henares and Sala- 1789. They educated the intellectual elite and pro- manca in Spain; Coimbra in Portugal; and Cracow fessional classes of Europe. An enormous number of in Poland. political and religious leaders obtained university Universities were not the same across Europe. degrees or studied in universities without taking de- Universities in northern Europe and Italy differed grees even though the percentage of the population greatly in the importance given to different disci- attending universities was extremely low. Universi- plines, the level of instruction, and the age of stu- ties provided the institutional home in which schol- ars carried on advanced research and created most of dents. Paris and Oxford, the prototypical northern the humanistic, medical, legal, and scientific ad- universities, emphasized instruction in arts and the- vances. The period from 1500 to 1650 was an era of ology. Most northern European universities had a unprecedented achievement for universities. They majority of young students fourteen to eighteen or remained important, but to a lesser degree, from nineteen years of age studying for the bachelor’s 1650 through the end of the eighteenth century. degree in arts, plus a smaller number of advanced students, often future clergymen seeking master’s CHARACTERISTICS and doctoral degrees in theology. They had a hand- A university had several linked components. Profes- ful of students studying for doctorates in law and sors conducted research and taught theology, canon medicine. Most northern European universities, es-

98 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 UNIVERSITIES pecially those in German-speaking lands, had only 0 150 300 mi. one or two professors each for medicine and law. Universities 0 150 300 km in Europe, Italian universities emphasized law and medi- N c. 1600 cine at an advanced level and had many professors SCOTLAND University Glasgow for these subjects. For example, the University of St. Andrews Bologna had an average of forty professors of law ENGLAND Cambridge POLAND and twenty to twenty-five professors of medicine in Leiden Oxford Wittenberg Cologne the sixteenth century. They taught arts subjects Cracow Louvain GERMANY such as logic and philosophy as well as preparation ATLANTIC Paris Heidelberg for medicine and law. But they taught little theol- OCEAN Vienna AUSTRIA ogy and did not award bachelor’s degrees. The FRANCE Pavia Parma greatest number of students obtained doctorates in Padua Bologna law, the next largest number doctorates of medi- Pisa cine, followed distantly by students winning doctor- Salamanca Perugia Coimbra ITALY ates of arts or theology. The master’s degree with PORTUGAL Alcalá de Henares the right to teach was awarded with the doctoral SPAIN degree without a separate examination. Students at Mediterranean Sea Italian universities were typically eighteen to twenty-five years of age. Because of the emphasis on law and medicine at the doctoral level, many north- ern Europeans, especially Germans, obtained bach- elor’s degrees in the north, then came to Italy to obtain doctoral degrees in these disciplines. A course met five days a week, typically Mon- The size of universities varied greatly, partly day, Tuesday, Wednesday, Friday, and Saturday, because the age of students differed. Paris, with an with the professor lecturing for an hour or longer. estimated 12,000 to 20,000 students, most of them In a typical lecture, the professor began by reading a young, was undoubtedly the largest university. Up section from a standard authority, such as a scientific to 500 teachers, the vast majority in arts instructing work of Aristotle, a medical text of Galen (c. 130– younger students while studying for advanced de- c. 200), a legal passage from the Corpus iuris civilis, grees, taught at Paris. Salamanca also had several the collection of ancient Roman law, or the New thousand mostly younger students. The University Testament for theology. The students sitting on of Bologna, the largest Italian university, had about benches normally had copies of the text or passages. ninety professors and 1,500 to 2,000 students, all The professor next delivered a detailed analysis of studying for doctorates, in the sixteenth century. the text, explaining how it should be interpreted, But the vast majority of universities were smaller: rejecting some interpretations, reconciling others, thirty to forty professors taught 300 to 800 stu- bringing to bear other texts, and explaining its dents. Some universities had only ten to twenty larger meaning. He might range far beyond the professors teaching 100 to 300 students. Student original text. This was the heart of university in- enrollment fluctuated from decade to decade as war, struction. In due time the professor published these disease, and the presence or absence of a famous detailed analyses of authoritative texts. Other pro- professor caused students to move from one univer- fessors used them in their own research and teach- sity to another. Students frequently began at one ing or published contrary interpretations. Students university and took a degree at a second or third. taking notes and annotating the passage in their They could do this easily because the texts studied own copies had useful professional information, were the same from university to university, and all such as a full explanation of a legal text and guidance lectures, texts, disputations, and examinations were about how it might be used in cases. The lecture in Latin. concluded with questions and answers between stu-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 99 UNIVERSITIES dents and professors. They sometimes moved into manism in their research and teaching. The use of the piazza or atrium for this less formal part of the Greek text of Aristotle and ancient com- teaching. mentaries in place of medieval commentaries of- fered new insights in philosophy. The rediscovery of Another important academic exercise was the ancient mathematical texts aided mathematicians, disputation. A student or professor posted a notice including Galileo Galilei (1564–1642), a professor announcing that he would defend a series of posi- of mathematics at the University of Pisa (1589– tions in his discipline at a certain time and place. 1592) and the University of Padua (1592–1610). Anyone was free to come and argue. Disputations Applying the techniques of humanistic textual criti- offered practice in learned argument, which was cism to the Corpus iuris civilis led to a better under- considered a valuable skill in all disciplines and pro- standing of the historical context of Roman law. fessions. For medical students, the annual public Called humanistic jurisprudence, this new approach anatomy was also essential. Students stood in tightly had great influence in French and German universi- packed rows to watch as a dissector cut open a body ties but little in Italian universities. as a professor explained the organs. Public anato- mies were scheduled for the coldest time of the year Humanism had the greatest impact in medicine and went on without stop until the body putrefied through a series of developments sometimes called days and weeks later. ‘‘medical humanism.’’ Professors of medicine used humanistic skills to examine the medical texts of After three or four years of study, the student Galen and other ancients in the original Greek. presented himself before a committee of examining They found the medieval Latin translations of Galen professors as a candidate for the bachelor’s degree. wanting, so they produced better Latin translations Examinations for the doctoral degree were more for classroom use. Their enhanced understanding of complex. After four to seven years of additional the texts soon led them to find fault with Galen study, the candidate presented himself to an exam- himself. The medical humanists also placed greater ining committee, appointed by a college of doctors emphasis on anatomical study achieved through of law, medicine, arts, or theology. Colleges of doc- more frequent and more knowledgeable dissections tors consisted of professors and other local men of human bodies. Italian universities added profes- holding doctoral degrees in a subject. A typical sorships of medical botany in order to improve the examination required the student to explain several study of the medicinal properties of plants. The uni- passages (called puncta or points) chosen at random versities of Padua and Pisa simultaneously founded from the required texts in the discipline, followed by the first university botanical gardens in 1543. wide-ranging questions from the examiners. A can- Henceforward, students came to the garden in didate for a medical degree might also be required springtime to examine plants and learn about their to give his opinion on a medical case proposed to medicinal properties. Clinical medicine began in the him. Students who satisfied the examiners of their 1540s when a Paduan professor took students to competence were awarded doctoral degrees recog- hospitals in order to lecture on a disease at the nizing them to be experts in a subject and autho- bedside of the ill patient. Even though universities rized to teach it. The degree was conferred in public remained dedicated to lecturing on authoritative ceremonies marked by much rejoicing and consid- texts, these innovations gave greater emphasis to erable expense. hands-on study, a tendency that continued in the following centuries. Universities in Italy, especially HUMANISM Padua, pioneered the changes in teaching and re- The introduction of humanism was the most impor- search, while universities elsewhere quickly fol- tant curricular change in the sixteenth century, and lowed. it involved much more than teaching the literary and historical classics of ancient Rome and Greece In many northern European universities, espe- in their original languages. Humanists and profes- cially in Germany, the introduction of humanists sors with humanistic training transformed the study and humanistic studies into universities at the be- of several disciplines because they used their linguis- ginning of the sixteenth century produced bitter tic and historical skills and critical outlook of hu- conflict with theologians. The fundamental issue

100 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 UNIVERSITIES was, how should the sacred texts of Christianity be spite their differences, students continued to move studied and interpreted? The theologians answered from university to university across religious bound- by traditional medieval Scholastic methods, using aries. For example, German Protestant students the tools of logic, the philosophical framework of continued to study and to get degrees in law from Aristotle, and guidance from Thomas Aquinas, the Italian universities in Bologna, Padua, Pavia, Duns Scotus, and other great medieval theologians. and Perugia because the most famous professors of Only in this way could God’s truth be uncovered law taught there and because Italian civil govern- and error avoided. The humanists answered, not ments protected them from prosecution for their through Scholasticism and medieval commentaries, religious beliefs. but through careful linguistic, grammatical, and rhetorical analysis of the texts in their original lan- DECLINE: 1650 TO 1790 guage, Latin, Greek, or Hebrew. This enabled man Universities continued to lead Europe in research to understand God’s personal message and to be and training leaders into the seventeenth century. persuaded to follow him. The two sides fought bit- But then new and different institutions of higher terly. The humanists heaped scorn on university education rose to challenge them. theologians for confusing the word of God with Protestants needed schools to train their cler- man’s interpretations, while the Scholastic theolo- gymen in the new doctrines. Catholic universities gians dismissed the humanists as grammarians lack- obviously would not do this, and establishing new ing the theological training to understand what they Protestant universities was difficult and expensive. read. The differences were great, because the stakes Hence, small schools for theology and arts sprang were university positions in this life and salvation in up in the Protestant world. The Calvinist Genevan the next. The advent of the Protestant Reformation Academy (founded in 1559) was a famous example. exacerbated the conflict as many, but not all, youn- It had seven or eight teachers for theology, Greek, ger German humanists joined Luther while older Hebrew, arts, and law. The majority of the gradu- humanists and most Scholastic theologians re- ates became ministers. Some of these new schools mained Catholic. In Italian universities, by contrast, sought to become universities teaching a broad humanists and the few theologians who taught in range of subjects, but few succeeded. universities there mostly ignored each other. In the Catholic world the new religious orders The sixteenth was a century of enormous of the Catholic Reformation, led by the Jesuits, did achievement for universities. It is difficult to name the same on a much larger scale. The Society of another century in which university professors pro- Jesus, founded in 1540, originally established duced so much important scholarship. Numerous schools to train boys aged ten to sixteen in the major religious leaders also held university profes- humanities. A handful of Jesuit schools began to sorships. Martin Luther (1483–1546), professor of add upper-level classes in philosophy and theology theology at the modest, newly founded (1502), and in order to train members of the society. These geographically isolated University of Wittenberg, schools, which were open to lay students, proved to began a religious revolution. His chief lieutenant, be very popular because the Jesuits were excellent Philipp Melanchthon (1497–1560), was a professor scholars and teachers and because the schools were of Greek at Wittenberg. And many of their Catholic free. Thus, a growing number of Jesuit schools with opponents were professors. Leaders with university classes in logic, metaphysics, natural philosophy, training from other areas of life were equally impor- mathematics, and theology appeared. Occasionally tant. a Jesuit school also offered an introductory law course. Other religious orders of the Catholic Re- The eruption of the Protestant Reformation formation followed the lead of the Jesuits. had both negative and positive impact on universi- ties. Enrollment initially dropped sharply in German Prodded by princes, the Jesuits also established universities, especially those in lands that became boarding schools for noble boys and youths from Lutheran. But enrollment recovered by the end of about the ages of ten to twenty. These schools the sixteenth century, and a few new universities, added classes in French, dancing, and horseman- both Catholic and Protestant, were established. De- ship, all necessary skills for sons of the ruling classes,

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 101 UNIVERSITIES to the humanities, philosophy, and religion classes. suaded rulers to create new, specialized institutions Schools for nobles offering the opportunity to mix of higher learning to teach practical subjects, such as with peers attracted students who would otherwise agricultural technology, engineering, military tac- have attended universities. They were expensive, tics, surgery, even the fine arts. These highly special- but so were universities. Other Catholic Reforma- ized and practically oriented schools competed with tion religious orders again imitated the Jesuits. universities for students. Religious order schools offered a structured ed- Some of the criticism of the philosophes was ucation in a morally upright and safe environment. justified, but much was not. Universities had kept By contrast, universities had loosely organized cur- up with innovations in learning. Although Latin ricula, a licentious life style, and brawling students. remained the common language of instruction and Most university students carried swords, and many writing, and universities continued to teach tradi- carried firearms. It is small wonder that many par- tional subjects, they had added professorships in ents preferred religious schools, especially the new subjects such as history and geography. They boarding schools, for their sons. For example, the had discarded Aristotelian science in favor of Gal- school for nobles at Parma, founded in 1601, rose ileo’s mathematical physics and had then adopted from 550 students in 1605 to 905 in 1660, and a experimental science, all in the course of a century. minority of the students were non-Italian. Approxi- And university research in medicine continued to mately one-third of the students attended the lead the way, as university professors produced all of higher classes, which duplicated the first year or two the important medical advances of the seventeenth of university studies. Every young male from the and eighteenth centuries. Professors in traditional ages of eighteen to twenty who attended a religious subjects produced nontraditional works of scholar- order school was a possible enrollment loss for uni- ship. For example, Adam Smith (1723–1790), who versities. Protestant lands also established numerous taught logic and moral philosophy at the University highly regarded and socially selective schools that of Glasgow from 1751 to 1764, produced An In- taught part of the arts curriculum of universities. quiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations in 1776. Universities continued to award Learned societies offered intellectual and finan- degrees certifying that the lawyer, judge, physician, cial competition to universities needing scholars. A clergyman, teacher, and civil servant were qualified famous example was the Royal Society of London to practice their professions. Learned societies, reli- for the Advancement of Natural Knowledge, gious schools, and specialized schools could not do founded in 1662. Financially underwritten by mem- this. Overall, universities played essential intellec- ber subscriptions, it supported scientific research, tual and social leadership roles in European life that provided opportunities for contacts with other no other institution could replace. scholars, and published the results of research. See also Academies, Learned; Classicism; Clergy; Educa- Learned societies proliferated. Most Continental tion; Enlightenment; Humanists and Humanism; societies received funding from governments; some Latin; Law; Literacy and Reading; Medicine; Print- offered salaries to members who carried on studies ing and Publishing; Reformation, Protestant. in mathematics, astronomy, chemistry, and other subjects. And they did not have to teach. Overall, BIBLIOGRAPHY scientific societies offered attractive nonuniversity Brockliss, L. W. B. French Higher Education in the Seven- teenth and Eighteenth Centuries: A Cultural History. alternatives to scholars needing support. Scientific Oxford, 1987. Comprehensive study. societies created an international network enabling Curtis, Mark H. Oxford and Cambridge in Transition 1558– scholars in a discipline to communicate their re- 1642: An Essay on Changing Relations between the En- search. glish Universities and English Society. Oxford, 1959. The philosophes of the eighteenth-century En- De Ridder-Symoens, Hilde, ed. A History of the University in lightenment attacked universities as not useful to Europe. Vol. 2, Universities in Early Modern Europe (1500–1800). Cambridge, U.K., 1996. Information on society. They judged the traditional university cur- all aspects of universities with emphasis on general pat- riculum to be incapable of training citizens to con- terns and the university in society. Good on northern tribute knowledge to improve the state. So they per- universities.

102 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 URBAN VIII (POPE)

Farge, James K. Orthodoxy and Reform in Early Reformation him later on important diplomatic missions. In France: The Faculty of Theology of Paris, 1500–1543. 1604, he was consecrated titular archbishop of Naz- Leiden, 1985. A detailed study of the personnel and areth and sent as nuncio to Paris. In this capacity, he activities of the major Catholic theological faculty. was able to gain support for the Jesuits in France, Grendler, Paul F. The Universities of the Italian Renaissance. but could not secure acceptance of the Tridentine Baltimore and London, 2002. Comprehensive study of Italy’s sixteen universities, 1400–1625, with extensive decrees. Created cardinal by Paul V in 1606, he bibliography. returned to Rome (1607), soon to be appointed History of Universities. Avebury and Oxford, 1981–. Annual bishop of Spoleto, a charge he held until 1617, volume founded by the late Charles B. Schmitt. In- adding for a time (1611–1614) the legation to Bo- cludes articles, bibliographical surveys of recent re- logna. In both positions, he showed himself a strict search, and reviews. administrator and a diligent reformer. In 1617, he Jurriaanse, M. W. The Founding of Leyden University. Lei- resigned his diocese and returned to Rome as pre- den, 1965. fect of the Signatura Tribunal. A member of several Maag, Karin. Seminary or University? The Genevan Academy important Roman congregations, he was also active and Reformed Higher Education, 1560–1620. Al- in the intellectual and artistic circles of the city. His dershot, U.K., and Brookfield, Vt., 1995. Important for election to the papacy in the summer of 1623 was Calvinist influence plus the universities of Heidelberg and Leiden. the result of a compromise between the different factions that supported stronger candidates, al- McConica, James K., ed. The History of the University of Oxford. Vol. 3, The Collegiate University. Oxford, though he was perceived as favorable to France. 1986. Excellent study of all aspects of Oxford between Soon after his elevation to the see of Peter, he 1485 and 1603. manifested his intention to take charge as both a Rummel, Erika. The Humanist-Scholastic Debate in the Re- spiritual and a secular leader. This he achieved naissance and Reformation. Cambridge, Mass., and through nepotism, elevating to the cardinalate his London, 1995. Study of the battles between humanists and Scholastics, mostly in Germany. brother Antonio and his nephews Francesco and Antonio, and giving administrative positions to his Schmitt, Charles B. Aristotle and the Renaissance. Cam- bridge, Mass., and London, 1983. Short survey describ- brother, Carlo, and his nephew Taddeo. As ing how Renaissance university scholars approached ‘‘Cardinal Nephew,’’ administrator of the pontifical Aristotle in innovative ways. state, Francesco Barberini was to exert a great influ- Tyacke, Nicholas, ed. The History of the University of Oxford. ence under the strict control of his uncle. Urban Vol. 4, Seventeenth-Century Oxford. Oxford, 1997. VIII was an absolute pope who wanted to ignore Wear, A., R. K. French, and I. M. Lonie, eds. The Medical the college of cardinals, which he viewed as overly Renaissance of the Sixteenth Century. Cambridge, U.K., influenced by European powers (to compensate, the 1985. Excellent collection of studies on medical hu- cardinals received the title of ‘‘Eminence’’ in 1630). manism, anatomy, and other aspects of the medical In order to foster the independence of the Holy See, Renaissance. he strengthened the Papal States, building the PAUL F. GRENDLER stronghold of Castelfranco near Bologna, reinforc- ing Castel Sant’Angelo in Rome, and fortifying Civitavecchia’s harbor. He was able to annex (1625–1631) the duchy of Urbino; however, his URBAN VIII (POPE) (Maffeo Barberini; attempt to take over neighboring territories in 1568–1644; reigned 1623–1644), Italian pope. Af- Parma and were thwarted by an Italian ter studies at Jesuit schools in Florence and Rome, coalition (1644) that forced him to surrender the he read law in Pisa (doctorate ‘‘in utroque jure’’ cities of Castro and Montalto, which had been oc- [both canon and civil law] in 1588), and entered the cupied by papal forces in 1641. Roman prelature, backed by his uncle Francesco Barberini. He worked at the Signatura Tribunal, Urban VIII’s pontificate coincided with the becoming prothonotary apostolic upon his uncle’s Thirty Years’ War (1618–1648). From the begin- resignation (1593) and then clerk of the Apostolic ning of his pontificate, he had attempted to main- Chamber (1599). In 1592, his countryman Clem- tain a strict neutrality between the Habsburg and ent VIII appointed him governor of Fano, sending the Bourbons (Valtelline War, 1624–1626, War of

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 103 URBAN VIII (POPE)

the reform of the liturgical books (Breviary, Mar- tyrologium, Missal, Pontifical); by revising the beat- ification and canonization processes he rendered sainthood more difficult to achieve. Urban VIII strengthened and expanded the competence of the De Propaganda fide congregation, giving his name to the college established to educate priests for mis- sion territories.

More a prince than a pastor, Urban VIII was criticized during his lifetime for his visions of grand- eur as manifested in the art work he commissioned (exemplified by Bernini’s baldachin in St. Peter’s). He was above all a political pope, whose goal was the independence of the Holy See through a strong papal state and active diplomacy. This goal was not achieved because of Urban VIII’s resistance to con- fessional divisions in Europe and his deep misgiv- ings about Habsburg Spain and Germany.

See also Mantuan Succession, War of the (1627–1631); Papacy and Papal States; Rome; Thirty Years’ War (1618–1648).

Pope Urban VIII. Portrait by Gian Lorenzo Bernini. THE ART ARCHIVE/PALAZZO BARBERINI ROME/DAGLI ORTI (A) BIBLIOGRAPHY Blet, Pierre. ‘‘Un futur Pape, Nonce en France aupre`s d’Henri IV.’’ E´ tudes 300 (1959): 203–220. the Mantuan Succession, 1627–1631) as Fumaroli, Marc. ‘‘Cice´ron pape: Urbain VIII et la seconde ‘‘Common Father’’ of all Catholics. During the war renaissance romaine.’’ In L’age de l’e´loquence, pp. 202– in Germany, he refused to support the imperial arm- 226. Geneva and Paris, 1980. ies, seeking through his representatives to influence Hammond, Frederick. Music and Spectacle in Baroque and control the process of re-Catholicization. Only Rome: Barberini Patronage under Urban VIII. New in 1632 did he intervene by offering limited finan- Haven and London, 1994. cial support and seeking diplomatic action. But the Hook, Judith. ‘‘Urban VIII. The Paradox of a Spiritual Holy See’s efforts were hindered by the French Monarchy.’’ In The Courts of Europe: Politics, Patron- alliance with Protestant powers and Urban’s rejec- age, and Royalty 1400–1800, edited by A. G. Dickens, tion of direct negotiation with heretics; on the eve pp. 212–231. London, 1977. of his death, the pope was able to foster a peace Kraus, Andreas. Das pa¨pstliche Stadtssekretaria unter Urban conference at Mu¨nster (1644). VIII 1623–44. Rome, Freiburg, and Vienna, 1964. On the religious level, Urban VIII took several Lutz, G. ‘‘Rom und Europa wa¨hrend des Pontifikats Urbans important decisions. Probably the most famous one VIII.’’ In Rom in der Neuzeit: Politische, kirchliche und was to have his former friend Galileo Galilei prose- kulturelle Aspekte, edited by R. Elze, pp. 71–167. Vi- cuted by the Roman Inquisition in 1633. He had to enna and Rome, 1976. recant his heliocentric theories and was kept under Nussdorfer, Lannie. Civic Politics in the Rome of Urban house arrest until his death in 1642. By the bull In VIII. Princeton, 1992. Eminenti, dated 1642, but published in 1643, Ur- Scott, John Beldon. Images of Nepotism: The Painted Ceil- ban initiated a series of papal interventions in the ings of Palazzo Barberini. Princeton, 1991. Jansenist conflict, proscribing both Cornelius Jan- Von Pastor, Ludwig. History of the Popes from the End of the senius’ book Augustinus and the Jesuit theses that Middle-Ages. Vol. XXVIII–XXIX. London, 1929– attacked it. The Barberini pope is associated with 1938.

104 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 UTOPIA

Westfall, Richard S. Essays on the Trial of Galileo. Vatican More (1478–1535), who served Henry VIII as City State, 1989. an adviser and became chancellor in 1529, wrote his JACQUES M. GRES-GAYER classic in the turbulent years just before the begin- ning of the Reformation. He cast his imaginative flight in the form of a dialogue, a rhetorical strategy that allowed him to express dissatisfaction with cur- URBAN LIFE. See Cities and Urban Life. rent social conditions while maintaining a comfort- able distance rhetorically from such dangerous ideas as the abolition of private property. The first part is a discussion between Raphael Hythloday (‘babbler of URBAN PLANNING. See City Planning. nonsense’), a mariner who had chanced upon a fabulous land where all goods were held in com- mon, and More himself, about the problems of Christian Europe, which was plagued by greed and . See Interest. corruption. Part two (which was written first) is the actual discussion of the ideal society, where Chris- tianity takes root among the Utopians with surpris- ing ease because it is so consistent with the UTOPIA. The impulse to wonder about a more Utopians’ communal way of life. At the end, the perfect world is at least as old as Gilgamesh’s search character More finally admits that he would like to see some aspects of Utopian society put into prac- for the garden of Dilmun (c. 2500 B.C.E.). The dream of an earthly paradise seems to be widespread tice in England, but states that he believes it is among the peoples of the earth, as a way of both unlikely ever to happen. Ultimately, Utopia at- imagining the ideal and expressing dissatisfaction tempts to negotiate a course between the ideal and with the here and now. Gilgamesh’s perilous jour- the actual and implicitly recognizes that, given the fallibility of mankind, perfection is impossible. ney is prompted by his shock at the loss of his boon companion Enkidu and his own looming mortality. In the aftermath of Utopia, which earned great The propensity for utopian speculation is in part renown for More, other descriptive works appeared nostalgia for an idealized human existence, believed that made use of some of the same literary devices: a in the Islamic and Judeo-Christian tradition to have shipwreck or other chance encounter with an ideal once existed in a paradise now lost. In times of social community, followed by a return to Europe. and political upheaval, such as existed in early mod- Ortensio Lando and Anton Francesco Doni’s col- ern Europe, authors also used the ideal for satiric laborative Eutopia in 1548 (its full title is The Newly purposes. As a result, utopian literature has flour- Discovered Republic of the Government of the Isle of ished as a genre. Eutopia) reverses this scenario by having a Eutopian citizen visit Italy to comment directly upon its ex- The first and most significant work of this kind cesses, which sparked interest in other utopian imi- is Sir Thomas More’s Utopia, published in Latin at tations. Louvain in 1516 (1551 in the first English transla- tion). In letters to friends, More called his planned CHRISTIAN UTOPIAS OF THE work ‘‘Nusquama,’’ from the Latin adverb for SEVENTEENTH CENTURY ‘nowhere’; however, when he chose the title, he In the seventeenth century Francis Bacon’s (1561– transliterated the Greek negative ou into the Latin u 1626) advocacy of a ‘‘new’’ science based on induc- and combined it with the Greek topos to create a tive reasoning led others to dream of synthesizing new word, ‘‘utopia,’’ or ‘nowhere’. In the commen- human knowledge with religion to produce a uni- datory letters from his humanist circle printed with versal knowledge, or ‘‘pansophia.’’ This ‘‘utopian’’ early editions of the work, several observed that this myth became the driving force for a new vision of a country also ought to be called ‘‘Eutopia’’ (from Christian commonwealth. Bacon’s utopian work, the Greek eu for ‘good’). Thus ‘‘utopian’’ was seen The New Atlantis (written c. 1614 and published at once as an intriguing but impossible ideal. posthumously in 1627) was a coda to The Great

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 105 UTRECHT, PEACE OF (1713)

Instauration (1620). It took the form of a voyage to considered the fruition of the dream of a Baconian the island of Bensalem, the centerpiece of which is research college to aid the commonwealth. Salomon’s House, a research college where the new scientific method leads to discoveries and inventions UTOPIAN THOUGHT AMONG that greatly enrich the commonwealth. A belief in THE PHILOSOPHES The rationalists of the Enlightenment who helped pansophia had similarly inspired Tommaso Campa- prepare the way for the revolutions of 1776 and nella (1568–1639) to put forth his vision of The 1789 did not produce any recognized utopian clas- City of the Sun (1623), a sea captain’s account of an sics. There were, however, utopian elements in vari- ideal Christian community, where a single ruler ousworks,suchasFe´nelon’s Adventures of named Sun is assisted by three aides, Power, Knowl- Telemachus (1699), Montesquieu’s Persian Letters edge, and Love (with an obvious indebtedness to (1721), the sketch of El Dorado in Voltaire’s Can- the Christian Trinity of Father, Son, and Holy dide (1759), and Condorcet’s Esquisse (1794), that Spirit). The role of science is paramount, with the were influential at the time. seven concentric walls that ring the city displaying pictorially the unity of all knowledge. By naming See also Bacon, Francis; Condorcet, Marie-Jean Caritat, marquis de; Fe´nelon, Franc¸ois; Montesquieu, these walls for the seven planets orbiting the sun, Charles-Louis de Secondat de; More, Thomas; Campanella clearly stands with Copernicus on the Philosophes; Progress; Rosicrucianism; Voltaire. most important scientific debate of the age. BIBLIOGRAPHY The vision of a Christian commonwealth Primary Sources founded on scientific principles is at the heart of one Andreae, Johann Valentin. Christianopolis. Introduced and of the century’s more influential utopianists, Johann translated by Edward H. Thompson. International Ar- Valentin Andreae (1586–1654), a Lutheran chives of the History of Ideas, vol. 162. Dordrecht and churchman who produced several works, notably London, 1999. Christianopolis (1619, published as Reipublicae Bacon, Sir Francis. The New Atlantis and the Great In- Christianopolitanae Descriptio [Description of a stauration. Edited by Jerry Weinberger. Arlington Christian republic]), which garnered praise from Heights, Ill., 1989. learned readers such as Robert Burton. Framed as a Campanella, Tommaso. The City of the Sun. Translated by traveler’s tale, it describes a Christian city in which Daniel J. Donno. Berkeley, 1981. an elite brotherhood possesses a secret wisdom and More, Thomas. Utopia. Translated by Edward Surtz. New Haven, 1964. oversees the further exploration of nature’s secrets through scientific experimentation. Andreae had Secondary Sources been part of a youthful circle at the University of Dickson, Donald R. The Tessera of Antilia: Utopian Brother- Tu¨bingen that had produced a series of utopian hoods & Secret Societies in the Early Seventeenth Century. Brill’s Studies in Intellectual History, vol. 88. Leiden, pamphlets around 1610 (Fama Fraternitatis and New York, and Cologne, 1998. the Confessio Fraternitatis [The Fame of the Frater- Manuel, Frank E., and Fritzie P. Manuel. Utopian Thought nity and the Confession of the Fraternity]), advo- in the Western World. Cambridge, Mass., 1979. cating a Protestant brotherhood to bring about re- Negley, Glenn. Utopian Literature: A Bibliography with a form within the Lutheran church. These pamphlets Supplementary Listing of Works Influential in Utopian caused an extraordinary sensation when published Thought. Lawrence, Kans., 1977. in print, often called the Rosicrucian furor. DONALD R. DICKSON Andreae’s ideas greatly influenced the Moravian re- former Jan Comenius (c. 1592–1670) and passed into England through Samuel Hartlib (c. 1600– 1662), who brought out an English translation of UTRECHT, PEACE OF (1713). The another treatise by Andreae (A Modell of a Christian Peace of Utrecht consisted of twenty-three treaties Society [London, 1647]) to help reform England in and conventions that ended the War of the Spanish the aftermath of the Civil War. With some justifica- Succession (1701–1714). Most, but not all, were tion, the Royal Society (founded in 1660) can be signed in Utrecht in the Netherlands in 1713.

106 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 UTRECHT, PEACE OF (1713)

France and Austria ended hostilities with the Treaty America after France received an asiento (‘contract’) of Rastatt in March 1714; the Treaty of Baden (Sep- to supply slaves to Spanish colonies, in 1701. An tember 1714) ended war between France and the Austrian Habsburg prince, Archduke Charles, sec- Holy Roman Empire; Portugal and Spain con- ond son of Emperor Leopold I (ruled 1658–1705), cluded negotiations in Madrid in February 1715. was Philip V’s chief rival for the Spanish throne. Austria and the empire did not sign treaties with Attempts at peace commenced in 1706 but fal- Spain until 1725, despite the cessation of fighting a tered repeatedly. Negotiators failed to craft terms decade before, largely because of Habsburg unwill- acceptable to multiple parties, and the fickle for- ingness to concede the Bourbon succession in tunes of war frequently reconfigured bargaining Spain. positions. In 1710, a change of government in Brit- The contested Spanish succession fed fears of ain broke the impasse. War-weary Britons voted out the Whigs, and a Tory ministry headed by Robert French hegemony after a Bourbon prince, Philip Harley assumed power. Henry St. John, a new sec- d’Anjou, grandson of Louis XIV, became Philip V retary of state, abandoned multilateral negotiations of Spain in 1700. A Grand Alliance, comprising for bilateral negotiations with the French, and soon England, the Dutch Republic, Austria, and many Britain and France had cut deals that promised smaller European powers, commenced war against peace but compromised the interests of Britain’s France and Spain in 1702. Particularistic complaints allies. underlying the allies’ shared concerns made peace elusive. The French troops’ occupation of towns in On 29 January 1712, an international congress the southern Netherlands in 1701 threatened the convened in Utrecht to negotiate a general peace security of the Dutch Republic. The English and between France and some members of the Grand Dutch feared French trade restrictions in Spanish Alliance. St. John wanted the semblance of a general

Peace of Utrecht. Under the treaty, France promised to demolish the fortifications at which were used as a base for attacks on English and Dutch shipping. This map from the October 1758 issue of London Magazine accompanied an article that accused the French of violating the treaty by refortifying the city: ‘‘It is too notorious, with how much chicanery they have been stealing work upon work, at this place, contrary to the most solemn engagements to the contrary.’’ MAP COLLECTION,STERLING MEMORIAL LIBRARY,YALE UNIVERSITY

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 107 UTRECHT, PEACE OF (1713) settlement, even if most negotiating was bilateral ceived Sicily from Spain (despite Austria’s claim), rather than in congressional sessions. One of Brit- and assurances that, if the Spanish Bourbon line ain’s war aims was a balance of power in Europe, a failed, the Savoy line would succeed it. Emperor goal that St. John suspected the French did not Charles VI received the other Spanish territories in heartily support. A general peace between France Italy and the Netherlands. These arrangements and the allies, he believed, would forward that goal curbed the hegemonic tendencies of dynastic un- more than would a separate peace between France ions, elevated state and national interests, and made and Britain. By early 1713, the plenipotentiaries of a balance of power a shared European objective, if Britain, the Dutch Republic, Savoy, Portugal, and not a reality. Prussia had agreed to terms with France, and on 11 April signed treaties ending their participation in the Colonial and commercial issues figured promi- war. nently in the Peace of Utrecht. France returned Rio de Janeiro in Brazil to Portugal and agreed to clarify Spanish involvement in the congress was de- the border between Portugal’s and France’s Ameri- layed until the April treaties acknowledged Philip V can claims. Rather than cede Iberian border towns, and his delegates’ rights to negotiate for Spain, but Spain gave Sacramento in South America to Portu- treaties with some allies soon followed. Representa- gal and acknowledged its Brazilian claims. France tives from Austria and the empire left Utrecht with- ceded Newfoundland, Acadia, St. Christopher, and out treaties because of unresolved differences with the Hudson Bay territory to Britain, but insisted on France or Spain. The Spanish succession remained exclusive seasonal shore rights in Newfoundland to their primary stumbling block, but its context had exploit the cod fishery. The Anglo-Spanish treaty changed dramatically between 1702 and 1713. protected Spain’s interest in the Newfoundland During those years, two Austrian emperors had fishery. Spain transferred the asiento from France to died, Leopold I in 1705 and Joseph I in 1711. Britain for thirty years, and allowed British trading Archduke Charles, the contender for the Spanish stations on the Rı´o de la Plata in South America. throne as Charles III, was crowned Emperor Gibraltar and Minorca, former Spanish possessions, Charles VI. In the Bourbon line, deaths claimed the guaranteed British commercial access in the Medi- French dauphin in 1711, putting Philip V of Spain terranean. fourth in line for the French throne. Two Bourbon deaths in 1712 left only a sickly boy between Philip Despite the achievements of the Peace of and the French throne. These untimely deaths left Utrecht, British machinations by Henry St. John, both Charles and Philip with multiple dynastic backed by Robert Harley, haunted European affairs claims, which, as the primary Spanish claimants, for decades. In Britain, vitriolic criticism of St. John made them unattractive to many powers unless they and Harley’s treatment of allies forced both men renounced some of them. In 1712, Philip V re- into exile. British disregard of Dutch interests prob- nounced his French claims, which five allies, but not ably sped the Dutch Republic’s decline as a Euro- Austria and the empire, recognized in 1713. pean power. British abandonment of the The Peace of Utrecht redefined numerous dy- left them vulnerable to Philip V’s revenge for their nastic conflicts. In addition to Philip V of Spain’s support of the Grand Alliance. Newfoundland fish- renunciation of his French claims, the dukes of ing concessions incensed opposition critics in Brit- Berry and Orle´ans and their heirs were excluded ain, and created international tensions that continue from claims to the Spanish throne, thus precluding a to the present. A fortified barrier in the southern future royal union of France and Spain. Interna- Netherlands failed to hold back French forces in tional acknowledgment of Philip V effectively ended 1745, and festering boundary disputes in the colo- a possible Habsburg union of Austria and Spain. nies fueled the conflicts leading to the Seven Years’ France recognized the Protestant succession in Brit- War. All contributed to the contested legacy of the ain and agreed that the Stuart , James Peace of Utrecht. Francis Edward Stuart, and his heirs could not live See also Bourbon Dynasty (France); Bourbon Dynasty on French soil. Frederick William I was acknowl- (Spain); Charles III (Spain); Frederick William I edged as king of Prussia. The house of Savoy re- (Prussia); Habsburg Dynasty; Philip V (Spain);

108 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 UTRECHT, PEACE OF (1713)

Seven Years’ War (1756–1763); Spain; Spanish Suc- Grand Strategy, 1702–1712. New York and London, cession, War of the (1701–1714). 1987. Kamen, Henry. The War of Succession in Spain 1700–1715. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bloomington, Ind., and London, 1969. Frey, Linda, and Marsha Frey, eds. The Treaties of the War of Pitt, H. G. ‘‘The Pacification of Utrecht.’’ In The New Cam- the Spanish Succession: An Historical and Critical Dic- bridge Modern History, Vol. 6: The Rise of Great Britain tionary. Westport, Conn., and London, 1995. and Russia, 1688–1715/25, edited by J. S. Bromley, pp. 446–479. Cambridge, U.K., 1970. Hattendorf, John B. England in the War of the Spanish Succession: A Study of the English View and Conduct of ELIZABETH MANCKE

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 109 V

the sixteenth century onward. It was used to justify VAGRANTS AND BEGGARS. With the harsh but futile measures against those who suppos- increase in the ranks of paupers in the late fifteenth edly showed an ingrained laziness and a stubborn and early sixteenth centuries, contemporary legisla- preference for living from charity, and, inevitably, tion began to discriminate between the deserving went astray, becoming used in the end to a disor- and the undeserving poor. The definition of the derly and criminal style of life (vagrancy, theft, ‘‘true’’ poor (children, the aged, the sick, and the smuggling, and prostitution). infirm) reflected the new policy of early modern governments all over Europe of refusing to recog- THE GROWING NUMBERS OF BEGGARS nize unemployment per se as an excuse for beggary. AND VAGRANTS The magistrates held that, apart from those who Vagrancy was a socially defined offense that reflects were rendered incapable of earning a living by age the dual problem of geographical and social mobil- or physical condition, all who begged should be ity in early modern Europe. Offenders were arrested considered willful idlers and treated severely. It was and punished not because of their actions, but be- therefore declared that the beggary of the able- cause of their marginal position in society. The im- bodied poor was criminal. The intention was to help plication was that vagrants were not ordinary crimi- those unable to take care of themselves, whereas nals but were regarded as a major threat to society, able-bodied persons unwilling to work were not and therefore pursued by all authorities and stigma- entitled to poor relief, but, on the contrary, were tized as deviants. The offense of which they were subject to a variety of disciplinary measures. The accused posed a serious challenge to the moral and dangerous poor were, according to a stereotype that physical well-being of the Christian common- developed in the sixteenth and seventeenth centu- wealth. Vagrants should not be confused with the ries, typically rootless, masterless, and homeless. outsiders known in medieval Germany as fahrende The beggar who took to a life of crime, and abused Leute, ‘wayfarers’. Those included a variety of peo- the conventions of a Christian society of ‘‘orders’’ ple, from wandering scholar to minstrels and and ‘‘callings,’’ became defined as a member of a knifegrinders. Many of them were engaged in itiner- deviant subculture, who had to be punished. In its ant trades or professions whose form of work in- justification of these punishments, which became volved wandering (entertainers, transient healers, even more severe during the seventeenth and eigh- hawkers, tinkers). They were also despised, ridi- teenth centuries, governments stressed the connec- culed, stigmatized, and marginalized, but not pros- tion between beggary and criminality. ecuted for their deviant way of life. The equation between begging and crime be- During the course of the fifteenth century a new came a commonplace in poor law legislation from social phenomenon grew up alongside these tradi-

111 VAGRANTS AND BEGGARS tional ‘‘vagrants’’: the fraudulent beggar and the example, to compare the number of people de- idle, sturdy vagabond. Their advent caused govern- tained as vagrants (broadly defined) and interned in ments to react accordingly. In early modern ‘‘houses of correction’’ or de´poˆts de mendicite´ in Wu¨rttemberg, for example, all officials were put on England and France, respectively, in the later eigh- alert for idle vagrants from 1495, and by 1508 those teenth century. While in England three to four arrested were increasingly charged with ‘‘suspicious thousand vagrants and idlers were interned annu- wandering.’’ The legal concept of vagabondage is ally, the French police arrested in the same period based on the distinction between able-bodied and (1770s and 1780s) between ten and thirteen thou- ‘‘impotent’’ poor, which had been propagated by sand vagrants each year. Comparing the rates of the critiques of the traditional view of poverty since internment for every 10,000 inhabitants in the two the later Middle Ages, but was only fully accepted countries, shows that, as far the repression of va- by governments of all persuasions from the six- grancy was concerned, the French government was teenth century onward. The ideological underpin- obviously more successful and its police more effi- ning was provided by the rhetorical flourishes of cient in enforcing the vagrancy laws that had been in humanists and preachers and the attacks upon va- force in both countries since the sixteenth century. grants in popular literature. These numerical results are thus quite significant in terms of the capabilities of the two most powerful The omnibus statutory definitions of vagrancy, eighteenth-century European states and their re- and even those found in the learned or popular spective policing organizations, but there can be no tradition, were not purely theoretical. Not every doubt that other countries made similar efforts to offender, of course, showed all the characteristics of suppress vagrancy. the stereotype, nor were these traits absolutely nec- essary for prosecutions or arrests to take place. Ac- THE STRUCTURE OF VAGRANCY cording to contemporary sources the number of The sources also tell us something about the struc- vagrants had been increasing over the sixteenth cen- ture of vagrancy. Vagrants were more mobile and tury, but it is difficult to substantiate these estimates traveled longer distances than other migrants. Ac- statistically. The clearest evidence of a real growth in cording to an English study, the large majority of vagrancy during the early modern period is the fig- apprentices and journeymen moved less than forty ures that refer to people who were arrested, con- miles, while among the vagrants whose place of victed, or punished for vagrancy alone, and not for origin can be determined, more than seventy per- any other crime. In late-sixteenth-century England, cent had gone farther; a substantial number of them vagrants numbering only in the hundreds were (22 percent) had even covered a distance of more found in the special searches after the Rising in the than one hundred miles. It is often impossible to North (1571–1572), while sixty years later reports state the average age of those arrested as vagrants, to the Privy Council recorded the local arrest and because of the incompleteness of the data. The few punishment of many thousands of wandering statistics that we have for the sixteenth to eigh- rogues and sturdy beggars (nearly 25,000 in thirty- teenth centuries, however, leave no doubt that va- two English counties between 1631 and 1639). It is grancy was mainly a young person’s crime. In Tudor likely that the number of people that could be la- and Stuart England the proportion of vagrants be- beled as vagrants continued to increase well into the low age twenty-one declined from 67 to 47 percent seventeenth century, not only in England but also in in the years 1623–1639 as compared to 1570– other European countries. But there was worse to 1622, but was still rather high. Most vagabonds come. In the eighteenth century vagrancy was exac- were single and male. That is precisely the group erbated not only by deteriorating demographic and that is underrepresented in listings of the resident economic conditions but also by growing govern- respectable poor. The vagrants were distinguished ment efforts to eradicate the problem. Comparative from the latter also in being predominantly young. statistics for the total number of vagabonds in vari- ous European countries are complicated by the vari- Almost unanimously, contemporary observers ety of ways in which vagrants could be punished. and legislators assumed that vagabonds chose to be Despite numerous uncertainties, it is possible, for unemployed. The evidence of vagabonds’ previous

112 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VAGRANTS AND BEGGARS and present occupations suggests that unemploy- shoulder was lighter and of different texture from ment was a growing problem and that opportunities the rest) was used as proof of a criminal record. were contracting, and that as a result the poor were Further forms of corporal punishment for devi- taking up less secure positions such as casual labor, ant paupers included hair polling, the pillory, and soldiery, and entertainment, which had at that time ear cropping. Each of these rituals implied various close links with vagabondage. According to a study degrees of public disgrace. The pillory, for example, on the profile of vagrancy in England in the six- had been employed against fraudulent beggars since teenth and seventeenth centuries, roughly one-third the late Middle Ages. Other forms of degrading of all vagabonds who could report work histories punishments for vagrants were of local origin, as for were engaged in the production of food, leather example the ‘‘ducking-stool,’’ which was in use in goods, or cloth and metal wares, or in mining or some early modern English towns. This was a spe- building; at least one-quarter were servants, appren- cial instrument of punishment for prostitutes or dis- tices, journeymen, laborers, and harvest workers; honest tradesmen but also for other offenders, con- almost one-fifth were petty tradesmen and tinkers; sisting of a chair in which an offender was tied and and one-tenth were soldiers and mariners. This pro- exposed to public derision or ducked in water. file of occupations is strikingly similar to that estab- lished for vagrants arrested in eighteenth-century Whipping, branding, and ear boring were for a Bavaria. The other major group that figures promi- long time and until the eighteenth century the eas- nently in the German reports of arrest was a medley iest way of dealing with sturdy beggars and vaga- of tramping artisans and members of ‘‘dangerous bonds. Whether these corporal punishments allevi- trades,’’ consisting largely of flayers and knackers’ ated the problem of poverty and its concomitant, men and their families. vagrancy, is doubtful. But it had at least one great advantage: it gave the local governments the feeling All these features and social traits provided that they were at least doing something against the ample grounds for abhorrence of the idle rogue and rising number of ‘‘masterless men’’ on the road. sturdy beggar and for his accidental confusion with the simple migrant or pauper. EXPULSION Local authorities rather seldom used their legislative STIGMATIZATION powers to lock up the wandering or deviant poor In early modern legislation the sturdy beggar was (confinement) or to restrict their freedom to move characterized as the incarnation of idleness. Flogg- within the municipal area (segregation). More often ing, branding, hard labor in the galleys, and all other than not, magistrates turned to the ancient remedy penalities introduced against begging and vagrancy of expulsion. There was almost no town in early that involved public disgrace, were justified because modern Europe that at one time or another did not they were meant to constrain the poor from follow- prohibit begging and order the removal of all sturdy ing their unlawful and unchristian inclinations and beggars and vagabonds. Gatekeepers and constables impel them toward their moral and social duty, that were admonished to redouble their efforts in order is, to work. Branding and ear boring were ritual to keep the unwelcome poor outside the city. Some punishments that left everlasting marks of infamy on municipalities (e.g., Cologne and Bordeaux) were the body of the offender. According to the Edward- less successful in barring foreign beggars from en- ian statute of 1547 vagrants were to branded with a tering the city because of the lack of police forces V on their breasts. Ear-boring is first mentioned in a and gaps in their fortification systems. Other Euro- statute passed in 1572. In France beggars and va- pean cities managed better in keeping an eye on the grants brought to court were subjected to the ritual floating populations. of corporal punishment including branding (M for In view of the various weaknesses connected mendiant, V for vagabond ) and public flogging. with the expulsion or mass banishments of beggars, Both police and judges examined suspects’ bodies national governments tried more effective forms of for the marks of branding and whipping when they removal for outcast rogues and sturdy beggars. In took their disposition. Sometimes the most obscure England the transportation of vagabonds to the mark (e.g., the fact that a patch of skin on the colonies dates back to Elizabeth I’s reign. The Va-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 113 VAGRANTS AND BEGGARS grancy Act of 1597 stipulated that dangerous Amsterdam decided to establish a tuchthuis for men, rogues should be banished overseas. A Privy Coun- to be followed by a similar institution for women cil order of 1603 mentioned various destinations: known as a spinhuis. The name of the institution Newfoundland, the East and West Indies, France, derived from the type of labor the inmates were Germany, Spain, and the Low Countries. Most of compelled to perform. The men were forced to those exiled for vagrancy and other crimes were, chop and rasp Brazilian dyewood, while the women however, sent to the American colonies. and young children were required to spin, knit, or sew. The reformative program attached great im- THE GREAT CONFINEMENT portance to personal hygiene, industriousness, and Compared to stigmatizing corporal punishment piety. and other traditional measures of social control such The foundation of the Amsterdam tuchthuis as expulsion and transportation, a new reformative was a landmark in the history of a vast program of policy of punishment in the form of so-called proto- social engineering, known since Michel Foucault’s penal institutions offered the authorities a kind of work in this field as ‘‘the Great Confinement.’’ control over the offender without abusing his body. Whether or not one agrees with Foucault’s theory One should not forget, however, that despite this of continuity of incarceration and the common dis- humanitarian impetus, in most ‘‘bridewells,’’ ciplinary features of workhouses, asylums, prisons, houses of correction, or similar institutions founded and factories, there can be little doubt that all those in many European countries during the late six- institutions attempted to repress vagrancy and men- teenth and early seventeenth centuries, chaining dicity by segregating and putting to work those and beating of the inmates were common practice caught begging without permission. In the six- until the end of the ancien re´gime. teenth century, labor still had strong religious- The most distinctive product of early modern moral connotations as a remedy against sinful idle- thinking on social welfare was the creation of a new ness. By the seventeenth century, when the work- kind of hospital. The practice of confining beggars house movement had gained momentum all over in jail-like institutions certainly gained favor in the Europe, the earlier quality of labor as the means to eighteenth century, but as a means of providing fight the supposed main cause of poverty (idleness) work for the needy and punishing the disreputable had been overlaid by a more pragmatic concept in and deviant, it had a long history, dating back to the which confinement and compulsory labor were seen second half of the sixteenth century. In 1553 Ed- as the appropriate instrument to punish and correct ward VI, influenced by Bishop Nicolas Ridley, con- beggars and other deviants. Consequently, the veyed an old, decayed palace, the Bridewell, to the workhouse became the distinctive feature of poor city of London, for the purpose of safekeeping, pun- relief right to the nineteenth century, even if this ishing, and setting to work the idle poor and vaga- English institution and its European adaptations bonds. Other English towns (such as Norwich and and mutations failed to meet the high expectations Ipswich) followed in the 1560s. The poor-relief act of contemporaries. of 1576 ordered the establishment of so-called See also Charity and Poor Relief; Crime and Punishment; houses of correction in all counties and corporate Poverty. towns of the realm. In this prototype of an institu- tion that was later to become known as the BIBLIOGRAPHY ‘‘workhouse,’’ punishment by imprisonment was Ammerer, Gerhard. Vaganten ohne Lyrik: Studien zur devi- given a new importance. This means that labor was, anten, nichtsesshaften Lebensweise in O¨ sterreich 1750– ¨ for the first time, introduced as corrective discipline. 1800—Ursachen und (Uberlebens-) Strategien. Habilitationsschrift. University of Salzburg, 2000. The English statutes of 1576, 1597, and 1610 all listed punishment, work, and discipline as reasons Beier, A. L. Masterless Men. The Vagrancy Problem in En- gland 1560–1640. London and New York, 1985. for the establishment of such houses. Cubero, Jose´. Histoire du vagabondage: du Moyen Age a` nos At about the same time when Bridewell became jours. Paris, 1998. the English model for a new type of institution to Dartiguenave, Paul. Vagabonds et mendiants en Normandie combat vagabondage, the magistrates of the city of entre assistance et re´pression: histoire du vagabondage et

114 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VALOIS DYNASTY (FRANCE)

de la mendicite´ du XVIIIe au XXe sie`cle. Conde´-sur- Noireau, France, 1997. VALOIS DYNASTY (FRANCE). From Finzsch, Norbert, and Robert Ju¨tte, eds. Institutions of Con- its accession to the French throne in 1328 through finement: Hospitals, Asylums, and Prisons in Western its end in 1589, the Valois dynasty included thirteen Europe and North America, 1500–1950. New York, kings: Philip VI (ruled 1328–1350); John the Good 1996. (1350–1364); Charles V (1364–1380); Charles VI Fitzgerald, Patrick Desmond. Poverty and Vagrancy in Early (1380–1422); Charles VII (1422–1461); Louis XI Modern Ireland. Belfast, 1994. (1461–1483); Charles VIII (1483–1498); Louis Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the XII (1498–1515); Francis I (1515–1547); Henry Prison. Translated by Alan Sheridan. New York, 1979. II (1547–1559); Francis II (1559–1560); Charles IX (1560–1574); Henry III (1574–1589). Geremek, Bronislaw. ‘‘Criminalite´ , vagabondage, paupe´risme: la marginalite´a` l’aube des temps Over this period, the dynasty presided over modernes.’’ Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine some of the most violent years in French history. Its 21 (1974): 337–375. reign included the Hundred Years’ War (1337– Hall, C. G. A Legislative History of Vagrancy in England and 1453) and the Wars of Religion (1562–1598), two Barbados. Bridgetown, Barbados, 1997. periods in which it seemed that France itself might Hergemo¨ ller, Bernd-Ulrich, ed. Randgruppen der break apart; and from 1495 through 1557 there spa¨ tmittelalterlichen Gesellschaft. 2nd rev. ed. were a series of wars with the kings of Spain, with Warendorf, Germany, 2001. each side seeking hegemony in Italy. The sixteenth- Hippel, Wolfgang von. Armut, Unterschichte, Randgruppen century Valois also confronted the advent of Protes- in der fru¨hen Neuzeit. Munich, 1995. tantism, and their response to it continued to influ- Hufton, Olwen H. ‘‘Begging, Vagrancy, Vagabondage and ence French society well into the nineteenth cen- the Law: An Aspect of Poverty in Eighteenth-Century tury. Despite the advantages that converting to France.’’ European Studies Review 2 (1972): 97–123. Protestantism might have offered, Francis I and Ju¨tte, Robert. Poverty and Deviance in Early Modern Europe. Henry II vigorously prosecuted all forms of heresy; Cambridge, U.K., and New York, 1994. and Charles IX endorsed the St. Bartholomew’s Ku¨ther, Carsten. Menschen auf der Straße: Vagierende Un- Day Massacre of Protestants in 1572. As a result, to terschichten in Bayern, Franken und Schwaben in der the end of the Old Regime the French monarchy zweiten Ha¨lfte des 18. Jahrhunderts. Go¨ttingen, 1983. would remain closely allied with Catholic ritual and Meneghetti Casarin, Francesca. I Vagabondi, la societa`elo belief. stato nella republicca di Venezia alla fine del ’700. The Valois included colorful characters to Rome, 1984. match the dramatic times in which they ruled. A Paultre, Christian. De la re´pression de la mendicite´etdu patron of the arts and ambitious warrior, Francis I vagabondage: en France sous l’ancien re´gime. Reprint. was a Renaissance monarch well suited to compete Geneva, 1975. Originally published 1906. with his contemporaries Henry VIII of England Ribton-Turner, C. J. A History of Vagrants and Vagrancy, (ruled 1509–1547) and the Emperor Charles V and Beggars and Begging. Reprint. Montclair, N.J., (ruled 1519–1556). But several other members of 1972. Originally published 1887. the dynasty showed signs of mental instability, and Roeck, Bernd. Außenseiter, Randgruppen, Minderheiten: in both the fifteenth and the sixteenth centuries Fremde im Deutschland der Fru¨hen Neuzeit. Go¨ttingen, these had dire political consequences. 1993. Schwartz, Robert M. Policing the Poor in Eighteenth-Century See also Charles VIII (France); France; Francis I (France); Henry II (France); Henry III (France); Louis XII France. Chapel Hill, N.C., 1988. (France); St. Bartholomew’s Day Massacre; Wars of Sellin, Thorsten. Pioneering in Penology: The Amsterdam Religion, French. Houses of Correction in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth

Centuries. Philadelphia, 1944. BIBLIOGRAPHY Woodbrige, Linda. Vagrancy, Homelessness, and English Re- Baumgartner, Frederic J. Henry II, King of France, 1547– naissance Literature. Urbana, Ill., 2001. 1559. Durham, N.C., 1988.

ROBERT JU¨ TTE Knecht, R. J. Francis I. New York, 1982.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 115 VAN DYCK, ANTHONY

—. The French Civil Wars, 1562–1598. New York, 2000.

JONATHAN DEWALD

VAN DYCK, ANTHONY (1599–1641), Flemish painter. Born in Antwerp, Anthony van Dyck divided his career between his native Southern Netherlands, Italy, and England. Before he died at the age of forty-two, he had become the most influ- ential portraitist in Europe. His portraits evoke the sitters’ actual or desired rank as well as a sense of individuality, despite their idealization. Although he remains best known for his portraits, Van Dyck’s ambition and talent extended to more prestigious history subjects, including religious and secular nar- ratives in which he emphasized psychological states and relationships (for example, The Mystic Marriage of the Blessed Herman Joseph, 1630, Vienna, Kunst- historisches Museum). Throughout his career Van

Dyck departed from gender stereotypes more often Anthony Van Dyck. Self-portrait, c. 1630. HERMITAGE,ST. than other artists, favoring subjects with passive PETERSBURG,RUSSIA/BRIDGEMAN ART LIBRARY men, and innovatively portrayed several women as glancing down at the viewer (for example, Marchesa Elena Grimaldi, 1623, National Gallery of Art, of Titian (Betrayal of Christ, Prado, Madrid). Multi- Washington, D.C.). ple versions exist of several early narrative subjects, the betrayal of Christ being a case in point. In plan- The son of a silk merchant, Van Dyck began his ning such compositions, he made drawing after professional training at the age of ten with Hendrik drawing to test alternative possibilities. van Balen, the most expensive figure painter in Ant- werp. While still in his teens he produced accom- Portraits painted in Antwerp before 1620 (and plished works and apparently even ran his own stu- again in 1628–1632) tend to be three-quarter dio at the age of sixteen before officially becoming a length or smaller, a size suitable for the dwellings of master in the Guild of St. Luke. Because the young Flemish burghers (Frans Snyders, The Frick Collec- Van Dyck shifted easily between different styles, the tion, New York). Props such as columns and flow- dating of his early works remains disputed. He ing drapes, however, evoke the palatial settings of could adapt to the style of the older Rubens, in nobility, a status to which many of his fellow citizens whose studio he worked as an assistant helping in aspired. the execution of such works as the cartoons for By the time Van Dyck left Antwerp in 1620, his illustrating the history of the Roman gen- works were as highly valued as Rubens’s. He first eral Decius Mus. In such cases he applied paint went to England but by the end of 1621 had moved smoothly and depicted massive, muscular figures in to Italy, remaining there for seven years and travel- a more ambiguous space than was typical of Rubens. ing extensively. His sketchbook (London, British Spatial ambiguity remained a stylistic characteristic Museum) records that he paid special attention to throughout Van Dyck’s career as a means of intensi- Titian. In Genoa, where he spent the most time, fying his emphasis on psychological rather than cor- Van Dyck portrayed the city’s nobility, such as poreal presence. Early paintings done in his own Marchesa Elena Grimaldi (1623, National Gallery style, with oil paint applied in broader, looser of Art, Washington, D.C.). Often shown full- strokes, reveal his lifelong admiration for the work length, they look down at the viewer, increasing the

116 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VASA DYNASTY (SWEDEN) sense of elevated rank suggested by their reserved demeanor. Faces and hands stand out against the VASA DYNASTY (SWEDEN). The Vasa tonalities dominated by rich reds and . Dynasty, which ruled Sweden from 1523 to 1654, included Gustav I Vasa (Gustav Eriksson), Erik In 1628 Van Dyck resettled in his native Ant- XIV, John III, Sigismund I Vasa, Charles IX, werp. Visitors to his house mention a ‘‘Cabinet de Gustavus II Adolphus, and Christina. During their Titian’’ in which he displayed originals by and cop- reigns, Sweden left the and became ies after Titian. Working with softer value contrasts, an independent state, adopted Lutheranism, devel- Van Dyck expanded his repertoire of portrait poses oped a more complex economy, built a Baltic em- for compositional reasons and to characterize sitters pire and a place of importance in European affairs, more fully. This is especially evident in the Icono- and became increasingly European culturally. (The graphy, a print series portraying selected European Vasa name derives from the vase, a sheaf of grain in notables, including heads of state, military leaders, the family’s insignia or shield. The family’s noble scholars, and, unprecedentedly in such a prestigious roots lie in the fourteenth century.) context, fellow artists such as Jan Brueghel the El- Gustav I Vasa (ruled 1523–1560) established der. At first Van Dyck etched the portraits himself, the dynasty. Aided by the Hanseatic League and but had the prints made by engravers after his important elements of the Swedish commons, he models. led the last of Sweden’s rebellions against the Dan- ish-controlled Kalmar Union. He became king in In 1632 Van Dyck moved once again to En- June 1523, and for thirty-seven years worked dili- gland, where art patronage now flourished at a gently and ruthlessly to ensure Sweden’s indepen- court ruled by Charles I, a discriminating and avid dence and development. He made and maintained art collector. The king appointed Van Dyck his peace with Denmark, encouraged the Reformation, ‘‘principalle’’ painter and knighted him, raising the expropriated the properties of the Catholic Church artist’s status closer to that of the nobility he por- to the crown’s benefit, supported economic devel- trayed as well as entertained. The English portraits opments, built up a modest army and navy, curbed (Portrait of King Charles I, 1635, ) differ the Hanseatic League’s influence, used the Parlia- from their Genoese counterparts in having a ment to ratify his actions, made Sweden a hereditary brighter palette, a tendency to more relaxed poses, monarchy (1544), crushed domestic disturbances, and occasional pastoral associations. They were to and fostered the growth of a central administration. have an enormous influence on later English paint- One of Europe’s ‘‘new monarchs,’’ he enhanced the ing. In 1634–1635 Van Dyck considered resettling power of the crown and curbed that of the nobility. permanently in Antwerp but returned to England, Following his death in 1560, many of his achieve- where he lived the rest of his short life. His works ments were eroded by the half-century of internal remain as integral to the history of painting in En- turmoil and foreign wars initiated by his sons Erik, gland and in Italy as in his native Southern Nether- John, and Charles. lands. Erik XIV (ruled 1560–1568) was temperamen- See also Britain, Art in; Charles I (England); Netherlands, tal, suspicious, and mentally unstable. He squan- Art in the; Painting; Rubens, Peter Paul. dered the fiscal and political assets his father had bequeathed him. He launched Sweden’s age of im-

BIBLIOGRAPHY perial adventures in the Baltic, helped to precipitate the Northern Seven Years’ War (1563–1570) with Brown, Christopher. Van Dyck. Oxford, 1982. Denmark, and even sought the hand of Elizabeth I of Martin, John Rupert, and Gail Feigenbaum. Van Dyck as England. He also engaged in a running conflict with Religious Artist. Exh. cat. Princeton, 1979. his half-brother, Duke John, who, from his duchy in Wheelock, Arthur K., Susan J. Barnes, and Julius S. Held, Finland, acted like a king in his own right. This eds. Anthony van Dyck. Exh. cat. Washington, D.C., conflict peaked in 1568, when John, with the aid of 1990. their brother Charles, deposed Erik and imprisoned ZIRKA ZAREMBA FILIPCZAK him in , where he died in 1577.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 117 VASARI, GIORGIO

John III (ruled 1568–1592), more stable, cul- reign at war (successively with Denmark, Russia, tured, and politically astute than Erik, worked to Poland, and the Catholic-Imperial forces in Ger- restore peace and stability. His efforts were under- many). He died at the Battle of Lu¨tzen on 6 No- mined by religious strife. His marriage to Catherine, vember 1632. daughter of Sigismund II Augustus of Poland, led Christina (ruled 1632–1654), Gustavus II to a drift towards Catholicism, and this was rein- Adolphus’s only legitimate heir, was six when her forced when their heir, Sigismund, who was raised a father was killed. Power therefore passed to a re- Catholic, became king of Poland as Sigismund III gency dominated by Axel Oxenstierna, and for the Vasa in 1587. next twelve years the influence of the nobility was When Sigismund (ruled Sweden as Sigismund I enhanced. Christina’s personal rule covered a dec- Vasa 1592–1599) succeeded his father as king of ade, and her importance has been variously inter- Sweden, a political arrangement was forged to bal- preted. Oxenstierna’s influence declined, and she ance the interests of the crown, those of the last of effectively played competing factions against each the Vasa sons (Charles), and those of the high nobil- other to achieve her desire for peace in Germany ity. Fear of the king’s Catholicism led to a reaf- and the recognition of her cousin, Charles X firmation of Lutheranism at Uppsala in 1593. Sigis- Gustav, as her heir. Unwilling to marry, she abdi- mund stacked the administration with his favorites, cated and left Sweden in 1654. She converted to which alarmed Charles, and civil war erupted in Catholicism and lived the rest of her life in Rome, 1597. Sigismund was defeated at Sta˚ngebro the fol- where she pursued her cultural interests and lowing year and deposed in 1599. He remained dabbled in politics. She died in 1689. king in Poland, however, until his death in 1632, The Vasa dynasty ended with Christina’s abdi- and for over half a century the two lines of the Vasa cation, as the crown passed to Charles X Gustav dynasty were in conflict. (ruled 1654–1660), son of Gustavus II Adolphus’s Charles IX (ruled 1599–1611) acted as regent half-sister, Katherine, and John Casimir of Pfalz- until 1604, and he was not crowned until 1607. He Zweibru¨cken. ruthlessly eliminated his opponents (Linko¨ping See also Charles X Gustav (Sweden); Christina (Sweden); Bloodbath, 1600) and ruled personally or through Gustavus II Adolphus (Sweden); Kalmar, Union of; favorites. He ignored complaints that he was viola- Oxenstierna, Axel; Sweden. ting the nobility’s privileges. Following his death in 1611, the nobles took their revenge. Charles’s heir, BIBLIOGRAPHY Gustavus II Adolphus, was only seventeen, and the Kirby, David. Northern Europe in the Early Modern Period: price of his recognition was an accession charter that The Baltic World 1492–1772. London and New York, 1990. guaranteed noble power in the country. Nordstrom, Byron J., ed. Dictionary of Scandinavian His- Until relatively recently, Gustavus II Adolphus tory. Westport, Conn., 1986. This work contains arti- (ruled 1611–1632) has been viewed as one of Swe- cles on each of the rulers in the Vasa dynasty. den’s greatest kings—architect of Sweden’s age of Robert, Michael. The Early Vasas: A . greatness; author of creative and positive develop- 1523–1611. Cambridge, U.K., and London, 1968. ments in government, administration, economics, Scott, Franklin D. Sweden: The Nation’s History. Carbon- and education; one of history’s best military leaders; dale, Ill., 1988. and the man most responsible for the survival of BYRON J. NORDSTROM Lutheranism in Germany. This interpretation usu- ally paired him with his adviser and chancellor, Axel Oxenstierna. More recent assessments tend to as- sign greater influence to Oxenstierna in political, VASARI, GIORGIO (1511–1574), Italian economic, and administrative matters. In military biographer, painter, and architect. Born in the Tus- matters he was less a creative thinker than an effi- can town of Arezzo, Giorgio Vasari was brought in cient and effective applier of ideas originating else- his early years to Florence, where he eventually be- where. Gustavus II Adolphus spent almost his entire came a prolific painter and highly accomplished ar-

118 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VASARI, GIORGIO chitect. As an artist he is best known for his exten- art, the poetic art and inventiveness of these and sive historical and allegorical fresco decorations in other stories. the Palazzo Vecchio, made to celebrate the ruler of The blind reading of Vasari, which talks around Florence, Duke Cosimo de’ Medici. As an architect the fiction of his book or refers to it only as ‘‘poetic his most celebrated building is the Uffizi, the gov- embellishment’’ when it is far more than that, is ernment ‘‘offices’’ built for his Medici patron. based on the misguided belief that history is an ac- Vasari’s art and architecture are eclipsed, how- cumulation of facts when it is, in fact, shaped or ever, by his work as a writer. His monumental Lives formed, hence ‘‘fictive’’ in the root sense of the (commonly known as Lives of the Artists), was first word. Fiction in Vasari is inevitably written in the published in Florence in 1550 and was reprinted in service of the historical truth. Vasari reports, for a much revised and amplified version in 1568. Com- example, that Piero di Cosimo was a ‘‘wild man,’’ a posed as a series of biographies, Vasari’s book is a fiction that is true to the character of the artist’s history of the progress of art, after its ‘‘rebirth,’’ primitive subjects, which are the inventions of a from Cimabue to the perfection of Michelangelo. highly cultivated artist. The power of Vasari’s fiction Considered to be the first ‘‘history of art’’ as such, is so great that even modern scientific art historians the Lives powerfully shaped the emergence of art have imagined him as a kind of caveman. Although history as a scholarly discipline in the modern era. Piero becomes a fictional character in the pages of Vasari’s book is also a rich source of information Vasari, he is obviously not an invented character. about Renaissance artists and the world in which Rather, he is a real person whose life is poetically they worked. It is a valuable font concerning the imagined. theory, practice, criticism, and techniques of art. The poetry of Vasari endures in the modern Given the vast amount of attention Vasari’s fable of art, in Honore´ de Balzac’s The Unknown writing has received, what is still underestimated at Masterpiece, the tale of a painter whose inability to this late date is the status of Vasari’s book as an complete a masterpiece echoes Vasari’s portrayal of enduring masterpiece of imaginative literature and Leonardo’s unfinished work. Vasari is alive in Rob- of historical art. Literary scholars have been insuffi- ert Browning’s poems on Fra Filippo Lippi and ciently attentive to Vasari’s relations to Homer, Andrea del Sarto, and in George Eliot’s portrayal of Ovid, and Virgil, to Dante, Petrarch, and Giovanni Piero di Cosimo in Romola. The extent of Vasari’s Boccaccio, to Politian, Marsilio Ficino, and Ludo- influence on the modern imagination is far greater vico Ariosto, to Baldassare Castiglione, Pietro than the provincial historiography of art history al- Bembo, and Pietro Aretino, and art historians are lows. Vasari’s book is a classic of world literature in totally indifferent, if not hostile, to the literary vir- which the mythologized Piero di Cosimo, Leon- tues of the Lives. ardo, Raphael, and Michelangelo are characters of Writing before the modern distinction between historical fiction who take their place as the subjects scientific history and historical fiction, Vasari pro- of history and the modern novel alike. Vasari often duced a book that combined both—fables and no- appropriated materials from other writers, far more velle on the one hand and ‘‘factual documents,’’ as than is generally realized; but, in the end, he was the we might call them, on the other. Although scholars superintending intelligence responsible for the mak- have become increasingly attentive to the fictive ing of a great literary and historical masterpiece, character of the Lives, they have remained remark- which will forever remain ‘‘Vasari’s Lives.’’ ably insensitive to the virtues of such fiction. Some- See also Art: Art Theory, Criticism, and Historiography; times they still ignore or refuse to acknowledge the Biography and Autobiography; Florence, Art in. presence of fiction in Vasari’s book, as when, for example, they treat his fable of Leonardo’s fabulous BIBLIOGRAPHY buckler or his tale of Michelangelo’s smiling faun Primary Source made in the Medici garden as true stories, as docu- Vasari, Giorgio. Le vite de’ piu` eccellenti pittori, scultori et mentation of what really happened. What is lost architettori scritte da Giorgio Vasari. Edited by Gaetano here is an adequate critical appreciation of Vasari’s Milanesi. 9 vols. Florence, 1906.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 119 VASARI, GIORGIO

Giorgio Vasari. Title page from Lives of the Artists, 1568. YALE CENTER FOR BRITISH ART,PAUL MELLON COLLECTION

120 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VAUGHAN, THOMAS

Secondary Sources 1522. In those years Vasilii and Metropolitan Barolsky, Paul. Why Smiles and Other Tales by Varlaam brought Maximus the Greek (Michael Vasari. University Park, Pa., 1991. Trivolis, c. 1480–1556) to Russia to correct the Rubin, Patricia. Giorgio Vasari: Art and History. New Ha- Slavonic translations of Greek liturgical texts. Max- ven and London, 1995. imus combined philological skills acquired in Ven- PAUL BAROLSKY ice and Florence with traditional Orthodox belief, but he and Vassian both fell afoul of the new metro- politan, Daniil (1521–1539). Maximus was tried for heresy as well as for political comments in 1525 VASILII III (MUSCOVY) (1479–1533; and again, with Vassian, in 1531, after which both ruled 1505–1533), grand prince of Muscovy. Vasilii were removed from their positions and sent into III Ivanovich was the second son of Ivan III. His monastic exile. Maximus left a large body of devo- mother was the Greek princess Sofiia Paleologue. tional and theological writings. Though he was crit- Coming to the throne in 1505, he pursued his ical of excessive monastic wealth, his views remained father’s policy of expansion and consolidation of within conventional teachings. During the same pe- territory. In 1510 he annexed the trading town of riod Vasilii exiled several prominent boyars, the and in 1514 captured Smolensk from Poland- princes Shuiskii, Vorotynskii, and others, and Max- Lithuania. In 1520–1521 Vasilii imprisoned the last imus’s ally Ivan Nikoforovich Bersen’-Beklemishev Ryazan prince for treasonous relations with the was executed in 1525 for criticism of both the Tatars and absorbed his territory. Repeated raids by metropolitan and the grand prince. the Crimean Tatars on the southern border posed The birth of an heir, Ivan Vasil’evich—the fu- serious problems but did not prevent him from ture Ivan IV, the Terrible—in 1530 ensured the repeatedly trying to establish his candidates as khans succession, but Vasilii died in 1533. A regency, with of Kazan’ on the Volga. A truce with Lithuania in its accompanying political instability, followed his 1522 allowed him to consolidate his gains, estab- death. lishing Russia’s western frontier for a century. See also Ivan III (Muscovy); Ivan IV, ‘‘the Terrible’’ Internally Vasilii inherited the apparatus of his (Russia); Russia. father’s state and maintained it, at the same time asserting control over the small of his BIBLIOGRAPHY junior kinsmen. His marriage to Solomoniia Crummey, Robert O. The Formation of Muscovy 1304–1613. Saburova, the daughter of an important boyar clan, London and New York, 1987. produced no heirs in twenty years, and in 1525, Solov’ev, Sergei M. . Vol. 9, The Age of with the support of the church, Vasilii dissolved the Vasily III. Translated by Hugh F. Graham. Gulf Breeze, marriage and forced her to become a nun. He Fla., 1976. quickly married Princess Elena Glinskaia, the Zimin, A. A. Rossiia Na Poroge Novogo Vremeni. Moscow, daughter of a refugee prince from Lithuania whose 1972. uncle, Prince Mikhail Glinskii, had led a revolt PAUL BUSHKOVITCH against his sovereign, Sigismund I of Poland-Lithu- ania, in 1508. The Glinskii family were great mag- nates of Tatar origin who came to play an important role at the Russian court. VAUGHAN, THOMAS (Eugenius Religious issues intertwined with court rivalries Philalethes; 1622–1666), Welsh alchemist, Rosi- marked the politics of Vasilii’s reign. In 1507 Vasilii crucian, Hermeticist, and Paracelsan. Twin brother took Joseph of Volokolamsk and his monastery un- of the poet Henry Vaughan, Thomas Vaughan was der his personal protection and supported Joseph in born in Newton, Wales. He studied at Jesus Col- his conflicts with the church hierarchy. From 1509 lege, Oxford, graduating with a B.A. in 1642. Joseph’s critic, the monk Vassian Patrikeev, son of Thereafter he became rector of Llansaintfraid and the exiled prince Ivan Patrikeev, was also prominent supported the Royalist cause in the Civil War. at court, and he remained influential until about Ejected from his living by a parliamentary commis-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 121 VEDUTA (VIEW PAINTING) sion in 1649, he practiced as an alchemist, or chemi- cal philosopher, in London. He published several VEDUTA (VIEW PAINTING). The books under the pseudonym Eugenius Philalethes: golden age of Vedutismo, the art of painting views of Magia Adamica (1650), Anthroposophia Italian cities, towns, and villages, falls with some Theomagica (1650), Anima Magica Abscondita precision within the confines of the eighteenth cen- tury. The roots of the genre lie in printed and drawn (1650), and Lumen de Lumine (1651). He was also topographical images produced in the previous cen- responsible for publishing an English translation of tury, particularly in Rome, of which the Flemish the Rosicrucian manifestos Fama and Confessio in artist Lieven Cruyl produced an impressive series of 1652. During the 1650s he became acquainted with drawings in the 1660s, and where landscape Samuel Hartlib and two future fellows of the Royal painters such as Paul Bril (1554–1626) and painters Society: Thomas Henshaw, dedicatee of Anima of ruins such as Viviano Codazzi (1603/4–1670) Magica Abscondita, and Sir Robert Moray, with had important sidelines painting views of real loca- whom he conducted alchemical investigations. tions. It was appropriately in Rome that the first Vaughan is best remembered for his controversy specialist view painter, and the founding father of with Henry More, who attacked him under the the Italian school of view painting, Gaspar van Wit- pseudonym Alazonmastix Philalethes. The vitupera- tel (1652/53–1736), known in Italy as Gaspare tive character of the exchange can be gauged from Vanvitelli, settled in the 1670s, and produced his the titles of Vaughan’s replies: Man-Mouse Taken in first views, in gouache and oil, in the 1680s. Born at a Trap (1650) and The Second Wash, or the Moore Amersfoort in Holland, Vanvitelli shows a Dutch Scour’d Once More (1651). sensitivity to light, meticulous technique, and deli- cacy in the treatment of detail, combined with a See also Alchemy; Hartlib, Samuel; More, Henry; Rosi- crucianism. convincing perspective, which distinguish it from earlier, isolated examples. He also worked in Naples and Venice, where he similarly inspired the emer- BIBLIOGRAPHY gence of indigenous schools of view painting. Primary Sources More, Henry (Alazonomastix Philalethes). Anthroposophia All the main practitioners of Vedutismo were theomagica, or a Discourse of the Nature of Man and His also involved in the painting of capricci, imaginary State after Death. London, 1650. assemblages of buildings, especially classical ruins, —. Observations upon Anthroposophia Theomagica. and it was from this tradition that Vanvitelli’s great- London, 1650. est successor in Rome, the neoclassicist Giovanni —. The Second Lash of Alazonomastix. London, 1651. Paolo Panini (1691–1765), emerged in the 1730s as the leading Roman view painter of his generation, Vaughan, Thomas (Eugenius Philalethes). The Fame and his work being especially popular among the Confession of the Fraternity of R.C., commonly, of the French. In addition, Naples had a significant school Rosie Cross. London, 1652. of view painters, unusual in that not only were few —. The Works of Thomas Vaughan. Edited by A. of its members Neapolitan by birth but many were Rudrum. Oxford, 1984. not even Italian. Vanvitelli’s views, second only to those he made of Rome, were followed by similar Secondary Sources Brann, N. L. ‘‘The Conflict between Reason and Magic in series of the city by the Modenese Antonio Joli Seventeenth-Century England.’’ Huntington Library (c. 1700–1777), the most widely traveled of all the Quarterly 43 (1980): 103–126. Italian eighteenth-century view painters, and of towns on the Bay of Naples by the German Jakob Burnham, F. B. ‘‘The More-Vaughan Controversy: The Re- volt against Philosophical Enthusiasm.’’ Journal of the Philipp Hackert (1737–1807). History of Ideas 35 (1975): 33–49. It was in Venice that, following a visit by Newman, William. ‘‘Thomas Vaughan, an Interpreter of Vanvitelli in the 1690s, the one truly native school Agrippa von Nettesheim.’’ Ambix 29 (1982): 125– of view painting grew up. Luca Carlevarijs (also 140. Carlevaris; 1663–1730), born in Udine but Vene- SARAH HUTTON tian by adoption, published an influential set of 104

122 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VEDUTA (VIEW PAINTING)

Veduta. The Arch of Constantine by Gaspar van Wittel. ᮊCHRISTIE’S IMAGES/CORBIS engravings of Venetian views in 1703, and during this is limited, and Canaletto’s views, despite ap- the first decade of the century he painted a number pearances, often involve extensive distortions and of often large representations of particular events, lack topographical accuracy. the grandest form of view painting, for foreign visi- Although Canaletto showed a reluctance to tors to the city. From this moment on, the develop- leave his native city, he did visit Rome in his youth ment of view painting in Venice is inextricably (1719–1720) and spent nine years in England linked to the demand for such work by foreign (1746–1755). His nephew Bernardo Bellotto visitors, especially Englishmen on a grand tour. The (1720–1780), no less an artist although one of a career of Canaletto (born Giovanni Antonio Canal, very different character, also left Italy in the 1740s, 1697–1768) was established in the 1720s through but in his case this was to be permanent. The cold his links with the Irish impresario Owen McSwin- light and dark brooding quality of his paintings, ney, and above all with the English merchant even his early views of Italy, were particularly well banker, and later British consul, Joseph Smith, who suited to his views of the northern cities, which he was to be his greatest patron as well as his agent, portrayed in series of large canvases during his resi- ideally placed to organize commissions for souve- dence at the courts of Dresden (1747–1758 and nirs from eminent visitors to the city. By the late 1762–1766), Vienna (1759–1760), Munich 1720s Canaletto had abandoned the vivid brush- (1761), and Warsaw (1767–1780). With the early work and dramatic light effects of his early work in death of Michele Giovanni Marieschi (1710– favor of more precisely defined scenes invariably 1743), the most talented of Canaletto’s rivals in the bathed in warm sunshine, presumably to cater bet- 1730s, and the departure of Bellotto, Venice found ter to his clients’ tastes, and his tendency to work on itself without a significant view painter during Ca- an increasingly small scale was also motivated by naletto’s years in England. It was left to Francesco commercial concerns. Much has been made of Ca- Guardi (1712–1793), the last of the great Venetian naletto’s use of the camera obscura, but evidence of view painters who only turned to view painting in

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 123 VEGA, LOPE DE the second half of the 1750s, to develop a highly years. He served on the ill-fated Armada expedition individual new style, one of dramatic atmospheric against England in 1588 and not only survived but effects over topographical representation, that car- composed poetry throughout the voyage. As a ried the genre through to its conclusion on the eve young man, Lope had considered the possibility of a of the fall of the Venetian Republic in 1797. religious calling, and he finally entered the priest- hood in 1614 after the death of his second wife. He See also Grand Tour; Netherlands, Art in; Painting; Rome, Art in. also served as an officer of the Inquisition and earned the favor of Pope Urban VIII. Passionately

BIBLIOGRAPHY sensual and deeply religious, Lope often suffered Aikema, Bernard, and Boudewijn Bakker. Painters of Venice: the contradictions of his own personality. After his The Story of the Venetian ‘‘Veduta.’’ Amsterdam and ordination, he continued to have a series of highly The Hague, 1991. publicized affairs, and was said to have been in the Beddington, Charles. Luca Carlevarijs: Views of Venice. San habit of furiously scourging himself in penitence. Diego, Calif., 2001. He married twice and fathered more than a dozen Briganti, Giuliano. The View Painters of Europe. Translated children (legitimate and illegitimate). The turbu- by Pamela Waley. London, 1970. lence of his life was echoed in his family: his last Kozakiewicz, Stefan. Bernardo Bellotto. Translated by Mary mistress suffered from blindness and fits of insanity, Whittall. London, 1972. one of his daughters was seduced and abandoned, Links, J. G. Canaletto. 2nd ed. London, 1994. and a son who demonstrated great poetic talent

CHARLES BEDDINGTON suffered an untimely death at sea. However unfortunate, the intensity of his per- sonal experiences enriched Lope’s art. Nearly all of the women with whom he was involved appeared in VEGA, LOPE DE (1562–1635), Spanish dra- some incarnation in his poetic works: the ‘‘Filis’’ of matist. Lope Fe´lix de Vega Carpio, the best-known his ballads was his first love, Elena Osorio; his first and most influential dramatist of Spain’s Golden wife, Isabel de Urbina, appeared in verse as Age of literature, was known as the ‘‘Freak of Na- ‘‘Belisa’’; Micaela de Luja´n, a longtime mistress, ture’’ for the astonishing quantity and quality of his was immortalized in his sonnets as ‘‘Lucinda’’; and poetry, drama, and prose. His greatest legacy was to ‘‘Amarilis’’ represented his last great love, Marta de establish the genre of the comedia, a secular three- Nevares. Lope’s spiritual anguish was expressed act play that reached enormous popularity on the most beautifully in his collection of sacred sonnets, public stages of Spanish cities in the late sixteenth Rimas sacras (1614; Sacred verses), and his best and early seventeenth centuries. prose was encompassed in the largely autobiograph- Though Lope’s family origins were humble, he ical novel La Dorotea (1632). soon drew attention for his unusual talents, being As Lope’s personal life was closely interwoven able to read Latin and compose poetry at an early with his art, so was his literary career inseparable age. He studied with the Jesuits in Madrid and at from the rise of the dramatic genre known as the the University of Alcala´, served in a series of military comedia. Drama in sixteenth-century Spain had expeditions, and performed occasional secretarial roots in a variety of traditions including classical duties for a variety of marquises and dukes. Defining Latin plays, medieval liturgical ceremony, folk tradi- himself above all as a writer, he was one of the first tions, and the Italian commedia dell’arte. Lope drew Spanish playwrights to make a living from his art, on all of these to create the comedia, mixing popular although it generally brought him more fame than and erudite elements, favoring action and clever dia- fortune. logue over character development, and disregarding Lope’s life contained as much romance, adven- the traditional distinction between comedy and ture, and conflict as that of any of his fictional char- tragedy. Though he was well trained in traditional acters. He engaged in a series of tempestuous rela- literary techniques and the classic unities of time, tionships, many of them adulterous, the earliest of place, and action, he argued that these were irrele- which resulted in his exile from Castile for two vant to audiences who simply wished to be enter-

124 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VEGA, LOPE DE tained. In 1609, he published The New Art of Writ- ing Plays in Our Time, a tongue-in-cheek treatise written for the Academy of Madrid in which he criticized the uneducated tastes of the common people but argued that the style of popular drama must yield to the ‘‘tyranny of the audience.’’ This approach was scorned by those who defended the Aristotelian precepts of drama, but it won Lope the adoration of the public. His dramatic career coin- cided with the opening of a number of public stages in cities across Spain, and under his guidance, the comedia gained enormous popularity and became the standard dramatic form of the Golden Age. Lope claimed to have written nearly two thou- sand comedias, of which approximately five hundred survive. With a rich variety of subjects drawn from history, romance, religion, mythology, and adven- ture, their themes always reflected the principal con- cerns of early modern Spaniards: the tensions be- tween love and honor, power and responsibility, and the individual and society. In a world very sensitive to status, Lope frequently demonstrated his sympathy for those who were excluded from the ranks of wealth and power. Fuenteovejuna (1614; The sheep well), Periba´n˜ez (1621) and El mejor alcalde, el rey (1621; The best magistrate, the king), all portrayed the dignity and honor of rural villagers Lope de Vega. ARTE PUBLICO PRESS ARCHIVES,UNIVERSITY OF struggling against the tyranny and corruption of the HOUSTON.REPRODUCED BY PERMISSION nobility. Similarly, in plays such as El perro del hortelano (1613; The dog in the manger), Lope’s centuries since his death, and it has guaranteed him spirited female characters resisted the expectations a place among the greatest figures in literary history. of the patriarchal world in which they found them- selves (though his conclusions always reinforced the See also Drama: Spanish and Portuguese; Inquisition, necessity of socially acceptable marriage). All of Spanish; Spanish Literature and Language; Urban Lope’s plays dealt with these themes in a vivid, VIII (pope). energetic, and spontaneous style, demonstrating his preference for the passions and conflicts of real life BIBLIOGRAPHY over the academic abstractions and ideals favored by Primary Sources many of his contemporaries. Vega, Lope de. La Dorotea. Translated and edited by Alan S. Trueblood and Edwin Honig. Cambridge, Mass., Lope’s genius was best expressed in drama and 1985. lyric poetry, but he composed in nearly every literary —. Five Plays. Translated by Jill Booty. Edited with an genre, including sonnets, epic poems, prose, fables, introduction by R. D. F. Pring-Mill. New York, 1961. treatises, short stories, and novels. In spite of his Translations of five of Lope’s best-known plays: talent, his humble origins (and perhaps his scandal- Periba´n˜ez, Fuenteovejuna, El perro del hortelano, El cab- allero de Olmedo, and El castigo sin venganza. ous behavior) prevented him from earning the pa- tronage of the court that he had always hoped for, —. Obras completas de Lope de Vega, edited by Jesu´s Go´mez and Paloma Cuenca. Madrid, 1993. and he faced financial difficulties throughout his lifetime. This talent did, however, earn him the love Secondary Sources of his audiences, both in his own time and in the Hayes, Francis C. Lope de Vega. New York, 1967.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 125 VELA´ ZQUEZ, DIEGO

Rennert, Hugo Albert. The Life of Lope de Vega (1562– lington Museum, London), constitute the first co- 1635). New York, 1937. herent group of secular figural paintings by a Span- JODI CAMPBELL ish artist. These works probably were influenced by pictures of religious subjects with elaborate still life details by Flemish and north Italian artists such as Pieter Aertsen (c. 1508/09–1575) and Vincezo VELA´ ZQUEZ, DIEGO (Diego Rodrı´guez Campi (1536–1591). However, in contrast to these de Silva y Vela´zquez; 1599–1660), the most impor- prototypes, Vela´zquez reduced the scenes to their tant artist of the Spanish Golden Age. The son of essentials and focused upon a few naturalistically parents of the lower nobility, Vela´zquez was born in rendered figures and objects, strongly illuminated Seville, where he lived until he was twenty-four. against a neutral background. The quiet dignity of Between 1610 and 1616, he studied with Francisco the figures, and the monumental nature of the com- Pacheco (1564–1654), the leading painter of the positions, endow these images with a sense of tran- city. In 1618, he married Pacheco’s daughter, scendent importance. Juana. Although profoundly influenced by Pacheco’s commitment to the ideal of the learned In 1623, aided by courtiers from Seville, he painter, he did not imitate his master’s dry, Italian- obtained the opportunity to execute a portrait of ate style. Philip IV (ruled 1621–1665), which he revised a few years later (1623–1626, Museo del Prado, Ma- His early genre scenes, including An Old drid). Vela´zquez avoided the appearance of pomp Woman Cooking Eggs (1618, National Gallery of so typical of baroque court portraiture of the time. Scotland, Edinburgh) and Waterseller (1619, Wel- The elegant pose, aloof gaze, and smooth, even illumination suffice to indicate the dignity of a king. Philip immediately appointed Vela´zquez royal painter; during subsequent decades, the two devel- oped a close friendship, unprecedented between an artist and a Spanish monarch. Interaction with Peter Paul Rubens (1577– 1640) during Rubens’s visit to Madrid in 1628– 1629 decisively influenced the young artist, who sought to emulate the example of the painter-court- ier. Rubens stimulated Vela´zquez’s interest in the royal collection of Venetian paintings and encour- aged him to expand his range of themes. Vela´zquez’s first history painting, The Feast of Bacchus (1629, Museo del Prado, Madrid), intro- duced an unexpected melancholy note into the pop- ular mythological subject. The beggar, seeking alms from the peasants gathered around Bacchus, evokes the transience of the pleasure of wine. Despite its originality, the uncertain definition of space and the overcrowded composition reveal artistic deficien- cies. To give him the opportunity to improve his skills, Philip sent Vela´zquez to Italy for over a year (1629–1630). In Rome, he met leading artists and studied ancient and Renaissance works. The Forge of Diego Vela´ zquez. Self-portrait, 1623. ᮊARCHIVO Vulcan (1630, Museo del Prado, Madrid) demon- ICONOGRAFICO, S.A./CORBIS strated mastery of fundamental qualities of the Ital-

126 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VELA´ ZQUEZ, DIEGO

Diego Vela´ zquez. Las Meninas (The Family of Philip IV). ᮊERICH LESSING/ART RESOURCE, N.Y.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 127 VELA´ ZQUEZ, DIEGO ian classical tradition, including accurate anatomy, artistic production as he devoted himself to personal dramatic expressions and gestures, and spatial per- service to the king. His Venus and Cupid (c. 1648, spective. Also in Rome, he produced two views of National Gallery, London) is one of the few female the gardens of the Villa Medici (both 1630, Museo nudes by a Spanish artist of the early modern era. del Prado, Madrid), among the first European The sensual pose, provocative use of the mirror paintings to have been created directly from nature. image, and rich, luminous colors contribute to the Superimposing ‘‘broken’’ brushstrokes over a re- erotic allure of this image. Between 1649 and 1651, flective lead-white ground, he infused these seem- Vela´zquez traveled in Italy to purchase art for the ingly casual images with a sense of atmosphere. royal collection. His Innocent X (1649–1650, Returning to Madrid in 1631, Vela´zquez began Galleria Doria-Pamphili, Rome) expressed the in- the most productive decade of his career. By mid- tense psychological energy of the aging pontiff. At decade, he had devised a highly original method of the 1650 exhibition of Congregazione dei Virtuosi creating optical effects through the application of in Rome, he exhibited the recently completed Juan short, thick strokes of endlessly varied shapes and de Pareja (1650, Metropolitan Museum of Art, sizes. Thus, for example, when viewed from a dis- New York). Utilizing compositional formulae asso- tance, the jumbled brushwork covering the king’s ciated with aristocratic portraiture, he emphasized garments in Philip IV of Spain in Brown and Silver the dignity of his Moorish servant. (1635, National Gallery, London) becomes re- The exceptionally large Las meninas (1656; solved into a convincing record of the appearance of Maids of honor, Museo del Prado, Madrid) is re- embroidered fabric. Although enlivened by free garded as the quintessential expression of his artistic handling of paint and a brighter range of colors, the aspirations. Vela´zquez depicted himself standing later royal portraits retain the directness and natu- confidently at his easel, in the company of Princess ralness of his first works at court. Margarita and her attendants. Reflected in the mir- Throughout the 1630s, he supervised impor- ror on the back wall are the king and queen, whose tant decorative projects at royal palaces. For the visit to his studio signifies royal approval of his art. Hall of Realms in the Buen Retiro, Madrid, he Intrigued by Las meninas, Pablo Picasso devised a coherent program of battle paintings, mythological images, and portraits. For this series, (1881–1973) created forty-four variations upon it ´ he produced the Surrender of Breda (1635, Museo in 1957 (all in Museo Picasso, Barcelona). Edouard del Prado, Madrid), the masterpiece of the period. Manet (1832–1883) is among the many other By depicting the Spanish general with his arm upon modernist artists who found inspiration in the shoulder of the defeated Dutch leader, he visual- Vela´zquez’s works. ized the ideal of mercy in victory, treated in several See also Caldero´n de la Barca, Pedro; Philip IV (Spain); contemporary works by the court playwright Pedro Rubens, Peter Paul; Spain, Art in; Titian. Caldero´n de la Barca (1600–1681). Vela´zquez carefully studied portraits, battle plans, and other BIBLIOGRAPHY documentation in order to endow this imaginary Brown, Jonathan. Vela´ zquez: Painter and Courtier. New conception of the event with an aura of authenticity. Haven and London, 1986. A vividly written and exten- His paintings for the Torre de la Parada, a hunting sively illustrated study of all phases of the artist’s career. lodge near Madrid, included two sympathetic and Brown, Jonathan, and John H. Elliott. A Palace for a King: psychologically insightful portraits of dwarfs, Fran- The Buen Retiro and the Court of Philip IV. New Haven cisco Lezcano and Diego de Aceda (both 1636– and London, 1980. This comprehensive study of a 1640, Museo del Prado, Madrid). Also created for major decorative project examines Vela´zquez’s position the Torre, Mars (1640, Museo del Prado, Madrid) at court. wittily depicted the ancient god of war contemplat- Domı´nguez Ortiz, Antonio, ed. Vela´ zquez. Exh. cat. New ing his frustrations in love. York, 1989. This catalogue of the exhibition held 1989–1990 in New York and Madrid includes docu- In the last two decades of his career, Vela´zquez mentation on important works from all phases of the reduced the scope (though not the quality) of his artist’s career.

128 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VENICE

Lo´pez-Rey, Jose´. Vela´ zquez: A Catalogue Raisonne´ of His was free and independent. One of the most success- Oeuvre. London, 1963. A useful catalogue of the artist’s ful states in Europe, it fell at last to in entire production. 1797. RICHARD G. MANN

MARITIME EMPIRE Venice’s unusual location and circumstances per- mitted its enterprising merchants to build a mari- VENALITY OF OFFICE. See time empire by 1300. It was founded in the sixth Officeholding. and seventh centuries by refugees from the main- land, who had been forced by the invasions of the Germanic Lombards to flee northern Italian towns. VENICE. One of the first cities in Italy to engage They settled on a cluster of low, sandy islands in the in international commerce after the devastations of Adriatic, where they were protected by the sea yet the early Middle Ages, Venice established a mari- had access in their boats and barges to the river time empire by 1300 and a territorial empire from mouths that led to inland cities. Primarily fish- the early . Its unique form of government, ermen, they also traded locally in fish and salt, which although not as perfect as its apologists claimed, was they manufactured from seawater. During the era of a model of a ‘‘mixed’’ constitution for the early the Crusades (eleventh through fourteenth centu- modern world. Adapting to changing circum- ries), Venice (as well as Genoa, on the western coast stances, its economy remained vibrant into the of the Italian Peninsula) entered into Mediterranean seventeenth century. It experienced little social tur- commerce, establishing merchant depots on islands moil, while its literary and artistic achievements and seacoasts along the route to the Levant (Near were rivaled only by those of Florence and Rome. East). In the late fourteenth century the rivalry be- For most of its thousand years of existence, Venice tween Venice and Genoa exploded into war. Venice

N Venetian Territories, 1570 Venetian territory Bergamo Friuli Milan Verona Trieste 0 100 200 mi. Venetian city Crema Padua Venice 0 100 200 km Other city Po River Genoa Ferrara Battle Zara Florence A d Dalmatia O S e a r Spalato k i T c a l a t T B i c O S e Cattaro M Rome a A N Durazzo Constantinople Thasos Samothrace Naples Salonica

E M Butrinto Lemnos Imbros P I R Corfu Parga Sporades E Prevesa Ithaca Santa Maura Negroponte Lepanto Cephalonia Athens Nauplia Zante Navarino Modon Coron Malvasia Cerigo Duchy Rhodes Grambusa of Naxos Karpathos Kasos M e Cyprus d i t Crete e r r a n e a n S e a

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 129 VENICE was victorious and retained mastery of its maritime bordering the Po River, and gateways to the passes empire. over the Alps and the commercial possibilities of the The Ottoman conquest of Constantinople in north. These conquests were made possible by the 1453, however, signaled the beginning of the de- admirable military organization Venice developed. cline of Venice’s maritime enterprise. Despite the Heretofore, with only a maritime empire, Venice victory by Venice and allies at the Battle of Lepanto had provided both commanders and sailors, who (1571) against the Turkish fleet, the city’s seaborne also served as armed marines. On land Venice did commerce was gravely injured. It was a commerce, not attempt to raise a citizen militia. Instead, it moreover, based on the import of luxury goods hired the best of the mercenary commanders from Asia, especially spices. By 1600 the tastes of (condottieri) then available but coordinated and sys- European consumers were shifting. Sugar, tea, and tematized their efforts through a network of super- tobacco became, more than pepper, the staples of visors (proveditori) drawn from the governing elite. world trade. In those markets Venice had no role. Venice was thus a pioneer of the rethinking of mili- tary organization that, in the sixteenth and seven- TERRITORIAL EMPIRE teenth centuries, is sometimes considered a In the meantime, however, Venice had won a terri- ‘‘military revolution.’’ torial empire, beginning with the conquests of nearby Padua and Verona in 1405. By 1454 Vene- The Peace of Lodi (9 April 1454) put an end, tian conquests reached far west on the Lombard for the moment, to the rivalries among the great Plain of northern Italy to Bergamo and Crema, Italian powers, Venice, Milan, Florence, Naples, almost to Milan, and northeast along the arc of the and the papacy, that had emerged from the cruci- Adriatic Coast to Friuli and beyond to Dalmatia ble of warfare. The Italian League of the following (modern Croatia). These territories included year sought to maintain peace for a renewable wealthy trading centers, drawing on the fertile lands twenty-five-year term by establishing a balance of

Cannaregio The City of Venice Canal Road Church Houses (palazzi) of the nobility Ghetto area nal Ca nd ra G Lagoon of Venice

Rialto Bridge Santa Castello Croce

Arsenal Piazza San Marco

Bacino di San Marco Dorsoduro

Ca nale dell N a Giudecca

0 1,000 2,000 ft. Giudecca

0 250 500 m

130 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VENICE

Venice. A sixteenth-century German bird’s-eye , with many buildings identified. The city, known as Queen of the Seas, reached the height of its commercial power in the fifteenth century, and at the time of this map was at the peak of its artistic glory. At the top of the map is the island of Murano, then, as now, the center of the Venetian glass industry. MAP COLLECTION,STERLING MEMORIAL LIBRARY,YALE UNIVERSITY

power. Some historians note that this agreement the empire—were united against the crafty republic. foreshadows the peace sought by the Congress of During a war that lasted from 1509 to 1517, Venice Vienna in 1815. Venice continued to seek com- lost but then regained all of its mainland territories. mercial and political advantage where it could and It was saved by the commitment of its own people fell into a damaging war with Ferrara (in the Papal and the loyalty of mainland subjects. When the fog States) from 1481 to 1484 that confirmed the im- of war lifted at mid-century, Venice alone of the pression of the larger city’s aggressive behavior. Italian states was capable of proceeding briskly to When French, imperial, and Spanish armies began assume its accustomed preeminence. Venice with- their long invasion of Italy in 1498 (with a pause in stood the Reformation and Counter-Reformation 1530 and no final resolution until the Treaty of alike, weathering a papal interdict in 1606–1607. It Cateau-Cambre´sis in 1559), Venice shifted its alle- remained an international power, although a wan- giance from side to side, attempting at times to ing one, until its 1797 demise. maximize its advantage, at others simply to pre- Venice’s success was due in part to its unique serve the state. location and its energetic people. But it was the In 1508, at the nadir of these conflicts, Venice result as well of its system of government, which was faced the League of Cambrai. All of its sometime sufficiently inclusive and sufficiently just to win the friends and enemies—France, Spain, the pope, and broad support of the citizenry.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 131 VENICE

Venice. The Return of the Bucintoro to the Molo on Ascension Day, by Canaletto. In an annual ritual, the citizens of Venice celebrate their close ties to the sea with a symbolic ‘‘marriage.’’ The Bucintoro is the large boat at right which carries the doge. ᮊALEXANDER BURKATOWSKI/CORBIS

GOVERNMENT lies until the seventeenth century (when nobility By 1000 C.E. Venice’s island communities had could be obtained by purchase). united into a single state ruled by an elected doge, whose election was a central part of Venetian politi- The Great Council elected members from the cal ritual. Soon thereafter the nominal obedience same noble stratum to a senate, and the council or the Venetians paid to their presumed overlord, the the senate elected members to a number of other Byzantine emperor, dropped away. By the thir- councils, including the ‘‘Forty’’ of justice and the ‘‘Ten’’ for state security. They also elected the teenth century the Maggior Consiglio, or ‘Great avogadori di comun (state attorneys), ambassadors, Council’, of prominent families made major deci- and military and other proveditori. Venetian govern- sions and limited the doge’s effective power. In ment had many branches. A large part of the nobil- 1297 those families declared the serrata, or ity spent a significant part of its time on the business ‘closing’, of the Great Council. By that move, which of government, while a smaller elite of perhaps one took decades more to take full effect, they instituted hundred to two hundred exceptionally powerful a hereditary nobility of about 1,200 adult males men rotated in high office. (from some 150 families) with exclusive access to political power. With the exception of some eighty This government structure was by no means families admitted for exceptional service in 1388, democratic. Yet it was admirable in many regards. It there were no additions to the roster of noble fami- included elements of monarchy, of aristocracy, and

132 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VENICE of republican process. In the 1490s, when Florence fessionals) that a city of the complexity of Venice was redesigning its government, it imitated the Ve- required. The artisan stratum was grouped in guilds netian Republic, which also inspired English that were less powerful than in some other cities but statesmen in the seventeenth century and even some that were an important force for social cohesion. In of the American founders in the eighteenth century. addition the scuole, a uniquely Venetian version of Exaggerated statements of the justice and serenity the confraternity, provided charity and consolation of the Venetian state were made by proponents of for both members (of all social classes) and outsid- the ‘‘myth of Venice’’ beginning in the fifteenth ers. A large pool of workers was employed by the century. At the same time there prevailed a coun- Venetian state shipbuilding industry of the Arsenale termyth, voiced by the enemies of Venice, about (Arsenal). Below the strata of ordinary workers were that state’s unique duplicity and cruelty. the groups of prostitutes, beggars, and the poor found in most early modern cities. In addition Ven- VENETIAN SOCIETY ice had a large population of resident foreigners, A unique state was based on a unique society, of merchants in transit, visiting scholars, travelers, and which no feature is more striking than the role of refugees. the nobility. From 1300 to 1500 the number of adult male nobles ranged from twelve hundred to Women in Venice, as elsewhere in Italian soci- twenty-five hundred and constituted 6 to 7 percent ety, were expected to obey their fathers and their of the city’s population. The population of Venice husbands and dedicate themselves to childbearing, dipped to 50,000 after the plague of 1348 and charity, and piety. Women of the middle and lower reached a high of 190,000 around 1570, after social ranks had more freedom than those of the which further rounds of epidemics took severe tolls. nobility and high bourgeoisie. They were able to A secondary elite of cittadini originari (‘original own property, participate in the public life of the citizens’, either native-born or so ranked by grant of marketplace, and defend themselves in court. Pros- privilege) provided the huge numbers of bureau- titutes and courtesans were numerous in a city with crats and secretaries (as well as merchants and pro- a large and mobile population, a large group of

Venice. A small engraved view of Venice as it was in 1765, from an early-nineteenth-century book published in New York. MAP COLLECTION,STERLING MEMORIAL LIBRARY,YALE UNIVERSITY

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 133 VENICE, ARCHITECTURE IN foreigners, and an elite of unmarried noble males leading role from the sixteenth century. The city (who remained bachelors so family wealth would itself was a work of art. Its unique cityscape of flow to the next generation undivided). Venice also breathtaking beauty, its ritual displays, and its inter- had a large number of women, committed nuns play of costume and performance during the season (including many forced as children into the convent of Carnival were magnets for all of Europe. as a cheaper alternative to marriage), abandoned See also Cateau-Cambre´sis (1559); Genoa; Italy; children, widows, and former prostitutes, who lived Lepanto, Battle of; Printing and Publishing; Venice, in convents. Art in. In this heterogeneous society there were also BIBLIOGRAPHY present those who dissented from the majority es- Brown, Patricia Fortini. Venice and Antiquity: The Venetian tablished religion, Catholicism. During the six- Sense of the Past. New Haven and London, 1996. teenth century Venice was in many ways tolerant of Davis, Robert C. Shipbuilders of the Venetian Arsenal: Work- heterodoxy. Its bookshops and taverns were homes ers and Workplace in the Pre-Industrial City. Baltimore, to forbidden ideas. Venice cooperated with the In- 1991. quisition yet insisted on retaining its own investiga- Grendler, Paul F. The Roman Inquisition and the Venetian tors of religious dissent. In sum, in a diverse society Press, 1540–1605. Princeton, 1977. the repressive hand of the Counter-Reformation Lowry, Martin. Nicholas Jenson and the Rise of Venetian was seen in Venice but could not act unrestrainedly. Publishing in Renaissance Europe. Oxford and Cam- bridge, Mass., 1991. INTELLECTUAL AND ARTISTIC ACTIVITY Mallett, M. E., and J. R. Hale. The Military Organization of During the same centuries of religious exploration, a Renaissance State: Venice c.1400–1617. Cambridge, economic innovation, and empire building, Venice U.K., and New York, 1984. also was a center of intellectual and artistic activity. Muir, Edward. Civic Ritual in Renaissance Venice. Prince- Historians, philosophers, mathematicians, and even ton, 1981. humanists flourished from the fifteenth through the Pullan, Brian. Rich and Poor in Renaissance Venice: The seventeenth century, although it was a humanism Social Institutions of a Catholic State, to 1620. Oxford and Cambridge, Mass., 1971. less critical of traditional structures of power than elsewhere. Venice became the major printing center Romano, Dennis. Patricians and Popolani: The Social Foun- dations of the Venetian Renaissance State. Baltimore and of Italy, which means the most important printing London, 1987. center anywhere in the early years of that technolog- Ruggiero, Guido. The Boundaries of Eros: Sex Crime and ical explosion. The work of Aldus Manutius (also Sexuality in Renaissance Venice. New York and Lon- Aldo Manuzio) (1449–1515), who opened his don, 1985. print shop in Venice in the 1490s, is especially nota- MARGARET L. KING ble. Among the many elegant Aldine editions are those of Greek and Roman authors thus printed for the first time anywhere in formats that made them accessible to scholars and amateurs. Venice partici- VENICE, ARCHITECTURE IN. pated in the artistic Renaissance in its own way, According to Giorgio Vasari, the first historiogra- blending Gothic and classical styles in architecture pher of Italian Renaissance art, the modern era pen- and remaining loyal to traditional genres until fairly etrated into Venice only with the arrival of the Flor- late. From the late fifteenth century to the sixteenth entine Jacopo Sansovino in the 1520s. Indeed, century, however, the Venetian masters Giovanni together with the Veronese Michele Sanmicheli and Bellini (c. 1430–1516), Giorgione (c. 1477– the Bolognese Sebastiano Serlio, who also arrived in 1511), Titian (1488 or 1490–1576), Tintoretto the capital of the Venetian republic in the wake of (c. 1518–1594), and Paolo Veneziano came to the the Sack of Rome of 1527, these architects were fore with their characteristic sensitivity to color and responsible for its Roman Renaissance. This is not light. In music, where Italy generally was laggard in to say that later fifteenth-century Venetian archi- the fifteenth century, needing to import composers tects had not aspired to create a style all’antica or and musicians from the Netherlands, Venice took a sought to bring glory to the city by emulating the

134 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VENICE, ARCHITECTURE IN architecture of the ancients. However, in its close 1556) which similarly relied on sequences of col- trading ties with both Byzantium and the Levant, it umns, tall facades, rich ornamentation, and equilib- is to Constantinople, as the second Rome, that Ven- rium between horizontals and verticals, extended ice had traditionally looked. If the proud display of this image into the private domain. spolia such as the horses from the Hippodrome In a city that had taken an early lead in the book (looted from Constantinople and placed on the fa- publishing industry and where most of the principal cade of San Marco) represented this veneration of Renaissance architectural treatises had first seen antiquity, the lacy and ornate late Gothic style nev- print (commentaries of De architectura by Vitru- ertheless persisted into the fifteenth century (Ca’ vius, the books on the orders and antiquities by d’Oro, begun 1421). This survival was due to a taste Serlio, the treatises of Andrea Palladio, Giovanni for rich materials and lavish decorations that was Antonio Rusconi, and Vincenzo Scamozzi), patrons imported from the East and to the practices of stone were both knowledgeable in matters of ‘‘modern’’ masons imported from the West who had been architecture and eager to see it built. This enthusi- trained in the tradition of a flamboyant Lombard Gothic style. Such was the case with architects like asm was reflected not only in the city but also in the Mauro Codussi (St. Michele in Isola and the clock countryside, toward which the patrician economic tower in the Piazza San Marco) and Pietro Lom- interests had turned after the mercantile fortunes of bardo (Santa Maria dei Miracoli), who were respon- the republic had been threatened. Starting in the sible for some of the most original buildings of the sixteenth century, the construction of villas, both as late fifteenth century in Venice. rural retreats and centers of estate management, rose dramatically. It is in villas such as Emo and SIXTEENTH CENTURY Badoer, with their arcaded granaries flanking It is against this tradition favoring lavish surface frescoed and meticulously proportioned central decoration, colorful marble veneers, and effects of blocks set on a podium, that the Vicentine architect light and shade that the work of the great sixteenth- Andrea Palladio (1508–1580) consecrated the century architects must be understood. Although confluence of working farm and classical allusion the fifteenth century saw the rise of Venetian eco- that characterized the genre thereafter. Palladio’s nomic power and the zenith of its maritime influ- restrained interpretation of the temple front as ence and the sixteenth the beginning of its gradual church facade (San Giorgio Maggiore, begun 1566, decline (after the wars with and defeat by the and Il Redentore, begun 1577) also set the stamp League of Cambrai between 1508 and 1529), it is on Venetian religious architecture of the late Re- paradoxically in the latter period that the most im- naissance and provided a model for churches into portant monuments of the republic were built. The the eighteenth century. His intervention must be state sponsored major building campaigns—among seen in contrast to the tradition of flamboyant fa- which the complex surrounding the Piazza San cades particularly associated with the seats of lay Marco was the most conspicuous and important— confraternities attached to churches, such as the precisely with the object of maintaining morale and Scuola di San Rocco by Bartolomeo Bon and Anto- projecting an image of security, power, and wealth nio Scarpagnino (begun 1515). at a difficult moment in its history. The architect of this renovatio urbis was Jacopo Sansovino (1486– BAROQUE AND NEOCLASSICISM 1570), whose Zecca (the mint, begun 1536), Li- If in the sixteenth century Venice was a center of brary of San Marco (begun 1537), Loggetta facing architectural innovation and learning that could the Doge’s palace (begun 1538), and Fabbriche boast a great number of prominent architects, in the Nuove di Rialto (market buildings, begun 1554), seventeenth century the uncertain fortunes of the with their opulent and assertive classical style, dis- elite and of the state led to something of a slow- played convincingly the importance and stability of down. Scamozzi, who succeeded Palladio, taking the republic. The palaces he built for the patrician on the role of chief architect of the city, completed families (Dolfin, begun 1538, and Corner, begun the remaining side of the square of San Marco with 1545) as well as those by his contemporary Michele the Procuratie Nuove (the seat of the administrators Sanmicheli (1484–1559) (Palazzo Grimani, begun of San Marco). Indeed, it was mainly the state and a

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 135 VENICE, ARCHITECTURE IN

Architecture in Venice. The Redentore Viewed from the Giudecca Canal, by Canaletto. ᮊCHRISTIE’S IMAGES/CORBIS few of the richest families who commissioned build- minicans, and Jesuits. This reduction in wealth also ings of importance in this period. In this context the led to a restraint in architectural vocabulary. Unlike work of Baldassare Longhena, architect of Santa other European countries where the baroque gave Maria della Salute (begun 1631) and of the Pesaro way to the rococo, in the Venetian republic this was and Rezzonico palaces (begun 1652 and 1667, re- only true of interiors. Their architecture, however, spectively), towers above the rest. His vocabulary became increasingly sober and simple, and archi- drew on the Venetian traditional love of surface tects and theoreticians reacted more and more vo- ornament and displayed rich sculptural decoration, ciferously against the excesses of the baroque. Au- heavy rustication, balustrades, masks, volutes, and thor-architects such as Antonio Visentini and keystone heads as well as dramatic effects of light Tommaso Temanza initiated a tradition of criticism and shade. Nevertheless, his architecture remained as well as a renewed interest in the work of the great disciplined (drawing on Sansovino and Palladio) Renaissance architects. This Palladianism flowed and resisted the scenographic effects associated with easily into an incipient neoclassicism and marked the Jesuit-inspired ecstatic religiosity current in the work of architects like Andrea Tirali, Giovanni Rome. His successor, Giuseppe Sardi, took the Scalfarotto, and Giorgio Massari. Their buildings church facade type inherited from Palladio and re- (San Nicolo` da Tolentino, begun 1706, San Simeon fashioned by Longhena to an extreme of excessive Piccolo, begun 1718, and the Palazzo Grassi, begun ostentation from which no further development was 1748, respectively) display a move toward ratio- possible (Santa Maria degli Scalzi, begun 1672, and nality, rigor, rules, and simplicity not only in the Santa Maria del Giglio, begun 1678). handling of ornament but also in floor plans and volumes. In the eighteenth century the economic for- tunes of patrician families continued to decline and Simultaneous with this trend was a rise in inter- important architectural commissions came mainly est in the science of architecture. The tradition of from religious orders such as the Carmelites, Do- military engineering (going back to the maritime

136 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VENICE, ART IN power of the republic) and the work of Sanmicheli the wider populace of the city. The Venetian painter on the Arsenal, as well as the importance of hydrau- or sculptor was understood less as an individualistic lic engineering in the city, contributed to this devel- genius than as a respectable civil servant. To a opment. The work of Carlo Lodoli and Giovanni greater extent than elsewhere in Renaissance Italy, Poleni promoted an understanding of building sci- his professional life was controlled by the twin agen- ence that ultimately saw a standardization of archi- cies of family workshop and guild. Certain of these tectural training in Venice (as well as in Verona and traditional ‘‘core’’ conditions for the activity of art- Padua) and the development of a corps of military ists in Venice did not change much over the follow- engineers educated on a model drawn from the ing centuries (it is significant that a Venetian acad- French E´ cole des Ponts et Chausse´es. Gianantonio emy of painting was not founded until as late as Selva’s theatre of La Fenice (finished 1792), severe 1754). And yet the history of Venetian art from and heavily dependent on the aesthetic of the plain 1500 onward must nonetheless map the gradual wall, thus closes the century as a perfect illustration breakup of the integrated relationship between art of the new classical sobriety and rationalism that and society in the city. pervaded both theory and practice. Giorgione (c. 1477–1511) was the first Vene- See also Architecture; Baroque; City Planning; Neoclassi- tian artist to radically challenge the traditional cism; Palladio, Andrea, and Palladianism; Venice. model for artistic activity in Venice. The small body of highly original paintings he produced in the first BIBLIOGRAPHY decade of the sixteenth century opened a new world Ackerman, James S. The Villa: Form and Ideology of Country for a generation of younger painters, including Houses. Princeton and London, 1990. Palma Vecchio (c. 1480–1528), Vincenzo Catena Brusatin, Manlio. Venezia nel Settecento: Stato, architettura, (c. 1470/80–1531), Lorenzo Lotto (c. 1480– territorio. Turin, 1980. 1556), Sebastiano del Piombo (1485–1547) and Concina, Ennio. A History of Venetian Architecture. New Titian. Perhaps most significant in this regard was York, 1998. Giorgione’s partial withdrawal from the kind of Hopkins, Andrew. Italian Architecture: From Michelangelo to Borromini. London, 2002. painting that had previously tied Venetian artists to the cultural mainstream. Working primarily for a Howard, Deborah. The Architectural History of Venice. 2nd ed. New Haven, 2002. narrow elite of high-ranking patrons, Giorgione produced sophisticated ‘‘private’’ paintings, in Payne, Alina. The Architectural Treatise in the Italian Re- naissance: Architectural Invention, Ornament, and Lit- which meaning was frequently rendered deliberately erary Culture. New York, 1999. opaque or ambiguous. Giorgione’s creation of a Tafuri, Manfredo. Venice and the Renaissance. Cambridge, more intimate and secular kind of painting proved Mass., 1989. immediately inspirational. Artists made ‘‘portraits’’ of classical goddesses and courtesans in states of ALINA PAYNE erotic dishabille (Palma, Flora, c. 1520–1525, Na- tional Gallery, London), or arcadian landscapes peopled by poeticized figures. A new type of Gior- VENICE, ART IN. In about 1500 Venetian gionesque devotional imagery emerged, showing art bore an intimate relationship to its economic and the Holy Family or sacra conversazione (sacred con- political context. The traditional society of the Re- versation) in wooded landscapes, often with a donor public of Venice remained tied to the past, its con- in attendance (Titian, Madonna and Child, Saint servative ideology reflected in well-established artis- John Baptist, and a Donor, c. 1515, Alte tic conventions. Leading painters such as Giovanni Pinakothek, Munich). Titian, in particular, re- Bellini (c. 1438–1516) worked mainly for local pa- sponded to Giorgione’s exploitation of the special trons, producing predominantly religious paintings potentials of oil paint, adopting a similarly sponta- of well-defined types (such as half-length devotional neous approach, which ignored preparatory draw- paintings and altarpieces). Their work was essen- ing on paper in favor of the manipulation of paint tially public and patriotic in nature and reflected the on the picture surface. It was through this special nexus of religious and political values common to emphasis on coloring (colorito) that Venetian paint-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 137 VENICE, ART IN

Art in Venice. Bacchanal: The Andrians, by Titian, painted c. 1516–1518. ᮊARCHIVO ICONOGRAFICO S.A./CORBIS ing of the early sixteenth century increasingly differ- d’Este, duke of Ferrara. Titian’s interest in classical entiated itself from that practiced elsewhere in Italy. form was fully shared by Tullio and Antonio Lom- bardo (c. 1455–1532; c. 1458–c. 1516), younger Titian, though, quickly developed a figure style representatives of the family that had dominated the that demonstrated his understanding of the monu- field of Venetian sculpture since about 1470. In a mental classicizing form of High Renaissance art in contemporary Florence and Rome. His frequent number of double bust-length portraits of young reference to antique and contemporary works in couples, for example, Tullio effectively bridged the three dimensions may in part have been intended to gap between Giorgione’s poetic mood and the re- show the ultimate superiority of painting to sculp- vival of antique types: his so-called Bacchus and ture. But in works such as the Bacchanals (1518– Ariadne (c. 1500, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vi- 1523, Museo del Prado, Madrid; National Gallery, enna) was clearly inspired by Roman reliefs. Anto- London) he also responded to the developed classi- nio, meanwhile, carved more than thirty marble cal taste of his high-ranking patron, Alfonso I reliefs with classical subjects for Alfonso’s private

138 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VENICE, ART IN apartments in Ferrara (c. 1506–1516, State Her- painting briefly affected. But it was in the work of mitage Museum, St. Petersburg; Bargello, Flor- young painters such as Jacopo Bassano (c. 1510– ence). These works may not have been intended for 1592), Andrea Schiavone (c. 1510–1563), and the so-called Alabaster Room housing Titian’s Jacopo Tintoretto that the mode really took root. Bacchanals, but they are very similar in their attempt These painters developed aggressively unorthodox to revive an antique form of domestic decoration. styles, featuring complex, twisting figure groups, decentralized compositions, and heightened, some- The d’Este commissions at Ferrara indicate that times non-naturalistic colors (Schiavone’s Adora- the developing interest in classicizing form was tion of the Magi, c. 1547, Pinacoteca Ambrosiana, closely linked to the expansion of artistic patronage Milan). beyond the confines of Venice itself. The new type of courtly portraiture that Titian developed in the It is no accident that this new intensity of re- 1520s and 1530s was dependent on his contact with sponse to foreign models coincided with the first an increasingly international clientele of high-rank- concerted attempts to define a specifically ing aristocratic and royal families. But the new cos- ‘‘Venetian’’ tradition of art. Writing in response to mopolitanism in Venetian art was certainly not con- the Tuscan Giorgio Vasari’s disparagement of Vene- fined to the work of Titian. Peripatetic painters such tian art in his Lives of the Artists (1st ed., Florence, as Lotto and Pordenone (c. 1483–1539), who ar- 1550), local patriots such as Paolo Pino (fl. 1534– rived in the city in 1527, brought styles that inte- 1565) and Ludovico Dolce (1508–1568) sought to grated formal ideas from other parts of Italy with define the local tradition. In his Dialogue on Paint- more local conventions. The repeated references to ing (Venice, 1557), Dolce argued that Venetian art antique sculpture and steep formal foreshortenings was quintessentially naturalistic and that this was in Lotto’s Portrait of Andrea Odoni (1527, achieved through the special skill of the city’s Queen’s Collection, London) reflect his experience painters in the use of color (colore). But while the of the art of central Italy, although the soft handling idea of Venetian tradition as internally coherent and and warm palette recall the recent portraits of as essentially independent of the more idealizing Titian. Pordenone’s Blessed Lorenzo Giustiniani design-based art of central Italy has often been re- (c. 1532–1535, Gallerie dell’Accademia, Venice) stated, it does not really account for the wider diver- refers pointedly to the quattrocento Venetian tradi- sity of manners practiced in the city after 1550. tion of the sacra conversazione altarpiece. But Tintoretto’s work was deeply influenced by the for- Pordenone, who became an aggressive rival to mal idealism of Michelangelo, and careful prepara- Titian’s hegemony in Venetian painting during the tory drawings were central to the restrained manner 1530s, shrinks the pictorial space and exaggerates of Veronese. Titian himself was soon to develop an the bodies of the main actors in a manner that unprecedented ‘‘late’’ style in which naturalistic fea- pointedly recalls the Michelangelesque art of con- tures such as correct perspective and anatomical temporary Florence and Rome. proportion were increasingly abandoned. The work of Jacopo Sansovino, the Florentine Many artists in mid- and later-sixteenth century sculptor and architect who immigrated to Venice in Venice were visual opportunists, readily modifying 1527, owes relatively little to the kind of meticulous their manner according to patron or picture type. and prosaic classicism practiced by the Lombardi Bonifazio de Pitati (1487–1553), for example, who family in Venice in the early decades of the century. ran a busy and influential workshop from the 1530s In works such as the bronze classical gods erected onward, took a pragmatic approach to painting in on the Loggetta in St. Mark’s Square (1537–1542), which consistency of style was sacrificed to flexibil- Sansovino’s manner is closer to the delicate and ity. As the demand for visual imagery of all types sophisticated mode of his Florentine contemporar- increased (the vast majority of Venetian households ies. Moreover, from about this time onward Venice possessed visual images by 1600), so artists diversi- was flooded with reproductive prints and statuettes fied their products and devolved responsibility after famous works by Raphael, Michelangelo, Par- within their workshops to maximize production. migianino, and others. Perhaps inevitably, a Sansovino’s own part in his later sculptural commis- ‘‘mannerist’’ phase followed, with even Titian’s sions was small: after sketching in clay, he typically

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 139 VENICE, ART IN

Art in Venice. View of the Canal in Front of St. Mark’s by Canaletto. ᮊARCHIVO ICONOGRAFICO S.A./CORBIS

left the execution to his pupils, Alessandro Vittoria ‘‘myth’’ of Venice as home of justice, peace, and (1525–1608) and Danese Cataneo (c. 1509– liberty, ran alongside an increasing demand in the 1572). In like manner, Tintoretto employed spe- city’s churches and lay confraternities for sacred im- cialist assistants to paint landscapes, still lifes, and agery stressing the centrality of Christ and his sacra- even figures in his paintings as the scale of his picto- ments to the faith. Under the impact of the Catholic rial commissions increased in the 1570s and 1580s. Counter-Reformation, there was a marked upturn Artists, increasingly, marketed their work: Tinto- in commissions for paintings showing the heroic retto may even have used his professional identity as martyrdom of the saints or their acts of charity ‘‘the little dyer’’ in this way, to suggest his readiness (Titian, The Martyrdom of Saint Lawrence, c. 1547– to paint for less prestigious patrons. 1556, Gesuiti, Venice; Bassano, Saint Roch Healing Two disastrous fires in 1574 and 1577 de- the Plague-Stricken, c. 1570–1573, Brera, Milan). stroyed the main state rooms in the Ducal Palace In these works the Tridentine theologians’ call for and their pictorial decoration, resulting in an enor- greater clarity of presentation was only partially an- mous commission for replacement ceiling and wall swered. But the fiery spirituality of the imagery paintings for the workshops of Veronese and Tinto- nonetheless reflects the deepening Catholicism of retto during the later 1570s and 1580s. But their the age. Dramatic reduction in color, a lowering work on this patriotic commission, devoted to the chiaroscuro, and a rough or unfinished painting sur-

140 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VENICE, ART IN face combine to obscure all worldly form, as if to 1658) and Marco Boschini turned their efforts to deny the viewer any enjoyment in mere external writing ecstatic histories of the great Venetian tradi- display. tion. The glorification of the Renaissance meant that the present constantly had to defer, and to this The massive oeuvre of Palma Giovane extent Venetian art of the seventeenth century be- (c. 1548–1628) is dominated by religious paint- came the victim of its own celebrated past. ings. In works such as the cycle for the Oratory of the Crociferi hospital (1583–1592), Palma com- If Venetian art had previously enjoyed a vital bined Titianesque naturalism in portraits and land- relation to the communal institutions and ideo- scape with more idealized forms for the allegorical logies of the Republic, this was increasingly not the and sacred actors based on Tintoretto. Palma’s sty- case. It is symptomatic that painting of the eigh- listic pragmatism, like his constant reference back to teenth century was dominated, on the one hand, by the older generation of painters, was destined to view painters working for a predominantly foreign become a kind of leitmotif of Venetian art in the clientele; and on the other, by those working in a seventeenth century. Pietro della Vecchia (1603– decorative style in which form was more significant 1678) made his name producing mock than content. The brilliant naturalism with which ‘‘Giorgionesque’’ paintings for collectors (The Con- Giovanni Antonio Canaletto (1697–1768) and cert, undated, Gema¨ldegalerie, Berlin), while the Francesco Guardi (1712–1793) represented Venice Fleming Nicolas Re´gnier (Niccolo` Renieri, 1591– nonetheless served a growing pan-European idea of 1667) combined painting with art dealing and col- the city as a kind of miraculous survival or relic from lecting. But the internationalism of Venetian art a past age, whose special allure lay precisely in its also greatly intensified. The fame of the city’s artistic ‘‘otherness.’’ The intensely decorative paintings of tradition attracted important painters such as Ber- Ricci, Giovanni Battista Piazzetta (1683–1754), nardo Strozzi (1581–1644) from Genoa, along and Giovanni Battista Tiepolo (1696–1770) simi- with Germans such as Johann Liss (c. 1595/1600– larly work their magic by detaching the viewer from 1631) and Johann Carl Loth (1632–1698). Strozzi the real and the present. Like their seventeenth- and Liss, who arrived in the 1620s, used strong and century predecessors, these artists were, in an obvi- varied color to produce an emotive stylistic hybrid ous sense, deeply retrospective, their intense color of Venetian colorism and the international baroque. harmonies referring back to the art of the Renais- Later, in the 1660s, Loth, along with Giovanni sance past, especially to that of Paolo Veronese. But Battista Langetti (1635–1676), introduced a dark- in the case of Tiepolo, at least, the result was an art ened tenebrist manner, probably derived from of revision rather than reversion, which transformed paintings in Venice by Luca Giordano. But this in its the conventions of Renaissance naturalism into an turn quickly gave way, on the one hand, to the intensely self-contained decorative idiom that had studious academism of Gregorio Lazzarini (1655– no real precedents in Venetian art. In his vast deco- 1730), and on the other to the decorative early rative scheme for the Kaisersaal and grand staircase rococo of Sebastiano Ricci (1659–1734). of the prince-archbishop’s palace at Wu¨rzburg (1750–1753), Tiepolo’s aesthetic dominance over The resulting stylistic potpourri has usually the pretensions of his subject matter seems directly been seen as a reflection of the decline of Venetian to anticipate the artistic autonomy of the artist of artistic authority relative to other centers such as modern times. Bologna, Rome, and Naples. But art in Venice had long been responsive to other traditions, and the See also Painting; Tiepolo, Giovanni Battista; Tintoretto evident decline in quality in the seventeenth century (Jacopo Robusti); Titian (Tiziano Vecelli); Vasari, Giorgio; Veronese (Paolo Caliari). had deeper causes. The aesthetic malaise reflected a more general social and economic one and is charac- BIBLIOGRAPHY terized by a kind of intense but ultimately debilitat- ing retrospectivity. Early in the seventeenth century, Primary Sources Dolce, Ludovico. Dolce’s ‘‘Aretino’’ and Venetian Art The- Sansovino’s pupil Vittoria was already busy collect- ory of the Cinquecento. Translated and edited by Mark ing self-portraits of the famous Venetian masters, Roskill. New York, 1968. Includes text and translation and later painters such as Carlo Ridolfi (1594– of Dialogo della Pittura (1557).

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 141 VERMEER, JAN

Ridolfi, Carlo. Le Maraviglie dell’Art. Venice, 1648. Edited The classical subject and large format of by Detlev von Hadeln. 2 vols. Berlin, 1914–1924. Vermeer’s early Diana and Her Companions of Secondary Sources c. 1655 suggest that Vermeer initially aspired to be- Brown, Patricia Fortini. Venice and Antiquity: The Venetian come a history painter, but by the late 1650s he Sense of the Past. New Haven and London, 1996. shifted his focus to the genre interiors that would Humfrey, Peter. Painting in Renaissance Venice. New Ha- dominate his mature works. Vermeer first calmed ven and London, 1995. the boisterous tavern scenes and curtailed the Huse, Norbert, and Wolfgang Wolters. The Art of Renais- overtly sexual overtures of musical companies pic- sance Venice: Architecture, Sculpture and Painting, tured by earlier Dutch genre painters. The girl in 1460–1590. Chicago and London, 1990. Officer and Laughing Girl (Frick Collection, New Levey, Michael. Painting in XVIII Century Venice. London, York), for example, sits calmly cupping her beverage 1959. in both hands; only her broad smile, and the sol- Rosand, David. Painting in Sixteenth-Century Venice: dier’s bravura body language, indicate any attrac- Titian, Veronese, Tintoretto. Cambridge, U.K., 1997. tion in this encounter. Similarly, Vermeer dispensed Le sie`cle de Titien: L’aˆge d’or de la peinture a` Venise. Exh. cat. with melodramatic lighting in favor of more subtle Paris, 1993. plays of light. Many of Vermeer’s early genre paint- Venetian Seventeenth Century Painting. Exh. cat. by Homer ings are heavily dependent on the work of Pieter de Potterton. London, 1979. Hooch (1629–after 1684), who was active in Delft

TOM NICHOLS until c. 1661. Vermeer followed de Hooch’s inno- vative and illusionistic spatial recessions and surface effects sculpted from natural light before develop- ing a personal aesthetic in the late 1660s based upon VERMEER, JAN (or Johannes, 1632–1675), abstracted light and coolly crafted distances be- Dutch painter. In 1653, Vermeer entered the Delft tween viewer and subject. These later works, such as Guild of St. Luke as a painter, joining his father, Lady Writing a Letter with Her Maid (National who had registered with the guild as a picture dealer Gallery of Art, Dublin) that focus on women in in 1631. It is not known with whom Vermeer domestic interiors seemingly provide entre´e via the learned his craft, but scholars have speculated that empty foreground but pen the figures behind mid- he studied either with Leonard Bramer (1596– dle ground obstructions. The light that pours in 1674) in Delft or with one of the Dutch followers of from the window fails to warm as it illuminates the Italian master Caravaggio who were active in opaque, porcelain features and cool gray-green fab- Utrecht. rics that hang straight in crystalline folds while it dissolves the table carpet into pools of unmodulated Only months before joining the guild, Vermeer color. In this way, Vermeer gradually traversed the married Catharina Bolnes (c. 1631–1688), a Ro- gulf between illusion and artifice. man Catholic from a distinguished family in Gouda. Vermeer, who was born to Protestant parents, prob- Responses to Vermeer’s paintings have focused ably converted to Catholicism at this time. Allegory most frequently on moralizing interpretations. Sus- of Faith of c. 1672–1674 is Vermeer’s only painting pended from a larger narrative context, Vermeer’s with a specifically Catholic message. Here, the per- figures have been seen as behavioral models. sonification of faith takes communion before a Vermeer’s women who entertain men away from painted crucifixion. An apple (signifying original Dutch society’s watchful eye, like those in The Con- sin) and a snake crushed by a stone (emblematic of cert (Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum, Boston) the victory of Christ, the cornerstone of the church, may have been examples of unacceptable behavior, over Satan) lie at her feet. As this work was likely while his solitary, domestic women like The tailored to adhere to the taste of the Catholic patron Milkmaid (Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam) may have who commissioned the work, it is unwise to ascribe been viewed as what Wayne Franits termed the meaning of the image to Vermeer’s personal ‘‘paragons of virtue.’’ Readings of this kind gain beliefs. It is not clear what, if any, impact Vermeer’s credence when positioned in relation to Vermeer’s religious orientation had upon his work. Woman Holding a Balance of c. 1662–1664, in

142 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VERMEER, JAN

Jan Vermeer. The Concert. (See also the cover of Volume 5.) THE GRANGER COLLECTION which the subject’s ordinary activity takes on moral that an artist of Vermeer’s stature merely replicated implications: her action is overshadowed by the rep- what was before him. In either case, Vermeer’s can- resentation of the biblical weighing of souls pic- vases exhibit a meticulous buildup of forms and tured immediately behind her. tones executed with a highly controlled brush. Modern scholars have been as interested in how Vermeer may have been able to practice such a Vermeer painted as they have been in what he labor-intensive method because he benefited from painted. Vermeer’s spatial compressions and blur- patronage, a rarity for Dutch painters of the period. red perimeters suggest the influence of the camera John Michael Montias posited that as the Delft obscura, a device that translated, but could not citizen Pieter Claesz van Ruijven (1624–1674) record, three-dimensional vignettes into two-di- owned twenty of the approximately thirty-five mensional reflections. Scholars concur that Vermeer known paintings by Vermeer, van Ruijven must was familiar with the device’s optical effects, but a have functioned as at least a de facto patron. He debate has arisen around the extent of Vermeer’s might, for example, have paid Vermeer for the right use of the instrument. Some argue that Vermeer of first refusal on the artist’s paintings. Such eco- reproduced the camera’s image in paint, while nomic support would have freed Vermeer from the others have stressed a less dependent relationship. demands of the open market by enabling him to Delft was a center of optical experimentation due in labor over each painting, confident that he would be part to the presence of the scientist Antoni van adequately compensated for his efforts. Vermeer Leeuwenhoek (1632–1723), but as seventeenth- may have supplemented whatever income he gener- century Dutch art theory encouraged verisimilitude ated from his painting by operating as an art dealer. to be combined with artfulness, it seems unlikely These reasonably reliable sources of income would

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 143 VERONESE (PAOLO CALIARI) also explain Vermeer’s extremely limited output, as modeled directly on Titian’s Pesaro altarpiece, and he must not have felt pressure to produce his paint- many of his subsequent paintings of this type con- ings in volume for the market. tinue to refer to this seminal work. A few years later Titian recognized Veronese’s deferential attitude by The benefits of patronage apparently were not awarding him a golden chain for his contribution to able to see Vermeer through the recession that fol- a ceiling in the newly built Marciana Library (Music, lowed the French invasion of the Netherlands in 1556–1557). 1672. In 1676, a year after his death, his widow testified to her husband’s creditors that Vermeer Veronese quickly won favor with leading fami- had amassed considerable debt in the 1670s because lies among the Venetian nobility, and it was proba- he had been unable to sell either his own paintings bly this connection with the upper classes that led or those by other painters. She also stated that him to change his name from Spezapreda (stonecut- supporting their eleven children, all still minors, had ter) to Caliari (the name of a leading aristocratic exacerbated the family’s financial situation. Like his family in Verona). His sensitivity to the values of fellow painters Rembrandt and Frans Hals, Vermeer Venetian patricians is evident in such portraits as apparently died in the throes of financial turmoil. Giuseppe da Porto with His Son Adriano (c. 1556, Contini-Bonacossi collection, Florence), which is See also Camera Obscura; Leeuwenhoek, Antoni van; Netherlands, Art in the. characterized by a restrained magnificence. About 1560 the patrician brothers Daniele and Marcan-

BIBLIOGRAPHY tonio Barbaro invited Veronese to fresco their new Franits, Wayne E., ed. The Cambridge Companion to country villa at Maser, recently built by Andrea Pal- Vermeer. Cambridge, U.K., 2001. ladio. Linking his images to one another—and also Montias, John Michael. Vermeer and His Milieu: A Web of to the real space of the villa—by means of fictive Social History. Princeton, 1989. architecture, Veronese provided a modern recon- Vermeer and the Delft School. Edited by Walter Liedtke. Exh. struction of the kind of pictorial decoration found in cat. New York and London, 2001. ancient Roman country villas. To the somewhat ob- Wheelock, Arthur K. Vermeer and the Art of Painting. New tuse allegorical program of his patrons, Veronese Haven, 1995. applied his usual light touch. His imagery manages to allude to all the main cultural, social, and eco- CHRISTOPHER D. M. ATKINS nomic functions of the house: as place of rural re- treat, intellectual contemplation, family life, and agrarian productivity. But this content is constantly enlivened by playful trompe-l’oeil effects, intimate VERONESE(PAOLO CALIARI) (1528– human and animal portraits, and humorous visual 1588), Italian painter. Paolo Veronese (alongside asides. The overt reference to classical models of Titian) was the most influential painter of the Vene- domestic decoration is constantly underpinned (al- tian Renaissance. Trained in the 1540s in his native though never undermined) by the painter’s special Verona by Antonio Badile and Giovanni Caroto, understanding of Venetian naturalism. Veronese moved to Venice about 1551. He brought with him an intimate understanding of Between 1555 and 1565 Veronese worked on a both Andrea Mantegna’s spatial and structural pre- series of paintings for the Hieronymite church of S. cision in painting and Giulio Romano’s more con- Sebastiano in Venice. Taken together, this ensemble temporary decorative mode (which drew heavily on (ceiling paintings, wall paintings on canvas and in the art of High Renaissance Rome, especially that of fresco, painted organ-shutters, and an altarpiece) Raphael). These influences are already at play in represents Veronese’s masterwork in the field of sa- early works such as The Temptation of Saint Anthony cred imagery. The nave paintings, showing scenes (1552–1553, Muse´e des Beaux Arts, Caen). But from the Book of Esther, offer a tour de force in Veronese also proved immediately responsive to lo- illusionism and perspective foreshortening, but the cal artistic tradition in Venice. His first major com- tone remains festive and triumphal, and despite mission in the city (the Giustiniani altarpiece of their religious content the compositions could serve c. 1551, S. Francesco della Vigna, Venice) was well as models for subsequent works in a secular

144 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VERONESE (PAOLO CALIARI)

Veronese. Donna Giustiniani Barbaro with Old Nurse, from the fresco cycle at Villa Barbaro, c. 1561. ᮊARALDO DE LUCA/CORBIS context. Veronese himself drew on these paintings side the elderly Titian just to the right (playing a in his later work for the Ducal Palace (for example, viola da gamba). Faith, 1575–1578), while Peter Paul Rubens, Gio- But such playful visual asides soon threatened to vanni Battista Tiepolo, and many other painters get the painter into trouble with the religious au- over the next two centuries used the S. Sebastiano thorities. His inclusion of buffoons, dwarves, and ceiling as a model. German soldiers in the foreground of his Last Sup- Veronese’s confident elision of secular and sa- per of 1573 (Gallerie dell’Accademia, Venice) cred modes in his paintings is most evident in pri- landed him in front of the Catholic Inquisition who vately commissioned works such as The Supper at questioned the decorum of such additions. In re- Emmaus (c. 1559–1560, Muse´e du Louvre, Paris) sponse, the painter merely added an inscription in which patronal portraits crowd around the sacred identifying the subject as a less important one (the figures under a Palladian loggia. In The Marriage at Feast in the House of Levi) and did not remove any of Cana (1562–1563, Louvre) for San Giorgio the offending figures. Maggiore, Veronese produced a scene of lavish con- Veronese’s visual flamboyance did not markedly temporary feastmaking in an idealized Palladian set- diminish in the 1570s, and it was only in the last ting. Among the group of finely dressed musicians decade of his life that he moved toward a more are portraits of leading Venetian painters: Veronese emotionally expressive approach (for example, The shows himself (playing a viol) as prominent, along- Last Communion of Saint Lucy, c. 1585–1586, Na-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 145 VERSAILLES tional Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.). But it was Le Vau (1612–1670), the gardener Andre´LeNoˆtre the integrated compositions of his earlier manner (1613–1700), and the painter Charles Le Brun that were destined to be so influential on European (1619–1690) collaborated to create a palace suit- artistic tradition over the following centuries. His able for the Sun King to entertain favored courtiers. sumptuous approach to picture making, un- When Louis XIV decided in 1668 that Versailles derpinned by a clear grasp of perspective construc- was to become a royal residence, able to house his tion, offered a vital bridge between the scientific and full court for months at a time, he ordered extensive naturalistic art of the early Renaissance and the dec- additions. Le Vau drew up plans to frame the Old orative manner of the baroque and rococo periods. Chateau in a terraced ‘‘envelope’’ of white stone. From the outset of his career, his pictorial lucidity The envelope included state apartments for the king reflected his special capacity for the absorption and and queen, the salons of which were each dedicated integration of differing stylistic tendencies, and this to one of the seven planets known to orbit the sun. gift for stylistic synthesis never deserted him. The king’s own bedchamber, echoing the theme articulated in the chateau’s gardens, depicted scenes See also Venice, Art in. from the myth of Apollo.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Work on the chateau and its gardens was by no The Art of Paolo Veronese, 1528–1588. Exh. cat. Edited by means complete when Louis XIV permanently in- W. R. Rearick. Washington, D.C., 1988. stalled his family, court, and government at Ver- Nuovi studi su Paolo Veronese. Edited by M. Gemin. Venice, sailles in 1682. Jules Hardouin-Mansart (1646– 1990. 1708) oversaw the final enlargement of the palace Pedrocco, Filippo, and Terisio Pignatti. Veronese catalogo and adjacent buildings that would eventually house completo. Florence, 1991. five thousand courtiers and as many government Pignatti, Teresio. Veronese. 2 vols. Venice, 1976. officials, guards, and servants. It was Mansart who designed the legendary Hall of Mirrors. Running TOM NICHOLS almost the entire length of the chateau’s western facade, the gallery was sheathed in mirrors, fur- nished with solid silver chandeliers, and crowned by ceiling panels by Le Brun that depicted pivotal epi- VERSAILLES. The seat of the French monar- sodes from the Sun King’s life. Meanwhile, Le chy from 1682 to 1789, Louis XIV’s chateau at Noˆtre continued to expand the gardens, adding Versailles had its origins in a modest hunting lodge grottoes, ornamental lakes, and a so built in 1623 for his father, Louis XIII. When Louis vast the navy could perform maneuvers on it. Con- XIV (ruled 1643–1715) assumed personal control struction on Louis XIV’s palace ceased only with the of the government in 1661, he embarked upon a completion of the Chapel Royal in 1710. building program at the site that continued almost unabated until his death. Versailles was first an inti- The exterior of Versailles changed little over the mate retreat for the king and then a royal residence course of the eighteenth century. Louis XV (ruled for a still itinerant court before it became the perma- 1715–1774) came to loathe his great-grandfather’s nent seat of the French royal family, court, and formal palace and added little to it. Although he government in 1682. Jean-Baptiste Colbert (1619– commissioned the Royal Opera designed by 1683), Louis XIV’s indefatigable finance minister, Jacques-Ange Gabriel (1698–1782), he was far was responsible for procuring the staggering sums more interested in increasing the privacy of his own needed to build the chateau that became the model apartments. Louis XVI (ruled 1774–1792), the last for royal palaces across Europe. of the Bourbons to rule at Versailles, also concen- trated on interior renovations. His queen, Marie ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY Antoinette (1755–1793), concerned herself with Louis XIV’s magnificent chateau evolved in three the Petit Trianon, a bucolic palace on the grounds major phases. The Sun King first intended Versailles of Versailles. After a revolutionary crowd trium- to be a retreat from the responsibilities of govern- phantly carried the ill-fated king and his family back ment. Between 1661 and 1668, the architect Louis to Paris in 1789, the chateau fell empty. The history

146 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VERSAILLES

Versailles. Detail of a 1668 painting of the chateau and entrance court by Pierre de Patel. (See also the cover of Volume 6.) THE ART ARCHIVE/MUSE´ EDUCHAˆ TEAU DE VERSAILLES/DAGLI ORTI of Versailles as the residence of the French kings government except the judicial. By the end of the officially ended in 1837, when Louis-Philippe de- seventeenth century, the town’s population— clared that the royal chateau was to become a mu- swelled by those whose occupations or interests seum celebrating ‘‘all of France’s glories.’’ brought them to court—stood at over 30,000, and its inns could house hundreds more. With the death TOWN OF VERSAILLES of Louis XIV in 1715, the court departed for Paris, The fortunes of the town of Versailles waxed and and Versailles soon became a ghost town. It enjoyed waned with the presence of the court. Louis XIV a revival after 1722, when Louis XV returned to his razed the original village to make room for his cha- great-grandfather’s palace. Versailles lost its posi- teau’s grand avenues and parks. He rebuilt the town tion as the administrative capital permanently in on a new site, decreed that it was to become ‘‘the 1789 with the forced departure of Louis XVI for most frequented and flourishing in the world,’’ and Paris. strictly regulated even the colors of building materi- als and decorations for its houses. With the court in NOBLE LIFE AT COURT permanent residence, Versailles became the admin- For many years, Versailles was seen as a gilded istrative capital of France, the seat of all branches of theater upon whose stage an all-powerful absolute

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 147 VERSAILLES

Versailles. The Galerie des Antiques at the Chateau of Versailles, c. 1688, painting by Martin des Batailles. THE ART ARCHIVE/ MUSE´ EDUCHAˆ TEAU DE VERSAILLES/DAGLI ORTI monarch entertained a captive audience of domesti- kingdom. Louis XIV’s reign was consequently cated aristocrats. Recent research has shown, how- marked by cooperation with, rather than control ever, that Louis XIV could not arbitrarily dominate over, the aristocracy. Similarly, the court of Ver- his subjects. His rule was limited by the fundamen- sailles was a site of mutually satisfactory exchange tal laws of the realm, tradition, and the practical between king and nobility. The king required the difficulties of enforcing his will on an extended great nobles to attend court because he sought to country of twenty million people. Furthermore, ensure their loyalty. They came because they con- without a police force or a standing army, the king sidered it their right and privilege and because they relied upon his noble subjects to ensure order in the received social and material rewards for doing so.

148 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VERSAILLES

The vast majority of the French nobility did not Louis XIV performed the role of sacred king- live at Versailles. Only the grands, the highest-rank- ship like an actor who never broke character. He ing French nobles, were in residence. Even at the calibrated his movements, gestures, and expressions peak of noble attendance, the ten thousand court at all times. The activities of his day—waking, dress- nobles represented only 5 percent of the hereditary ing, socializing, eating—all followed a regimen so nobility. Attendance was on a system of quarters exacting that his every gesture took on a ritual sta- that entailed residences of three months, twice a tus. This ceremonial elevated the status of the mon- year. The privileged among this number were arch at the same time that it limited access to him. granted rooms within the chateau itself (which con- The lever, the king’s ceremonial awakening, serves tained 220 apartments and 450 surprisingly small as an example. During this daily ‘‘kingrise,’’ six rooms); the less fortunate lived in the town of Ver- strictly designated sets of noblemen entered the sailles or were forced to travel back and forth to royal bedchamber to dress the monarch. The high- est-ranking noble present received the greatest priv- Paris each day. At the palace, the Sun King provided ilege, that of handing the king his shirt. Courtiers a continuous whirl of ballets, operas, feˆtes, plays, vied to attend the lever (or its evening counterpart, and thrice-weekly gambling nights. While Louis the coucher) because it provided an opportunity to XIV prevented members of the hereditary nobility ask favors of the king. Those excluded could impor- from participating in affairs of state, courtiers did tune the monarch only as he traveled in his rit- have more to do than attend entertainments, for ualized orbit from bedchamber to chapel to council many held offices in the royal households. chamber over the course of the day. The primary duty of every courtier, however, Without a monarch dedicated to the public per- was to attend the king. Accompanying the king con- formance of monarchy, the court of Versailles could ferred prestige but, even more important, allowed not function so effectively as an instrument of rule. nobles to gain access to royal patronage. To secure Through force of personality (and a renowned ca- the allegiance of his nobility and to prevent anyone pacity for hard work), Louis XIV created a court else from gaining too much influence and power, that was simultaneously an irresistible social center Louis XIV distributed all royal patronage person- for the high nobility and a seat of government for ally—no chief minister had control over the trea- his ministry. This system, however, was largely de- sury, the distribution of estates, or the assignment pendent on the personality and abilities of the ruler. of lucrative church posts or military commands. Louis XIV tirelessly performed the rituals of king- Those nobles who did not attend court seldom re- ship, but neither Louis XV nor Louis XVI was wil- ceived any reward. Louis was known to say, when ling to maintain such strict ceremonial. They also solicited for a favor on behalf of a noble who did not proved less able to divert members of the high come to Versailles as often as the king liked, ‘‘I do nobility away from affairs of state or to maintain as not know him.’’ effective a control over their ministers and state policies. Over the course of the eighteenth century, Louis XIV subjected his courtiers to a strict the court of Versailles, which had once been a cele- etiquette that governed their comportment, man- bration of divinely appointed monarchy, instead ners, and dress. This precisely graded code meted came to represent a center of despotism. out privileges according to a noble’s position in the See also Absolutism; Colbert, Jean-Baptiste; Court and court hierarchy. It determined, for example, who Courtiers; France; Louis XIV (France); Louis XV was allowed wear a hat and when, and who could sit (France); Louis XVI (France); Marie Antoinette; in the presence of the royal family. The sociologist Monarchy; Saint-Simon, Louis de Rouvroy. Norbert Elias has famously argued that the intricate rules and rituals that governed the members of BIBLIOGRAPHY Louis XIV’s court facilitated the creation of the Primary Source modern centralized state. The ordered society of Saint-Simon, Louis de Rouvroy, duc de. Historical Memoirs of the Duc de Saint-Simon: A Shortened Version. Edited Versailles became the European ideal of the well- and translated by Lucy Norton. 3 vols. New York, run state. 1967.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 149 VESALIUS, ANDREAS

Secondary Sources rated to the Giunta edition of Galen’s Opera Om- Adamson, John, ed. The Princely Courts of Europe: Ritual, nia, published between 1541–1542) and his ana- Politics, and Culture under the Ancien Re´gime, 1500– tomical findings, he wrote De Humani Corporis 1750. London, 1999. Fabrica Libri Septem (Seven books on the structure Beik, William. Absolutism and Society in Seventeenth-Century of the human body), published in Basel by Joannes France: State Power and Provincial Aristocracy in Lan- Oporinus in 1543. After the publication of the Fab- guedoc. Cambridge, U.K., and New York, 1985. rica, Vesalius sought employment in the imperial Damien, Andre´. ‘‘Versailles, Capitale?’’ Revue des sciences medical service. He became military surgeon and morales & politiques 151 (1996): 21–38. personal physician to Emperor Charles V (ruled Elias, Norbert. The Court Society. Translated by Edmund 1519–1556). Between 1543 and 1544 he returned Jephcott. New York, 1983. briefly to Italy, giving public anatomies in Padua, Le Roy Ladurie, Emmanuel. Saint-Simon and the Court of Bologna, and Pisa. In the Epistola Rationem Louis XIV. Translated by Arthur Goldhammer. Chi- cago, 2001. Modumque Propinandi Radicis Chynae Decocti (1546; Letter on the manner of administering the Mukerji, Chandra. Territorial Ambitions and the Gardens of Versailles. Cambridge, U.K., and New York, 1997. china-root), he investigated the therapeutic value of the china-root. After Charles V’s abdication in Newton, William B. L’espace du roi: La cour de France au 1556, he was appointed physician to the Nether- chaˆteau de Versailles, 1682–1789. Paris, 2000. landers at the Spanish court by Philip II. In the same Solnon, Jean-Franc¸ois. La cour de France. Paris, 1987. year he published a revised edition of the Fabrica LYNN WOOD MOLLENAUER containing some relevant additions on cardiovascu- lar physiology. He died in 1564 during a pilgrimage journey to Jerusalem. De Humani Corporis Fabrica represents an ex- VESALIUS, ANDREAS (1514–1564), Bel- traordinary intellectual accomplishment that com- gian anatomist. Born in Brussels, Vesalius came bines anatomical investigation, artistic ingenuity, from a family of physicians with professional links to woodcut craftmanship, and typographical expertise. the courts of Austria and Burgundy. Between 1530 Vesalius’s intention was to give a most detailed and and 1536 he studied at the universities of Louvain reliable account of the human body, an account and Paris. He acquired skill in the technique of purged of previous errors, based on direct reference dissection and a thorough comprehension of Ga- to cadavers, and corroborated by the use of animal lenic anatomy in Paris, where a deep philological vivisection and comparative anatomy. The Fabrica and hermeneutical reassessment of the Galenic cor- can be viewed as both the foundation of modern pus was under way. Due to the outbreak of the war anatomy and as a reference handbook for those between Charles V and Francis I, Vesalius returned practitioners who could not have direct access to to Louvain in 1536, and there he published the dissection material. The anatomical illustrations Paraphrasis in Nonum Librum Rhazae (Paraphrase were in all likelihood the product of artists and of the ninth book of Rhazes). After a brief stay in draftsmen from Titian’s studio. Vesalius planned Venice as a surgeon, he settled in Padua, where he the enterprise and directed the execution, and it can took a degree in medicine in 1537. In the same year be assumed that he had some share in the actual he was appointed lecturer of surgery. As a teacher, draftsmanship. he combined in a revolutionary way the functions of lecturer, demonstrator, and dissector. Between The Fabrica is more a correction of errors in 1538 and 1539 he published the Tabulae Ana- Galen than it is an announcement of revolutionary tomicae Sex (Six anatomical plates), a set of six large discoveries. Vesalius was a formidable teacher and sheets of anatomical woodcuts accompanied by an outstanding performer of anatomical demonstra- brief explanatory notes, and the so-called Venesec- tions, capable of entrancing observers with his man- tion letter, a defense of the humanist and Greek ual dexterity. The importance of his work lies in his view on bloodletting against medieval and Arab in- advanced pedagogical techniques and in his meth- terpretations. On the basis of both his outstanding odological views about anatomy. He introduced the knowledge of Galen’s texts (Vesalius also collabo- use of anatomical drawings as a teaching device,

150 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VICO, GIOVANNI BATTISTA mnemonic aid, and alternative source of informa- won the concourse for the professorship of Latin tion in the absence of a sufficient supply of cadavers. eloquence (rhetoric) at the University of Naples, a He revolutionized anatomical practice by establish- position he held until succeeded in 1741 by his son ing a reliable correspondence between the dissected Gennaro. As part of his duties Vico presented a body, the text of reference, and the illustrations. He series of orations to inaugurate the academic year, contributed significantly to the standardization of the two most prominent being ‘‘De nostri temporis anatomical nomenclature. From the religious point studiorum ratione’’ (1709; On the study methods of view, Vesalius’s work touched on some highly of our time) and ‘‘De mente heroica’’ (1732; On critical points in contemporary theological debates, the heroic mind). This series of orations taken col- such as the location of the faculties of the soul, the lectively constitutes a full doctrine of pedagogy. physical similarities between human and animal brains, the existence of the reticular plexus at the In 1710 Vico published De Antiquissima base of the brain, and the manufacture of animal Italorum Sapientia (On the most ancient wisdom of spirits. the Italians), the first part of a system of philosophy See also Anatomy and Physiology; Medicine; Scientific directed against Cartesianism. (The planned second Illustration; Scientific Method; Surgeons. and third parts were never completed.) The work contains one of Vico’s best-known principles, ‘‘that BIBLIOGRAPHY the true is the made.’’ He first applied this as a Primary Source principle of mathematical reasoning; later he ap- Vesalius, Andreas. On the Fabric of the Human Body, Books I– plied it in his science of history—because human II. Translated by William Frank Richardson. San Fran- beings make history, they can make a complete cisco, 1998–1999. knowledge of it. In 1720–1722 Vico published a Secondary Sources large, three-part work, De Universi Juris Uno Prin- Cushing, Harvey. Bio-bibliography of Andreas Vesalius. New cipio (Universal law), in anticipation of qualifying York, 1943. for a university chair in civil law. In 1723 he suffered O’Malley, Charles D. Andreas Vesalius of Brussels, 1514– the greatest disappointment of his career, his failure 1564. Los Angeles, 1964. to succeed in the concourse for this position, de- Siraisi, Nancy G. ‘‘Vesalius and the Reading of Galen’s Tele- scribed in his Autobiografia (1728–1731). ology.’’ In Medicine and the Italian Universities, 1250– 1600. Leiden, Netherlands, 2001. Universal Law was a prelude to his magnum GUIDO GIGLIONI opus, Principi di una scienza nuova d’intorno alla comune natura delle nazioni (1725, 1730, 1744; Principles of new science concerning the common nature of the nations). Failure of the concourse left VICO, GIOVANNI BATTISTA him free to develop the versions of this work. (Giambattista Vico; 1668–1744), Italian philoso- Through an analysis of Roman law begun in Uni- pher of history, law, and culture. Vico was born in versal Law and in particular the concept of ius Naples on the eve of the Feast of St. John the gentium (the law of the peoples)—that part of Ro- Baptist (23 June). He lived all his life in and near man law which it has in common with the laws of all Naples, where his father was the proprietor of a other nations—Vico developed his conception of small bookshop, above which the family lived in a single room. Vico’s mother was illiterate. In a soci- ‘‘ideal eternal history,’’ according to which all ety dominated by wealth, political power, aristo- nations develop through a natural law of three ages. cracy, and clergy, Vico was self-made and self- The age of gods, in which all of nature and basic taught. From grammar school on he spent only social institutions are ordered in terms of gods, is short periods in formal instruction. The center of his followed by the age of heroes, in which all virtues mature education was a self-devised program of necessary to society are embodied in the character of reading the ancients against the moderns, carried the hero, followed by the age of humans, in which out while tutoring the children of the Rocca family custom is replaced by written law and thought be- for nine years at Vatolla (1686–1695). In 1699 he comes abstract and rational.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 151 VICTORIA, TOMA´ SLUISDE

This ideal eternal history stands against the —. The New Science of Giambattista Vico. Translated by seventeenth-century natural-law theories of Hugo Thomas Goddard Bergin and Max Harold Fisch. Ith- aca, N.Y., 1984. Translation of Principi di una scienza Grotius (Huigh de Groot [1583–1645]), Samuel nuova d’intorno alla comune natura delle nazioni. von Pufendorf (1632–1694), John Selden (1584– —. Opere. 2 vols. Edited by Andrea Battistini. Milan, 1654), and Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679). In 1990. Edition of many of Vico’s major works, includ- place of a state of nature, from which human beings ing most helpful commentary and notes on each. form a covenant, passing from a state of war of all against all to a state of rationally governed civility, Secondary Sources Vico formulates his conception of ‘‘poetic wisdom’’ Berlin, Isaiah. Three Critics of the Enlightenment: Vico, Hamann, Herder. Edited by Henry Hardy. London, or, in modern terms, ‘‘mythical thought.’’ Societal 2000. Treats Vico’s philosophical ideas as the beginning life first depends upon the human power of fantasia of the Counter-Enlightenment. (imagination) to narrate the meanings of events Mazzotta, Giuseppe. The New Map of the World: The Poetic through myths. From mythical commonalities, ra- Philosophy of Giambattista Vico. Princeton, 1999. Con- tional forms of understanding gradually develop. nects Vico’s thought to the basic figures and themes of Against the Enlightenment principle of progress, the Renaissance. Vico sees history as cyclic, that is, each nation passes Verene, Donald Phillip. The New Art of Autobiography: An through a corso (course) of the ages of ideal eternal Essay on the ‘‘Life of Giambattista Vico Written by Him- history and falls, only to rise again in a ricorso. self.’’ Oxford, 1991. An analysis of Vico’s autobiogra- phy and its connection to New Science. Vico’s influence on later thinkers is sporadic. —. Vico’s Science of Imagination. Ithaca, N.Y., 1981. Johann Gottfried von Herder (1744–1803), Karl An assessment of Vico’s philosophical ideas and their Marx (1818–1883), Samuel Taylor Coleridge originality. (1772–1834), and William Butler Yeats (1865– DONALD PHILLIP VERENE 1939) discovered Vico and realized their connec- tion to him after their own views were largely for- mulated. The major figure of the nineteenth cen- tury fully influenced by Vico was Jules Michelet VICTORIA, TOMA´ S LUIS DE (1548– (1798–1874), who translated Vico’s works into 1611), preeminent composer of the Spanish Renais- French, making them the basis of his own philoso- sance. Rivaled only by Giovanni da Palestrina and phy of history. The two figures most influenced by Orlando di Lasso among his European contempo- Vico in the twentieth century and who in turn intro- raries, Victoria produced an important body of work duced Vico to many readers were Benedetto Croce that was widely distributed, often reprinted, and (1866–1952) and James Joyce (1882–1941). highly praised from his time to ours. He is not only Croce merged Vico’s conception of history and so- the most famous of the sixteenth-century Spaniards ciety with his own philosophical idealism, making such as Cristo´bal de Morales and Francisco Guer- Vico into the Italian Georg Wilhelm Friedrich rero, but is arguably the most famous Spanish com- Hegel (1770–1831). Joyce was influenced by Vico poser of all time. throughout his career. Most prominently Joyce An apparently proud A´ vilan, who appended his based the cycles of Finnegan’s Wake (1939) on name with ‘‘Abulense’’ in his publications, Victoria Vico’s New Science, as he had based Ulysses (1922) received his early musical training as a choirboy at on the ports of call of Homer’s Odyssey. A´ vila Cathedral under Gero´nimo de Espinar and Bernardino de Ribera. He may have known the See also Cartesianism; Grotius, Hugo; Herder, Johann Gottfried von; Philosophy; Political Philosophy. illustrious organist Antonio de Cabezo´n during his A´ vilan residence. With the help of his patron Cardi-

BIBLIOGRAPHY nal Otto von Truchess of Augsburg, he went to Rome to study music and theology at the Col- Primary Sources legium Germanicum in 1565. Four years later, he Vico, Giambattista. The Autobiography of Giambattista Vico. Translated by Max Harold Fisch and Thomas Goddard took charge of music at the Aragonese Church of Bergin. Ithaca, N.Y., 1975. Translation of Vita di Santa Maria di Monserrato, and soon afterward he Giambattista Vico Scritta da se medesimo. took up positions at the two Jesuit colleges: the

152 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VICTORIA, TOMA´ SLUISDE

Collegium Germanicum (1571) and the Collegium the Canticle of Mary. His Officium Hebdomadae Romanum (1573, where he succeeded Palestrina, Sanctae (Office of Holy Week) was the first of its whom he knew and with whom he possibly stud- kind, and the Passions of Saints Matthew and John ied), thus situating him at the intellectual and artis- it contained were in constant use by the papal chapel tic heart of Jesuit activity during the height of the into modern times. It also included his well-known spiritual renewal sparked by the Council of Trent Lamentations of Jeremiah and eighteen responsories (1545–1563). His compositional and directorial ac- for Tenebrae. tivities in Rome and his association with Palestrina have led many historians to classify him as a Like Claudio Monteverdi, Victoria stands at the ‘‘Roman School’’ composer, while others have em- end of the Renaissance and the beginning of the phasized his Spanish identity. baroque period. His writing contains (indeed, ex- emplifies) much of the traditional church poly- In 1572, Victoria published a collection of phony, consisting of several melodies that inter- motets that would establish his fame, including ‘‘O twine in a complex, harmonious web, but he also magnum mysterium,’’ ‘‘O vos omnes,’’ and ‘‘Vere wrote simple psalm settings in the falsobordone style languores.’’ His early motets were reprinted several (such as Psalm 50 in the Officium Hebdomadae times in his own lifetime. Ordained to the priest- Sanctae) and polychoral works such as the Missa Pro hood in 1575, he joined the Congregazione dei Victoria (for double choir), which show the emer- Preti dell’Oratorio (Congregation of the Oratory), gence of the baroque style with its emphasis on and from 1578 to 1585 served as chaplain of S. pitting parts of the ensemble against other parts. Girolamo della Carita`, where, free from the de- Beginning in 1600, he became the first significant mands of a musical position and supported by lucra- tive Spanish benefices provided by Pope Greg- composer to write independent keyboard accompa- ory XII, he published several important collections niments, anticipating the publications of the Vene- of music while living in daily contact with Rome’s tian Giovanni Gabrieli by fifteen years. His later great pastor, St. Philip Neri, for five years. progressive compositions never achieved the fame of his early works, with the exception of the beloved Victoria returned to Spain in 1587 to take up Officium Defunctorum (Office of the dead, 1605), the position of chaplain to the Dowager Empress written upon the death of Empress Maria. Maria at the Monasterio de las Descalzas de Santa Clara de la Cruz in Madrid, to which he was A genuinely religious man, Victoria wrote only appointed by Philip II. He spent the rest of his life at sacred works. His output, while often understood as the monastery, first as maestro di capilla and, after reflecting the mystical spirituality of El Greco and Maria’s death in 1603, as organist. His return to his his fellow A´ vilan St. Teresa de la Cruz, might be Castilian homeland saw him turn down prestigious better understood in relation to the popular devo- positions at Spanish cathedrals in favor of his posi- tional spirituality of Neri and the Council of Trent’s tion at the royal monastery, where his music was program of spiritual renewal, which was promoted performed by an expert choir and where he was with special zeal by the Jesuits who were responsible allowed to oversee his publications abroad. He died for his intellectual and musical formation. in Madrid in 1611. See also Catholic Spirituality and Mysticism; Jesuits; Victoria’s reputation is based mostly on a Monteverdi, Claudio; Music; Palestrina, Giovanni somber collection of motets, a collection of music Pierluigi da; Trent, Council of. for Holy Week, and his Office for the Dead. These paint an unfairly morose picture of the composer BIBLIOGRAPHY whom some would regard as typically Spanish. His Cramer, Eugene Casjen. ‘‘Some Elements of the Early Ba- Masses paint a very different picture, being mostly roque in the Music of Victoria.’’ In De Musica Hispana based on motets with exultant texts. His cycle of et Aliis. Vol 1, pp. 501–538. Santiago de Compostela, sixteen Magnificats puts him in league with other 1990. Spaniards, such as Morales, Guerrero, and Alonso —. Studies in the Music of Toma´ s Luis de Victoria. Lobo, who were unmatched in their attention to Aldershot, U.K., 2001.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 153 VIENNA

Stevenson, Robert. Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden For some time during the fifteenth century, the Age. Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1961. Styrian branch of the Habsburg Dynasty held the LEE MATTHEW ESCANDON upper hand among the Habsburg relations in cen- tral Europe, and their city, Wiener Neustadt, was the preferred residence of many of the Austrian dukes, including the important Habsburg Duke VIENNA. From the later thirteenth century, Frederick who was crowned Holy Roman emperor when Vienna and its surrounding territories were in Rome by Pope Nicholas V in 1452 and ruled claimed by the Habsburg Dynasty, until the mid- until 1493. The emperor was able to achieve the fifteenth century, the Habsburgs slowly built up the long-standing Habsburg goal of elevating their old residence of their predecessors, the Babenbergs, church in Vienna, St. Stephen’s, to episcopal status and the one-time Roman legionnaires’ camp into a through papal permission in 1469. (The rival resi- sizable city complete with a church dedicated to dence city of Wiener Neustadt was similarly hon- Saint Stephen as well as a university and a castle ored in the same year.) Now Vienna would be not residence built next to one of the old Roman roads only a trading city, university town, and sometime leading to this important River crossing. By archducal residence. It was the center of a modest 1500 the city may have had a population of approxi- ecclesiastical jurisdiction as well, one which often mately twenty to thirty thousand. unhappily shared religious responsibilities with its

Vienna. A view of the city and the surrounding area based on a map by Nicolas Sanson, from a French atlas issued in 1692. The map shows the city’s strategic location on the Danube, and identifies the neighboring cities and towns. Long the seat of the Habsburg Empire, Vienna had recently survived a bitter siege by the Ottoman Turks in 1683, and it was later transformed into a city of palaces and stately homes. A second line of fortifications was built in 1704–1706. MAP COLLECTION,STERLING MEMORIAL LIBRARY,YALE UNIVERSITY

154 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VIENNA much more powerful neighbor, the Diocese of tances engineered by Maximilian necessarily meant Passau, which also had administrative offices in Vi- that the dynasty’s representatives were more tied to enna. cities such as Ghent or kingdoms such as Castile For Vienna, the later fifteenth century meant a than to the rather forgotten city on the Danube change in regimes: renewed claims over this area by River. the kings of Hungary led to an occupation of the city by the Hungarian King Mathias I (‘‘Corvinus’’) When Maximilian’s grandson and younger Hunyadi beginning in 1485. King Mathias died in brother of Emperor Charles V, the Spanish-born the city in 1490. The turbulent and multifaceted Archduke Ferdinand (who ruled 1558–1564 as relationship with Hungary is an important aspect of Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand I) chose Vienna Viennese history in this period. as his residence, the city fathers had already estab- lished a local regime with its own sense of auton- The city on the Danube was again brought omy. In the 1520s this urban regime was harshly under Habsburg control through the efforts of Em- suppressed by the archduke and his officials, and the peror Frederick’s son, Archduke and later Emperor Maximilian I (ruled 1493–1519), who spent much city administration was reorganized under stricter of his time arranging Western marriages and resid- dynastic control. Ferdinand had arrived in the city ing in the Habsburg city of Innsbruck in Tyrol, with a sizable retinue of Iberian nobles, military per- among many other locations. For some time, the sonnel, and other assorted hangers-on, and the exact position of Vienna in the Habsburgs’ plans Spanish-speaking community in the city and at the was unclear. The Iberian and inheri- court endured at various levels for two centuries,

Vienna. The Ceremonial Entry into Vienna of Isabella of Parma, Bride of Emperor Joseph II, eighteenth-century painting by Martin Meytens. ᮊERICH LESSING/ART RESOURCE, N.Y.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 155 VIENNA

Vienna. A striking map from Mathaeus Seutter’s 1745 Atlas Novus showing the imperial city of Vienna, the official residence of the Habsburgs. At bottom is a view of the skyline from across the Danube River. The new circle of fortifications around the outskirts of the city was built in the early eighteenth century; to the left of the old walled city is the Leopoldstadt, or second district, the center of Vienna’s large Jewish community. MAP COLLECTION,STERLING MEMORIAL LIBRARY,YALE UNIVERSITY reflecting the resident rulers’ close ties to their dy- city’s religious houses, which controlled properties nastic kin in the West. outside of the old city walls, for example, were wrecked, and this, together with the increasing pop- One of the pivotal years for the history of early ularity of the teachings of Martin Luther and his modern Vienna was 1529, when Ottoman troops followers, made the culture of the city increasingly besieged the city, following on their successful cam- Protestant, much to the dismay of Archduke Ferdi- paigns of the previous years, which had succeeded in nand, who resided in the Hofburg, the fortified defeating the Hungarians and in advancing the Ot- Habsburg residence in the city. tomans’ control well into that nearby kingdom. The siege was successfully resisted, but the results of the Following the extinction of the Hungarian rul- destruction in the suburbs and the economic dislo- ing dynasty in 1526, Habsburg claims to the Hun- cation the siege had brought lasted for much of the garian crown meant that Vienna maintained a cer- century. The economic foundations of many of the tain dynastic importance because it was located so

156 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VIENNA, SIEGES OF near to Bratislava, the newly relocated capital of south and east. Vienna was well situated to benefit Hungary, just down the Danube River. Military op- from this reorientation. erations in the Hungarian kingdom were planned The alliance of the Habsburgs and their sup- and administered from Vienna, even while the porters with a reinvigorated Roman Catholicism Habsburg rulers themselves increasingly gave in to during the Counter-Reformation also provided an the allures of Vienna’s long-time rival, Prague, as ideology and a cultural program that were physically their preferred place of residence. (Ferdinand and reflected in the triumphant, new post-1683 city. his two successors as Holy Roman emperor, Maxi- New convents and monasteries abounded, and a milian II and Rudolf II, were all buried in St. Vitus’s much more extensive (although less militarily effec- cathedral in that Bohemian capital.) Ferdinand’s tive) wall (the 1704 Linienwall ) was constructed. grandson, the emperor Rudolf II (ruled 1576– Noble palaces and Habsburg summer residences 1612), officially moved his residence up to the castle were constructed outside the confines of the walls as in Prague in the 1580s, leaving his brother Arch- well, reflecting a new optimism and sense of security duke Ernst and his sister Archduchess Elisabeth, the that would only be challenged when Napoleon’s widowed queen of France, to reside in Vienna and troops neared the city in the early nineteenth cen- attempt to regulate the increasingly unruly and Lu- tury. Vienna was now the capital of one of Europe’s theran city population. most important powers. It remained so until the Conflicts over the Habsburg succession in Bo- demise of that power in the early twentieth century. hemia and Hungary eventually degenerated into the See also Austria; Ferdinand I (Holy Roman Empire); Fer- Thirty Years’ War (1618–1648), but they had little dinand II (Holy Roman Empire); Frederick III direct effect on Vienna. For the most part, the fight- (Holy Roman Empire); Habsburg Dynasty: Austria; ing took place well away from the city, although in Holy Roman Empire; Hungary; Maximilian I (Holy its earliest stages in late 1618 and early 1619, enemy Roman Empire); Prague; Rudolf II (Holy Roman troops reached the city’s vicinity, as did Swedish Empire); Vienna, Sieges of. troops in 1645. The continued rather uncertain sta- tus of Vienna in its rulers’ imaginations was reflected BIBLIOGRAPHY in the decision of Emperor Ferdinand II (ruled Barker, Thomas Mack. Double Eagle and Crescent: Vienna’s 1620–1637) to return to his ancestral homeland, Second Turkish Siege and its Historical Setting. Albany, N.Y., 1967. Styria, to be buried in 1637. Csendes, Peter. Historical Dictionary of Vienna. Lanham, The true blossoming of Vienna as the baroque Md., 1999. capital of central Europe and the undisputed capital Lorenz, Hellmut. ‘‘The Imperial Hofburg: The Theory and of the Habsburg Dynasty came only later, in the Practice of Architectural Representation in Baroque Vi- eighteenth century. The city was once again be- enna.’’ In State and Society in Early Modern Austria, sieged by Ottoman troops in 1683 and once again edited by Charles W. Ingrao. West Lafayette, Ind., successfully withstood their attacks, with the help of 1994. King John III of Poland. Unlike the after- Spielman, John P. The City and the Crown: Vienna and the math of 1529, however, subsequent Habsburg mili- Imperial Court, 1600–1740. West Lafayette, Ind., 1993. tary campaigns pushed the Ottoman frontier well into Hungary and farther to the southeast. Vienna Weigl, Andreas, ed. Wien im Dreißigja¨hrigen Krieg: Bevo¨lkerung, Gesellschaft, Kultur, Konfession. Vienna, changed in character from a border fortress to a 2001. centrally located administrative and trading center, well located on the Danube for trading downstream JOSEPH F. PATROUCH with the newly conquered Hungarian territories. The Habsburgs’ loss of their Iberian inheritance through the War of the Spanish Succession (1701– 1714), as well as their earlier setbacks in the Holy VIENNA, SIEGES OF. The city of Vienna Roman Empire during the Thirty Years’ War, com- was the object of two unsuccessful sieges by Otto- bined to redirect the dynasts’ attention toward the man forces during the early modern period.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 157 VIE` TE, FRANC¸OIS

THE FIRST SIEGE, 1529 Pas¸a, the ambitious grand vizier (1676–1683), that When, at the battle of Moha´cs in 1526, the troops the time had come to conquer Vienna. With the of Sultan Suleiman I (ruled 1520–1566) wiped out auxiliary troops of Crimean, Walachian, Moldavian, the Hungarian army and killed King Louis II, they and Transylvanian vassals, the army that reached the cleared the way to the Hungarian throne for their outskirts of Vienna by early July numbered some main rival, the Habsburgs. After Suleiman’s 150,000 men, although only 40,000 were central prote´ge´, Ja´nos Szapolyai (ruled 1526–1540), was troops of the standing army and although, as in ousted from Hungary by his rival, Ferdinand I of 1529, the Ottomans lacked heavy siege artillery. Habsburg, also elected king of Hungary (1526– Count Ernst Ru¨diger von Starhemberg ably di- 1564), Suleiman was eager to redress the un- rected the 15,000-strong defense forces, but by intended consequences of his victory at Moha´cs. early September heavy Ottoman bombardment and The Ottoman army of 80,000 to 100,000 men mining opened numerous breaches in the walls, and retook Buda, Hungary’s capital, from the Habs- the defenders were running short of supplies. The burgs in September 1529 and gave it back to their fifty-nine-day siege ended with the arrival of the ally Ja´nos. Suleiman, however, wanted the resolve imperial and Polish relief army under the command the Habsburg-Ottoman rivalry in Central Europe of Charles V, duke of Lorraine, and King John III by conquering Vienna, the capital of the Habs- Sobieski (ruled 1674–1696) on 11 September burgs’ Danubian Monarchy. Vienna was defended 1683. The decisive battle of Kahlenberg, at the edge by some 18,000 to 25,000 soldiers under the able of the Vienna Woods, took place the next day when leadership of Niklas Graf zu Salm and Wilhelm the relief army of 75,000 destroyed the unprotected Freiherr von Roggendorf, who had ordered the attackers’ camp. Kara Mustafa and his army fled, city’s medieval and obsolete defenses substantially leaving rich booty for the Christians. Vienna was strengthened. The siege lasted for some two weeks saved by a coalition of Central European countries, (27 September–15 October 1529). The Ottoman whose army proved to be tactically superior and bombardment was not effective, for the attackers was, for the first time in the history of Ottoman- had had to leave their siege artillery in Bulgaria and European confrontations, able to match the Otto- Hungary owing to unusually rainy weather and mans in terms of deployed manpower and weap- muddy roads. The defenders discovered or dis- onry, as well as in logistical support. armed most of the Ottoman mines, and when some See also Ottoman Empire; Suleiman I. mines did succeed in opening significantly large holes, the attackers were repulsed by pikemen and BIBLIOGRAPHY harquebusiers. With winter approaching, the Otto- Barker, Thomas M. Double Eagle and Crescent: Vienna’s mans raised the siege. After another failed attempt Second Turkish Siege and Its Historical Setting. Albany, in 1532, when the small Hungarian castle of Ku¨szeg N.Y., 1967. (Gu¨ns) stopped Suleiman’s army, the sultan and Broucek, P., E. Hillbrand, and F. Vesely. Historischer Atlas Ferdinand accepted the status quo in Hungary. zur Zweiten Tu¨rkenbelagerung: Wien 1683. Vienna, 1983. THE SECOND SIEGE, 1683 Kreutel, Richard F., ed. Kara Mustafa vor Wien. Graz, In 1683 Vienna was besieged for the second time by 1982. the Ottomans, who by 1541 had conquered central Leitsch, Walter. ‘‘Warum wollte Kara Mustafa Wien Hungary, bringing the frontier dangerously close to erobern?’’ Jahrbu¨cher fu¨r Geschichte Osteuropas 29, no. the Austrian capital. The 1660s saw new Ottoman 4 (1981): 495–514. conquests in Hungary (1660 and 1663), Crete GA´ BOR A´ GOSTON (1669), and Poland-Lithuania (1672 and 1678) under the able leadership of the Ko¨pru¨lu¨ grand viziers. The recent revival of Ottoman military for- tunes, the renewed Franco-Habsburg rivalry, and, VIE` TE, FRANC¸ OIS (1540–1603), French more importantly, the weakness the Habsburgs had mathematician. Vie`te is widely viewed as the foun- shown in Hungary against Imre Tho¨ko¨ly’s Kuruc der of modern algebra. Born in Fontenay-le-Comte insurrection (1681–1683), persuaded Kara Mustafa in the province of Poitou, he studied law at the

158 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VIE` TE, FRANC¸OIS

University of Poitiers and received his degree in Archimedes. The method used by the ancients to 1560. Shortly thereafter he entered the service of discover their theorems—namely analysis— the noblewoman Antoinette d’Aubeterre and appeared to be lost. Vie`te set out to correct this served as legal adviser as well as educator of her unfortunate state of affairs by recovering the ancient daughter, Catherine of Parthenay (later Rohan). ‘‘Art of Analysis.’’ Beginning with his Introduction His position in the household of this leading Hu- to the Analytic Art of 1591, and continuing in a guenot family involved him with increasing promi- series of subsequent works, he laid down the basic nence in the tense religious rivalries of the time. In outlines of the ancient method as he perceived it. 1573, following several years in Paris, he was Vie`te’s fundamental insight was that the ‘‘Art of appointed counselor to the Parlement of Brittany in Analysis’’ was none other than the algebra. In alge- Rennes by King Charles IX, and in 1580 he became bra, he pointed out, one proceeds analytically: when a member of Henry III’s privy council. Following a presented with a mathematical problem, one as- period of political eclipse in the late 1580s, he was sumes that the solution has already been found, and recalled to court in 1589 and served as counselor to sets up a mathematical relationship accordingly. Henry III and Henry IV until his death on 23 One then proceeds to analyze this relationship, ar- February 1603. During his years as royal counselor riving ultimately at a true solution if such exists. Vie`te specialized in cryptanalysis, becoming one of This, he claimed, was precisely the approach used in the leading code breakers in Europe. His success in ancient analysis. decoding secret Spanish communications famously brought upon him the accusation of being in league Vie`te realized, however, that the algebra of his with the devil. time was inadequate to the task. It consisted of a long and increasing list of solutions to specific prob- Despite his active career at court, Vie`te found lems and practical rule-of-thumb methods to help time to research and publish an impressive number with the solution of others. This, for Vie`te, was of mathematical works in a range of different fields. evidence of the corrupt state of algebra and the need His most influential work, however, was undoubt- for restoration. He therefore sought to replace the edly in algebra. The field known as ‘‘algebra,’’ he haphazard algebraic practices with general rules of contended, was not, in fact, an achievement of Arab analysis that would guide the solution of all prob- mathematicians, but was a corruption of the ancient lems. ‘‘Art of Analysis’’ which was known in classical times. Unlike synthesis, which begins with self-evi- To accomplish this, Vie`te proposed a novel sys- dent assumptions and proceeds deductively to nec- tem of notation. For the first time, he distinguished essary conclusions, analysis proceeds in the reverse between the given magnitudes of a problem and the direction. In analysis, one assumes that the desired unknown ones, which must be sought out. The conclusion is true and then proceeds to deduce the given magnitudes, he proposed, should be signified implications of this assumption. If this leads to a by consonants (B, C, D, F . . . ) and the unknown known true relationship, it is a good indication (al- ones by vowels (A, E, I, O, U, Y). This simple though no proof) that the original assumption was innovation enabled Vie`te to write down not just true. The mathematician can then reverse course specific linear, quadratic, and cubic problems, but and use the analysis as a guide for a synthetic proof general types of linear, quadratic, and cubic equa- of the theorem. If, on the other hand, the assump- tions. Consequently, once a general type of equa- tion leads to a falsehood, it is also necessarily false. tion was analyzed and solved, any particular instance of this type could be solved as well. With consider- Classical mathematicians, Vie`te believed, used able justification, Vie`te referred to his ‘‘recovered’’ analysis extensively in their research. Unfortunately, Art of Analysis as ‘‘the doctrine of discovering well as they only considered synthetic proof to be proper in mathematics’’ (doctrina bene inveniendi in math- and incontrovertible, they proceeded to suppress ematicis). the analytic part of their research in their published works. This left their modern-day successors with In addition to algebra, Vie`te contributed to nu- beautiful and elaborate synthetic constructions, merous other mathematical fields including trigo- such as can be found in the writings of Euclid and nometry, conic sections, and astronomy. His endur-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 159 VIGE´ E-LEBRUN, ELISABETH ing reputation, however, rests firmly on his Luc, exhibiting several works in the Salon de Saint- algebraic work. Despite his claim that he was merely Luc that same year. Her ambition, however, was to recovering an ancient method, his approach was in be received as a history painter by the Acade´mie fact very different from the geometrical analysis Royale de Peinture et de Sculpture. practiced in antiquity. It is ironic, but telling, that During the late 1770s, Vige´e-Lebrun com- Vie`te, who sought to replace the corrupt ‘‘algebra’’ pleted several history paintings but remained barred with pure ‘‘analysis,’’ has become known to subse- from acceptance into the Acade´mie Royale because quent generations as the father of modern algebra. of the commercial dealings of husband, Jean-Bap- See also Henry III (France); Henry IV (France); Mathe- tiste-Pierre Lebrun, an art dealer. Upon Marie An- matics. toinette’s intervention, however, the honor of full membership was granted on 31 May 1783. (Her BIBLIOGRAPHY reception piece, Peace Bringing Back Abundance Primary Sources (1780), is now in the collection of the Louvre Mu- Vie`te, Franc¸ois. The Analytic Art. Translated by T. Richard seum). The minutes of the meeting at which Vige´e- Witmer. Kent, Ohio, 1983. Lebrun was accepted for membership state that the —. Oeuvres Mathematiques. Edited by Jean Peyroux. Paris, 1991–1992. academicians acted to execute ‘‘with profound re- spect the orders of its Sovereign.’’ However, her Secondary Sources painting was assigned no category. Klein, Jacob. Greek Mathematical Thought and the Origin of Algebra. Translated by Eva Brann. New York, 1968. Although Vige´e-Lebrun was never apprenticed Mahoney, Michael S. ‘‘Nullum Non Problema Solvere: to a master painter and was prohibited by her sex Vie`te’s Analytic Program and its Influence on Fermat.’’ from becoming a student at the Acade´mie Royale, In The Mathematical Career of Pierre de Fermat, she nevertheless profited from her study of leading pp. 26–71. 2nd ed. Princeton, 1994. artists from the French school. She was greatly influ- AMIR ALEXANDER enced by Jean-Baptiste Greuze (1725–1805), par- ticularly in terms of her technique, which uses a buildup of transparent glazes to generate highly polished surface textures in areas of flesh and drap- VIGE´ E-LEBRUN, ELISABETH (1755– ery. As with Greuze, her lack of academic training 1842), French painter. Known primarily for her contributed to this reliance on the use of color, portraits, Vige´e-Lebrun was a favorite artist of aris- rather than line, to define form. Her approach to tocratic patrons throughout Europe at the end of composition in many of her large state commis- the eighteenth century, the most famous of whom sions, such as the Portrait of Marie Antoinette was Queen Marie Antoinette of France (1755– (1778; Muse´e national du Chaˆteau de Versailles) 1793). Vige´e-Lebrun was born in Paris, the daugh- follows the illustrious examples of portraits by ter of a hairdresser from the province of Luxem- Hyacinthe Rigaud and Jean Marc Nattier, favorite bourg, Jeanne Maissin, and a minor portraitist, court artists during the reigns of Louis XIV and Louis Vige´e, who was a member of the Acade´mie de Louis XV, respectively. Saint-Luc. Her father gave her drawing lessons in his studio when she was twelve, although he died Vige´e-Lebrun’s debt to the Old Masters is evi- shortly after they began. She then studied drawing dent in her highly sought-after maternite´s (mother with two minor artists, Blaise Bocquet and Gabriel and daughter images), which register a direct line- Briard. By her own account, she was largely self- age back to the Madonnas of Raphael, and in her taught, copying Old Master paintings in private col- Self-Portrait in a Straw Hat (1783; National Gal- lections she visited in the company of her mother. lery of Art, London), which deliberately quotes a By the age of fifteen, she had established herself as a portrait by Peter Paul Rubens. While some scholars professional portraitist but practiced without a li- consider this work to be a straightforward tribute to cense. In 1774, after her studio had been seized by the celebrated courtier-artist, others regard it as a officers of the Chaˆtelet (royal tribunal in Paris), she clever assertion on the part of Vige´e-Lebrun of her applied for membership in the Acade´mie de Saint- ability to assume a similar place in history. Indeed,

160 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VIGE´ E-LEBRUN, ELISABETH

Elisabeth Vige´ e-Lebrun. Marie Antoinette with her children, 1787. THE ART ARCHIVE/MUSE´ EDUCHAˆ TEAU DE VERSAILLES/DAGLI ORTI (A)

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 161 VIGE´ E-LEBRUN, ELISABETH her aspirations to enjoy the elevated status of a (Greek supper) took place in 1788, an impromptu history painter would be satisfied not by following event inspired by literary recitations at which guests the usual paths of academic progress, but through donned Greek attire and dined on a menu prepared her novel conceptions in the realm of portraiture from ancient recipes, served on a collection of ar- that challenged notions of conventional subject hi- chaic pottery. The entire affair was orchestrated by erarchies and divisions between genres. Vige´e-Lebrun and took on the character of a ta- bleau vivant (living painting). The expense of the PATRONAGE AND PRESTIGE event was greatly exaggerated by rumors, resulting Vige´e-Lebrun received her first royal commission in in her vilification in scandal sheets. In the late 1776, executing several portraits of the king’s 1780s, she increasingly became a figure of contro- brother, the comte de Provence (whereabouts un- versy. known). Two years later, she was called upon to A staunch royalist throughout her life, Vige´e- paint the queen. Marie Antoinette had been search- Lebrun profited from her service to the French ing for an artist who would best capture her like- court, but this allegiance also forced her into exile ness, and she responded to Vige´e-Lebrun’s singular during the Revolution of 1789, accompanied by her ability to lend an informal air to the requirements of only child, Jeanne Julie Louise (born 12 February royal portraiture. Her Portrait of Marie-Antoinette 1780). Her prestigious reputation did not fail her, with Her Children (1787; Muse´e national du and she continued to work in aristocratic circles, Chaˆteau de Versailles) is a brilliant combination of traveling first to Italy, then Austria, Germany, and tradition and innovation. In this painting, Vige´e- Russia. She enjoyed great success at these foreign Lebrun follows the conventions of state portraiture courts, securing her fortune before she was repatri- by looking back to Nattier’s portraits of Queen ated in 1801. While she continued to paint late in Marie-Leczinska and Madame Ade´laı¨de (the wife life, the energies of her last years were devoted to and daughter of Louis XV) in the construction of composing her memoirs, the first installment of her composition; however, she adds a contemporary which was published by Hippolyte Fournier in reference to the popular idea of the ‘‘good mother’’ 1835. Vige´e-Lebrun died in Paris at the age of by merging the ceremony of state with the intimacy eighty-seven. of family. This painting also transcends the limita- tions of a single genre by treating the portrait as See also Art: Artistic Patronage; France, Art in; Marie both a history painting and a scene of everyday life. Antoinette; Women and Art.

Equally novel was the Portrait of Marie- BIBLIOGRAPHY Antoinette (1783; private collection, Germany) en Primary Source chemise in which the sitter wears a simple, sheer The Memoirs of Elisabeth Vige´e-Le Brun. Translated by Siaˆn white muslin dress and straw hat. This remarkably Evans. Bloomington, Ind., 1989. casual portrait caused a sensation at the salon, where it was said that the queen appeared in her un- Secondary Sources Baillio, Joseph. Elisabeth Louise Vige´e Le Brun 1755–1842. derwear. While many critics commented on the im- Exh. cat. Fort Worth, 1982. propriety of such a representation, which was not —. ‘‘Le dossier d’une oeuvre d’actualite´ politique: formal enough to suit contemporary standards, this Marie-Antoinette et ses enfants par Mme Vige´e painting and others like it influenced the course of Lebrun.’’ L’oeil 308 (March 1981): 34–41 and 74–75; costume development in France. Such portraits and L’oeil 310 (May 1981): 53–60; 90–91. popularized a new look of loosely constructed gar- Goodden, Angelica. The Sweetness of Life: A Biography of ments, unpowdered hair, and natural curls—as op- Elisabeth Louise Vige´e Le Brun. London, 1997. posed to the conventional French dress that re- Radisich, Paula. ‘‘Qui peut definer les femmes? Vige´e- quired corsets and ornate wigs. Lebrun’s Portraits of an Artist.’’ Eighteenth-Century Studies 25 (Summer 1992): 441–468. In addition to her activities as a painter, Vige´e- Sheriff, Mary D. ‘‘The Cradle Is Empty: Elisabeth Vige´e- Lebrun hosted one of the most fashionable salons in Lebrun, Marie-Antoinette, and the Problem of Inten- Paris, where music, literature, and the arts were tion.’’ In Women, Art and the Politics of Identity in topics of conversation. Her famous souper grec Eighteenth-Century Europe. London, 2003.

162 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VILLAGES

—. The Exceptional Woman: Elisabeth Vige´e-Lebrun living. One grade above were those who leased, and the Cultural Politics of Art. Chicago and London, rented, or sharecropped a self-sufficient holding. In 1996. upper Normandy, a relatively prosperous region, JENNIFER D. MILAM these modestly independent farmers represented only about 20 percent of the village households in the late seventeenth century, and they leased fewer than twenty-five acres apiece. But this middling sort VILLAGES. The village, alongside the parish (in England, husbandmen) were universally shrink- and the family, was the most widespread unit of ing in numbers. Provinces as diverse as Languedoc social organization throughout the early modern and Normandy in France, as well as much of En- period. There were well over 130,000 villages in gland and Scotland, the maritime provinces of the western Europe, each a largely self-sufficient rural Dutch Republic, and northwestern Germany, all community with a population that averaged be- experienced significant losses of middling peasantry tween 100 and 500 inhabitants. Flexibly adapted to beginning in the mid-fifteenth century. a wide range of state structures and environments, At the pinnacle of village society a new peasant villages often enjoyed high degrees of self-govern- elite had fully developed by 1550, composed of ment. Many also performed essential state services, large leaseholders (copyholders) or freeholders including tax collection, poor relief, and the mainte- (owners). Known as laboureurs in France, yeomen nance of order. Although far from democratic in in England, or Vollbauern in Germany, they typi- modern terms, village assemblies at times displayed cally owned their own plow and team, employed the most broad-based political participation of any other villagers as day laborers, and exploited a mini- governing institution in western Europe. Villages mum of about 50–100 acres. Strongest in wealthier were anything but static communities; rates of mo- regions along the cereal plains of Europe and in bility and exogamy were significantly higher than England, these substantial peasant exploiters typi- once thought. This mobility in turn reflected major cally represented between 5 and 15 percent of vil- changes in land exploitation patterns and in world lage households. But they were surprisingly evident markets, which permanently altered the economic in poorer regions as well; they made up nearly 10 balance of communities between 1450 and 1789. percent of the population in parts of Naples, for By 1550, the polarization of villages into a minority example. This peasant elite was essential to the sta- of prosperous peasants exploiting large holdings bility of the community as a whole. They often lent and a majority of nearly landless rural laborers had seed, livestock, and cash to their poorer neighbors, dramatically changed the social landscape. By the though often at ruinous interest rates. Landless vil- end of the seventeenth century, the economic divi- lagers in turn depended upon casual wage labor sion of Europe into regions closely connected to the from wealthy peasants and landlords for their sur- Atlantic and world economies and regions left be- vival. In larger villages, the nucleus of cultivators hind affected patterns of wealth and power within and laborers was complemented by a small group of villages. rural artisans (especially coopers and blacksmiths) and service providers (millers and innkeepers). VILLAGE ORGANIZATION AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE This core of peasants, artisans, and wage la- Social hierarchy in the village was well defined in borers was topped by a thin layer of privileged rural most regions. As serfdom or villeinage declined by elites. These were men (and occasionally women) 1450, a new pyramidal social structure had emerged who were of the village, but not entirely in it. Noble over a broad swath of western Europe. At the base lords or seigneurs resided in some villages, although of the peasantry were landless day laborers, joined they were increasingly absentee landlords by the by cottagers who rented or sharecropped less than seventeenth century. Their estate stewards and enough land to live on in bad years. In many regions seigneurial court judges, along with well-to-do they constituted 50 to 60 percent of the village landlords who were not yet noble (gentry or sieurs), population, and increasingly depended upon weav- priests and pastors, royal judges, and rural mer- ing and cottage industry to eke out a subsistence chants all exercised substantial control over land use

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 163 VILLAGES

Villages. A Village Street with Peasants and Travelers, a Canal Beyond, by Jan Brueghel the Younger. ᮊCHRISTIE’S IMAGES/CORBIS and wages in the village. This group also collectively nificant changes in village land-use patterns. The controlled civil, canon, and customary laws; crimi- English enclosure movements of the sixteenth and nal punishment; public works; and some poor re- eighteenth centuries, like the notorious highland lief—powers that affected villagers on a daily basis. clearances in Scotland, fenced off common lands for sheep runs or agricultural improvements. Engross- The physical maps of western European villages ment allowed larger blocks of fields to be brought varied greatly, but tended to fall into two main under the management of one owner or lessor, patterns. Across the broad band of open cereal which made enclosures easier. The social conse- plains like the Beauce, the nucleated village with its quences were often dire: increasing pauperization or outlying fields cut up into plow strips or furlongs flight of villagers who no longer had crucial access was typical. In wooded areas like Shropshire, En- to the common lands. Even without these new gland, or mountainous regions like the Pyrenees, stresses, village communities were the sites of a deli- Alps, and Apennines, isolated farms and scattered cate balancing act between resources and popula- hamlets were common. They enjoyed some of the tion throughout the early modern period. Late mar- highest levels of autonomy and self-government, re- riages, low rates of illegitimacy, and limitation of mote as they were from the central state. But these family size were the key factors that allowed villages scattered settlements were intimately tied together to survive under near-subsistence conditions. by common social institutions, particularly the par- ish church, the local market, and the law courts. Despite their small size, there was a high degree of social and economic mobility bubbling below the From the sixteenth through the eighteenth cen- surface of western European villages. Some was turies, however, the twin processes of enclosure and downward mobility, driven by growing rural engrossment (consolidation) of fields wrought sig- stresses from the mid-sixteenth to the eighteenth

164 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VILLAGES century. Economic polarization that pushed more lies. This sense of neighborhood emerged in the peasants into the landless category, population language as voisinage in France and Nachbarschaft growth that overburdened villages, and the enclo- in Germany, and it was cemented by a number of sure and engrossment of land caught many in the institutions and traditions. At the center was the economic downdraft. Villages across Europe ex- parish church, which united even scattered farms pressed increasing concerns about (and often a and hamlets into the village community. (In many hardening of attitudes toward) vagabonds, ‘‘sturdy regions parish and village boundaries were largely beggars,’’ and the settled poor. Expanding cities coterminous, but they were not always so.) Sunday like London and Paris were one of the safety valves services were only one of the occasions for creating for the rural needy. The resultant rates of mobility parish bonds. Religious confraternities, celebrations are sometimes striking: One English village in of holy days, marriages, and baptisms all helped to Northamptonshire experienced a 52 percent turn- cement communal bonds across family lines. The over in households in just the twenty years before parish church, in tandem with the village assembly, 1638. organized poor relief for the community. Even the arrangement of the church served to remind vil- Upward mobility was still in the grasp of other lagers of their assigned place in the social hierarchy: village groups, however. Prosperous peasants be- church benches, for those important enough to sit came the feeder school for the gentry. Those who during services, were strictly arranged according to had acquired roughly a hundred acres or more rank. could begin the delicate process of insinuating themselves into the landlord class of the village by Beyond the doors of the parish church, taverns, ceasing to work with their hands, educating sons in alehouses, and weekly markets served as vital centers the law, marrying into gentry families, and having of sociability. On winter evenings, villagers often themselves duly noted down in the parish records as congregated together to save light, repair tools, and sieurs or ‘‘gentlemen.’’ Indeed, the wealthy peas- tell stories. Seigneurial and royal assizes regularly antry and the gentry often formed a kind of social brought villagers together to resolve (or occasion- convection zone in the village, where gentry who ally inflame) their disputes in court. Many of these failed to maintain their position sank back into the institutions and traditions cut through social hier- peasantry, and careful peasants moved up to replace archies and regularly brought poorer and wealthier them. In the parish of Myddle in seventeenth-cen- members of the village into contact with each other. tury England, only half the gentry were able to But villages were also arenas of conflict, which was maintain their status over two or three generations; expressed in endemic lawsuits, physical violence, the rest were replaced by yeomen and merchants. charivaris, and witchcraft accusations. The inherent The most difficult step upward was from the day tensions created by wide gulfs in economic, honor- laborer or cottager class into the ranks of the ific, and power status were always latent. Even a wealthy peasantry. One expert has estimated that it relatively small community of forty or fifty families required an English day laborer’s wages for a hun- might encompass a family of supernova aristocrats dred years to acquire a self-sufficient farm holding. and landless paupers. Moreover, the numerous advantages held by village The village in turn was more deeply embedded elites made it difficult to become a self-sufficient in larger economic and social circuits than was once landowner. Through strategic marriages, command believed. Annual fairs brought into the village coun- of property law, control of the village assembly and try dwellers from a wide circumference, as well as common lands, and usurious loans secured by merchants from urban areas; in France these often farms, land was magnetically attracted toward those included theater troupes and peddlers of cheap pop- who already had land. ular books (the famous Bibliothe`que Bleue). Royal courts on the Continent, and circuit assizes in En- COMMUNAL BONDS gland, drew university-trained lawyers and judges The organization of western Europe into villages, as into the countryside. English justices of the peace, opposed to tribal or kinship organization, was based drawn almost exclusively from the rural gentry class, on neighborhood solidarities among distinct fami- had become fixtures in the House of Commons by

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 165 VILLAGES

Villages. A seventeenth-century engraving depicts commercial activities at the edge of a village. THE GRANGER COLLECTION,NEW YORK the seventeenth century and were expected to help officials, and grain suppliers. One need only think of control elections to Parliament in the county. Aris- the German Peasants’ War of 1524–1525, the re- tocrats and nobles took rural servants, particularly volt of the Nu-Pieds in Normandy in 1639–1640, women and girls, into the cities with them; many of or the rebellion of the Bonnets Rouges in Brittany in them returned to the village as young women with 1675 to see that grievances over seigneurial exac- dowries. In transhumance areas and coastal regions, tions and innovative tax schemes were always sim- it was the young men who typically left home for mering in rural communities. Moreover, these dis- months at a time, to follow herds of sheep or to fish turbances were almost never led by the landless as far away as Newfoundland. Above all, the produc- poor, but rather by those who had something to tion of both bulk goods and luxury goods for the lose in the village: the natural peasant leadership. Atlantic trade tied villages into global cycles of boom and bust. Production of cotton, linen, and VILLAGE GOVERNMENT AND FUNCTIONS flax, the weaving and dying of fabric and lace, cheese Villages were composite entities made up of over- making, wine making, and glassmaking became lapping institutions, above all the family, the parish, central to village economies from the Veneto in the seigniory (or lordship), and the village assembly. Italy to western France to Flanders and the Dutch This last institution is what gave the village commu- Republic. As both the state and impersonal eco- nity its formal coherence; it developed special char- nomic forces made a wider impact on village life, acteristics in the West. In France, village communes they became the source of new discontents. or assemblies (communaute´s, assemble´es) had re- Their solidarity helped to make villages the nat- ceived formal charters by the thirteenth century in ural locus of rural riots and protests against these some areas; in others, they remained informal but wider powers. Enclosure riots in England and Scot- recognized institutions. They were composed of land, periodic tax and bread riots, and poaching and heads of households, since the household, not the smuggling everywhere expressed the villagers’ firm individual, was the fundamental social unit. But sense of their customary rights against landlords, tax within the assembly, the hierarchical village social

166 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VILLAGES structure was instantly apparent. The households of ine and disease, escalating tax demands from the laboureurs or yeomen normally dominated land-use central state, and marauding armies spawned by the issues, tax matters, and village offices. Assemblies civil, religious, and international warfare of the age were predominantly male, although evidence indi- regularly decimated individual villages. Neverthe- cates that widows with substantial holdings were less, villages collectively remained a resilient and sometimes admitted. adaptable social unit throughout the early modern Although the constellation of powers in any period, and one on which the wealth of most of given village was unique, their local functions were Europe depended. quite similar. The Gemeinde in northwestern Ger- See also Agriculture; Landholding; Mobility, Geographic; many, like the assembly in England and the com- Mobility, Social; Peasantry; Peasants’ War, German; mune in France, met periodically after Mass to elect Popular Protest and Rebellions; Wages. syndics or council members and other minor offi- cials. They managed most communal aspects of life, BIBLIOGRAPHY from grammar schools to ale quality, by appointing schoolmasters, aleconners, shepherds, and harvest Primary Source Gough, Richard. The History of Myddle, edited by David guards. Through the fabrique (vestry), they jointly Hey. Harmondsworth, U.K., and New York, 1981. shouldered responsibility for the upkeep of the par- Printed version of manuscript (1703). ish church. Above all, the assembly controlled cru- cial aspects of land use and labor. They set the dates Secondary Sources of the grain or wine harvest, fixed wages for day Davis, Natalie Zemon. The Return of Martin Guerre. Cam- laborers, and controlled the sale, lease, or rental of bridge, Mass., 1983. the common lands. Waters, woods, wastelands, and Forster, Robert, and Orest Ranum, eds. Rural Society in meadows were collectively managed, which pro- France: Selections from the Annales; e´conomies, socie´tie´s, vided a crucial margin of survival for many villagers. civilisations. Translated by Elborg Forster and Patricia M. Ranum. Baltimore, 1977. The village assemblies also performed critical functions for the early modern state, which had only Ginzburg, Carlo. The Cheese and the Worms: The Cosmos of a a thin presence at the local level. By far their most Sixteenth-Century Miller. Translated by John and Anne contentious task in regions like France and the Ital- Tedeschi. Baltimore, 1980. ian city-states was apportioning and collecting royal Goubert, Pierre, and Daniel Roche. Les Franc¸ais et l’Ancien taxes in the village. In France, the community was Regime. Paris, 1984. then burdened with collective responsibility for Huppert, George. After the Black Death: A Social History of making up any shortfall in uncollected taxes. Vil- Early Modern Europe. Bloomington, Ind., 1986. lages often exercised important legal and policing Le Roy Ladurie, Emmanuel. The French Peasantry, 1450– powers at the local level. Some German assemblies 1660. Translated by Alan Sheridan. Berkeley, 1987. were allowed to set their own weights, measures, Porter, Roy. English Society in the Eighteenth Century. Lon- and prices. French assemblies increasingly used law- don, 1982. suits in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to contest their rights with other villages, their lords, Sabean, David Warren. Power in the Blood: Popular Culture or even with royal officials. Drunken or disorderly and Village Discourse in Early Modern Germany. Cam- bridge, U.K., and New York, 1984. behavior, domestic fights, scolding, and market- place fraud were typically handled through local Underdown, David. Revel, Riot, and Rebellion: Popular Pol- seigneurial courts, in petty sessions, or by village itics and Culture in England 1603–1660. Oxford and arbiters. New York, 1985. Vardi, Liana. The Land and the Loom: Peasants and Profit in While communes or assemblies provided a sig- Northern France, 1680–1800. Durham, N.C., 1993. nificant measure of self-government under normal conditions, they were nevertheless sharply circum- Wegert, Karl H. Popular Culture, Crime, and Social Control in Eighteenth-Century Wu¨rtemberg. Stuttgart, 1994. scribed in their ability to protect the village from environmental or political disasters. Cycles of fam- ZOE¨ A. SCHNEIDER

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 167 VILNIUS

city’s lingua franca by the early seventeenth century, VILNIUS (Polish, Wilno; Yiddish, Vilna). Vil- and all Christians (and some of the Tatars who nius was the capital of the Grand Duchy of Lithua- tended toward assimilation) felt the draw of Polish nia, thus the second capital of the Commonwealth cultural norms. of Poland-Lithuania. Established at a crossroads be- tween East and West, it imported Muscovite furs Lutherans and Calvinists established schools in and reexported them, along with local forest prod- the middle of the sixteenth century, but the Jesuits ucts, by river to the Baltic (Ko¨nigsberg, Riga, and (introduced here in 1569) soon offered effective Gdan´sk were among its trading partners), whence it competition. Stephen Ba´thory made their collegium imported fabrics, salt, spices, fruit, and metals. Vil- (established in 1570) into an academy in 1578. It nius received the Magdeburg Law for municipal would become Poland-Lithuania’s second univer- self-government in 1387 following the Grand sity (after Cracow), eventually bearing the name of Duchy’s acceptance of Christianity and entry into its royal founder. The academy welcomed the sons federation with Poland. The city had long had a of the grand duchy’s ‘‘dissidents’’ and played an mixed population (pagan Lithuanians, Orthodox important role in the Catholicization of society in Ruthenians [Ancestors of Ukrainians and Belarus- the seventeenth century. ians], Catholic Germans). In 1536 a royal decree established ‘‘Greek’’ and ‘‘Roman’’ parity for elec- Vilnius was home to early Cyrillic printing tions to the magistracy. Lutherans (largely burgher houses (the earliest that of Francysk Skaryna, in and German in origin) date their continuing pres- 1524), and a Calvinist shop (Daniel of Łe˛czyca) ence from 1555, Calvinists (led by increasingly functioned in the years 1581–1607. Here, too, the Polonized nobles) from the 1560s, and Greek Cath- Jesuits’ Academy Press (1592–1804) soon took olics from the Union of Brest (1596). Islamic Tatars over the local market, also printing for Vilnius Un- had settled in the Lukisˇke˙s (Łukiszki) suburb iates. Vilnius became a center of Jewish culture in around 1400. Jews came relatively late, receiving the eighteenth century, during the life of the Gaon their first privilege for settlement within the walls in Rabbi Elijah (1720–1797). 1593. The general decline of Vilnius began with the All five recognized Christian confessions com- peted for office in the magistracy under Greek (Or- Muscovite occupation of the city (1655–1661) and thodox and Uniate) and Roman (Catholic, Lu- was deepened with the depredations of the North- theran, Calvinist) rubrics until 1666, when a royal ern War (1700–1721). Vilnius’s status as capital of decree limited membership in the ruling elite to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania ceased with the third Catholics and Uniates. ‘‘Dissidents’’ (Orthodox, partition of Poland (1795), when it became a pro- Lutherans, Calvinists) remained a significant pres- vincial city of the Russian Empire. ence in the merchants’ and artisans’ guilds, where See also Belarus; Jews and Judaism; Lithuania, Grand parity arrangements mirroring those of the magis- Duchy of, to 1569; Poland-Lithuania, Common- tracy continued to function without the new restric- wealth of, 1569–1795; Poland to 1569; Reforma- tions. The competing Uniate and Orthodox confra- tions in Eastern Europe: Protestant, Catholic, and ternities made the city an early center of a Ruthenian Orthodox. spiritual and cultural revival. Jews governed them- selves autonomously through their kahal and the BIBLIOGRAPHY vaad or Council of the Chief Lithuanian Communi- Cohen, Israel. Vilna. Philadelphia, 1943. ties. Tatars went to their mullah for decisions on internal affairs. Both Jews and Tatars turned to the Frick, David. ‘‘The Bells of Vilnius: Keeping Time in a City of Many Calendars.’’ In Making Contact: Maps, Iden- nobles’ Castle Court (rather than the burghers’ tity, and Travel, edited by Glenn Burger, Lesley B. magistracy) for law in cases involving the Christian Cormack, Jonathan Hart, and Natalia Pylypiuk, pp. 23– world. 59. Edmonton, 2003. Although Vilnians spoke Polish, Ruthenian, Ragauskas, Aivas. Vilniaus miesto valdantysis elitas XVII a. Lithuanian, German, and Yiddish, Polish was the antrojoje puse˙je (1662–1702 m.). Vilnius, 2002.

168 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VINCENT DE PAUL

Schramm, Gerhard. ‘‘Protestantismus und sta¨dtische Gesell- schaft in Wilna (16.–17. Jahrhundert).’’ Jahrbu¨cher fu¨r Geschichte Osteuropas 17 (1969): 187–214.

DAVID FRICK

VINCENT DE PAUL (1581–1660), foun- der of the Congregation of the Mission and of the Daughters of Charity. Vincent de Paul was not only one of the main figures of the Catholic Reformation but also one of the most popular French saints of the seventeenth century. His reputation as philan- thropist and pragmatic protector of the underprivi- leged, already secured during his life, somewhat overshadows the political, spiritual, and mystical as- pects of his life, revealed in his extensive correspon- dence. Born in 1581 in a modest peasant family of Pouy (Aquitaine), Vincent found in the church the most likely means of social promotion. Subsidized by the judge of his hamlet, Monsieur de Comet, he St. Vincent de Paul. Nineteenth-century portrait engraving. was sent to the Cordeliers’ college of Dax (1595– GETTY IMAGES 1597). In 1600, he was ordained priest and in 1604, he vanished for two years. Many historians speculate on this disappearance. According to what Be´rulle and Franc¸ois de Sales, whom he considered Vincent de Paul himself wrote to his protector Co- his most influential masters, Vincent de Paul was met, during a sea trip from Marseille to Toulouse, less speculative and more inclined toward action. he was captured and sold as a slave in Tunis, where He considered that true Christian perfection did he stayed for two years. He managed to convert his not consist of mystical ecstasies but of charitable slave master, a renegade, and to flee with him back field enterprises. With De Gondi’s financial help, to France. After traveling to Rome and Avignon, he Vincent de Paul founded the Congregation of the finally settled in Paris in 1608, was made chaplain to Mission. The so-called Lazarists (named after the the queen Marguerite de Valois (1610), and began priory of Saint-Lazare where the community settled to move in the de´vot circles, becoming very close to in 1632; approved by pope Urban VIII in 1633) Pierre de Be´rulle and the Oratorians. In 1612, he devoted themselves to the parish missions (de- became the parish priest of Clichy, following the scribed by Vincent de Paul in his letters as ‘‘the post-Tridentine line: renovating the church, cate- salvation of the poor people of the countryside’’) chizing its people, erecting the Confre´rie du Rosaire and to the training of the local priests, for it was seen (brotherhood of the Rosary). A year later, he be- ‘‘necessary to maintain the people and to keep the came chaplain to the family of Philippe-Emmanuel fruit of the missions made by good ecclesiastics, de Gondi, and his life changed. imitating in this the great conquerors, who leave In 1617, Vincent de Paul was shocked by the garrisons in the places they take, by fear to lose what deep ignorance of the faith he found among the they have acquire with so much effort.’’ To this end, inhabitants of the hamlet of Folleville, on the do- the Tuesday Conferences were launched in 1631— main of De Gondis’s family. This awareness, de- a kind of continuing education for priests that al- scribed by many as a true conversion, seemed to lowed them to reflect, pray, and work in common dictate his calling. He decided to instruct the poor and that gathered the elite of the Parisian clerics. and become a missionary. Contrary to Pierre de The same ideal guided the opening of the Lazarist

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 169 VIOLENCE seminary for ordinands in 1642 in the College des 1643)—though he vigorously condemned his Jan- Bons Enfants. The idea was less to give a high senist ideas—and the Jesuits, with whom he never theological culture than to give a solid moral, spiri- hesitated to collaborate and among whom he found tual, and pastoral education to the future priests inspiration. who would be called, as Vincent de Paul wrote in his See also Be´rulle, Pierre de; Catholic League (France); Colloquium to the Missionaries, ‘‘to preach simply Franc¸ois de Sales; Jansenism; Reformation, Catho- and familiarly as did the apostles.’’ The expansion of lic; Religious Orders; Trent, Council of. the Lazarists was remarkable, first in France (in 1660, 131 priests and 52 coadjutors lived in 25 BIBLIOGRAPHY residences and had organized some 840 missions in Dodin, Andre´. La le´gende et l’histoire: De monsieur Depaul a` the countryside) then in the field of the foreign saint Vincent de Paul. Paris, 1985. missions (Madagascar in 1648), for the Lazarists —. Vincent de Paul and Charity: A Contemporary Por- added to their former objectives the conversion of trait of His Life and Apostolic Spirit. Translated by Jean the ‘‘pagans.’’ Marie Smith and Dennis Saunders. New Rochelle, N.Y., 1993. From the beginning, each Lazarist mission con- Dubois, Raymonde, and Luigi Mezzadri. ‘‘Evangelization cluded with the creation of Confre´ries de Charite´ and charite´; Reformation and Counter-Reformation.’’ (Brotherhoods of Charity), which gathered and or- History of European Ideas, 9, no. 4 (1988): 479–488. ganized local noblewomen to care for the poor. In Foucault, Michel. Folie et de´raison: Histoire de la folie a` l’aˆge 1633, Vincent de Paul and his closest collaborator, classique. Paris, 1961. the widow Louise de Marillac (1591–1660), Gutton, Jean-Pierre. La socie´te´ et les pauvres: L’exemple de la founded the Daughters of Charity in order to sup- ge´ne´ralite´ de Lyon, 1534–1789. Paris, 1971. port the Brotherhoods of Charity and to achieve Jones, Colin. The Charitable Imperative: Hospitals and charitable work on a larger scale, combining spiri- Nursing in Ancien Re´gime and Revolutionary France. tual salvation with material help in keeping with the London and New York, 1989. recommendations of the Council of Trent. Non- Mezzadri, Luigi. Histoire de la Congre´gation de la mission. cloistered and dressed as peasant women, the ‘‘grey Paris, 1994. nuns’’ contributed to implement in France the basis —. Vincent de Paul (1581–1660). Paris, 1985. of health and social service (there were sixty houses Miquel, Pierre. Vincent de Paul. Paris, 1996. in 1659). Similarly, Vincent de Paul founded Salem-Carrie`re, Yves-Marie. Saint Vincent de Paul et la L’Oeuvre des Enfants Trouve´s (Care of Found- politique. Boue`re, France, 1992. lings), which aimed to rescue abandoned children, and he supported various charitable undertakings DOMINIQUE DESLANDRES for the sick, the disabled, and beggars, activities that were centralized in the network of the general hos- pitals that developed in the 1650s. VIOLENCE. Violence was endemic in early Until his death in 1660, the influence of ‘‘the modern Europe, from Scandinavia to the Mediter- father of the poor’’ was considerable. He was associ- ranean, and from the Urals to the British Isles. Serfs ated with the main de´vot circles, in the secret Com- and peasants wielded knives and staffs, most gen- pagnie du Saint Sacrement (Company of the Holy tlemen and merchants wore swords and/or pistols, Sacrament), and in the Visitation Sainte Marie and nobles and their numerous retainers were simi- (where he replaced Franc¸ois de Sales as superior). larly armed. Even teenaged students carried knives Queen Anne of Austria chose him as her confessor in their schools, brawled in the streets, and operated and placed him in 1643 at the Council of Con- as gangs. The weapons used were often determined science initiated by Cardinal Richelieu, who, like by class, as were the instruments of public death. King Louis XIII, had held him in great esteem. Thus while serfs and peasants were hanged, the aris- Since he avoided the various spiritual conflicts of his tocracy had the privilege of death by the sword; time, he managed to stay close to parties who were women were burned alive or drowned. Tempers adversaries: the old families of the Catholic League were short in this society, and weapons were easy to such as the Marillacs, the abbot Saint-Cyran (1581– hand. The propertied classes, especially, lacked self-

170 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VIOLENCE control until the waning of the seventeenth century. tionalist literature boasting graphic representations They encouraged gangs of retainers or hired thugs, of murder and mayhem, the aristocratic and middle or they formed groups of brigands, to assault ene- classes of Europe began to reform their behavior in mies in paying off grudges or pursuing local or po- what Norbert Elias termed ‘‘a civilizing process.’’ litical power. Without social support, many traditional forms of personal violence inevitably declined. At the same Rates of violent activity that can be quantified time, growth in the state’s control of violence from official records in western Europe suggest a through policing (particularly in France and Spain) large rise from the fifteenth to the seventeenth cen- and weapons licensing had a profound effect on turies, followed by a long decline to the late eigh- communities, limiting opportunities for violence. teenth century. Rates of violent crime based on Finally, with the decay of a popular culture indictments and inquests rose sharply from the grounded in violence and new expectations of social 1560s to the 1620s, peaking at the turn of century comportment enforced by the state’s judicial sys- at ten per hundred thousand. They then declined tem, both group and interpersonal violence receded greatly in the mid-seventeenth century, when they into the background. reached six per hundred thousand, drifted lower in 1700, when they reached three per hundred thou- However, perceptions of violence were not eas- sand, and then declined significantly in the mid- ily changed. The late seventeenth and early eigh- eighteenth century, when they reached two per teenth centuries witnessed a surge of popular litera- hundred thousand. In all countries, however, rates ture in the form of pamphlets and ballads that told were highest in the borderlands and lowest in cen- gruesome tales of horrid violent acts; these materials tral urban areas. were republished throughout the eighteenth cen- tury. This perception was also promoted by women PERSONAL VIOLENCE who wrote best-sellers on sensational and scandal- The sixteenth century represented the apex of a ous violent acts by women, which became stereo- long-term acceleration in personal violence that be- types in the literature of the era. Moreover, while gan in the decades following the Black Death of the group violence at the hands of the aristocracy was in mid-fourteenth century. Social, economic, and reli- decline, the rise of the duel among aristocrats came gious conflict nurtured violent solutions in an age into vogue in the course of the seventeenth century, where there were few institutions to control human most significantly in France, Italy, and England, in activity. Thus personal violence rose in the midst of spite of the admonitions of churchmen, lawyers, the decline of medieval institutions and the judges, and moralists. And while plebeian and gen- cobbling together of new ones that would form the tlemanly delinquency was on the decline, individual early modern state. Personal violence, whether reac- aristocratic delinquency in the form of sexual and tive, instinctive, or ritualized, became an acceptable roisterous debauchery was on the rise. Thus while form of human behavior. interpersonal violence had declined sharply in the overall population by the mid-eighteenth century, However, a growing intolerance of brutality in its growing absence the public appetite for stories marked a shift in social psychology that developed of violence had increased dramatically. in England, the Low Countries, Scandinavia, France, and Switzerland, and which later spread first Much violence, however, was spontaneous. The throughout western Europe, and more slowly Paduan artist Niccolo` Pizzolo was murdered in a across the Mediterranean, in the course of the quick-tempered argument; the Mantuan painter seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. An in- Andrea Mantegna hired thugs to beat up rivals who creasingly civilized and sophisticated view of the pinched his designs; the Swiss artist Urs Graf dis- behavior of middle class citizens, together with a played bouts of brutal beatings; the sculptor-painter stronger sense of ‘‘the peace of God’’ in Catholic Michelangelo of Florence had his nose broken in a and Protestant churches of the Reformation and fight with a fellow sculptor; and Christopher Mar- Counter-Reformation, caused a movement away lowe was stabbed to death in a tavern brawl, as was from violence as a means for the resolution of per- the actor Gabriel Spencer by the London playwright sonal quarrels and disputes. Distressed by sensa- Ben Jonson. Fencing grew in popularity in the six-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 171 VIOLENCE teenth century as the rapier became a favourite with their bats, and a statute from 1563 stated that a weapon of fashionable society because of its more man under age twenty-four ‘‘is wild, without judg- flexible and lightweight qualities in violent confron- ment and not of sufficient experience to govern tations. Many towns enacted legislation to ban the himself.’’ Much of this violence was conditioned by carrying of arms in public places, all to little avail. their exposure to extreme cruelty early in life. But most standards of behavior were flaunted, espe- Throughout Europe, cats were stoned to death, and cially by youths at a time (late sixteenth and early bulls and bears were baited and maimed, as were seventeenth centuries) when male adolescents and individuals accused of criminal offences. It was not young bachelors comprised a significant proportion unusual for crowds to see impaled men on stakes of the population increase. thrown to the ground to be eaten by dogs and crows. As Juan de Mariana of Toledo wrote in Violence was also embedded in the extreme pas- 1599, killing beasts brutally was a short step from sions of the fifteenth century, which continued into killing men. the sixteenth. Rapes, murders, fisticuffs, and knif- ings followed adulteries or rejections, as recounted Finally, women throughout Europe were re- in the stories of Margaret of Angouleˆme, Queen of sponsible for their own violent acts. These acts were Navarre, in the 1530s and 1540s. These passions accepted because of the perception of sex: women, also influenced perceptions that violent crime was ruled by their physical body rather than by rational ‘‘situationally determined’’: they can be seen in the capacity, and aggressive in their actions, possessed activities of cunning women in England, muchachos magical powers over men. This was seen in the role and caballeristas in Spain, strollica in Italy, znakhar of women in murder, rape, and suicide in contem- in Russia, and charivari in France. They also can be porary writing, prose fiction, and drama. Sexual vio- found in the activities of people on the margins, lence became a defining element in male-female such as suicides and witches, and the unrecorded relations through rape, ravishment, and seduction. inhabitants of marshes, forests, and moors. Older women were also active in violence, especially in Ireland, Holland, and France in riots and rebel- Other examples of personal violence were lions against communities and the state. In Ger- clearly ritualized. These included, for continental many they were as apt as men to be tortured by Europe, punching a debtor until he agreed to pay, church or state for acts asof ill conduct. Their vio- hiring assassins in family vendettas, and gathering lence, however, was more pronounced in towns armed bands to redress wrongs real or imagined. In than in the countryside. German towns, initiation riots for journeyman aspi- rants to the Hanseatic merchant guilds included STATE-SPONSORED VIOLENCE being hanged from a chimney until out of breath, Meanwhile, institutions of the state, through war, thrown three times from a boat in the harbor and interrogation, and the courts, became major players pushed back into the sea upon climbing in each time in dispensing acts of violence against their own and until the last, and being whipped bloody in the neighboring peoples. While unquantifiable, it guildhall. Erasmus noted from his enlightened Rot- would be safe to assume that interpersonal relations terdam and Paris that the initiation ceremonies for became more peaceful in the course of the early schools were ‘‘fit for executioners, torturers, pimps modern era, especially in the second half of the or galley-slaves.’’ seventeenth century, but that society as a whole Youth were often regarded by authorities as pri- became more violent with the actions of city- and nation-states from the late sixteenth to the early mary agents of personal violence. In Swiss and Ital- eighteenth centuries. ian towns, youthful vigilantes used violence upon older citizens who committed immoral sins such as The sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were a gambling and the ostentatious display of wealth. In time of ubiquitous violence unleashed by new na- French towns, intervillage combat games led to tion-states. This was violence inflicted upon civilians beatings and killings, which were regarded as part of by employed or discharged soldiers living in their the culture of sport. In England, there are recorded midst; institutionalized violence such as torture and examples of youthful cricketers beating one another execution; violence associated with extra-legal dis-

172 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VIOLENCE pute resolution in the form of duels, feuds, and tributed to a shift in violence from personal to state arbitration; interpersonal violence as assault, homi- controlled. cide, domestic violence, rape, and infanticide; group violence in the rituals of youth gangs, carnival, and REGIONAL VARIATIONS sports; popular protest displayed in enclosure, food, Europe comprises an area of diverse regions, and its and tax riots; and the organized crime of bandits geography has led to the work of the Annales and highwaymen. In the end, violence was never far School of quantitative research that has included from the consciousness of early modern Europeans. violence as one of its subjects. In France and Italy, each region has a research leader and team. In other War could be especially violent for civilian regions the focus has been on towns, as with the noncombatants. As Francesco Guicciardini wrote in Burgundian, Flemish, Helvetic, Dutch, German, 1525, ‘‘all political power is rooted in violence.’’ In and Swiss. In the British Isles and Scandinavia, it has the Schmalkaldic War of 1546–1547, Spanish been a combination of both regions and towns. troops suspended male civilians by their genitals, Most of the published research, however, has been then tortured them to reveal where they had hidden on Italy, France, the Netherlands, Swiss and Ger- their money and valuables; women and girls were man towns, the British Isles, and Nordic countries. raped. The link between personal and public vio- Results reveal that England, France, and the Neth- lence was well expressed by Pierre de la Primaudaye erlands were the most violent societies from the in 1577: out of quarrels and dissension come sixteenth to the mid-eighteenth century. sedition, civil, and open wars, and men, under the influence of war, ‘‘become savage.’’ In England, there were various high points from the alleged execution of 70,000 rogues during Violence was also a result of the growth of the reign of Henry VII to the ‘‘crime wave’’ of the wealth in the era as it came to a few, while poverty early 1600s. While criminal gangs were being elimi- worked its way into the many. Enclosure and the nated and the violence of private warfare waged by commercial cultivation of land caused rural depopu- the nobility was replaced with war in the courts lation and dearth, while swelling populations in (litigation), petty violence seems to have continued towns and cities caused job competition and low unabated, stimulated by the social and economic salaries in an age of rising prices for food. Thus dislocations of the first agricultural and industrial Leonardo da Vinci’s plan for an ideal town had revolution beginning in the late sixteenth century. upper walks for the gentility to protect them from In criminal acts, there was also a significant change the plebs. This idea came to symbolize one of the from violent acts against persons (personal crime) to primary aims of the new seventeenth-century state: acts against property (property crime). But while the suppression of disorder and the monopolization noble violence was diluted by resort to the courts, of violence in the form of ritualized public punish- violence was waged incessantly among the peas- ment. It proved workable in the new monarchies of antry. France, Netherlands, and the British Isles, moder- In Scandinavia, violence stemmed from per- ately feasible in Italian and German areas, and only sonal conflicts, as is visible in the famous witch trials partly possible in the Iberic world, Helvetic cities, of the 1660s and 1670s that involved mostly old and Nordic countries. women. Here, in the Nordic countries, crimes of In the end, the dawn of the modern era of violence, especially lethal violence, underwent a violence occurred in the late eighteenth century major decline during the late seventeenth and early with the disintegration of monarchial governments eighteenth centuries. As in England, violence be- and the rise of secular nation-states, organized ban- came more tied to economic disputes, both rural dits and brigades, and modern warfare. These insti- and urban. Much of the violence caused by tutions precipitated a professional police, central ‘‘honor’’ disappeared as disputes came to be re- courts, and the prison as the royal power of the early solved in nonviolent ways. However, by the late modern era gave way to the state power of modern seventeenth century women came to be charged times. Thus the growth of the modern state from with one-third of all offenses because of sexual the sixteenth to the early eighteenth century con- crimes that were first prosecuted during Reforma-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 173 VIRTUE tion efforts to curb extramarital sex, infanticide, and lence from the view of the perpetrator, apart from witchcraft. Violent offenders were often goldsmiths, London historians who have interpreted violent acts shoemakers, peasants, and farmhands; only soldiers as strategies of the poor to aid their quest for sur- were overrepresented after wars. vival in the eighteenth-century city. In poor and isolated regions of France, violence See also Assassination; Cities and Urban Life; Class, Sta- was directed downward, rarely upward, in the social tus, and Order; Crime and Punishment; Duel; Pas- order. Much of the violence was that of a riposte— sions; Police; Torture. informal justice administered by someone provoked BIBLIOGRAPHY into violent action. Here magistrates showed little Beattie, John. Policing and Punishment in London, 1660– interest in investigating popular traditions of ‘‘self- 1750: Urban Crime and the Limits of Terror. Oxford, help.’’ A similar situation existed in Italy with the 2001. popular vendetta. This was demonstrated by the Burke, Peter. Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe. New Zambarlini family, who turned their victims into York, 1978. ‘‘dogmeat.’’ They dismembered corpses, leaving Egmond, Florike. Underworlds: Organized Crime in the them unburied to be consumed by dogs or pigs, Netherlands, 1650–1800. Cambridge, U.K., 1993. thereby denying their victims the rites of Christian Elias, Norbert. The Civilizing Process. 2 vols. Translated by burial and the hope of eternal salvation. Edmund Jephcott. 1st ed. 1978. New York, 2001. Regional variations also involved distinctions Emsley, Clive, and Louis A. Knafla, eds. Crime History and between violence in rural and urban settings. In the Histories of Crime: Studies in the Historiography of Crime and Criminal Justice in Modern History. West- county of Essex, England, for example, the rate of port, Conn., 1996. interpersonal violence has been estimated as three Evans, Richard J., ed. The German Underworld: Deviants times the national average. However, that may be and Outcasts in German History. London, 1988. due to the fact that Essex was the center of the Greenshields, Malcolm. An Economy of Violence in Early Puritan movement, where local clergy were vigilant Modern France: Crime and Justice in the Hauite in having acts of violence reported, and where hu- Avergne, 1587–1664. University Park, Pa., 1994. man acts previously regarded as nonviolent (such as Kiernan, V. G. The Duel in European History: Honour and child- and wife-beating) were now regarded as vio- the Reign of Aristocracy. Oxford, 1988. lent in nature and to be strongly condemned and O¨ sterberg, Eva, and D. Lindstro¨m. Crime and Social Con- eliminated. In major urban areas such as London, trol in Medieval and Early Modern Swedish Towns. however, local authorities took a strong hand in Uppsala, 1988. highlighting major violent acts and creating institu- Ruff, Julius R. Violence in Early Modern Europe, 1500–1800. tions to reduce violence. Therefore, Londoners Cambridge, Mass., 2001. came to recognize the limits of terror with a new Sharpe, James. Crime in Early Modern England, 1550–1750. concern over violence associated with public hang- London, 1984; rev. ed., 1998. ings and their processions and public whippings in Stone, Lawrence. ‘‘Interpersonal Violence in English Soci- the streets; Londoners thus became advocates of the ety, 1300–1980.’’ Past & Present 101 (1983): 22–33. end of state-sponsored violence. LOUIS A. KNAFLA

CONCLUSION The historiography of violence has seen parallel de- velopments with social history since the mid 1970s, VIRTUE. Virtue refers to a valued human char- where there are distinct typologies linked to politics acteristic or to excellence, or to the sum of such and society and integrated into the wider historical qualities. Hence, the term has an inherently norma- context. Currently, there is an outpouring of theses, tive or evaluative connotation, since it selects out mostly on violence associated with homicide, infan- forms of knowledge and action that are approved ticide, sexual offences, gender, dearth, and forms of and commended. The notion of virtue in Western punishment. Recent publications emphasize the thought stems from the Greek word arete as trans- role of the state, the deployment of central author- lated into the Latin virtus. The concept has a long ity, and ideology. But there are few studies of vio- history in Europe and was widely employed in a

174 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VIRTUE number of contexts—social and political as well as straightforward decline than of complex transfor- moral—during the early modern period. mation. In its earliest Greek expressions, ‘‘virtue’’ de- The association of the Renaissance itself (espe- noted the superlative prowess of the heroic warrior cially in Italy) with the glorification of civic-minded and thus possessed both highly individualistic and virtue—the ethos of sacrifice for the sake of one’s gendered implications. Although the latter never fellow citizens and city—shared by members of a fully disappeared (hence the etymological connec- community (the so-called ‘‘civic humanism’’ thesis tion between virtue and virility, both derived from pioneered by Hans Baron) has come under serious the root vir, ‘man’), the former was subsumed into and deserved challenge. While it is true that many of the communal sphere with the rise of the classical the greatest humanists of the fifteenth and sixteenth polis. Virtue and the virtues came to be regarded in centuries embraced citizenship as the fullest expres- the city-states of the ancient world as coordinate sion of a virtuous human life, taking the Roman statesman-orator Cicero as their exemplar, others with the laws and customs of a given community. adopted alternative views. Praise of Caesar and the Thinkers as diverse as Pythagoras, Plato, and Aris- Roman Empire, and hence devaluation of civic vir- totle agreed that the moral character of the individ- tue, was quite common among leading humanists. ual constituted a microcosm of the political charac- A further group of Renaissance thinkers maintained ter of the city. The Greeks commonly identified four a more orthodox Christian account of virtue as so-called cardinal virtues—courage, wisdom, jus- essentially a mark of God’s grace or a trait that dem- tice, and temperance—although they also upheld onstrated one’s worthiness for salvation. Moreover, the worthiness of many other qualities. there was nothing essentially urban about the idea The ancient Romans and the European Chris- of public virtue as the foundation for a good state; tians generally embraced both the private and the such a view was as widespread at the courts of terri- public aspects of virtue. The popularity of philo- torial monarchs as in the cities of the Italian penin- sophical schools such as Stoicism and Epicureanism sula. Conceptions of virtue in Renaissance thought among cultivated Romans and the other-worldli- simply lacked the uniformity implied by the civic ness and asceticism of Christianity tended to locate humanism thesis as commonly stated. forms of virtue in the individual and to promote the Early modern Europe witnessed numerous at- priority of personal happiness over public good. Yet tempts to redefine, challenge, or criticize both con- the Romans (particularly in the period of the Re- ventional public and private ideals of virtue. Perhaps public) also hailed the sacrifices of leaders and fellow the most famous example of this is Niccolo` Machia- citizens who were motivated by purely civic goals. velli (1469–1527), who enjoys an infamous reputa- Likewise, medieval Christians expected that govern- tion for his attack on virtue, especially in its standard ment would be conducted by rulers whose actions classical and Christian versions. In his Il principe fully accorded with standards of earthly rectitude, (1513–1514; The prince), Machiavelli argues that justice primary among them. To the list of cardinal virtue as taught by ancient philosophers and virtues came to be added the so-called Christian or preached from pulpits is very often incompatible theological virtues of faith, hope, and charity. with effective use of political power. A ruler who seeks to govern according to the cardinal and theo- The conventional wisdom about the fate of vir- logical virtues will lose his office, since others who tue in modern Europe charts an arc of its are prepared to employ tactics that lack moral sanc- repoliticization during the Renaissance (in the guise tion will oust him in their own quest for position of so-called civic humanism), followed by a period and glory. Machiavelli peppers his little book with of redefinition and disappearance from the public tales of virtuous magistrates who have been ruined sphere occasioned by the Protestant Reformation, and vicious ones who have succeeded. According to the emergence of liberalism, the rise of commercial Machiavelli, the only assurance that the prince can society, and the spread of Enlightenment values. overcome the vicissitudes of politics is a readiness to This interpretation requires some qualification, act in a manner inconsistent with virtue when cir- however, inasmuch as the process was less one of cumstances require it. The Machiavellian ruler is not

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 175 VIRTUE above counseling murder, deception, manipulation, Another modification of traditional concep- and nearly every other mode of conventionally im- tions of virtue came with the continuing commer- moral conduct, if these acts prove efficient in main- cialization of European economic relations and so- taining hold on the levers of power. Machiavelli calls cial values. Whereas for the ancient philosophers this moral flexibility virtu` (the standard Italian word and medieval Christian theologians the private ac- for ‘virtue’), thus apparently turning the conven- cumulation of liquid wealth had been widely viewed tional discourse of ethics on its head. as incompatible with virtue, early modern authors began to reevaluate this doctrine. Some thinkers, Yet Machiavelli is not guilty of ‘‘teaching evil,’’ such as the Italian civic humanists Leonardo Bruni despite the accusation made against him. In fact, his (c. 1370–1444) and Gian Francesco Poggio Brac- conception of virtu` suggests that the ruler should ciolini (1380–1459), contended that citizens always act according to commonplace virtue when- should proudly acknowledge industriousness and ever he can do so without undermining his own self-acquired possessions as the foundation of mo- power. Conventionally evil means should only be rality and the greatness of their cities. Other authors used when absolutely necessary, and even then the went further. The Dutch-born Bernard de Mande- prince must do his best to ensure that people do not ville (1670–1733) proposed in his Fable of the Bees perceive him to be acting immorally, lest his reputa- (1714/1729) the famous principle that private vices tion be harmed. Moreover, Machiavelli seems to yield public goods, which is to say that the pursuit of think that this advice pertains only in the case of personal gain, and indeed the desire for comfort and holders of public office; Machiavellian virtu` is, one luxury, lead directly to the enrichment of society as a might say, a distinctively political way of acting, not whole and the consequent benefit of all its mem- to be commended to private persons in their inter- bers. actions with one another. Nor ought it be forgotten In spite of recent claims that the Enlightenment that in his own political loyalties and other political project of grounding morality on human reason writings, Machiavelli stood for a republican concep- alone led to the erosion of virtue-based ethics, tion of civic virtue that lauded the sacrifice of per- thinkers of the eighteenth century continued to sonal goals and desires for the sake of attaining the uphold virtue as central to the worthwhile human communal glory of one’s city. life. The central document of the Enlightenment, the Encyclope´die (1751–1758) compiled by Denis Machiavelli was not alone among early modern Diderot and Jean Le Rond d’Alembert, treated vir- European authors in reformulating ideas about vir- tue as an indwelling sense given to all members of tue inherited from the classical and Christian past. mankind universally and without exception and For example, many humanists posed questions thus invariable in its content across time and place. about the connection between virtue and nobility as While the Discours sur l’origine et les fondements de it had customarily been conceived. In this period, as l’ine´galite´ parmi les hommes (1755; Discourse on in early times, blood and birth were regarded as the origins of inequality) and the E´ mile (1762) of bestowing nobility upon an individual, and nobility Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712–1778) seem to treat in turn qualified a person to wield power and rule the conventional virtues as affectations imposed ar- over natural inferiors. But humanist writers pro- tificially and detrimentally upon naturally good hu- posed that virtue alone prepared men for political manity, their author still insisted upon virtue as in- office, since those who were most virtuous were dispensable for a free society. Using language that most likely to act for the common good. Hence, it any civic republican might endorse, Rousseau stipu- was the virtuous who possessed true nobility (vera lated in Discours sur l’e´conomie politique (1755; A nobilitas), and virtue was by no means coextensive discourse on political economy) that virtue is real- with paternity and landed wealth. In Italy and even ized when citizens conform their particular wills to more noticeably in northern Europe, invocations of the determinations of the general will. While the virtue could easily be translated into challenges to discourse of virtue may have been further trans- the cherished principle that some people were formed during the early Enlightenment, it by no ‘‘naturally born’’ to rule. means disappeared.

176 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VIVALDI, ANTONIO

See also Encyclope´die; Enlightenment; Machiavelli, Niccolo` ; Political Philosophy; Rousseau, Jean- Jacques.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Kohl, Benjamin G., and Ronald G. Witt, eds. The Earthly Republic: Italian Humanists on Government and Soci- ety. Philadelphia, 1978. Kraye, Jill, ed. Cambridge Translations of Renaissance Philo- sophical Texts. Vol. 2, Political Philosophy. Cambridge, U.K., and New York, 1997. Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. The Social Contract and Discourses. Edited by G. D. H. Cole. Revised by J. H. Brumfitt, and John C. Hall. New York, 1993.

Secondary Sources Baron, Hans. The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance: Civic Humanism and Republican Liberty in an Age of Classicism and Tyranny. Rev. ed. Princeton, 1966. Burtt, Shelley. Virtue Transformed: Political Argument in England, 1688–1740. Cambridge, U.K., and New York, 1992. Hankins, James, ed. Renaissance Civic Humanism: Reap- praisals and Reflections. Cambridge, U.K., and New York, 2000. MacIntyre, Alasdair. After Virtue: A Study in Moral Theory. Antonio Vivaldi. Portrait by an unknown artist. DAMIANO/ 2nd ed. Notre Dame, Ind., 1984. GETTY IMAGES Pagden, Anthony, ed. The Languages of Political Theory in Early-Modern Europe. Cambridge, U.K., and New York, 1987. chial asthma. This illness plagued him throughout Skinner, Quentin. Visions of Politics. Vol. 2, Renaissance Vir- his life and exerted a strong influence on his per- tues. Cambridge, U.K., and New York, 2002. sonal and professional behavior. Vivaldi studied the violin with his father, and he was also trained as a CARY J. NEDERMAN priest, but his asthma prevented him from effec- tively saying mass. Because of the red hair he inheri- ted from his father, Vivaldi was known throughout VITALISM. See Matter, Theories of. his career as il prete rosse (‘The Red Priest’). In September 1703, Vivaldi accepted his first position, as maestro di violino for the Pio Ospedale della Pieta`, one of four ‘‘hospitals’’ established in VIVALDI, ANTONIO (1678–1741), Vene- Venice to care for poor orphaned children, and he tian composer and violinist. Vivaldi produced nu- would remain intermittently associated with this merous instrumental and vocal works during his institution for much of his career. Musical training lifetime, but he is best known for his concertos for a was an integral part of the curriculum for the young diverse group of instruments. An important and in- girls at all of the ospedali, and Vivaldi’s responsibili- fluential musician during his career, his music fig- ties included teaching violin, buying new instru- ured prominently in the baroque revival of the ments, and maintaining the collection. He was dis- 1950s and 1960s. missed from this position on 24 February 1709— Born in Venice on 4 March 1678, Vivaldi suf- the first of several dismissals and rehirings, largely fered from what was described as strettezza di petto the result of the precarious financial conditions at (tightness of the chest), which was probably bron- the hospital—but used the freedom to meet both

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 177 VIVES, JUAN LUIS

George Frideric Handel (1685–1759) and Domen- semble alternates with freer, modulatory episodes ico Scarlatti (1685–1757), who were in Venice at played by the solo instruments. His deft coordina- the time, and to begin writing operas. He returned tion of melody and harmony was much admired by to the Pieta` in 1711, becoming maestro de’ concerti Johann Sebastian Bach (1685–1750), who ab- in 1716, and successfully produced sacred and in- sorbed Italian style through his study and transcrip- strumental music, including trio sonatas, violin tion of Vivaldi’s concertos and trio-sonatas; this sonatas, the set of twelve concertos for one, two, influence is particularly apparent in Bach’s Branden- and four violins called L’estro armonico (1711), and burg Concertos. Other distinctive elements of the oratorio Juditha Triumphans (1716). Vivaldi’s style include a fluid alternation of major and minor tonalities, a highly progressive use of Vivaldi spent 1718–1720 in Mantua, devoting dissonance and rich harmonies, and an innate me- himself to opera composition, and later traveled to lodic gift, particularly in slow movements. His vocal Rome to produce three operas for the 1723 and music has been criticized for perfunctory text- 1724 carnivals, but he also wrote 140 concertos for setting and violinistic vocal writing, but there are the Pieta`. Among these are Il cimento dell’armonia e examples of great skill and inspiration in this genre, dell’inventione (in which we find his most famous such as his Gloria (RV 588) or Magnificat (RV work, the violin concerto The Four Seasons [Le 610), and his virtuosic and highly expressive motets quatro stagione]), La Cetra, flute and string con- for solo voice. Vivaldi was unquestionably a master certos, and Il pastor fido. orchestrator who explored the idiomatic potential Vivaldi’s questionable relationship with the of the many instruments for which he wrote. The singer Anna Giro` and her half-sister Paolina dates Four Seasons, for example, not only illustrates his from this period. Vivaldi vigorously denied all ac- skill in writing for the virtuoso violinist, but also his cusations of sexual impropriety, but the widespread ability to depict extramusical or programmatic ideas rumors had a detrimental effect on his career and in a manner that anticipates the Romantic era. reputation. See also Bach Family; Music; Venice. Between 1729 and 1735 Vivaldi traveled widely to Vienna, Prague, and several Italian cities to su- BIBLIOGRAPHY pervise productions of his operas, and he ultimately Heller, Karl. Antonio Vivaldi: The Red Priest of Venice. returned to Vienna at the age of sixty-two, in the Translated by David Marinelli. Portland, Ore., 1997. hope of securing patronage from Charles VI. His Translation of Antonio Vivaldi (1991). efforts met with limited success, and he died on 28 Landon, H. C. Robbins. Vivaldi: Voice of the Baroque. Lon- July 1741, receiving a pauper’s funeral at Vienna’s don, 1993. Cathedral of St. Stephen. Talbot, Michael. Antonio Vivaldi: A Guide to Research. New York, 1988. Vivaldi was extraordinarily prolific, producing —. The Sacred Vocal Music of Antonio Vivaldi. Flor- over five hundred concertos for almost every combi- ence, 1995. nation of instruments, solo and trio sonatas, instru- —. Venetian Music in the Age of Antonio Vivaldi. Al- mental sinfonias, and an impressive body of sacred dershot, U.K., 1999. music, including oratorios, masses and motets. WENDY HELLER,MARK KROLL Twenty-one of his operas have survived, at least in part, although their full artistic and dramatic power has yet to be evaluated. Vivaldi’s highly distinctive and recognizable VIVES, JUAN LUIS (1492–1540), six- musical style had a profound impact on his contem- teenth-century Spanish humanist. Juan Luis Vives poraries and future composers such as Giuseppe spent most of his life outside Spain. Born in Valencia Tartini (1692–1770). His greatest influence was in to a family of Jewish converts to Christianity, Vives the development of the concerto. Vivaldi has been began his studies in his native city but eventually credited with inventing or at least regularizing chose to move to Paris in 1509, possibly fearing the ‘‘ritornello form,’’ usually employed in fast move- Inquisition, whose severity would eventually take a ments, in which a ‘‘refrain’’ played by the full en- toll on his family. In Paris he studied in the colleges

178 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VIVES, JUAN LUIS of Beauvais and Montaigu along with other Spanish scholars like himself. In 1512 Vives left Paris and settled in Bruges, which he would call his home for the rest of his life. In 1516 the scholar from Valencia met Erasmus of Rotterdam, an encounter that initi- ated a decades-long association between the two and helped bring Vives into the circle of humanist thought. In 1519 Vives was teaching at the University of Louvain, where, under Erasmus’s influence, he un- dertook one of his most important works, a com- mentary on St. Augustine’s City of God, published in Basel in 1522 and dedicated to Henry VII of England. It seems Vives’s fame was extensive, for that same year he was offered a chair at Spain’s prestigious University of Alcala´, recently vacant due to the death of the godfather of Spanish humanists, Antonio de Nebrija. He refused the honor and in- stead found himself one year later in England, teaching at Corpus Christi College, Oxford. He was named tutor to the princess Mary and reader to the queen, Catherine of , by Henry VIII. In 1523 he dedicated his De Institutione Feminae Juan Luis Vives. Anonymous sixteenth-century portrait. Christianae (On the education of a Christian ᮊARCHIVO ICONOGRAFICO, S.A./CORBIS woman) to the queen. His relationship with the royal family would become complicated, however, when he sided with Catherine in the dispute over branches of philosophy such as morals and meta- Henry VIII’s wish to divorce her for Anne Boleyn. physics. He also leveled frequent criticisms at his Although he did not lose his life, as did his friend Sir contemporaries’ slavish reliance on ancient philo- Thomas More, Vives was eventually banished from sophical authorities to the detriment of the exercise England by the king. By then a married man, Vives of human reason, though he always did so with a returned to Bruges in 1528, where he would remain genuine respect for Aristotle and his commentator until the end of his life, resuming his post as profes- Thomas Aquinas. sor at Louvain. Vives’s treatise De Anima et Vita (1538; On the A prolific writer, Vives focused his formidable soul and life) is recognized as a foundational text in intelligence on a wide range of subjects. He had the study of the inner life of the human being. In specific ideas about education, to which he devoted Vives’s view, in order to know the soul, one must a number of works, railing against the utilitarian study its operations and functions, a study that is concept of knowledge as information as well as the founded on a thorough knowledge of earthly life in idea of studying in order to obtain fame. In De its different forms. The third book of De Anima et Institutione Feminae Christianae, he defended the Vita, an examination of the passions, takes much of its inspiration from the Scholasticism of Thomas education of women, but it would be an exaggera- Aquinas, but it has also gained Vives a place among tion to label him a proto-feminist. Perhaps one of the precursors of modern psychology, thanks to its the best-known traits of Vives’s thought is his criti- employment of introspection and self-observation. cism of a type of Scholasticism that had degenerated into a fixation on dialectics and syllogisms. In his Thoroughly interested in the affairs of his times, monumental encyclopedia De Disciplines Libri XX Vives was an avid letter writer and corresponded (1531; Twenty books on the disciplines) Vives in- with kings, cardinals, and emperors. Later dubbed a sisted that dialectics be subordinated to the other pacifist because of his desire for peace among peo-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 179 VIZIER ples and his special concern for ending the fratricidal Schmitt, C. B., ed. The Cambridge History of Renaissance wars afflicting Europe, Vives also pointed out the Philosophy. Cambridge, U.K. 1991. threat to Christendom posed by Turkish expansion DAMIAN BACICH in the Mediterranean in works such as De Condi- tione Vitae Christianorum sub Turca (On the con- ditions of Christians under the Turks). VIZIER. Vizier, ‘helper’ or ‘deputy’, a term first Though an educator by vocation, Vives was also employed in the Koran, evolved to mean ‘chief min- a commercially successful author, and some of his ister’ in early Islamic history, possibly becoming an most popular works were dedicated to the subject of office of Arab administration with the Abbasid Cal- Christian apologetics and devotion. His last book, iph al-Mahdi (775–785). The title vizier was ap- which he was working on at the time of his death in plied widely as an honorific for representatives of the 1540, was entitled De Veritate Fidei Christianae caliph or sultan. The term ‘‘grand vizier’’ denoted (On the truth of the Christian faith). those chief, or prime, ministers who served the Ot- See also Erasmus, Desiderius; Henry VIII (England); Hu- toman sultans from 1300 to 1923. manists and Humanism; More, Thomas; Scholas- ticism ORIGINS OF THE INSTITUTION The Perso-Turkish word vizier (also ‘‘vezir,’’ or BIBLIOGRAPHY ‘‘vizier’’) originates in the Arabic wazı¯r , and appears Primary Sources in the Koranic verse ‘‘We gave Moses the book and Vives, Juan Luis. Declamationes Sullanae. Edited and trans- made his brother Aaron his wazı¯r,’’ (Koran, chapter lated by Edward V. George. Leiden, Netherlands, XXV: 35), denoting a helper. Viziers quickly as- 1989. sumed the role of second-in-command in early Is- —. The Education of a Christian Woman: A Sixteenth- lamic history, the most famous among the Abbasids Century Manual. Translated by Charles Fantazzi. Chi- being the Barmakid family of advisers and secre- cago, 2000. taries under Caliph Harun al-Rashid (786–809). By —. On Assistance to the Poor. Translated by Alice the eleventh century, the power and obligations of Tobriner. Toronto, 1999. the vizier were delineated in Muslim administrative —. The Passions of the Soul: The Third Book of De Anima manuals, which frequently described the office as et Vita. Translated by Carlos G. Noren˜a. Lewiston, subordinate only to the caliph or sultan. Vizierial N.Y., 1990. households, in imitation of those of caliph or sultan, —. Somnium et Vigilia in Somnium Scipionis. The Li- became centers of tremendous wealth, ostentation, brary of Renaissance Humanism, Vol. 2. Edited by Ed- and intellectual and artistic patronage. The tension ward V. George. Greenwood, S.C., 1989. between the two most powerful figures of Muslim Secondary Sources courts, the ruler and his vizier, is one of the most Abella´n, Jose´ Luis. Historia crı´tica del pensamiento espan˜ol. common struggles represented in early histories and Vol. 2, La edad de oro. Madrid, 1979. An in-depth transmitted into western literature, as Shakespeare’s reference work on the major figures in Spanish philoso- Othello attests. phy. The title of vizier could be differentiated, as it Bataillon, Marcel. Erasmo y Espan˜a. Mexico City, 1997. A classic text on Spanish humanism. was under the Fatimid dynasty in Egypt (969– 1171), and was sometimes carried by military offi- Copenhaver, Brian P., and Charles B. Schmitt. Renaissance cials, who developed an independence of action in Philosophy. Oxford, 1992. the latter years of that dynasty. In Muslim Spain Fraile, Guillermo. Historia de la filosofı´a espan˜ola. Madrid, (Andalusia), where the term ha¯jib was the equiva- 1971. A concise historical introduction to Spanish phi- losophy. lent of vizier, multiple viziers abounded, with as few as ten or as many as twenty-nine in place at one time Noren˜a, Carlos G. Juan Luis Vives and the Emotions. Car- bondale, Ill. 1989. In Persia, viziers were perceived as servants of —. A Vives Bibliography. Studies in Renaissance Litera- the ruler rather than the state, and often they were ture, vol. 5. Lewiston, N.Y., 1990. charged with overseeing financial affairs. Mahmud,

180 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VIZIER founder of the Ghaznavids (998–1030), had six devlet, ‘pillars of the state’, of the divan-i hu¨mayun, viziers, of whom three were dismissed and died vio- ‘imperial council’), but grand vizier or sadrazam lently, two were dismissed and stripped of their (also vizier-i azam) was the most powerful officer wealth, and the sixth executed; such treatment was after the sultan. Before 1453, the grand vizier was testimony to the hazards of the position. Inheritors appointed from among the religious class and was of Ghaznavid court practices, both the Seljuk and often a judge (kadi or kazi). Between 1385 and the Ottoman maintained the office as a 1453, the Candarli family held the office, and all well-defined and extremely powerful position. Of were judges. After 1453, the kul, military rather special note is Nizam al-Mulk (vizier 1063–1092), than religious men with expertise in financial and who served two Seljuk sultans and exercised the chancery affairs, dominated the office (Inalcik, greatest of powers of any vizier up to that time. p. 195). Palace factions of new sultans tended to Beyond tending to the general affairs of the sultan, influence the appointments of the grand vizier, and Nizam al-Mulk was also responsible for religious there was frequently a complete restaffing of the affairs and for diplomatic relations with foreign bureaucracy after a new accession. In the second rulers. He also on occasion led the army on cam- half of the seventeenth century, a severe crisis led paign. Nizam al-Mulk amassed legendary wealth the sultan to grant Grand Vizier Mehmed Ko¨pru¨lu¨ and armies of slaves, founded an educational system extraordinary powers, and a separate administrative known as the Nizamiya, and compiled one of the office, the Babiali (the Sublime Porte), was created best-known pre-Ottoman manuals on administra- to restore the stability of the empire. For half a tive practice, Siyasetname (The Book of govern- century, the Ko¨pru¨lu¨ family dominated the office, ment). reorganized the economy, restored order through- out Ottoman territories, and dealt increasingly with GRAND VIZIERS UNDER THE foreign affairs. Grand viziers in the eighteenth cen- OTTOMAN EMPIRE tury were often appointed after serving as Historians have made much of the Seljuk and Otto- reisu¨lku¨ttab (head of the chancery, later foreign af- man practice of staffing the administration from fairs minister). Especially notable was Koca Ragib non-Turkish stock, as was the case with Nizam al- Pasha (ruled 1757–1763), who served two sultans Mulk. The Ottomans, especially after the conquest after negotiating earlier treaties with Nadir Shah of of Istanbul in 1453, were also inclined to choose the grand vizier from its officials who had been Persia and the Habsburgs at Belgrade in 1739. Koca conscripted and converted from the Christian popu- Ragib associated with a large circle of intellectuals lations of the Balkans (called kul kapikulu, ‘slaves of and built his personal library, which was opened to the court’); these were mainly Albanian or Serbian the public and still operates in Istanbul. peoples. After the , when the Ottomans colo- The grand vizier led all military campaigns after nized Hungary, Croatians and Hungarians popu- 1700 and served as head of the imperial council, lated the kul ranks. Similarly, in the eighteenth and where he and the other viziers, as the primary repre- nineteenth centuries, sultans Selim III (ruled 1789– sentatives of the sultan’s authority, discussed state 1807) and Mahmud II (ruled 1808–1839) pre- affairs. Many viziers married daughters and sisters of ferred Georgians or Circassians for their grand the sultan and were subsequently called damad, viziers, since the trans-Caucasus region was then a ‘bridegroom’, acquired rights to revenues of vast ready source of slaves. Ethnic preferences may have estates, and were granted stature matched only by influenced the sultans’ choice of servants, but at that of the royal house. Some, such as the famous least in the early days of the empire, the administra- Damad Ibrahim Pasha, who was grand vizier to tive experience of the non-Turkic populations was Suleiman the Magnificent (ruled 1520–1566) from especially valued. In any case, unquestioning loyalty 1523 to 1536, lost their lives when they over- was seen as more forthcoming from slave converts stepped their bounds in emulating the sultan. The than from freeborn Muslims. office was always precariously secured and held and Under the Ottomans, as elsewhere, the title of very often ended with confiscation of wealth, exile, vizier distinguished lesser officers of the empire, of- and/or death. By the mid-nineteenth century, the ten in hierarchical order (as part of the erkaˆn-i power and prestige of the vizier had declined; the

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 181 VOLTAIRE office had assumed the proportions of a modern-day in November 1718, its brilliant success making him minister. an overnight celebrity, considered France’s preemi- nent poet. It was at this point that he adopted the See also Ottoman Empire; Sultan. name Monsieur de Voltaire, not only a nom de

BIBLIOGRAPHY plume but also an index of his lifelong aristocratic Dankoff, Robert. The Intimate Life of an Ottoman States- aspirations. man: Melek Ahmed Pasha (1588–1662), as Portrayed in The self-styled nobleman received a harsh but Evliya C¸ elebi’s Book of Travels (Seyahat-name). Albany, transformative lesson in 1726, when following a N.Y., 1991. A wonderfully evocative view of the trials and tribulations of Grand Vizier Melek Ahmed. quarrel with the chevalier de Rohan, Voltaire once again found himself imprisoned in the and Imber, Colin. ‘‘Khalil Pasha, Djandarli,’’ in Encyclopedia of Islam. 2nd ed. Vol. 3. CD-ROM edition. One of nu- then was exiled to England for two years. Rightly or merous individual entries for well-known Ottoman wrongly, Voltaire saw in England a model of politi- grand viziers. cal freedom and, above all, religious tolerance, Inalcik, Halil. The Ottoman Empire: The Classical Age 1300– which was to result in his hugely popular and influ- 1600. London, 1973. ential English Letters (published first in England in Sourdel, Dominique. Le vizierat abbaside de 749 a` 936. 2 1733, in English and French versions, then in vols. Damascus, 1960. France in 1734). During his British sojourn, Vol- Stavrides, Theoharis. The Sultan of Vezirs: The Life and taire, having acquired reasonable competence in Times of the Ottoman Grand Vezir Mahmud Pasha English, read numerous English writers and think- Angelovic´ (1453–1474). Leiden, 2001. Includes a com- ers, but it was above all the works of John Locke and prehensive introduction to the history of the office. Isaac Newton that earned his enduring admiration. ‘‘Wazı¯r,’’ in Encyclopedia of Islam. 2nd ed. Vol. 11. Leiden, 2001. Articles for several dynasties with individual au- While a number of biographers and critics have thors, including Halil Inalcik on the Ottomans. overstated the intellectual impact England was to

VIRGINIA H. AKSAN have on Voltaire—his deism and skepticism cer- tainly predated his exile—it is clear that England had the effect of consolidating his militant opposi- tion to intolerance and dogma in politics and reli- VOLTAIRE (Franc¸ois-Marie Arouet; 1694– gion, and just as importantly, made him a partisan of 1778), French philosopher, historian, dramatist, British sensualism (in Locke), and the ‘‘new philos- and poet. Voltaire was born in Paris 21 November ophy’’ of scientific method (in Newton and his pre- 1694, the son of a successful notary. A prolific cursor, Francis Bacon). In France Voltaire became philosopher, historian, and writer in numerous the greatest popularizer of Newtonian physics (pub- genres and a tireless champion of freedom of lishing Elements of Newton’s Philosophy in 1738) and thought and expression, no figure better represents a driving force behind the Enlightenment’s anti- the spirit of the French Enlightenment than Vol- metaphysical, positivistic, and scientific bent in taire. which the Cartesian rationalism of the French classi- cal age gave way to the influence of English empir- Three years after the death of his mother (ne´e icism. Marguerite Daumard), Voltaire entered the Jesuit Colle`ge Louis-le-Grand in Paris, in 1704, where he The English exile set the stage not only for spent the next seven years. Following his studies, Voltaire’s abiding philosophical concerns but also Voltaire frequented the libertine society of the for a life spent mostly outside Paris. From 1734 he Temple and began to exercise his literary talents by lived at Cirey with his mistress, E´ milie du Chaˆtelet, composing satirical light verse as well as his first until her death in 1749. For a number of years prior play, Oedipe, completed in manuscript in 1715. In to her death, Frederick the Great of Prussia (ruled 1716 Voltaire was exiled from Paris because of an 1740–1786) had sought to bring Voltaire to Pots- epigram against the regent, and in May 1717 was dam and Berlin, and in 1750 Voltaire took up the sent to the Bastille, accused of further inflammatory offer; but the nearly three years he spent with Fred- writings. Shortly after his release, Oedipe was staged erick ended in bitter disillusionment for both par-

182 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VOLTAIRE

liantly in his 1759 philosophical tale, Candide, in which he lambasted the idealist doctrine of pre- established harmony and the ‘‘best of all possible worlds’’ promulgated by Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz and his followers Alexander Pope and Christian Wolff. Candide was written largely in response to the death of thirty thousand victims of the 1755 Lisbon earthquake and as an exposition of the prob- lems raised in his hastily drafted 1755 Poem on the Lisbon Disaster. In response to the question of evil, Voltaire abandoned any claim on a metaphysical explanation of human affairs, proposing instead that we ‘‘cultivate our garden,’’ that is, that we focus on local and practical concerns, faced with an order of experience that may in some sense be providential but whose mechanism escapes our reason. Voltaire had explored the problem of theodicy and provi- dence in his earlier tale, Zadig (1747), which along with Microme´gas (1752) and more than twenty other philosophical tales, made Voltaire the master of one of the French Enlightenment’s most fecund and innovative literary forms. Yet Voltaire thought of himself perhaps more as

Voltaire. Portrait after Maurice Quentin La Tour. THE ART a poet, playwright, and historian than as the mord- ARCHIVE/MUSE´ EDUCHAˆ TEAU DE VERSAILLES ant satirist acknowledged today. His career began and ended with the theater; in between, he pro- duced a dozen or so plays, with varying degrees of ties. After five years moving from one side of the success. Today they are rarely read or staged. From Franco-Swiss border to the other, in 1759 he pur- the light verse of his youth to the epic and chased the chateau of Ferney, just outside Geneva, the bawdy Maid of Orleans, the epicurean Mondain, which over the years he built into a sprawling estate, and his Poem on Natural Law, among many others, home to various cottage industries that added to his poetry also held a central place in his oeuvre. In the already considerable fortune, and a cultural cross- domain of history, Voltaire (who was appointed roads where Voltaire hosted innumerable guests. royal historiographer in 1745 and elected to the He lived and worked there until the last year of his French Academy in 1746) composed works on life. In February 1778, he returned to Paris to pro- Charles XII, Louis XIV, and Louis XV. As with his duce his last play, Ire`ne, and his triumphant return plays and poetry, these books are today little read. to the capital was a legendary moment in French Other works of nonfiction have fared better: the cultural history, so overwhelming that the eighty- Essay on Manners (1754), the Treatise on Tolerance four-year-old Voltaire remarked that he was being (1763, written after Voltaire had intervened in the ‘‘killed with glory.’’ After a long life of notorious ill Calas affair, in which a Protestant man was wrong- health and hypochondria, he died during the night fully executed on the charge of killing his son who of 30 May. wished to convert to Catholicism), and the Philo- Today Voltaire is read above all as a philoso- sophical Dictionary (first volume published 1764) remain enduring classics. pher—in the restricted sense that word had in the French eighteenth century—and as an acerbic social Voltaire’s overwhelming importance and influ- critic who railed against injustice, metaphysical ence in the eighteenth century lie in his promotion absurdity of every ilk, clerical abuse, prejudice, and of the force of reason and justice, his ironic wit, and superstition. Those threads came together bril- his unparalleled skills as a propagandist of the ideals

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 183 VOUET, SIMON of the Enlightenment. In a career ranging from the selected by the crown to travel to Constantinople end of the reign of Louis XIV to the reign of the last with the French ambassador to paint portraits of king of the ancien re´gime, Voltaire was France’s important foreign dignitaries. clearest, most prolific, and most enduring voice of On his return from the Near East, Vouet trav- dissent. eled through Italy and settled in Rome, which was See also Encyclope´die; Enlightenment; French Literature at that time the center of the art world. There, like and Language; Philosophes. so many artists of his generation, he painted in a Carravaggesque mode, but one that sought to in- BIBLIOGRAPHY fuse this tenebrist approach with delicacy and refine- Primary Sources ment (St. Jerome and the Angel, c. 1622, National Voltaire. The Complete Tales of Voltaire. Translated by Wil- Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.). His commis- liam Walton. New York, 1990. sions at this time included altarpieces or complete —. Correspondance. Edited by Theodore Besterman. decorations for the Raggi Chapel of the Gesu´in 13 vols. Paris, 1977–. Genoa, the Alaleoni Chapel in St. Lorenzo in —. Les oeuvres comple`tes de Voltaire. Edited by Theo- Lucina in Rome, and the Charter House of St. dore Besterman and W. H. Barber. 64 vols. Geneva and Martin in Naples. He achieved so much success in Toronto, 1968–1984. Rome that in 1624 he became the first non-Italian —. Political Writings. Edited and translated by David to be elected director, or prince, of the Accademia Williams. Cambridge, U.K., 1994. di San Luca, where his insistence on a solid ground- —. The Portable Voltaire. Edited by Ben Ray Redman. ing in principles of good draftsmanship—that is, New York, 1977. figure drawing—was greatly admired. Cardinal Ri- —. The Selected Letters of Voltaire. Edited by Richard A. chelieu and Louis XIII kept a close watch on this Brooks. New York, 1973. precocious talent by supporting him in Rome, and —. The Works of Voltaire. Translated by William F. by 1626, he was offered a brevet du roi, accompa- Fleming, et al. 22 vols. Reprint. New York, 1988. nied by a lucrative pension and suitably noble hous- Secondary Sources ing in the Louvre for himself, his family, and his Knapp, Bettina L. Voltaire Revisited. New York, 2000. atelier. Mason, Haydn Trevor. Voltaire: A Biography. Baltimore, Upon his return to Paris in late 1627, knowing 1981. that Carravaggio (1571–1610) and his followers Pearson, Roger. The Fables of Reason: A Study of Voltaire’s were never really appreciated in the French capital, ‘‘Contes philosophiques.’’ Oxford, 1993. Vouet gradually altered his manner. During his Pomeau, Rene´. D’Arouet a` Voltaire, 1694–1734. Oxford, four-month stop in Venice on his return journey 1985. from Rome, he modified his heavy chiaroscuro with PATRICK RILEY,JR. the grace, fluidity, and color of northern Italian painting. As a result, Vouet became unequaled in Paris for grand decorative painting, where slightly elongated monumental figures with swirling draper- VOUET, SIMON (1590–1649), French ies slowly float across the surfaces of his large can- painter. Since the late seventeenth century, most vases (Allegory of Wealth, Louvre, Paris). His man- historians of have justifiably considered ner was an astute blend of sixteenth-century Vouet to be the founder of the early modern school mannerist French court art at Fontainebleau, the of French painting. Born in Paris, the son of a minor Romano-Bolognese classicism of the Carracci, the and grandson of the Master of the naturalism of Carravaggio, and the extravagant King’s Falcons, Vouet was a child prodigy who was color, lively facture, and dazzling light of sixteenth- perfectly situated to receive the best possible expo- century Venetian artists. The genius of Vouet’s ele- sure to great works of art, and the best training, gant inventions was conveyed by the power of his which probably began with his father. At the age of draftsmanship, as is evident in the numerous draw- fourteen he was already recognized as a successful ings that survive. Most of them are elegant figure portraitist, and at the age of twenty-two he was studies that reveal his use of firm, sweeping contours

184 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 VOUET, SIMON

Simon Vouet. St. Jerome and the Angel, c. 1622. NATIONAL GALLERY OF ART,WASHINGTON, D.C. that effortlessly render the human form in motion. Quillerier, Franc¸ois Bellin, Pierre Patel l’aıˆne´, Only a small number of composition studies enable Eustache Le Sueur, Michel Dorigny (1616–1665), us to comprehend the genesis of his designs. and Franc¸ois Tortebat (1616–1690). These last Vouet’s ever-increasing success led to numer- two became his sons-in-law and made etching or ous ecclesiastic commissions for altarpieces (St. prints of many of his works. As each of these artists Nicolas-des-Champs, St. Eustache, and the Noviti- matured, they actively participated in the master’s ate of the Jesuits), and an even greater number of vast decorative campaigns. A generation later, the royal and private commissions for both religious possibilities of this well-run enterprise would be and secular decorations at the Louvre, the Palais taken to even greater heights by his most famous Royal, the Palais du Luxembourg, the Hoˆtel student, Charles Le Brun, in the service of Se´guier and the chateaux at Chilly, Chessy, Fon- Louis XIV. tainebleau, Poitou, Rueil, Saint-Germain-en-Laye, and Wideville. Being in such demand required an Unfortunately, most of Vouet’s decorative en- increasing number of skilled hands in a remarkably sembles have been destroyed or dismantled. How- organized studio. His extraordinarily busy atelier ever, well aware of his posterity, Vouet owned his utilized, trained, and influenced more than a gener- own printing press and was granted a royal privilege ation of painters and printmakers. These artists in- to replicate his designs. This encouraged an atmo- cluded Franc¸ois Perrier, Nicolas , Charles sphere of experimentation with printmaking that Poe¨rson, Pierre Daret, Michel I Corneille, No¨el led Perrier, Dorigny, Tortebat, and others to inter-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 185 VOUET, SIMON pret in etchings and engravings a large portion of his Crelly, William. The Painting of Simon Vouet. New Haven, most celebrated commissions. 1962. Contains catalogue raisonne´. See also Caravaggio and Caravaggism; Carracci Family; Galeries nationales du Grand Palais. Vouet. Exh. cat. Texts Le Brun, Charles; Louis XIII (France); Mannerism; by Jacques Thuillier, Barbara Brejon de Lavergne´e, and Painting; Richelieu, Armand-Jean Du Plessis, cardi- Denis Lavalle. Paris, 1990. nal. , Stephane. Simon Vouet: Actes du colloque interna- tional. Galeries nationales du Grand Palais, 5–7 Febru- BIBLIOGRAPHY ary 1992. Paris, 1992. Brejon de Lavergne´e, Barbara. Dessins de Simon Vouet, 1590–1649. Muse´e du Louvre, Cabinet des dessins. Paris, Staatliche Graphische Sammlung der Neue Pinakothek. Si- 1987. mon Vouet: 100 Neuentdeckte Zeichnungen aus den Bestanden der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek. Exh. cat. Clark, Alvin L. ‘‘Simon Vouet and His Printmakers: Poster- Richard Harprath and Barbara Brejon de Lavergne´e, ity, Prosperity, and Process.’’ In Museum of Fine Arts, eds. Munich, 1991. French Prints from the Age of the Musketeers, exh. cat., edited by Sue Welsh Reed. Boston, 1998. ALVIN L. CLARK,JR.

186 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 W

tury. From the time of the Black Death (mid- WAGES. The history of wages in early modern fourteenth century) to the 1750s, wage series did Europe is a study of contrasts. To begin with, most follow a broad Malthusian pattern. In England, for people toiled on family farms or in family enter- instance, wages started from a low in the mid- prises. Hence wages were a dominant part of in- 1300s, rose for nearly a century and a half in re- come for only a small fraction of the population. sponse to the epidemic’s massive mortality rate, Nevertheless, hiring workers for wages and working then fell for an equally long time, bottoming out in for someone else part of the time were extremely the seventeenth century. The rise of wages in the common. The tension between these two facts has eighteenth century was not pronounced, but wage informed the two key debates about wages in the stability in the face of massive population growth early modern period. The first debate, accepting the was nonetheless an important achievement. Bits and ubiquity of paid labor, uses wages to infer standards pieces of this story can be seen in all European of living and thus examine Malthusian cycles. The countries, though each in its fashion raises questions second debate involves both the extent of wage about the standard Malthusian model. labor and the institutions that made it respond or In recent years, Malthus has been under strong not respond to the laws of supply and demand. challenge. First, as Van Zanden states, wages are not In 1798, the British social theorist Thomas income. At the individual level, nonwage compen- Malthus (1766–1834) argued that in agrarian sation—from common rights, or home manufac- economies (agriculture absorbed two-thirds of all ture, for instance—was an important element of workers in nearly all European regions prior to most families’ income in the early modern period. 1800) incomes depended on the ratio of land to At the national level, earnings from land, capital, population. More land allowed higher output per skills, and entrepreneurship were of considerable person; more people drove down the output per value, even though their distribution was quite dif- person. Because land rents increase when land is ferent from that of wages. As the recent historical scarce, wages are even more sensitive to scarcity record suggests, economies can experience massive than output per person. This narrative has been growth without witnessing much real wage increase adopted, with slight variation, by many different for the unskilled. In the past as in the present, one scholars who believe that these iron laws held firm should investigate wages with some concern for for millennia. For some, these shackles were eventu- inequality. ally broken by the increased use of coal, for others Second, and more problematic, is the evidence by access to the agricultural output of the New that comes from examining regional patterns in World, or even by technical change broadly defined wages. Regional variation in wages at any point in and dated to sometime in the mid-eighteenth cen- time is of the same order of magnitude as the two-

187 WAGES century variation in wages of a local Malthusian probably most, families either bought or sold days cycle. If we compare high wage regions to low wage of labor, earning or paying wages. These wages did regions Malthus’s theory fails again. In fact, high reflect supply and demand, rising in summer as de- population areas did not have low wages. On the mand for labor increased, and falling when popula- contrary, economically leading areas were most of- tion growth was rapid and during bad harvests, ten very densely populated relative to the European when the amount of work was reduced, and so on. hinterland. Northern Italy, the Low Countries, and There were some important exceptions. For in- England all were or became densely populated in stance, in eastern Europe the strengthening of serf- their period of economic leadership; and they were dom stymied labor markets. But there were other all also high wage economies. Economic historians areas, like the Low Countries, where wage labor was now argue that Malthus’s emphasis on endowments quite prevalent by the end of the Middle Ages. and demography explained in part the evolution of Overall, the extent of wage labor seems to have economies and wages. Political institutions and eco- paralleled the extent of markets in general: where nomic institutions have at least as much importance. trade and commerce were more active, one could The second debate arrays two sides. On one observe more active labor markets. side scholars argue that families in the early modern See also Capitalism; Commerce and Markets; Laborers; era preferred self-sufficiency to the uncertainty or Servants. unfairness of market interaction. Therefore they avoided labor markets. These scholars also argue BIBLIOGRAPHY that, unlike in modern society, workers and their Allen R. C. ‘‘The Great Divergence in European Wages and employers were enmeshed in a web of social rela- Prices from the Middle Ages to the First World War.’’ tions that only capitalism would break. In this view, Explorations in Economic History 38, no. 4 (October labor exchange was relational rather than market- 2001): 411–448. driven. In such a situation, one would prefer to Brown, Henry Phelps, and Sheila V. Hopkins. A Perspective employ an acquaintance at a higher wage rather of Wage and Prices. London, 1981. than hire an outsider for less. In contrast, the argu- Campbell, B. ‘‘Agricultural Progress in Medieval England: ment continues, modern factory workers have no Some Evidence from Eastern Norfolk.’’ Economic His- tory Review 36, no. 1 (February 1983): 26–46. social relations either with management or with the distant shareholders of the corporation they work de Vries, J., and A. van der Woode. The First Modern Econ- omy: Success, Failure and Perseverance of the Dutch Econ- for; hence wages are free to reflect the iron law of omy 1500–1815. Cambridge, U.K., 1997. supply and demand. Epstein, S. ‘‘Craft Guilds, Apprenticeship, and Technologi- That view has come under repeated challenge. cal Change in Preindustrial Europe.’’ Journal of Eco- In part, this is because the arguments that seek to nomic History 58, no. 3 (September 1998): 684–713. differentiate early modern from modern labor mar- Grantham, G. ‘‘Contra Ricardo: On the Macroeconomics of kets have been made on unsound quantitative evi- Pre-Industrial Economies.’’ European Review of Eco- dence and are based on a very naive view of how nomic History 3, no. 2 (August 1999): 199–232. labor markets operate. When scholars take into ac- Hoffman, P. T. Growth in a Traditional Society. Princeton, count that labor markets are always imperfect, dif- 1998. ferences between those of the preindustrial and con- Hoffman, P. T., D. Jacks, and P. Lindert. ‘‘Real Inequality in temporary eras cease to be differences in kind. Europe Since 1500.’’ Journal of Economic History 62, no. 2 (June 2002): 322–355. The market-avoidance argument fails for empir- Jones, E. L. The European Miracle: Environments, Econo- ical reasons: only a small fraction of farms and enter- mies, and Geopolitics in the History of Europe and Asia. prises were the right size to have an exact balance 2nd ed. Cambridge, U.K., 1987. between their labor demand and their family labor Malthus, T. R. An Essay on the Principle of Population. 1798. supply. Imbalances arose for different reasons, in- Mokyr, J. The Lever of Riches: Technological Creativity and cluding seasonal peaks in labor demand at harvest, Economic Progress. New York, 1990. the demographic cycle in crafts, and the difficulty of North, D. C. Structure and Change in Economic History. adjusting farm size to family size. Therefore many, New York, 1981.

188 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WALLENSTEIN,A.W.E.VON

Ozmucur, S., and S. Pamuck. ‘‘Real Wages and Standards of personal wealth and his ability to obtain loans were Living in the Ottoman Empire 1489–1914.’’ Journal of important factors, but Wallenstein’s primary aim Economic History 62, no. 2 (June 2002): 293–321. was to sustain his forces with requisitions from any Reddy, W. M. The Rise of Market Culture: The Textile Trade territory they occupied. He also used his duchy of and French Society, 1750–1900. Cambridge, U.K., 1984. Friedland as a source of supplies. Van Zanden, J. L. ‘‘Rich and Poor before the Industrial During the Danish phase of the war (1625– Revolution: A Comparison between Java and the Neth- 1629), Wallenstein enjoyed considerable military erlands at the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century.’’ Explorations in Economic History 40, no. 1 (January success. He defeated the Protestant commander, 2001): 1–23. Count Ernst of Mansfeld, at Dessau in 1626, and Wrigley, E. A. Continuity, Chance and Change: The Charac- early in 1627 he marched into Holstein and Jutland ter of the Industrial Revolution in England. Cambridge, (the Danish mainland) before turning east into U.K., 1988. Mecklenburg and Pomerania. The dukes of Meck- Wrigley, E. A., and R. S. Schofield. The Population History of lenburg had supported Christian IV, so the emperor England 1541–1871: A Reconstruction. Cambridge, deprived them of their titles, transferred their con- Mass., 1981. fiscated estates to Wallenstein (February 1627), and JEAN-LAURENT ROSENTHAL the following year made him the sole duke of Meck- lenburg (January 1628). This arbitrary move caused some disquiet among all hereditary rulers. WALLENSTEIN,A.W.E.VON The campaign of 1628 was anticlimactic. The (originally Waldstein; 1583–1634), Bohemian no- complete defeat of Denmark turned out to be an ble, soldier, and statesman who played an important impossibility: although the emperor appointed Wal- role in the Thirty Years’ War (1618–1648). lenstein ‘‘General of the Oceanic and Baltic Seas’’ in Albrecht Wenzel Eusebius von Wallenstein was February 1628, without a fleet the Danish islands born in Bohemia (today the Czech Republic). were beyond his reach. He attempted to capture the Given a Protestant upbringing, he converted to Ca- port of Stralsund in the summer of 1628 (May– tholicism in 1606. In 1609, his Jesuit confessor July), but without success. Although he defeated arranged his marriage to a wealthy widow who may Christian again at Wolgast in September, Wallen- have been some ten years his senior. When she died stein warned the emperor that if peace were not in 1614, he inherited all her estates. During the made, Sweden might undertake a full intervention. Bohemian rebellion that began in 1618, he re- He also warned that the cost of maintaining his mained loyal to the ruler, the Holy Roman emperor 100,000-strong army was placing an intolerable Ferdinand II (ruled 1619–1637), and profited burden on the north German states. Peace was enormously from the latter’s victory over the rebels. made at Lu¨beck (July 1629). He was appointed governor of the kingdom of Bohemia and bought up a large number of confis- Wallenstein’s success and his financial exactions cated estates so that he came to possess most of from friend and foe alike created enormous resent- northeastern Bohemia. These estates were consoli- ment and, with the coming of what was thought to dated into Friedland, of which he became duke in be peace, the princes turned on him at the Electoral 1623. Diet in Regensburg and made a formal request for In 1625, when the emperor decided to raise an his dismissal on 16 July 1630. Surprisingly, Ferdi- army of his own to counter the threat from Chris- nand agreed to comply; the general was dismissed tian IV of Denmark (ruled 1596–1648), Wallen- on 13 August. Equally surprising was the fact that stein was the obvious choice to be commander in Wallenstein also complied. Indeed, it would appear chief; he was appointed on 7 April. It is often said that he had come to feel that the maintenance of that he raised and paid for this army at his own such a large army was unsustainable and greeted the expense, and there is certainly some truth to it: he end of his responsibility with relief. Although there was able to put together a force of over 24,000 are some indications that Ferdinand had come to without recourse to the imperial treasury. His great distrust his general, his dismissal deprived the em-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 189 WALPOLE, HORACE peror of military power just as he faced invasion Darby, Graham. The Thirty Years’ War. London, 2001. A from the Swedish king, Gustavus II Adolphus. concise introduction to the conflict; a good place to start. The success of Gustavus II Adolphus in 1631 Mann, Golo. Wallenstein: His Life Narrated. New York, forced the emperor to recall Wallenstein, and he was 1976. Translated from the German edition of 1971 by appointed commander in chief (with considerable Charles Kessler, this runs to over 900 pages, without the powers) once again in April 1632. Although he was notes and bibliography of the original. not victorious at the Battle of Lu¨tzen in November, Parker, Geoffrey, ed. The Thirty Years’ War. 2nd ed. London the death of the Swedish king in that battle created a and New York, 1997. Currently the definitive work on the war, with a full set of notes and a comprehensive new political situation. Surprisingly, Wallenstein did bibliography that lists all the essential works in German. not go on the offensive, but sought to conduct For Wallenstein, see especially pp. 262–263 of the bib- negotiations with all concerned parties in an effort liographical essay. to bring peace (and probably to obtain territory and GRAHAM DARBY titles for himself). However, his independence, his alleged double-dealing, his reliance on astrological predictions, and his bizarre behavior (it was asserted that on arrival in any town he ordered all dogs and WALPOLE, HORACE (1717–1797), En- cats to be killed because he did not like the noise glish statesman and man of letters. Although Hor- they made) undermined his credibility with every- ace Walpole sat in the House of Commons from one. By now he had become a liability to the em- 1741 to 1768, he did not pursue an orthodox career peror, who saw him as a traitorous conspirator (and as a statesman. An intense and acutely sensitive man, dispensable now that Spanish aid was imminent). Walpole was temperamentally unsuited to the cut Accordingly, in January 1634 he ordered Wallen- and thrust of political battle, and preferred to work stein’s capture (or liquidation), and the following behind the scenes as a pamphleteer, a gossip, a net- month he was assassinated—by an Englishman, an worker and, ultimately, a historian. Irishman, and a Scotsman. Walpole was fiercely loyal to his family and Wallenstein was the most important military en- friends, and herein lies the key to all his politics. He trepreneur in the Thirty Years’ War, and his alleged never failed to support his friend and cousin, Henry treason and murder have overshadowed the consid- Seymour-Conway, while disliking all critics and en- erable success he had in his first imperial generalship emies of his father (Sir Robert Walpole). All but one (1625–1630), when he raised the emperor to the account of Horace Walpole’s political career have zenith of his power. An enigmatic figure, his life been marred by a failure to recognize his homosexu- became the subject of a dramatic trilogy by the ality, without which it is impossible to understand German poet, Johann Christoph Friedrich von the depth of his hatred for Henry Pelham and the Schiller. duke of Newcastle, the brothers of Catherine Pelham, whose arranged marriage to Walpole’s one- See also Ferdinand II (Holy Roman Empire); Gustavus II time lover Henry Fiennes-Clinton, earl of Lincoln, Adolphus (Sweden); Lu¨beck; Schiller, Johann Christoph Friedrich von; Thirty Years’ War (1618– took place in 1744. 1648). Horace Walpole’s hostility to the Pelhams has usually been explained in terms of his belief in their BIBLIOGRAPHY disloyalty to Robert Walpole, whom they Asch, Ronald G. The Thirty Years’ War: The Holy Roman ‘‘deserted’’ when his ministry began to crumble. Empire and Europe, 1618–1648. New York and Lon- Although the Pelhams succeeded Robert as leaders don, 1997. An up-to-date survey of the war of manage- of the Court Whigs, Horace did not join them after able length that the focus on Germany. Wallen- stein is not neglected. his father’s death, aligning himself instead with Richard Rigby and Henry Fox. When Fox joined a Benecke, Gerhard, ed. Germany in the Thirty Years’ War. London, 1978. A collection of documents; for Wallen- ministry in partnership with Newcastle in 1756, stein’s reappointment in 1632 and his assassination in Walpole operated behind the scenes to annoy and 1634, see pp. 89–92. frustrate both while remaining on ostensibly

190 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WALPOLE, HORACE friendly terms with Fox. Walpole’s unsuccessful at- tempt to prevent the execution of Admiral John Byng for failing to prevent the loss of Minorca may have been partly motivated by the desire to embar- rass Fox and Newcastle, suspected by many of hav- ing found a scapegoat for a more serious error of military judgment. At any rate, Walpole’s Letter from Xo Ho, a Chinese Philosopher at London, to his Friend Lien Chi at Peking (1757), which pithily summarized the hypocrisies of Byng’s impeach- ment, established Walpole as a witty and dangerous pamphleteer. Walpole was most active from 1763 to 1767, when he acted as a political mentor to Conway. Both men had voted against George Grenville’s ministry to defend the freedom of the press, then threatened by government action against the oppo- sition M.P. John Wilkes, an outspoken critic of the crown, and the North Briton, a newspaper that printed his articles. George III, angered by what he perceived as insubordination, ordered Conway’s dismissal from his regiment and court position, Horace Walpole. Portrait engraving by J. McArdel after a whereupon Walpole joined the opposition and be- painting by Sir Joshua Reynolds. ᮊBETTMANN/CORBIS gan intriguing to bring down the Grenville ministry. When the Rockingham Whigs took office in 1765, Conway became secretary of state for the Southern Department and leader of the House of Commons. events in which Walpole was a central participant. Walpole, however, was offered nothing, and a brief Although the Memoirs of the Reign of George II are estrangement took place between the two. In April less reliable, they still constitute the most important 1766, he resumed his place as Conway’s adviser, source in existence for the parliamentary debates of notwithstanding the latter’s cooling enthusiasm for 1754–1761. politics, and became an inside observer of the Rock- ingham and Chatham ministries. When Conway de- The memoirs are not without bias. Walpole’s cided to resign the lead in the Commons at the end loathing of the Pelhams manifests itself in the repre- of 1767, Walpole also decided to leave political life, sentation of the Duke of Newcastle as a time-serving and returned to his other occupations as author, incompetent. Henry Fox was traduced as a greedy publisher, art critic, and antiquarian. and unscrupulous careerist. Walpole was also re- sponsible for creating the myth of a sinister plot Although Walpole is one of England’s greatest hatched by the princess dowager and Lord Bute, letter writers, whose correspondence is an invalu- George III’s first prime minister, to revive the royal able source for the political, social, and cultural prerogative and employ it against opponents of the history of mid-Hanoverian England, his Memoirs of crown. The memoirs, in effect, encapsulated the the Reign of George II and Memoirs of the Reign of George III, written for posterity and published after Whig perspective on crown and Parliament usually his demise, provide a lively narrative of political attributed to English historians of the nineteenth events and personalities from 1751 to 1772. Both century. were much maligned—unjustifiably so—by nine- See also English Literature and Language; George II teenth-century critics. Of the two works, the Mem- (Great Britain); George III (Great Britain); Parlia- oirs of the Reign of George III, written between 1766 ment; Pitt, William the Elder and William the Youn- and 1772, are the more valuable, for they describe ger; Political Parties.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 191 WARFARE

BIBLIOGRAPHY had long championed the Catholic cause; and since Hunting, Warren Smith, ed. Horace Walpole: Writer, Politi- the young King Francis II’s wife was Mary Stuart of cian and Connoisseur: Essays on the 250th Anniversary of Walpole’s Birth. New Haven and London, 1967. Scotland, whose mother was Mary of Guise, the Guises found themselves in a position of authority Ketton-Cremer, Robert Wyndham. Horace Walpole: A Biog- raphy. London, 1946. during Francis’s reign. When the king died of an ear abscess in December 1560, however, his successor Mowl, Timothy. Horace Walpole: The Great Outsider. Lon- don, 1996. was his nine-year-old brother, Charles IX (ruled 1560–1574). The unwritten French constitution JENNIFER MORI required a regent to be appointed until the young king reached his fourteenth year, when he could then govern in his own right. Catherine de Me´dicis, Henry II’s widow, as queen mother of both Francis WARFARE. See Military. II and Charles IX, accepted this position, and it was she who had to face the prospect of dealing with the Protestant problem, given that suppression as a pol- WARS OF RELIGION, FRENCH. The icy had simply not worked. Although she was not in rapid growth of Protestantism in France that began favor of religious toleration in principle—indeed, it in the 1530s reached a climax around 1560, when was very difficult in the sixteenth century even to roughly one in every twenty French men and imagine such a concept—Catherine attempted to women had converted to the new faith. This ex- work out some kind of limited coexistence. First, traordinary growth resulted in a predictable back- she called together leaders of both the Huguenot lash by French Catholics, whose church and monar- and Catholic churches at the Colloquy of Poissy in chy declared all Protestants—and in France they 1561 to see if a compromise were possible. But both were overwhelmingly Calvinists, who came to be the cardinal of Lorraine on the Catholic side and called Huguenots—to be heretics. For Catholics, The´odore de Be`ze, Calvin’s lieutenant from Geneva Protestants living in their midst not only threatened on the Protestant side, recognized that significant their eternal souls, but were believed to threaten compromise on either the doctrinal or liturgical is- their earthly existence as well. In an age when every sues that divided them was impossible. Despite the major outbreak of plague, famine, and disease lack of success at Poissy, however, Catherine went tended to be interpreted as a sign of God’s punish- ahead and issued an edict in January 1562, recog- ment for their sins, most French Catholics believed nizing the legal right of French Protestants to exist that heresy within their midst was an open invitation and even worship in a few limited areas of the king- for God’s wrath to be visited upon them. Thus, the dom for the first time. This milestone was far from majority of French Catholics were openly hostile to religious toleration, but it marked a sharp break the Reformation. These popular feelings were rein- with the previous royal policies of persecuting Prot- forced by the French monarchy, as kings Henry II estants as heretics. French Catholics, however, re- (ruled 1547–1559) and Francis II (ruled 1559– fused either to accept or enforce the edict. When the 1560) sought to eliminate heresy in their kingdom prince of Conde´, a Protestant member of the Bour- via both persecution and prosecution. The surge in bon family, raised troops to enforce the edict on his Protestant growth in the late 1550s, however, own, civil war was the result. Over the next thirty- meant that the official royal policy of suppression six years, not only did French Huguenots and Cath- was never likely to succeed. And when the Hugue- olics raise armies to fight each other on the battle- nots seized several major towns by force in 1561– field, they also fought each other as civilians in 1562, it was clear that suppression had not worked. towns and cities across the kingdom. Thus, violence Moreover, by 1562 several key members of in the streets among civilians became a hallmark of some prominent noble families such as the Bour- the French Wars of Religion for an extended period, bons and the Albrets had converted to the new reli- imposing on France an experience unmatched by gion, further exacerbating political tensions and ri- other territories affected by the Reformation: two valries at court. Their chief rivals, the Guise family, generations of civil war.

192 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WARS OF RELIGION, FRENCH

French Wars of Religion. The massacre of Huguenots by Catholics in Sens, Burgundy, April 1562; engraving by Hogenberg, late sixteenth–early seventeenth century. THE ART ARCHIVE/UNIVERSITY LIBRARY GENEVA/DAGLI ORTI

The outbreak of civil war in the spring of 1562 another outbreak of war. In all, France was to suffer began a long series of armed conflicts, followed by through eight separate civil wars between 1562 and brief periods of siege or battlefield confrontation 1598. between the two armies, and concluded by ex- tended peace negotiations and a peace treaty. Each THE ST. BARTHOLOMEW’S DAY MASSACRES of these successive civil wars followed a similar pat- The first major turning point in the religious wars tern. While one side might manage to defeat the came in August 1572 with the massacres in Paris other’s army on the battlefield, there was no way that began in the early morning hours of 24 August, that either could effectively administer a heavy St. Bartholomew’s Day. Two days earlier, members enough defeat to disarm all the civilians and nobles of the Guise family, probably with the tacit support on the other side, much less occupy its opponent’s of Catherine de Me´dicis, had come to the decision cities and towns. Thus, each successive peace treaty to assassinate Gaspard de Coligny, admiral of France had to be a forced compromise, offering very lim- and the military leader of the Huguenots, because ited rights and legal guarantees that were never of fears of a Huguenot military reprisal in Paris, enough to provide complete security and freedom where many Protestant nobles had gathered for the of worship for French Protestants. But even limited royal wedding between the king’s sister Margaret rights were far too numerous for French Catholics, and Henry of Navarre, son of the Protestants An- and each period of peace was soon followed by thony de Bourbon and Jeanne d’Albret, king and

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 193 WARS OF RELIGION, FRENCH queen of Navarre. Though there was no Protestant quence resulted in the Guise family’s organizing a coup being planned by Coligny, the assassination Holy Catholic League, backed by money and troops attempt nevertheless took place. Because it failed, from King Philip II of Spain, to pressure the king to however, only seriously wounding Coligny, the disavow Navarre, who, despite his legitimacy as heir many Huguenot nobles in Paris began to fear for by birth, was rendered illegitimate because of his their lives. This only exacerbated the fears of the religion. The political pressure mounted by the Guise family and the queen mother, who managed league was so great, in fact, that in 1585 these to persuade the king, Charles IX, and the rest of his militant Catholics even managed to get Henry III to council on 23 August to undertake another murder issue an ordinance making it illegal to be Protestant attempt on Coligny, this time accompanied by the in France, revoking all the limited rights of existence killing of roughly two dozen of the leading Hugue- that Huguenots had won since Catherine de not nobles in Paris. When these murders were duly Me´dicis’s original edict in January 1562. It certainly carried out in the early morning hours of 24 August, appeared that the policies of suppression of the the feast day of St. Bartholomew, many Catholics in 1550s had returned once again. Moreover, when Paris misunderstood the killings as a sign that the Henry, duke of Guise, entered Paris against Henry king wished all Huguenots in Paris to be killed. III’s will in May 1588, Guise’s reception was so Since there had already been violence between Prot- warm and his popularity among the Parisian people estants and Catholics in Paris the previous year, it so great that the king was forced to flee his own did not take much to set off widespread attacks capital. He gained his revenge by having Guise and against all Huguenots in the capital. Over the next his brother murdered in December 1588. Victory two days Parisian Catholics killed upwards of 2,000 was only temporary, however, as Henry III himself French Protestants. The events in the capital was murdered the following August by a dis- sparked similar massacres in a dozen provincial gruntled Catholic monk. Thus, from August 1589 towns across the kingdom over the next few weeks. Henry of Navarre was recognized as the legitimate By October 1572 as many as six to eight thousand king of France—as King Henry IV (ruled 1589– Huguenots had been killed. These massacres 1610)—only by French Protestants and a small mi- marked an end to Protestant growth in France, not nority of Catholics who were willing to place his so much because of the loss of life, as considerable as legitimacy by birth above his Calvinist religion. The it was, but because of the chilling symbolic impact overwhelming majority of French Catholics, how- of the massacres. It appeared to many that the ever, urged on by the league, refused to accept crown had returned to a policy of cruel suppression, Navarre’s claim to the throne and held out against while many Huguenots saw the massacres as a sign him. The cycle of civil war was destined to continue. that God had abandoned them. A significant num- ber of them began to abjure their religion and con- THE EDICT OF NANTES vert to Catholicism as a result. Most Huguenots did The final watershed in the French Wars of Religion not convert, however, and the intermittent cycle of occurred in July 1593, after four long years of inde- war and peace soon commenced once again. cisive fighting between the armies of King Henry IV and the Catholic League. The city of Paris had been THE CATHOLIC LEAGUE besieged by the royalist forces of the king in 1590, The second major watershed in the civil wars oc- and some Parisians even starved to death in a long, curred in June 1584 when the last surviving Valois ruinous summer. The turning point came when heir to the throne, Francis, duke of Anjou, died Henry made the decision to abjure his Protestant from tuberculosis at the age of 29. King Henry III religion and take instruction in the Catholic faith. It (ruled 1574–1589), who had succeeded his brother was certainly not a cynical decision, as his enemies Charles IX two years after the St. Bartholomew’s claimed, nor one made lightly. Henry had been a Day Massacres, was childless. The death of his youn- devout Calvinist ever since he was first instructed in ger brother Anjou, who was the last and youngest of the faith by his mother. He was forced to recognize, Catherine de Me´dicis’s and Henry II’s four sons, however, that the French constitution required the meant that the next in line to the throne was Henry king to be Catholic. To resolve the long religious of Navarre, a Protestant. This unfortunate conse- conflict and bring the disorders in the kingdom to

194 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WARS OF RELIGION, FRENCH

French Wars of Religion. Assassination of Duke Henry of Guise by the guard of King Henry III, 23 December 1588, engraving by Hogenberg, late sixteenth–early seventeenth century. THE ART ARCHIVE/UNIVERSITY LIBRARY GENEVA/DAGLI ORTI an end, Henry publicly converted to Catholicism in Burgundy, Perigord, and Limousin, some of whom the summer of 1593. When the pope formally ab- may have been organized by elites, organized to solved the king shortly thereafter, the many nobles keep soldiers out of their villages whether they were and towns loyal to the league began to submit to his Huguenots or Catholics. Thus, the situation was authority and accept him as their new monarch. But very different from the earlier peace edicts, as the Henry IV still faced the same problem as all his entire kingdom’s resolve to continue to wage war in predecessors: how to produce a peace treaty that such dire economic circumstances began to waver. was acceptable to both sides with a chance of sur- Another principal difference between the Edict vival. The Edict of Nantes, published in the spring of Nantes and the seven earlier edicts of pacification of 1598, looked on paper to be very similar to many is that Henry IV explicitly appealed to both sides. of the numerous earlier edicts of pacification, none To the Catholic majority, he promised in the pre- of which had proved very durable. France had suf- amble of the edict that France would forever remain fered horribly during the wars of the league, how- a Catholic country, and that one day God would ever, as increased warfare combined with economic bless his kingdom by reuniting all French men and and agrarian crises in the 1590s to create loud de- women in the one true Catholic faith. The various mands from within various elements of the popula- articles of the edict spelled out that the monarchy, tion to stop the fighting. Bands of armed peasants in the state, and all French institutions would also

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 195 WARS OF RELIGION, FRENCH remain Catholic, thus ensuring that Catholicism meaning they would not be persecuted for simply would never be jeopardized as the official religion of being Protestant. Their right to freedom of wor- the kingdom. The edict also restored the Catholic ship, however, was severely restricted, limited to Mass in all Protestant areas where it had been ban- those towns mainly in the south of France already ned, introducing it into some areas for the first time under Huguenot control in August 1597. More- in forty years. In addition, the edict required all over, all former Catholic churches in these areas were to be turned back over to the French Catholic Huguenots to begin paying the ecclesiastical tithe Church. The Huguenots would have to build their to the Catholic Church, just as their Catholic coun- own churches, or worship in private (meaning terparts had always done, in order to provide for the largely aristocratic) homes in the towns they con- salaries of parish priests throughout the kingdom. trolled. But the king also granted the Huguenots On the surface, then, the Edict of Nantes was meant concessions not made public in the edict. First, they to appease French Catholics, especially those former were given a special subsidy to pay the salaries of members of the league who had opposed the king their ministers, offsetting the ecclesiastical tithe re- prior to his conversion. quired in the edict itself. More importantly, Henry On the other side, the edict made clear that granted the Huguenots the right to garrison troops Huguenots had freedom of conscience in France, in the towns they controlled, thereby guaranteeing

French Wars of Religion. Dijon, Burgundy, surrenders to King Henry IV, May 1595, engraving by Hogenberg, late sixteenth– early seventeenth century. THE ART ARCHIVE/UNIVERSITY LIBRARY GENEVA/DAGLI ORTI

196 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WARSAW their own safety and defense. Thus in a variety of ways, while the Edict of Nantes initiated a period of WARSAW (Polish, Warszawa). A small late me- religious coexistence, it was far from a policy of dieval settlement on the left bank of the middle religious toleration. And for most among the Vistula, Warsaw became the capital of the Princi- French Catholic majority, even this religious coexis- pality of Mazovia during the reign of Janusz I the tence was thought to be only temporary, until those Elder (ruled 1374–1429). ‘‘Old Warsaw’’ was remaining Protestants might be won back to the founded c. 1300 on the escarpment overlooking the true faith, following the example set by King Henry Vistula, just north of an existing castle. By 1408 a IV. For them, the future of France was as a kingdom ‘‘New Warsaw,’’ lying due north of Old Warsaw, of Catholic uniformity of religion. The Huguenots, had established its own autonomous municipality, however, recognized that their gains in the edict with a separate magistracy and market square. Old would last only as long as they were loyal to the Warsaw was the more populous and affluent, with crown and only as long as their newly converted the bricked houses of the patriciate and wealthier king chose to enforce them. Henry’s son Louis XIII tradesmen. Artisans, shopkeepers, and small farmers (ruled 1610–1643) sought to dismantle the subsi- occupied the mostly wooden structures of New dies and military protection of the Huguenots, Warsaw. while Henry’s grandson Louis XIV (ruled 1643– The last Mazovian prince, Janusz III, died in 1715) revoked the Edict of Nantes altogether in 1526, and from that time Mazovia and Warsaw 1685. came under the Polish crown. No longer the small See also Catherine de Me´dicis; Catholic League (France); capital of an independent principality, Warsaw Coligny Family; Conde´ Family; France; Guise Fam- nonetheless continued to grow modestly, thanks ily; Henry IV (France); Huguenots; Nantes, Edict partly to its expanding ties with Cracow and the of; St. Bartholomew’s Day Massacre. kingdom. In 1527 and 1529, Sigismund I (ruled 1506–1548) granted charters to eleven Warsaw BIBLIOGRAPHY guilds, removing them from the jurisdiction of the Primary Source Cracow brethren. By 1564, Old Warsaw encom- Potter, David, ed. and trans. The French Wars of Religion: passed 486 stone houses, New Warsaw 204 still Selected Documents. New York, 1997. mostly wooden houses. Jews were expelled from Warsaw in 1483, and a privilege de non tolerandis Secondary Sources Benedict, Philip. Rouen during the Wars of Religion. Cam- Judaeis, granted its burghers in 1527, forbade bridge, U.K., and New York, 1981. Jewish settlement in the town itself, relegating them Davis, Natalie Zemon. Society and Culture in Early Modern to the suburbs for most of the early modern period. France: Eight Essays. Stanford, 1975. Warsaw grew quickly in significance toward the Diefendorf, Barbara B. Beneath the Cross: Catholics and Hu- end of the sixteenth century. From 1569 it was the guenots in Sixteenth-Century Paris. New York, 1991. site for meetings of the General Parliament, and Greengrass, Mark. France in the Age of Henri IV: The Strug- from 1573 for the Election that chose gle for Stability. 2nd ed. London and New York, 1995. the kings of Poland and the grand dukes of Lithua- Holt, Mack P. The French Wars of Religion, 1562–1629. nia. A fire in the Castle in Cracow in 1596 Cambridge, U.K., and New York, 1995. moved Sigismund III Vasa (ruled 1587–1632) to Holt, Mack P., ed. Renaissance and Reformation France, begin expanding the Warsaw castle and to make it 1500–1648. Oxford, 2002. into the residence of Polish kings and their courts Knecht, Robert J. The French Civil Wars, 1559–1598. Lon- beginning in 1611. (Cracow would remain the capi- don, 2000. tal and city.) With the transfer of the Roberts, Penny. A City in Conflict: during the French royal court to Warsaw, the city began to draw mag- Wars of Religion. Manchester, U.K., and New York, nates and gentry, who established residences in pri- 1996. vately owned suburban ‘‘jurisdictions,’’ which Salmon, J. H. M. Society in Crisis: France in the Sixteenth formed a chain of autonomous towns around Old Century. London and New York, 1975. and New Warsaw and offered competition to War- MACK P. HOLT saw’s patriciate and guild artisans. The right-bank

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 197 WATCHES

Praga suburb, the site of breweries, warehouses, and humble circumstances. By the end of his short life granaries, received its municipal privilege in 1648. (he died at 32 of tuberculosis), he was a celebrated painter in Paris. Today, he is generally considered to The wars of the mid-seventeenth century inter- be the father of the rococo style because he devel- rupted Warsaw’s rapid growth from modest six- oped the feˆte galante, ‘gallant party’, as a subject; it teenth-century numbers (its population had became a hallmark of the era’s painting. Watteau’s reached 20,000 by 1655). Swedish and Transylva- work in particular, and the rococo style in general, nian armies finally left the city on 23 June 1657, and reflect a major transformation of the French art the rebuilding of Old and New Warsaw was largely world. At the beginning of Watteau’s lifetime, King completed by 1670. Under John III Sobieski (ruled 1674–1696) the center of gravity moved to the Louis XIV (ruled 1643–1715) controlled the pro- west, beyond the old walls, and settlement ex- duction of culture through the establishment of panded into the magnates’ suburban jurisdictions to academies and state-supported patronage of the the north and south along the river. The city again arts. By the time of his death, patronage of the arts rebuilt after the Northern War (1700–1721). War- had shifted to private individuals who were no saw became the center of Polish commerce and longer interested in the highly didactic and often enlightenment under the last Polish king, Stanisław propagandistic art demanded by royal patronage. II Augustus Poniatowski (ruled 1764–1795). A Although Watteau was a member of the Royal ‘‘Black Procession’’ of burgher leaders to the Royal Academy of Painting and Sculpture, it was a group Castle on 2 December 1789 paved the way for of private collectors who collected his work and belated urban reform in the Commonwealth of cultivated his reputation. Poland-Lithuania. The autonomy of the The feˆtes galantes were contemporary scenes of ‘‘jurisdictions’’ was finally abolished, and Old and elegant men and women, usually in an outdoor set- New Warsaw, plus the suburbs, now formed one ting and sometimes dressed in masquerade, en- urban legal unit. Warsaw’s growth (to 110,000 in gaged in conversation, flirtation, music making, and 1792) was delayed with the sacking of Praga by dancing. Watteau’s feˆtes galantes were intimate in Russian armies on 5 November 1794 and the third scale; the pictures were the appropriate size to be partition of Poland (1795), which initially gave enjoyed in a private space, rather than the monu- part of Mazovia, including Warsaw, to Prussia. In mental paintings of subjects taken from classical 1799, the city’s inhabitants numbered 64,000. mythology and history that decorated the public See also Jews and Judaism; Northern Wars; Poland, Parti- spaces of Louis XIV’s palaces. The feˆtes galantes tions of; Poland-Lithuania, Commonwealth of, mirrored the kinds of social activities enjoyed by 1569–1795; Poland to 1569. Watteau’s elite collectors and also reinforced their image of themselves. BIBLIOGRAPHY Berdecka, Anna, and Irena Turnau. Z˙ ycie codzienne w The appearance of some figures dressed in the- Warszawie okresu Os´wiecenia. Warsaw, 1969. atrical costumes and others in contemporary every- Drozdowski, Marian M., and Andrzej Zahorski. Historia day garb is another trait of Watteau’s feˆtes galantes. Warszawy. Warsaw, 1997. Watteau absorbed the theatrical milieu under the tutelage of his first teacher in Paris, Claude Gillot DAVID FRICK (1673–1722), who illustrated theatrical troupes. Claude Audran (1658–1734), who did decorative painting in the homes of Parisian high society, taught Watteau his highly ornamental style and in- WATCHES. See Clocks and Watches. troduced him to his future patrons. Watteau himself later had two students, Nicolas Lancret and Jean- Baptiste-Joseph Pater, who also specialized in feˆtes galantes. WATTEAU, ANTOINE (born Jean-An- toine; 1689–1721), French painter. Antoine Wat- Perhaps Watteau’s most famous feˆte galante is teau was born in Valenciennes in northern France in Pilgrimage to Cythera (1717, Louvre). The painting

198 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WATTEAU, ANTOINE

Antoine Watteau. The Pilgrimage to Cythera. ᮊARCHIVO ICONOGRAFICO S.A./CORBIS represents a lighthearted topic that was popular in Berlin). This work shows the interior of the shop of theatrical and musical performance—a pilgrimage Watteau’s friend, the art dealer Edme´ Gersaint. On to Venus’s Island of Cythera, where everyone would the left side, workmen pack away a portrait of Louis fall in love. In Watteau’s painting, a statue of Venus XIV, and the walls are covered with paintings repre- indicates the pilgrims are on the island of Cythera. sentative of an older style associated with his reign. Three couples are arranged on a hillock and this can On the right side, elegantly dressed customers ad- be read as a narrative of departure. The couple mire paintings representative of the new, or rococo, closest to the statue is most fully under Venus’s spell style preferred by elite private patrons. This painting of love; the next couple to the left is getting up, also celebrates the collection and enjoyment of art, emerging from the spell of love; and the third cou- which had become part of the social rituals enacted ple is already standing. The woman glances back, as among the elite. if wistfully remembering the spell of love already gone. On the other side of the hillock, a group of Watteau’s paintings are often very witty. In The people heads toward a boat. Their pilgrimage is over Signboard of Gersaint, the painting of Louis XIV and they will return to the real world. Watteau’s being stored not only represents the passing of an feˆtes galantes have often been characterized as mel- era, but is also a visual pun, referring to the name of ancholy, containing a subtext that alludes to the Gersaint’s shop, ‘‘The Grand Monarch.’’ In Pil- passing of love and of life. grimage to Cythera, the cherubs who flutter above The passing of the era of King Louis XIV is the ship cavort erotically, perhaps acting out what represented in another of his celebrated works, The the more decorous pilgrims below are thinking Signboard of Gersaint (1721, Staatliche Museum, about. Wittiness, whether in art or in conversation,

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 199 WEALTH was a trait much esteemed in eighteenth-century iconographic documents and serial and/or quantifi- high society. able data. In turn, this second group of sources may itself be divided into direct and indirect records. Today, as in the eighteenth century, Watteau’s The value and the limitations of all relevant sources works are highly prized. He managed to combine are still debated. References to weather conditions superb draftsmanship with deft painting to subtly are found in many diaries, almanacs, chronicles, represent facets of both the complex social life and letters, professional accounts, and scientific and mil- the attitudes of those who came to dominate early itary logs. Yet this information is very heterogene- modern European society. ous and thinly and unevenly distributed across the See also France, Art in; Louis XIV (France); Rococo. continent and the centuries. It is inevitably subjec- tive and likely to recall extreme or rare occurrences BIBLIOGRAPHY (similar comments may be directed at the pictorial Grasselli, Margaret, and Pierre Rosenberg, with the assis- records that testify to various effects of the weather). tance of Nicole Parmantier. Watteau: 1684–1721. More systematic and more intentional direct rec- Washington, D.C., 1984. ords of weather conditions are rare, particularly Plax, Julie Anne. Watteau and the Cultural Politics of Eigh- early in the period. Their great merit is to enable the teenth-Century France. New York, 2000. construction of data series, yet the lack of standard- Posner, Donald. Antoine Watteau. Ithaca, N.Y., 1984. ized measures of temperatures and other climatic Vidal, Mary. Watteau’s Painted Conversations: Art, Litera- variables greatly complicates the task of researchers. ture, and Talk in 17th and 18th Century France. New Haven, 1992. To complete this rich yet insufficient medley of references, historians turn to indirect evidence. JULIE ANNE PLAX Some of it requires refined scientific analyses, rang- ing from the mapping of tree rings to carbon dating and the assaying of soil or ice cores. A second cate- WEALTH. See Aristocracy and Gentry; Class, gory of proxy sources includes evidence of weather- Status, and Order; Consumption. dependent economic output, principally crops. Mu- nicipal rolls of market prices, institutional accounts of harvests, church tithes registers, or seigneurial records may all reflect variations in local weather WEATHER AND CLIMATE. The history conditions. However, both agricultural production of the climate during the early modern age is largely itself and the transactions that produced these rec- centered on the climatic deterioration known as the ords were also shaped by economic, political, and ‘‘Little Ice Age.’’ Much evidence testifies to a signif- cultural tensions. (Agronomists also warn of the icant degradation of atmospheric conditions from intrinsic complexity of the relation between weather the perhaps uniquely favorable circumstances of the and output.) For instance, the dates of grape har- High Middle Ages to the cooler, wetter, and less vests have always been linked to competitive pres- stable weather of the early modern period. No con- sures and evolving tastes as well as spring and sum- sensus exists with regard to the nature or the chro- mer conditions, just as flood reports are shaped by nology of this phenomenon, the value of the water levels but also by demographic pressures, hy- sources available to investigate it, or its impact upon draulic works, or fiscal imperatives. Increasingly rig- European societies. Nevertheless, the recognition of orous standards have been applied to the reconstitu- the importance of climate as a historical factor has tion of early modern climates, demanding advanced led researchers to revisit many well-traveled paths of dissections of the effect of weather upon the docu- European history. Their efforts have become partic- mented variables and sophisticated statistical testing ularly relevant considering twenty-first-century fears of the resulting figures. of global warming. Several significant cross-disciplinary collabora- The sources that historians draft to document tions substantiate the existence of a negative turn in the climate of the fifteenth to eighteenth centuries the weather during the early modern era and also may be arranged in two main categories: literary and expose its complexity. Its outside limits range from

200 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WEATHER AND CLIMATE the fourteenth to the nineteenth centuries, al- reflected in language, ceremonies, superstitions, though its beginnings are obviously less docu- and even witch-hunts. mented than its end. Naturally, no uniform weather The implications of research on the history of pattern stretched across this long period or across all climate are many. Even those who remain skeptical regions of Europe; this calls for the study of fine of the solidity of such probes will agree that they regional and chronological distinctions. Tempera- serve to highlight and explain the importance and tures are perhaps better known than precipitation the diversity of human responses to environmental amounts, and great variability as well as episodes of challenges. Research devoted to the early modern extreme weather are emerging as key findings. climate can also speak to early modern communi- Charts of growing seasons and growing ranges have ties’ ability to diversify their crops, their landholding been drawn and compared with the more favorable patterns, the attempts of authorities to mitigate the conditions of the High Middle Ages and the well- impact of brutal episodes, the role played by grow- documented contemporary era. To date, the geog- ing commercial networks and related levels of spe- raphy and chronology of the early modern climate cialization, the flexibility or rigidity of certain social ‘‘pessimum’’ (severe deterioration) remain the ob- structures, and the reasons behind important evolu- ject of much valuable work. tions of landscapes. In the course of these investiga- tions, several fundamental assumptions have been Historians speculate on the origins of this cli- questioned, such as the vulnerability of preindustrial matic deterioration, notably turning to factors such communities to climatic fluctuations, and even the as solar, volcanic, or even human activity, but they stability of the natural environment in which they are chiefly interested in its consequences. Its impact functioned. upon food production is at the center of many de- bates, because of its crucial importance to many The strongest objections to the work of climate aspects of early modern social, economic, and even historians revolve around the value of the data and political life. Inquiries into the demographic impact methods used. But there are also regular de- of the Little Ice Age continue to enrich our under- nouncements of the risks of determinism associated standing of related subjects such as famines, epi- with these (and other) probes into environmental demics, and epizootics. Increasingly, historians sep- history. This is particularly so because of a long- arate the consequences of sharp and brutal but short standing tradition linking the supposedly favorable events from those of medium-term, interannual, climate of Europe with the successful projection of and decadal or secular trends and underscore the European power across the oceans. Many aspects of distinctions to be made between the great climatic the European environment have been and are still zones of Europe. They also contrast the impact of advanced to justify what has been called the weather in secure agricultural areas with that in ‘‘European Miracle,’’ ranging from its (mostly) marginal lands of all sorts and have started to ac- temperate nature and the (relative) absence of large- knowledge the importance of microclimates. New scale destructive episodes, to its very diversity. All knowledge of climatic patterns is also being applied such theses stand accused of ignoring or underesti- to many long-standing historical concerns: the mating the historically crucial element of human agency and, most significantly, of simplifying the ‘‘general crises’’ of the fourteenth and seventeenth great complexity of climate patterns and their im- centuries; large-scale migration patterns, and, occa- pact upon land and people. sionally, the disappearance of whole communities; popular rebellions; economic trends ranging from Such Eurocentric interpretations of the influ- the southward retreat of vineyards to the shifting of ence of climate upon societies are not new. Embold- fishing grounds and the great inflation of the six- ened by the growing reach of their information teenth century; and some of the key advances of the networks, early modern thinkers linked geography early modern age, such as the agricultural revolu- and climate with social and cultural development in tion. Finally, climate history has also entered the several ways, just as they started to reflect on the field of cultural studies, with explorations of the role possibility of climatic variations over time. These of climate in shaping popular beliefs and traditions reflections could join speculations on the relative

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 201 WEIGHTS AND MEASURES merits of ancient and modern societies, or the clus- BIBLIOGRAPHY tering of geniuses. They could also enter the realm Blaut, James M. ‘‘Environmentalism and Eurocentrism.’’ Geographical Review 89 (July 1999): 391–408. of religious thought, through hypotheses on ‘‘geological times’’ or the universal decline of the Flohn, Hermann, and Roberto Fantechi, eds. The Climate of Europe, Past, Present, and Future: Natural and Man- earth’s ability to support life, as well as daring inter- Induced Climatic Changes, A European Perspective. pretations of some key episodes of the Scriptures; Dordrecht and Boston, 1984. those, on the contrary, who argued the immutabil- Jankovi’c, Vladimir. Reading the Skies: A Cultural History of ity of climate opened the door for more enlightened English Weather, 1650–1820. Chicago, 2000. plans for improving lives. The same period also Jones, P. D., et al., eds. History and Climate: Memories of the marked the beginnings of a more systematic and Future? New York, 2001. more scientific interest in recording weather pat- Journal of Interdisciplinary History 10, nos. 2 and 4 (1979– terns. This trend made clear the need for more 1980). reliable thermometers and other instruments and Le Roy Ladurie, Emmanuel. Times of Feast, Times of Famine: heralded the eventual science of meteorology, al- A History of Climate since the Year 1000. Translated by though, as is common during the early modern era, Barbara Bray. Garden City, N.Y., 1971. cultural groups other than the elite of princely scien- Pfister, Christian, Rudolf Bra´zdil, and Ru¨diger Glaser, eds. tific societies remained active in their own ways. The Climatic Variability in Sixteenth-Century Europe and interest in climate, like that in many other aspects of Its Social Dimension. Dordrecht and Boston, 1999. nature, helped mark social and regional identities. PIERRE CLAUDE REYNARD Late in the period, attention turned to the potential impact of human activities upon the natural envi- ronment and climate. Large-scale or particularly acute instances of deforestation fueled the theory of WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. Weights desiccation, predicated upon the idea that forests and measures throughout Europe during the early attracted, retained, and redistributed atmospheric modern period were characterized by complexity moisture. Some applied it on a grand scale, specu- and confusion and dominated by customary prac- lating, for instance, on the decline of Classic socie- tices. Numbering in the hundreds of thousands, ties or the future of the North American climate they arose originally from Greek, Roman, Celtic, after settlement. Others turned to the small but Germanic, Slavic, and other roots and multiplied on revealing scale of tropical islands. In these settings, local, regional, and state levels at a rapid pace after free of some of the traditional bounds that had de- 1450. Among the principal causes for this prolifera- veloped in Europe, novel measures emerged that tion were economic development, commercial may be seen as forerunners of the science of ecology competition, population growth, urbanization, tax- and the protectionist measures that would grow in ation manipulations, territorial expansion, and tech- the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. nological progress. Contributing also were ineffec- tive governmental decrees and legislative acts, the Research in climate history is an established paucity and inferior workmanship of the physical component of environmental history. Like other as- standards manufactured to serve as prototypes, and pects of this new field, it calls for decidedly multidis- the overwhelming number of poorly trained officials ciplinary approaches, and it struggles to overcome entrusted with inspection, verification, and enforce- the fundamental objections associated with the ment duties. ever-recurrent temptation of deterministic interpre- Central governments contributed to weights tations of history. In the context of an early modern and measures proliferation by promulgating multi- era rich in sources, it greatly enriches our under- ple state standards for individual units, depending standing of material and social life and contributes on where they were used and by whom. Sizes of to the development of ever more refined models of units in capital cities were often different from those the links between nature and culture. in the provinces or in rural areas. They even differed See also Agriculture; Environment; Forests and Wood- among social classes. On the other hand, common lands; Scientific Instruments. local units occasionally became so popular that they

202 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WEIGHTS AND MEASURES gained unit standardization. They then competed system in France in 1793 and the imperial system in with state units, producing further confusion. England in 1824. With the rapid growth of cities, weights and First, there was the dynamic of scientific and measures frequently separated into different stan- technological invention and innovation that over- dards depending on whether they were employed threw the rigid reliance on past traditions. The in- within the cities or outside their walls. A sharp divi- troduction of numerous new concepts, instruments, sion arose between urban and suburban measures. and procedures linked theoreticians with craftsmen Similarly, some measuring units differed according for the first time and led to profound advancements to their use on land or on sea. A general rule in lenses, magnification glasses, microscopes, navi- throughout Europe was that measures always in- gational, astronomical, and triangulation instru- creased in size or distance once land was no longer ments, and clocks. These and hundreds of other in sight. breakthroughs, spearheaded chiefly by English, French, and Italian scientists, played a critical role in Product variations were the most important the reformation of weights and measures. source for metrological proliferation. Those based on quantity measures varied by number or by an Second, many of these successes received stimu- odd assortment of human, animal, and other capa- lus and support from the European scientific socie- bilities. Even when these measures had standardized ties that developed rapidly during the 1600s. By the end of the century, most serious scientists in Europe counts, capacities, or weights, the actual sizes de- had become members of these societies, and their pended on the characteristics of the products in- journals disseminated knowledge of new discoveries volved. Compounding this situation was the centu- and inventions. In Italy the Roman Accademia dei ries-old practice of dividing existing units into Lincei and the Florentine Accademia del Cimento halves, thirds, and fourths or into an irregular as- made significant scientific strides, the latter espe- sortment of diminutives. Similar problems were as- cially in its technological apparatus. signing the same name to different units, basing one unit on a multiple or submultiple of another, be- The most important societies for the future stowing more than one name on the same unit, and development of metrology, however, were the authorizing various methods of submultiple compi- Royal Society of London and the Academy of Sci- lations for a given unit. ences of Paris and their offshoots, the Greenwich and Paris observatories. The English organizations Further examples were units of account that cast their scientific net far and wide and made giant were simply computational units for record keeping advancements in physics, astronomy, chemistry, and other business purposes. Similarly, there were and natural science which, coupled with their pio- measures reserved for wholesale trade that referred neering work in technological instruments, helped to any number of other better-known units without create a new era in weights and measures. Even any correlation to existing standards. Measures were more important were the Parisian groups whose also based on the monetary values of coins, on units scientists introduced the practice of using tele- of income derived through production, on crop scopes in conjunction with graduated circles for the yields and tax assessments, and on work functions, precise measurement of angles. This led to mea- dimensions, and time allotments of humans and ani- surements of the meridian arc and the computation mals. The sizes of such units rested on a myriad of of the radius of the Earth. This seminal work pro- imprecise factors. vided metrologists with possibilities for a natural Regardless of such conditions, Europe in the physical standard that eventually became the basis for the metric system. seventeenth and eighteenth centuries produced a climate of change ushered in by the age of science These and other advances led to the creation of and the Enlightenment. During this critical period, hundreds of metrological reform proposals. In En- a number of developments occurred that altered gland the pendulum was given special emphasis. metrological history profoundly, and eventually led Since the second unit (of time) is determined by the to the creation and implementation of the metric motion of the earth, it was believed that the length

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 203 WESLEY FAMILY of the second’s pendulum in a given latitude would be an invariable quantity that could always be recov- WESLEY FAMILY. The Wesley family in- ered or duplicated. Others proposed altering the cluded John Wesley (1703–1791) and his brother existing system to conform to a decimal scale, elimi- Charles Wesley (1707–1788), leaders in the eigh- teenth-century evangelical movement in England nating all units except for a select few, and coordi- called Methodism. The Wesleys’ ancestry included nating all units to a strict series of ratios. Unfortu- Puritans and Nonconformists on both sides, al- nately, the revamped English system of 1824 though their parents were staunchly committed to excluded any natural standard and opted only for the Church of England. Their paternal great-grand- streamlining the old system and establishing more father Bartholomew Westley (c. 1596–1671), accurate physical standards. The French proposals grandfather John Westley (c. 1636–1770), and ma- concluded far more successfully. After numerous ternal grandfather Samuel Annesley (c. 1620– experiments, France settled on a standard deter- 1696) were clergy removed from their positions mined by the triangulation measurements of that after the Restoration because they were Anglican portion of the meridian arc that ran from Dunkirk dissenters. through Paris to Barcelona. In the process they The parents of the brothers were Samuel Wesley established a new measure—the meter—as one ten- (1662–1735) and Susanna Annesley Wesley millionth of the distance from the North Pole to the (1669–1742). An ordained Anglican priest, Samuel equator. Even though there eventually were some Wesley became rector of Epworth parish in Lin- problems with the final measurements, a new era in colnshire in 1695. Although he was a talented world metrology had begun. scholar and poet, he was unpopular with his parish- See also Enlightenment; Mathematics; Scientific Instru- ioners because of his strict demands that they live ments. holy lives. It is believed that disgruntled parish- ioners, among other spiteful acts, set fire to the rectory in 1709. The building was destroyed with BIBLIOGRAPHY no loss of life. Berriman, Algernon E. Historical Metrology. London, 1953. An excellent study of the major issues in European The Wesley family included nineteen children, metrological history. ten of whom lived into adulthood. With a large Daumas, Maurice. Scientific Instruments of the Seventeenth family, life in the Epworth rectory was busy. and Eighteenth Century. New York, 1972. Shows the Susanna Wesley possessed considerable intellectual impact of technology on numerous metrological devel- ability and skillfully managed the household. She opments. supervised the children’s earliest education, teach- Kula, Witold. Measures and Men. Translated by Richard ing each how to read and write. Circumstances for Szreter. Princeton, 1986. Important for the historical Susanna became quite difficult in 1705, when Sam- correlation between metrology and society. uel was imprisoned for several weeks in Lincoln Castle for debt he could not pay. Both parents Zupko, Ronald E. Revolution in Measurement: Western Eu- ropean Weights and Measures since the Age of Science. instructed their offspring in the essentials of the Philadelphia, 1990. Extensive coverage of medieval and Christian faith, including respect for the Bible and early modern European weights and measures with a the traditions and practices of the Anglican Church. comprehensive bibliography on all issues. It would be difficult to underestimate the lasting —. ‘‘Weights and Measures.’’ In Encyclopedia of the influence of Samuel and Susanna on their children. Renaissance. Vol. 6. New York, 1999. Tables of princi- The three sons Samuel Jr., John, and Charles pal European units of measurement. were ordained into the ministry of the Church of —. ‘‘Weights and Measures: Western European.’’ In England. They were graduates of Christ Church Dictionary of the Middle Ages. Vol. 12. New York, College, Oxford University. After service on the 1989. Europe-wide in scope with tables of equivalents; staff of Westminster School in London, Samuel Jr. see also author’s metrological articles in the other was named headmaster of Blundell’s School in eleven volumes. Tiverton. John, who was elected a fellow of Lincoln RONALD EDWARD ZUPKO College, Oxford, in 1726, also served as his father’s

204 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WESTPHALIA, PEACE OF (1648) parish assistant and was a missionary to the Ameri- compensation while France, under the cardinals can colony of Georgia in 1736–1737. His ministry (Richelieu to 1642, Mazarin thereafter), envisaged among the settlers and Native Americans was disap- something altogether more ambitious that involved pointing. He returned to England in 1737 in spiri- a considerable reduction in both Spanish and Aus- tual despair. His despondency ended with his evan- trian Habsburg power. In addition, matters were gelical conversion on 24 May 1738. Charles complicated by the individual ambitions of various accompanied John to America and for a short time German princes and separate negotiations between was secretary to General James Oglethorpe (1696– the Spanish and the Dutch. Ultimately, 176 1785), Georgia’s colonial governor. Ill health and plenipotentiaries representing 196 rulers attended misunderstandings with the governor and colonists the peace negotiations. forced Charles to return to England in 1736 and Despite these problems, talks began in 1643 at laid the groundwork for his conversion on 21 May Mu¨nster and Osnabru¨ck, the two cities specified for 1738. In the months that followed their religious negotiations by the Franco-Swedish Treaty of 1641. renewals, John and Charles became principal leaders in that part of the evangelical revival known as Me- France, Spain, and the other Catholic participants thodism. were based at Mu¨nster, Sweden and her allies at Osnabru¨ck. Although Emperor Ferdinand III The lives of the seven daughters, Emilia, (ruled 1637–1657) initially delayed negotiations, Susanna, Mary, Mehetabel, Anne, Martha, and the collapse of his military position in 1645 forced Kezia, were mostly marked by difficulty and unhap- him to undertake serious discussions in 1646. How- piness. Mehetabel, or Hetty, the most talented of ever, that a settlement was not reached until the the daughters, published poetry in various maga- autumn of 1648 was largely due to Mazarin rather zines. The Wesley family was noteworthy in eigh- than the emperor. In fact, the war only really came teenth-century England largely through the evan- to an end at that time because of France’s inability gelical ministry of John Wesley and Charles Wesley. to carry it on. See also Church of England; Methodism. NEGOTIATIONS BIBLIOGRAPHY With so many participants and so many conflicting Primary Source interests, it is hard to discern any pattern of negotia- Wesley, Susanna. Susanna Wesley: The Complete Writings. tion, but the aims of the major participants can be Edited by Charles Wallace Jr. New York, 1997. identified. The emperor clearly wanted a full and final peace settlement. Because his situation was Secondary Sources desperate, he was prepared to make far-reaching Edwards, Maldwyn Lloyd. Family Circle: A Study of the Epworth Household in Relation to John and Charles religious and territorial concessions if necessary. Wesley. London, 1949. Mazarin’s wish for a universal peace was scuttled by Maser, Frederick E. The Story of John Wesley’s Sisters; or, Seven the collapse of negotiations with Spain in 1646. The Sisters in Search of Love. Rutland, Vt., 1988. Spanish preferred to work out a deal with the Dutch Newton, John A. Susanna Wesley and the Puritan Tradition (achieved in January 1647, ratified at Mu¨nster in in Methodism. London, 2002. January 1648) and keep fighting. As far as Germany

CHARLES YRIGOYEN,JR. was concerned, France wanted to destroy the em- peror’s influence by strengthening the autonomy of the individual princes and by replacing the existing imperial institutions with a French-led federation. WESTPHALIA, PEACE OF (1648). However, these plans were unpopular with the Ger- The Treaties of Mu¨nster and Osnabru¨ck, which man princes, who valued the Holy Roman Empire ended the Thirty Years’ War, are known collectively and preferred an emperor limited in authority to as the Peace of Westphalia. The main obstacles to a dominance by France and Sweden. Count Maximil- general peace in Germany after 1635 were the ambi- ian von Trauttsmannsdorf, the imperial envoy, had tions of France and Sweden and changing military little difficulty in resisting these French demands. fortunes. Sweden wanted territorial and financial French demands for most of Alsace and parts of

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 205 WESTPHALIA, PEACE OF (1648)

Lorraine, on the other hand, were quite modest 1. The principle of cuius regio, eius religio (‘who- because France mainly wanted Spanish territory. ever rules the territory determines the religion’) Mazarin was able to obtain Habsburg domains in was reaffirmed, but construed to relate only to Alsace in return for 1.2 million thalers in a deal with public life. the emperor in September 1646. 2. Calvinism was finally recognized within the The Swedes were prepared to compromise be- Confession of Augsburg and, except within the cause Queen Christina was eager for a quick settle- Bavarian and Austrian lands (including Bohe- ment. In any event her erstwhile allies, the French, mia), Protestant retention of all land secularized did not want to see Sweden become too powerful. before 1624 was guaranteed. Accordingly, Mazarin decided to build up Branden- 3. In matters of religion there were to be no major- burg as a counterweight to Swedish power, and in ity decisions made by the diet. Instead, disputes February 1647 the Swedish envoys were persuaded were to be settled only by compromise. to agree to a partition of Pomerania with the elec- 4. To all intents and purposes, the separate states tor. Trauttmannsdorf was able to exploit this ten- of the Holy Roman Empire were recognized as sion between the allies in other ways, too. For in- sovereign members of the diet, free to control stance, Sweden demanded religious toleration their own affairs independently of each other within the Habsburg lands, for the Bohemians in and of the emperor. particular. Knowing that the French had little sym- 5. Maximilian of Bavaria (1573–1651) retained pathy for Bohemian Protestants, and would not his electoral title and the Upper Palatinate. support Sweden on this issue, the emperor resisted 6. A new electoral title was created for Karl Lud- this demand quite firmly. wig (1617–1680), the son of the former elector palatine, on his restoration to the Lower Palati- As far as religion was concerned, matters of territory and allegiance had been addressed in the nate. Peace of Prague and at the Diet of Regensburg, but 7. John George of Saxony, a leading German Prot- the status of Calvinism and secularized lands still estant prince who had supported Ferdinand, had to be resolved. Although the delegates were was confirmed in his acquisition of Lusatia (a divided according to confessional lines, even within region of eastern Germany and southwest Po- the same denomination there was no agreement. land). However, because the Protestants proved to be 8. Frederick William ofBrandenburg(1620–1688) more united overall, the final agreement on reli- acquired Cammin, Minden, and Halberstadt, gious issues reached in March 1648 was more favor- along with the succession to Magdeburg. able to them. 9. The emperor’s claim to hereditary rights in Bo- hemia, Moravia, and Silesia was established. The Final agreement was postponed because Maza- Habsburg Sundgau was surrendered to France. rin, unnerved by Spain’s deal with the Dutch (which 10. The Peace of Westphalia confirmed Swedish he had tried to sabotage), decided to increase control of the river mouths of the Oder, the Elbe, French demands. This rekindled the war, though and Weser—virtually the entire German coast- with the onset of civil unrest in France in the sum- line—by the occupation of western Pomerania, mer of 1648 (the Fronde), Mazarin reluctantly changed his tune and by August was convinced of Stettin, Stralsund, Wismar, the dioceses of Bre- ‘‘our need to make peace at the earliest opportu- men and Verden, and the islands of Ru¨gen, nity.’’ Consequently, he dropped his extra demands Usedom, and Wollin. Sweden was also paid an and agreed to a settlement (though the emperor did indemnity of 5 million thalers. agree not to aid his Spanish cousin). 11. France acquired Habsburg territory and other jurisdictions in Alsace. Other acquisitions in- TERMS cluded Pinerolo in Savoy and Breisach and Phil- The Peace of Westphalia was signed simultaneously ippsburg on the right bank of the Rhine. at Mu¨nster and Osnabru¨ck on 24 October 1648 12. TheUnited Provinces of theNetherlands(Dutch and consisted of 128 clauses. The main parts can be Republic) were declared independent of both summarized as follows: Spain and the Holy Roman Empire (Switzer-

206 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WESTPHALIA, PEACE OF (1648)

land was also acknowledged as independent of search is beginning to question the idea that West- the empire). phalia fixed the empire’s constitution in its final 13. No prince of the empire, not even the emperor, form. It is now thought to have been more adapt- could ally with the Spanish monarchy. able to change, and, in fact, imperial policy contin- ued to be decided by the emperor. ASSESSMENT The emperor himself was now very much An overall assessment is not easy to make. By and strengthened within his hereditary territories: both large the treaties defused those problems largely religious and political opposition in Bohemia and responsible for the war. Although confessional loy- Austria had been crushed and the hereditary lands alties remained important, the age of religious wars were now ruled as a single unit. Accordingly, the was over in Germany. The religious settlement emperor was in a far better position than he had proved to be realistic and lasting, though the pope, held in 1618. Of course, compared with the dizzy Innocent X (reigned 1644–1655), was unambigu- heights of 1629 there had been reverses— ous in his condemnation. Whether or not this was Ferdinand III had undoubtedly lost the last part of the ‘‘last religious war,’’ as some claim, and whether the war—but he managed to retain some of his or not religion ceased to be so important in political father’s early successes. Given his dire military situa- and international affairs after this war, are moot tion at the end, the final settlement was not com- points. pletely unfavorable to him; he had, in fact, gotten As far as the political settlement is concerned, off quite lightly. The failure of many Habsburg ob- the peace was remarkably conservative and jectives during the war, together with the (alleg- legalistic. It was intended more as a restatement of edly) improved position of the princes following the old rights than as anything new. Much that had Westphalian settlement, used to be taken as evi- been a matter of fact or common practice, such as dence for the general decline in imperial power and the autonomy of the princes, was now de jure (le- as an explanation for the emperor’s apparent grow- gal). Of course, that is not to say there were no ing concentration on purely dynastic interests. innovations—the creation of an eighth electorate However, scholars are beginning to call this rea- was new, the first extension of the number of impe- soning into question, although this debate has just rial electors since 1356—but established custom started. The Holy Roman Empire was far from mor- and legal rights were usually preferred. ibund after 1648. It not only survived but revived during the long reign of Leopold I (ruled 1658– Within the empire, Saxony, Bavaria, and Bran- 1705). denburg had all grown in size and importance. The tendency was toward fully sovereign independent Despite huge expenditures and much effort, states. However, these larger states were still not a France had achieved little. Mazarin failed to reduce match for the emperor, who among other things the power of the emperor significantly, and he failed retained the prestige of precedence. Ferdinand III to increase French influence in Germany to any de- undoubtedly lost power—for instance, he lost the gree. Some historians gloss over this by suggesting right to levy taxes outside his homelands and to that Mazarin laid the foundations for future success declare war without the consent of the diet—but he by obtaining territory with ill-defined jurisdictions remained the foremost prince in Germany. More- over adjacent lands. Still others praise him for ex- over, many of the smaller states were too small to cluding Spain from the settlement, but this was not exploit the rights and liberties they had been the case, because Spain had not wanted to be part of granted; they preferred the security of the Holy the treaty anyway. Mazarin himself was clearly dis- Roman Empire. They relied on the emperor and appointed with the peace; he wanted the war to were happy to seek his protection, particularly now continue. The real reason for the hurried nature of that he could not be a predator. For these reasons the settlement was the collapse of governmental Franco-Swedish attempts to destroy imperial insti- authority and the outbreak of civil disorder in tutions had been resisted. After 1648 the imperial France itself, events for which Mazarin must, to bureaucracy became more cumbersome and made some extent, take the blame. As far as Sweden was Habsburg control less practical; however, recent re- concerned, Queen Christina’s desire for a quick set-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 207 WIDOWS AND WIDOWHOOD tlement did undoubtedly lessen her country’s Darby, Graham. The Thirty Years’ War. London, 2001. A chances of a satisfactory outcome, but compared concise introduction to the conflict; a good place to with, say, Swedish aims in 1630 or the difficult times start. See Chapter 6. between 1634 and 1638, the outcome was highly Parker, Geoffrey, ed. The Thirty Years’ War. 2nd ed. London satisfactory. Sweden was now more secure, al- and New York, 1997. Currently the definitive work on though it could be argued that Christina had simply the war, with a full set of notes and a comprehensive bibliography that lists all the essential works in German. extended her responsibilities and given herself more For Westphalia, see especially the bibliographical essay, problems The Peace of Westphalia created a loose pp. 266–268. framework for religious and political coexistence in Symcox, G., ed. War, Diplomacy, and Imperialism, 1618– Germany that stood the test of time remarkably 1763. New York, 1973. The terms of the peace are well, though after 1648 Germany was further away summarized in English on pp. 39–62. than ever from economic and political unity (if that GRAHAM DARBY was a desirable, or even desired, outcome). Clearly, whether or not the Thirty Years’ War retarded Ger- man development is itself a moot point. Political divisions were perpetuated and, religiously, Ger- many was divided roughly into a Protestant north WIDOWS AND WIDOWHOOD. and a Catholic south (although Mu¨nster and Co- Vedova, viuda, veuve, Witwe, widow: all are words logne in the north and Wu¨rttemberg in the south derived from the Indo-European base meaning ‘to were major exceptions). In the process Protestant- separate’, and early modern Europeans were very ism had survived and the Counter-Reformation had familiar with the grief of a separation by the death of been checked. one’s spouse. But these words also represent some- The Peace of Westphalia was actually innovative thing else about widowhood. They are female in many ways. It was the first pan-European peace forms, for widowhood affected women far more congress, and there was a genuine attempt to re- than it did men. Male words for widowhood—for solve a multitude of disputes in the hope that there example the English widower—derived from the fe- would be a general settlement and lasting peace. male form and were infrequently used in the early Most experts believe it was a success. modern period. Widows always outnumbered wid- See also Austria; Bohemia; Catholic League (France); owers: in Castile by up to 12 to 1, in Tuscany by more Christina (Sweden); Counter-Reformation; Dutch than 5 to 1, in England by 2 to 1. Wives, generally Republic; Ferdinand III (Holy Roman Empire); younger than their husbands, usually outlived them, France; Frederick William (Brandenburg); Fronde; and the dangers of childbirth were more than bal- Habsburg Dynasty; Holy Roman Empire; Leopold I anced by violence and occupational hazards experi- (Holy Roman Empire); Mazarin, Jules; Palatinate; Richelieu, Armand-Jean Du Plessis, cardinal; Spain; enced by men. Widowers were also at least twice as Sweden; Thirty Years’ War (1618–1648); Tilly, likely to remarry, and remarry quickly, driven by the Johann Tserclaes of; Wallenstein, A. W. E. von. domestic problems consequent on the absence of a wife. Their marital status was rarely remarked in liter- BIBLIOGRAPHY ature and legal records, their occupational, financial, Asch, Ronald G. The Thirty Years’ War: The Holy Roman and public roles little altered by bereavement. Empire and Europe, 1618–1648. New York and Lon- don, 1997. An up-to-date survey of the war of manage- On the other hand, great cultural and economic able length that keeps the focus on Germany. See Chap- change usually marked a woman’s transition to ter 5 for the peace. widowhood. Widows were a large, identifiable, and Croxton, Derek. Peacemaking in Early Modern Europe: Car- problematic social group. In fifteenth-century Flor- dinal Mazarin and the Congress of Westphalia, 1643– 1648. Selinsgrove, Pa., and London, 1999. This re- ence, for example, a quarter of females over age stores Mazarin to a central role. twelve were widows. Even in England, where age Croxton, Derek, and Anuschka Tischer. The Peace of West- differences between husbands and wives were usu- phalia: A Historical Dictionary. Westport, Conn., ally relatively small, widows constituted almost a 2002. This has over 300 detailed entries. tenth of the female population.

208 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WIDOWS AND WIDOWHOOD

CULTURE AND IDEAS couple’s property also varied. At one extreme, a For a few of these women, widowhood conveyed wife’s estate (that is, the wealth she brought to the wealth and independence; for most, it meant in- marriage as dowry, the parallel gift from her hus- creased poverty. But whether rich or poor, widows band’s family to her, and what she earned) remained challenged the fundamental premise of patriarchal all or partly under her own control during and after order. Not only did every widow remind each man the marriage. Wives who traded in their own right in of his own mortality, a widow heading her own London, women in the Netherlands who chose to household also represented a lapse of the universal manage their own wealth (like many Jewish and idea that women should be controlled by men. Muslim women), and noble wives in Russia who There were alternatives to this dangerous indepen- gained the right to acquire their own lands during dence. Where Roman law was influential, widows the eighteenth century probably experienced very sometimes, at least in theory, continued under male little economic change in the transition to widow- guardianship of father or brother or brother-in-law. hood. In other systems, for example in Valencia, the Traditional Christian admiration for celibacy ex- property that a bride brought to her marriage re- tended to chaste widowhood, and some Catholic mained hers but under her husband’s control, until widows took the opportunity of bereavement to his death allowed the wife/widow to reclaim her enter (and in the case of some wealthy widows, to contribution. In Florence a widow could, if she found) religious houses to secure an honorable chose, take her wealth back and return to her own home. Remarriage was another solution, but it sug- kin. But her children, part of her husband’s lineage, gested disloyalty to the dead husband, threatened stayed with his family, and by retrieving her wealth, his property and his children, and was generally she was potentially depriving them of both herself criticized except for young childless women. The and her wealth. Even where, as in England, the remarrying widow was a standard subject for jokes, wife’s contribution in cash or goods belonged, no- satire, and gossip. But widows who did not marry toriously, to her husband, some latent tradition re- were equally subject to criticism: as sexually mained by legitime of a guaranteed customary rapacious, as subversive advisors to potentially re- widow’s share of the husband’s goods. A widow bellious wives, as aggressive and irritating borrowers could also claim a share of his real property (one- and beggars, or, at best, as pathetic objects of char- third by common-law dower, sometimes more, ac- ity. In the eighteenth century this last idea devel- cording to local custom). It was hers for life, but she oped into the sentimentalized image of the perma- could not sell it or bequeath it by will. An English nently grieving and helpless widow, replacing the husband had a corresponding right to his dead disorderly crone. Works of advice for widows pre- wife’s real property, provided a child had been born scribed a private life of chaste loyalty to the dead to the couple. Similar rules of life estate have been husband as the only defense against these negative studied in Paris, in parts of the Netherlands, and in images. Poland and elsewhere. For many wives the crucial document was the husband’s will. A large, but de- PROPERTY AND WORK clining, proportion of husbands conveyed substan- Of course, most widows did not and could not tial control by making their wives executors; but a retire into helpless passivity. How did they live? will could also be used to reduce customary rights. Across Europe, most widows had some rights by law Indeed, during the early modern period, widows’ or custom, but variations were complex. One factor traditional rights tended almost everywhere to be- was the nature of conjugal estate in the area. Where come more attenuated, sometimes replaced by ne- tradition emphasized the separated unit of husband, gotiated contractual protections. Historians have wife, and children, the widow was more likely to been surprised by the energy with which widows succeed to headship of an independent household, used the courts, often successfully, to defend their with all the opportunities and problems that im- customary or individual rights. plied; where integration of the conjugal unit into a lineage was stronger, the widow would more likely Rural widows thus sometimes had access to land make her home with her dead husband’s successors, and continued to farm. In some localities, up to a or return to her own male kin. Widows’ rights to the quarter of the land might be under widows’ control.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 209 WIDOWS AND WIDOWHOOD

In towns and cities, wives of craftsmen and mer- inevitably be poor, and widow-headed households chants also commonly carried on their husbands’ are overrepresented among the poorest groups in businesses. Glikl bas Judah Leib of Hameln, whose most communities for which we have records. memoirs have made her one of the best known of early modern widows, continued her Jewish family’s POVERTY trade in jewels during her first widowhood. Tax However much widows were vilified in popular lit- records and family letters reveal the lives of many erature, in practice, early modern societies generally other economically active widows. Even where there also regarded poor widows as deserving objects of was no custom of wives’ separate trading, most charity and relief. Asylums and almshouses were en- women had their own occupations that they contin- dowed to care for them; giving charity to one’s ued in widowhood. Access to work encouraged widowed neighbor was a duty. Where state-funded widows to migrate and perhaps discouraged make- poor relief was established, widows were among do remarriage; thus, the proportions of widows in those deemed, almost by definition, eligible recipi- lace-making communities, for example, tended to be ents, and they dominated the relief lists. While wills, higher than in other parts of rural France. But like deeds, tax lists, and the records of law courts record rights of succession to land, widows’ rights to prac- the lives of propertied widows, the lives of the poor- tice their husbands’ trades became more circum- est are documented in the records of the asylums scribed through the period, and women’s opportu- that gave them shelter or in the tiny sums doled out nities to be trained for a profitable separate week after week to support a few widowed men, and occupation were also reduced. a vast group of widows. These records evoke the generosity of early modern communities and, at the HOME AND CHILDREN same time, mark the consequences of patriarchal The presence or absence of children made a huge structures that subordinated women and made most difference. The desire to protect children’s inheri- widows poor and vulnerable. tances sometimes discouraged widowers from re- marrying, despite the problems of single parent- See also Family; Inheritance and Wills; Marriage; Patriar- hood. Although patriarchal ideals theoretically chy and Paternalism; Poverty; Women. favored a dying husband’s right to control the guardianship of his children, in practice, respect for BIBLIOGRAPHY mothers’ capabilities and high male mortality meant Primary Source that widows often found themselves responsible for Glikl bas Judah Leib. Memoirs of Glu¨kel of Hameln. Trans- at least some young children, for educating them lated by Marvin Lowenthal. New York, 1977. and arranging good marriages. It might be pre- Secondary Sources sumed that adult children would ease a widow’s Bremmer, Jan, and Lourens van den Bosch, eds. Between problems, but widows competed with children for Poverty and the Pyre: Moments in the History of Widow- resources, residence in a child’s home was not nec- hood. London, 1995. Provides useful extra-European essarily attractive, and in the mobile early modern perspective. world adult children were often far away. Cavallo, Sandra, and Lyndan Warner, eds. Widowhood in Medieval and Early Modern Europe. London, 1998. Widow-headed households were common (al- This fine collection is the best place to start; it also most 14 percent in fifteenth-century Florence, 12 includes an excellent bibliography. percent in sixteenth-century Paris, 13 percent in Diefendorf, Barbara. ‘‘Widowhood and Remarriage in Six- England) and although very few widows acquired teenth-Century Paris.’’ Journal of Family History 7 any public authority by their headship (royal (1982): 379–395. widows such as Catherine de Me´dicis and Anne of Hardwick, Julia. ‘‘Widowhood and Patriarchy in Seven- Austria were uniquely famous exceptions), having teenth-Century France’’ Journal of Social History 26 her own home could give a widow a novel opportu- (1992): 133–148. nity for informal power in her family and commu- Hufton, Olwen. ‘‘Widowhood.’’ Chap. 6 in her The Prospect nity. But most widows succeeded to little property. Before Her: History of Women in Western Europe. Vol. I, If they headed their own households, they would 1500–1800. London, 1995. Excellent overview.

210 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WIELAND, CHRISTOPH MARTIN

Klapisch-Zuper, Christiane. ‘‘The Cruel Mother.’’ In served as municipal administrator in Biberach. Women, Family and Ritual in Renaissance Italy, Some of his experiences as a public administrator pp. 117–131. Chicago, 1985. A classic essay. reappear in comic form in his later work Die Maresse, Michelle. A Woman’s Kingdom: Noblewomen and Geschichte der Abderiten (1781; translated as The the Control of Property in Russia, 1700–1861. Ithaca, republic of fools, 1861), which belongs to the cate- N.Y., 2002. gory of fools’ literature and pointedly ridicules Vassberg, David E. ‘‘The Status of Widows in Sixteenth- bourgeois pettiness and the fruitlessness of religious Century Castile.’’ In Poor Women and Children in the European Past, edited by John Henderson and Richard quarrels. Probably the first socially critical novel, Wall, pp. 180–195. London, 1994. Die Geschichte der Abderiten systematically portrays Wall, Richard, ed. ‘‘Widows in European Society.’’ Special life in the Republic of Abdera, the ancient Greek edition of History of the Family 7, no. 1 (2002). symbol of folly, where things happen in reversal of

BARBARA J. TODD what one would consider normal. His earlier works Der Sieg der Natur u¨ber die Schwa¨rmerey, oder die Abenteuer des Don Sylvio von Rosalva (1764; trans- lated as Reason triumphant over fancy, exemplified WIELAND, CHRISTOPH MARTIN in the singular adventures of Don Sylvio de Rosalva, (1733–1813), German writer, publisher, and clas- 1773) and Der goldene Spiegel (1772; The golden sicist and one of the most influential literary figures mirror) reveal Wieland’s potential as a future novel- of the German Enlightenment. The son of a Lu- ist. Scholars view his most famous work, Die theran minister, Christoph Martin Wieland was Geschichte des Agathon (1766/1767; The history of born in Oberholzheim, Upper , near the im- Agathon), which appeared in several revised edi- perial city of Biberach on 5 September 1733. At the tions between 1773 and 1793, as the first and one age of thirteen, after attending the local public of the finest examples of the genre of the Bildungs- school of Biberach, Wieland was sent to Klosterber- roman (novel concerned with the intellectual or gen in the vicinity of Magdeburg, one of the most spiritual development of the main character). Influ- prestigious boarding schools of the time. Already an enced by Euripides’s play Ion, Die Geschichte des avid reader, Wieland acquired the reputation of a Agathon uses a classical setting and focuses on the freethinker and, not surprisingly, his literary inter- discrepancy between youthful idealism and the ests proved stronger than his dedication to his law harsh realities of life. Kidnapped by pirates from his studies at Tu¨bingen (1750–1751). From 1752 to sheltered home at Delphi, its hero Agathon, who 1759, he was a student of the literary polemicist arguably could be seen as a reflection of Wieland’s Johann Jakob Bodmer (1698–1783) in Zurich. Af- own youthful self, endures a long odyssey of fruit- ter working as a private tutor in Bern (1759–1760) less searching for wisdom and happiness. As a disil- and as a professor of philosophy at the University of lusioned old man, Agathon eventually realizes that Erfurt (1769–1772), Wieland became the tutor of human beings rarely act the way they should and Karl August, the future duke of Weimar, in 1772. that the purpose of life must be to find a compro- mise between head and heart, which means between Many of Wieland’s works reflect his love of the rational thought and human passions. classics and his profound knowledge of European literature, both of which become evident through Many of Wieland’s works, such as his Die his numerous commentaries and his often-criticized Geschichte der Abderiten, first appeared as sequels in Shakespeare translations. Influenced by Bodmer his own literary journal Der teutsche (The (the teacher of the German poet Friedrich Gottlieb German Mercury). Wieland had cultivated the idea Klopstock [1724–1803]), Wieland’s early works of creating a literary journal for a considerable time such as Die Natur der Dinge (1751; The nature of and was able to realize this goal with the help of the things) are profoundly religious in character, Jacobi brothers in 1772, during his time in Weimar. whereas his later works become more frivolous and Wieland’s presence at Weimar contributed to the suggestive in tone. Autobiographical elements ap- duchy’s rise to prominence as Germany’s cultural pear with striking frequency in most of Wieland’s capital because it attracted figures such as Johann writings. From 1760 to 1769, for example, Wieland Wolfgang von Goethe (1749–1832) and Friedrich

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 211 WILKINS, JOHN von Schiller (1759–1805) as well. Wieland’s rela- Gu¨nther, Gottfried, and Heidi Zeilinger. Wieland-Bibliog- tionship to Goethe and Schiller became strained raphie. Berlin, 1983. over the years and eventually culminated in a polem- Jørgensen, Sven-Aage et al. Christoph Martin Wieland: Ep- ic campaign against the aging poet. Proponents of oche-Werk-Wirkung. Munich, 1994. the Sturm und Drang (Storm and Stress) movement Kurth-Voigt, Lieselotte E. Perspectives and Points of View: initiated the campaign against Wieland and were The Early Works of Wieland and their Background. Bal- joined at a later stage by adherents of the rising timore, 1974. Romantic movement. Nonetheless, during his final Mayer, Gerhart. Der deutsche Bildungsroman: Von der years, Wieland’s residence at Weimar became a place Aufkla¨rung bis zur Gegenwart. Stuttgart, 1992. of pilgrimage for Germany’s most noted and prom- McCarthy, John A. Christoph Martin Wieland. Boston, ising writers. 1979. Schelle, Hansjo¨rg, ed. Christoph Martin Wieland: Nord- Wieland’s reputation as one of the most promi- amerikanische Forschungsbeitra¨ge zur 250. Wiederkehr nent writers of his age is probably best illustrated by seines Geburtstages 1983. Tu¨bingen, 1984. the poet’s decoration with the Cross of the Legion Shookman, Ellis. Noble Lies, Slant Truths, Necessary Angels: of Merit in 1808 by Napoleon Bonaparte. Cele- Aspects of Fictionality in the Novels of Christoph Martin brated as the ‘‘German Voltaire’’ during his life- Wieland. Chapel Hill, N.C., 1997. time, Wieland’s literary contribution fell into near ULRICH GROETSCH oblivion in the nineteenth century, and scholars have only recently come to view him as one of the most important literary figures of the German En- lightenment as well as a precursor of German clas- WILKINS, JOHN (1614–1672), an impor- sicism and Romanticism. tant figure in the history of science, religion, litera- See also Enlightenment; German Literature and Lan- ture, and linguistics. As his many publications sug- guage. gest, Wilkins possessed a wide-ranging intellect. His contributions to natural philosophy include the BIBLIOGRAPHY popularization of science, development of English Primary Sources scientific organization, creation of a universal lan- Wieland, Christoph Martin. Gesammelte Schriften. Edited by guage, and demonstration of the compatibility of Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften. Hildesheim, 1986–1987. religion and science. The Discovery of a World in the Moone (1638) and A Discourse concerning a New —. The History of Agathon. Translated from the Ger- man. London, 1773. World and Another Planet (1640) introduced lay readers to Copernicanism and the implications of —. History of the Abderites. Translated and with an introduction by Max Dufner. Bethlehem, Pa., 1993. Galileo’s telescopic observations, but literary figures satirized his speculations about the possibility of —. Musarion and Other Rococo Tales. Translated and with an introduction by Thomas C. Starnes. Columbia, lunar flight and lunar inhabitants. He also proposed S.C., 1991. solutions to possible conflicts with Scripture, which —. Oberon: A Poem from the German by Wieland. he suggested God had ‘‘accommodated’’ to the Translated by William Sotheby. New York, 1978. Origi- capacity of the common people. Natural knowledge nally published London, 1798. was determined by ‘‘Sensible Experiments and Nec- —. Sa¨mtliche Werke. Edited by Heinrich Du¨ntzer. 40 essary Demonstration’’; science was an independent vols. Berlin, 1879. body of knowledge verifiable by its own standards of investigation. Mercury, or the Secret and Swift Mes- Secondary Sources senger (1641) explores the nature of codes and se- Baldwin, Claire. The Emergence of the Modern German Novel: Christoph Martin Wieland, Sophie von La Roche, cret communications and proposes a ‘‘Universal and Maria Anna Sagar. Rochester, N.Y., 2002. Character’’ and language. Mathematical Magick, or Budde, Bernhard. Aufkla¨rung als Dialog: Wieland’s anti- the wonders that may be performed by mechanical thetische Prosa. Tu¨bingen, 2000. geometry (1648) explains fundamental principles of Erhart, Walter. Entzweiung und Selbstaufkla¨rung. Christoph mechanics and suggests both practical and fanciful Martin Wieland’s ‘‘Agathon’’ Projekt. Tu¨bingen, 1991. devices utilizing these principles.

212 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WILLIAM AND MARY

While warden of Wadham College, Oxford, See also Academies, Learned; Astronomy; Bible: Interpre- Wilkins defended universities against the attacks of tation; Copernicus, Nicolaus; Galileo Galilei; Hobbes, Thomas; Philosophy; Preaching and Ser- Thomas Hobbes and the radical sects, and insisted mons; Scientific Method. that the universities were hospitable to recent devel- opments in natural philosophy. He recruited to BIBLIOGRAPHY Wadham a group of naturalists of differing religious Cohen, I. Bernard. Puritanism and the Rise of Modern Sci- and political persuasions to pursue a wide-ranging, ence: The Merton Thesis. New Brunswick, N.J., 1990. cooperative, and experimental program that was the Moss, Joan Dietz. Novelties in the Heavens: Rhetoric and forerunner of the Royal Society, which he helped to Science in the Copernican Controversy. Chicago, 1993. found, serving as one of its secretaries and supervis- Shapiro, Barbara J. John Wilkins 1614–1672: An Intellectual ing the composition of Thomas Sprat’s The History Biography. Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1968. of the Royal Society (1667). His long-standing inter- —. Probability and Certainty in Seventeenth-Century est in language and linguistics culminated in An England: A Study of the Relationships between Natural Essay towards a Real Character, and a Philosophical Science, Religion, History, Law, and Literature. Prince- Language (1668), which describes a universal lan- ton, 1983. guage he designed to facilitate scientific communi- Slaughter, M. M. Universal Languages and Scientific Taxo- cation and trade and reduce religious misunder- nomy in the Seventeenth Century. Cambridge, U.K., standing. 1982. Wilkins also made important contributions to Subbiondo, Joseph L., ed. John Wilkins and 17th-Century British Linguistics. Amsterdam and Philadelphia, 1992. religion and wrote frequently reprinted works on the organization and presentation of preaching and BARBARA SHAPIRO prayer. In A Discourse concerning the Beauty of Prov- idence and All the Rugged Passages of It (1649) he advised acceptance of recent political changes. Dur- ing the Restoration he became a key figure in the WILLIAM AND MARY (William III, 1650– development of latitudinarian theology and natural 1702; ruled 1689–1702), king of England, Scot- religion and a staunch advocate of comprehension, land, and Ireland; (Mary II, 1662–1694; ruled a policy intended to broaden the established church. 1689–1694), queen of England, Scotland, and Ire- His adoption of an epistemology that emphasized land. William III of Orange, stadtholder of the the probabilistic nature of human knowledge led United Provinces, was born 4 November 1650, the him to advocate tentativeness and moderation in son of William II of Orange (1626–1650), who both religion and natural philosophy, and he ex- died shortly before the birth, and Mary Stuart pounded these views from the pulpit of St. Laurence (1631–1660), eldest daughter of Charles I of En- Jewry, London, as Dean of Ripon and as Bishop of gland. Fiercely anti-French, the future William III Chester, and in his Sermons Preached upon Several led the Dutch in the war against France of 1672– Occasions before the King at White-Hall (1677) and 1678 following the revolution of 1672 that revived Of the Principles and Duties of Natural Religion the stadtholderate. The future Mary II was born on (1675), completed by his son-in-law, John Til- 30 April 1662, the eldest daughter of James, duke lotson. of York (James II; ruled 1685–1688), and his first wife, Anne Hyde (1638–1671). William and Mary Wilkins’s diverse interests made him a signifi- were married on 4 November 1677 as part of the cant figure in the intellectual and cultural life of his scheme of Thomas Osborne (1632–1712), earl of time, and his contributions to Interregnum and Danby, to move England out of the French orbit Restoration natural philosophy and scientific orga- and to secure the Protestant succession in the wake nization remain important. Historians interested in of York’s conversion to Catholicism. At the time the relationship between religion and science have Mary was second in line to the throne after her investigated his religious views, variously identified father, and William was fourth. as Puritan or latitudinarian, while literary scholars and linguists read his work in connection with the Alarmed by political developments under James development of prose style and linguistics. II after 1685 and determined to bring England into

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 213 WILLIAM AND MARY his anti-French alliance, William offered to invade (thereby establishing freedom of the press), while England by April 1688 if he could be assured of the William’s repeated absences in conducting war on necessary support. The birth of a Prince of Wales to the Continent led to the beginnings of the cabinet James II’s second wife on 10 June 1688, however, system of government. However, Mary was not a provided the immediate cue for action. A group of complete political nonentity. An act of May 1690 seven Whig and Tory politicians sent William a made her regent during her husband’s absences, signed invitation to come to England’s rescue. Wil- and she showed considerable adroitness in dealing liam, using the rumor that the baby was not really with various crises that emerged until her premature the queen’s but had been smuggled into the bed- death from in December 1694. Mary died chamber in a warming pan as a pretext, alleged that childless, and her sister Anne’s sole surviving child, James therefore was guilty of trying to defraud Wil- the duke of Gloucester, died in 1700. Consequently liam and his wife of their inheritance rights. The in 1701 Parliament passed the Act of Settlement, Glorious Revolution of 1688–1689 that followed which conferred the succession on the house of resulted in the overthrow of James II and the install- Hanover once the Protestant Stuart line died out, ment of William and Mary as joint sovereigns of established that future monarchs had to be commu- England, Scotland, and Ireland, though with full nicating members of the Church of England, and regal power invested in William alone. placed limits on the crown’s ability to involve En- William’s accession brought England into the gland in war fought in defense of the monarchy’s Continental alliance to prevent the expansionist am- possessions abroad. bitions of Louis XIV (ruled 1643–1715) in Europe. In Scotland, William achieved notoriety for au- William first secured Ireland, defeating James II’s thorizing the massacre of the MacDonald clan at Franco-Irish army at the River Boyne on 1 July Glencoe in 1692, when the clan accidentally missed 1690 (though Jacobite resistance in Ireland did not the deadline for swearing allegiance to the new re- finally collapse for another year). William then led gime by five days. In Ireland, William’s regime pre- the Continental campaign in the Low Countries, sided over the passage of a series of penal laws but the War of the League of Augsburg (1688– designed to strike at the Catholic faith that were in 1697) ended inconclusively with the Treaty of Rys- clear breach of the Treaty of Limerick, which had wick (Rijswijk) in 1697, leaving the crucial question ended the Jacobite War in 1691. With his health of the fate of the Spanish inheritance undecided. In already deteriorating—he had long suffered badly 1698–1700 William negotiated two treaties with from asthma—William fell and broke his collarbone France to partition the Spanish empire upon the when his horse stumbled on a molehill in Hampton death of the Spanish king Charles II (ruled 1665– Court Park on 20 February 1702. He died from 1700). But when Charles died in October 1700, pleurisy on 8 March. Jacobite legend attributes his leaving his entire empire to Louis XIV’s grandson demise to ‘‘the little gentleman in black velvet.’’ Philip of Anjou (ruled 1700–1724, 1724–1746 as Philip V), Louis reneged on the agreement, See also Church of England; Glorious Revolution; Jac- prompting William to forge a new Grand Alliance obitism; League of Augsburg, War of the (1688– 1697); Louis XIV (France); Spanish Succession, (August 1701) to secure partition by force. The War War of the (1701–1714); Stuart Dynasty (England of the Spanish Succession (1701–1714) broke out and Scotland). shortly after William’s death. The expense of war necessitated a financial revo- BIBLIOGRAPHY lution and the establishment of the Bank of England Baxter, Stephen B. William III. London, 1966. in 1694. Setting up the national debt, which needed Claydon, Tony. William III. London and New York, 2002. to be serviced by regular grants of parliamentary —. William III and the Godly Revolution. Cambridge, taxation, did more than anything else to make the U.K., 1996. English monarchy dependent on Parliament. Wil- Holmes, Geoffrey, ed. Britain after the Glorious Revolution, liam’s reign also saw the passage of the Triennial Act 1689–1714. London, 1969. in 1694 (guaranteeing new Parliaments every three Hopkins, Paul. Glencoe and the End of the Highland War. years) and the lapsing of the Licensing Act in 1695 Edinburgh, 1986.

214 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WILLIAM OF ORANGE

Horwitz, Henry. Parliament, Policy, and Politics in the Reign of William III. Manchester, U.K., 1977. —. ‘‘The 1690s Revisited: Recent Work on Politics and Political Ideas in the Reign of William III.’’ Parliamen- tary History 15 (1996): 361–377. Rose, Craig. England in the 1690s: Revolution, Religion, and War. Oxford, 1999. Speck, W. A. Reluctant Revolutionaries: Englishmen and the Revolution of 1688. Oxford, 1988. —. ‘‘William—and Mary?’’ In The Revolution of 1688– 1689: Changing Perspectives, editedbyLoisG. Schwoerer, pp. 131–146. Cambridge, U.K., and New York, 1992.

TIM HARRIS

WILLIAM OF ORANGE (1533–1584), Dutch statesman, leader of the Dutch Revolt, and founding father of the Dutch Republic. Also known as William the Silent, William of Orange was the oldest son of the German count of Nassau, William William of Orange. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS the Rich, and Juliana of Stolbergen. His life was changed by the cannonball that killed his childless uncle Rene´ of Chalons during the Habsburg siege In the 1560s, under the regime of Charles V’s of the French town of Saint-Didier in 1544. As the successor, Philip II of Spain (ruled 1556–1598), last representative of the house of Nassau-Breda, everything changed dramatically. From being a cen- Chalons had appointed his young nephew as his tral pillar of royal authority, William of Orange be- heir. The heritage included not only large posses- came the leader of an armed opposition to Habs- sions in the Netherlands, but also the principality of burg rule in the Low Countries. In hindsight, it is Orange in southern France. From now on, William clear that the split between Orange and the regime was no longer the son of an insignificant German started in 1561, with William’s second marriage to count, but a prince by blood. Emperor Charles V Anna of Saxony, the niece of the elector of Saxony. (ruled 1519–1556) summoned the young boy from It was a prestigious but hardly tactful marriage. his family’s castle at Dillenburg to the Netherlands, Anna had many powerful relatives, but they were all where he became a page at the imperial court and Lutherans, and most of them were old enemies of was raised as a loyal and Catholic nobleman. The the Habsburgs. In order to profit fully from his new years that followed saw the remarkable transforma- German connections, Orange was, according to tion of the son of a Lutheran German count into a some historians, forced to become more critical of French-speaking Burgundian grand seigneur, ready the persecutions and executions of Protestants in to serve the Habsburgs. A brilliant career followed, the Netherlands and, in the end, of Catholicism with honorable military charges, an appointment in itself. Certainly, the marriage heightened the suspi- the Council of State, admittance to the Order of the cions in government circles concerning the prince’s Golden Fleece, and, in 1559, the office of governor religious loyalty. Lacking strong commitment to or stadtholder of Holland, Zeeland, and Utrecht. any confession, Orange himself became more and William of Orange had become one of the wealthi- more convinced of the disastrous consequences of est and mightiest noblemen in the Netherlands. His Philip II’s stubborn religious policy. Instead, he 1558 marriage to Anna van Buren of the Egmont championed a policy of religious compromise. In family confirmed his new standing. December 1564, in a famous speech to the mem-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 215 WILLIAM OF ORANGE bers of the Council of State, Orange criticized the university town of Louvain and taken to Spain. frankly those rulers who sought to force the con- William of Orange had become a dishonorable ex- sciences of their subjects. ile. In an attempt to redeem his lost reputation, and that of the house of Nassau, Orange decided on In politics William of Orange was above all an armed opposition to Habsburg rule in the Nether- ambitious nobleman, seeking power and prestige. lands, and in 1568 he launched a military campaign. And as a natural advisor in military and political It was accompanied by a stream of well-crafted pro- issues, he felt himself under the new regime more paganda, elaborating on ‘‘Spanish cruelty’’ and tyr- and more excluded from all-important decision anny, and stressing the godliness and heroism of making. In the figure of Philip II’s new right-hand William of Orange. In military affairs, however, Or- man in Brussels, Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle, ange was no match for Alba. The campaign was a Orange and his noble friends found their beˆte noire. failure, and in the years that followed Orange was For a traditional nobleman such as Orange, unable to mount further large-scale invasions to Granvelle was nothing more than an upstart civil save the ‘‘worthy inhabitants who enjoyed freedom servant from the Franche-Comte´, an example of the in former times from unbearable slavery,’’ as he had rising new bureaucrats of non-noble background. promised. And as the new archbishop of Malines, he was the personification of the new bishoprics, by many On 1 April 1572, however, six hundred Sea falsely associated with the Spanish Inquisition. Beggars, pirates carrying letters of marque by Wil- liam of Orange, seized the small port of Brill. In the Orange and other nobles formed an anti- months that followed, one town after another in Granvelle league. By the end of 1563 Granvelle had Holland and Zeeland opened its gates for Orange lost the game in Madrid, and on 13 March 1564 he and the Sea Beggars, with the notable exception of left the Netherlands. But William of Orange and his Amsterdam, which stayed in the royalist camp until fellow noblemen never managed either to overcome 1578. Alienated by Alba’s tax policy and unwilling the paralysis into which the government had fallen to billet Spanish garrisons, the citizenry choose or to moderate Philip’s policy. In the end, the king’s what they thought was the lesser of two evils. At reinforced religious persecutions sparked rebellion: least the troops of the Sea Beggars included some in 1566 the Netherlands witnessed a profound po- countrymen and exiled townsmen who had fled the litical crisis, with rebellious Protestant members of Netherlands in 1567. The Estates of Holland took the middling and lower nobility (the League of matters into their own hands. On 19 July the Compromise), a wave of iconoclasm (the Beelden- Orangist Holland towns assembled at Dordrecht storm), and military actions of the league of armed and accepted William of Orange as their stadt- nobles known as the Gueux (‘beggars’). holder, recognizing him ‘‘in the absence of His As a politique, ‘mediator between extremes’, Royal Majesty’’ as ‘‘Protector’’ of the Netherlands Orange tried to steer a middle course during the as a whole. In exchange, Orange promised through upheaval. He supported the political opposition but his secretary Philips Marnix, Lord of St. Aldegonde, tried at the same time to prevent social unrest and that he would not govern Holland without the con- chaos and to maintain good relations with the gov- sent of the States. In the autumn of 1572, Orange, ernment. His attempt failed. Both sides mistrusted whose own efforts to stir up the cities of Brabant him.InApril1567,withtheoppositionintheNether- and Flanders had failed, decided to withdraw to lands losing momentum and Don Fernando Alvarez Holland, convinced that he would find his grave de Toledo, third duke of Alba, at the head of ten there. thousand Spanish troops on the way, William of Dark years of civil war followed, including reli- Orange fled to the Dillenburg to find rest and peace gious cleansing, mutual atrocities, and massacres of among his friends. nuns, monks, and priests. Orange was powerless to He was not to find it. His property was confis- prevent the elimination of Catholicism in Holland cated when he refused Alba’s summons to appear and Zeeland as an officially tolerated church, in spite before the Council of Blood, and his eldest son, of his own tolerant attitudes in religion. In the au- Philips William, had been seized by the royalists at tumn of 1573 he became a Calvinist.

216 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WINCKELMANN, JOHANN JOACHIM

As a political leader, however, William of Or- igny would give birth to Frederik Hendrik, Or- ange experienced his finest hour. He proved to be a ange’s youngest son, after Philips William from his charismatic leader, pragmatic, keen, unwilling to first marriage and Maurice from his second. He had compromise, and provided with an unflagging faith six daughters with Charlotte de Bourbon. in God. It was largely as a result of his leadership When on 10 July 1584 the French Catholic that the rebels overcame their differences and con- zealot Balthazar Ge´rard fired his fatal pistol shots in tinued their military struggle. Seizing the opportu- Delft, the realization of Orange’s goals for the nities caused by the large-scale mutinies of the un- Netherlands seemed farther away than ever. No paid and unsupplied Spanish troops, the rebellious wonder therefore, that an English visitor, Fyne provinces of Holland and Zeeland in 1576 signed a Moryson, described the original grave of the prince treaty with the States-General, the Pacification of as ‘‘the poorest that ever I saw for such a person, Ghent. It seemed a victory for Orange, the first step being only of rough stones and mortar, with posts toward a reunification of the Netherlands under a of wood, colored over with black, and very little new constitution. In September 1577 Orange en- erected from the ground’’ (quoted in Swart, forth- tered Brussels in triumph, as a new ‘‘messiah.’’ But coming). It was only some twenty years later that the new coalition was too fragile; Orange never the newly founded Dutch Republic erected the managed to overcome the differences between monument that William of Orange deserved as the Holland and the moderate noblemen in the south, founding father of a new state and the advocate of or to moderate the demands of the radical Calvin- religious tolerance—Hendrick de Keyser’s monu- ists in Brabant and Flanders. In the end, north and mental tomb in the Nieuwe Kerk in Delft. south drifted apart, as was illustrated by the two ‘‘Unions’’ concluded in 1578: the Union of Arras, See also Alba, Fernando A´ lvarez de Toledo, duke of; which aimed to reconcile the State of the Catholic- Charles V (Holy Roman Empire); Dutch Republic; Dutch Revolt; Huygens Family; Oldenbarneveldt, dominated provinces in the southern Netherlands Johan van; Philip II (Spain); Sea Beggars. with the king of Spain, and the Union of Utrecht, which was meant as a military alliance among the BIBLIOGRAPHY rebellious provinces ‘‘for all time.’’ Israel, Jonathan. The Dutch Republic: Its Rise, Greatness, and Fall, 1477–1806. Oxford, 1995. In September 1583 William of Orange returned to Holland from Antwerp. Declared a traitor and Motley, J. L. The Rise of the Dutch Republic: A History. 3 vols. London, 1929. outlawed by Philip II, who had in 1581 promised a reward for the assassination of the prince, and con- Parker, Geoffrey. The Dutch Revolt. London, 1977. fronted by the steady military advance of the new Swart, K. W. William of Orange and the Dutch Revolt, 1572– governor-general, Alexander Farnese, duke of 1584. Forthcoming. Parma, Orange faced an insecure future. He de- —. William the Silent and the Revolt of the Netherlands. fended himself in a fierce Apologia, but his popular- London, 1978. ity had reached rock bottom, largely because of his Wedgwood, C. V. William the Silent, William of Nassau, disastrous pro-French policy. He had always been Prince of Orange 1533–1584. London, 1944. convinced that the revolt could only succeed with PAUL KNEVEL the help of the French and had in 1580 offered the governor-generalship of the Netherlands to Francis, the duke of Anjou and Alenc¸on, who was the brother of the French king. The eventual result was WILLS. See Inheritance and Wills. political crisis and mutinous soldiers (the French Fury of January 1583). Orange’s pro-French poli- tics was symbolized in his private life by his marriage with Louise de Coligny in 1582. It was his fourth WINCKELMANN, JOHANN JO- marriage, after Anna van Buren, the disastrous affair ACHIM (1717–1768), German art historian, ar- with Anna of Saxony, from whom he was divorced chaeologist, and philosopher of aesthetics, and one in 1575, and Charlotte de Bourbon. Louise de Col- of the leading proponents of neoclassicism. Winck-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 217 WINCKELMANN, JOHANN JOACHIM elmann is regarded as the first modern historian of modern aesthetics, and developed his own philoso- art for his systematic treatment of ancient art as an phy of beauty, involving the direct experience of expression of historical conditions, rather than as a beautiful objects, in reaction to Baumgarten’s tradition of artistic skills and ideas passed from one rather cold (in Winckelmann’s own opinion) philo- generation of artists to the next, which was the art- sophical formalism. historical approach practiced by Giorgio Vasari Not finding theology or medicine his calling, (1511–1574), Karl van Mander (1548–1606), and Winckelmann left the university and continued to Giovanni Pietro Bellori (1613–1696) in their Lives pursue the study of ancient literature and contem- of artists. porary aesthetics privately, while serving in various Winckelmann was born on 9 December 1717 in positions as a tutor and schoolteacher. A student Stendal, a town between Hannover and Berlin. The tutored by him, F. W. Peter Lamprecht, became son of an impoverished cobbler, he sought, as a one of the great loves of his life and followed him to young man, to better his conditions through devo- Seehausen after Winckelmann accepted a position as tion to academic study, and fell in love with the a teacher of Classics there in 1743. In 1748 Winck- elmann left Seehausen to work as a librarian and literature of classical antiquity. In hopes of securing researcher for Count Heinrich von Bu¨nau in a measure of financial security, and on the advice of No¨thnitz, near Dresden. Lamprecht did not follow, his father, Winckelmann pursued a course of study although Winckelmann would continue to lavish his in theology, mathematics, and medicine, as well as affections upon his former student in private corre- Greek and Latin, at the Universities of Jena and spondence for years to come. In 1754 he moved to Halle. At Halle, Winckelmann was a student of Alex- Dresden to work as librarian to Cardinal Passionei, a ander Baumgarten (1714–1762), the founder of position that afforded him access to works of litera- ture, art objects, and contemporary cultural debate previously unavailable to him in the provinces where he had been raised and schooled. It was during this period in Dresden that Winckelmann wrote what would, in retrospect, count as the manifesto for the rest of his scholarly life: the brief but powerful and influential essay Gedanken u¨ber die Nachahmung der griechischen Werke in der Malerei und Bildhauerkunst (1755; Reflections on the imitation of the painting and sculpture of ancient Greeks). The essay took up a long-running debate in eigh- teenth-century European intellectual circles, called ‘‘The Battle of the Books’’ in London and the ‘‘Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes’’ in Paris, about which culture was superior—ancient or mod- ern—and why. Winckelmann argued that ancient art was clearly superior and that, for the moderns, the only art worth making is the imitation of the art of the ancients, but added (in a rhetorical flourish typical of Winckelmann’s style of argument) that the art of the ancients is so superior to the moderns that it is inimitable. He therefore counseled his artistic contemporaries that, since they are doomed to the ineradicable falseness of painting and sculp- ture in modern times, they should imitate that which is inimitable. Winckelmann reinforces his val- Johann Joachim Winckelmann. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS uation of the impossible imitability of the Greeks by

218 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WITCHCRAFT being the first art historian to discriminate between BIBLIOGRAPHY Greek originals and their inferior Roman copies. Primary Sources Winckelmann, Johann Joachim. History of Ancient Art. Winckelmann’s Reflections were quickly trans- Translated by G. Henry Lodge. Boston, 1849; re- lated into several languages and found a wide audi- printed New York, 1969. Translation of Geschichte der ence. In 1755, with his intellectual reputation es- Kunst des Altertums (1764). tablished, Winckelmann, encouraged by a group of —. Reflections on the Imitation of Greek Works in Paint- ing and Sculpture. Translated by Elfriede Heyer and Jesuit dignitaries visiting Dresden, moved to Rome, Roger C. Norton. La Salle, Ill., 1987. Translation of where he would be able to pursue his studies and Gedanken u¨ber die Nachahmung der griechischen Werke personal inclinations more freely. By 1763, with in der Malerei und Bildhauerkunst (1755). Cardinal Alessandro Albani (1692–1779), the Vati- can’s chief librarian and a leading patron of the arts, Secondary Sources Fried, Michael. ‘‘Antiquity Now: Reading Winckelmann on as his sponsor and confidant, Winckelmann became Imitation.’’ October 37 (1986): 87–97. papal antiquary, a position that included escorting Leppmann, Wolfgang. Winckelmann. New York, 1970. visiting dignitaries through Rome’s art and antiqui- ties collections. In Rome, Winckelmann set to work Morrison, Jeffrey. Winckelmann and the Notion of Aesthetic Education. Oxford and New York, 1996. on his most important book, Geschichte der Kunst des Altertums (1764; The history of ancient art), an Parker, Kevin. ‘‘Winckelmann, Historical Difference and the Problem of the Boy.’’ Eighteenth-Century Studies 25, ambitious, multivolume account of the art of antiq- no. 4 (1992): 523–544. uity in Egypt, Greece, and Rome, written in a style Potts, Alex. Flesh and the Ideal: Winckelmann and the that mixes the sentimental with the clinical and the Origins of Art History. New Haven and London, 1994; platonic. Winckelmann narrated the course of each reprinted, 2000. of these cultures as a kind of life cycle showing ‘‘the KEVIN PARKER origin, progress, change and downfall of art, to- gether with the different styles of nations, periods and artists,’’ and drew for his studies upon the con- centrations of collections of antique art and artifacts WITCHCRAFT. Despite a generation of ex- in Rome. Elaborating on the thesis first offered in cellent research, the history of witchcraft remains his Reflections, he argued that the felicitous cultural bedeviled by a host of misperceptions. Ordinary situation of ancient Greece—including political readers often assume that the major witch-hunts oc- freedoms and unfettered opportunities to view and curred in the Middle Ages, that they were con- appreciate the naked body—could not be repeated ducted by the Catholic Church, and that they re- in modern times. Following a logic reminiscent of flected the prescientific notions and sexual fantasies the Socratic doctrines of love and beauty, he lam- of fanatics and neurotics. Elsewhere one can read ented the passing of Greek art and the beautiful that huge chain reaction witch trials constituted a male bodies that inspired it, but found consolation ‘‘women’s holocaust’’ accounting for millions of in the historian’s ambition to know about it. deaths, and that the witch-hunters especially tar- geted midwives and female healers. All of these Winckelmann met with an untimely death at the conclusions are both wrong and misleading. The hands of an unemployed cook and thief, Francesco great age of witchcraft trials came after 1430, and Arcangeli, in a hotel in Trieste on 8 June, 1768, primarily after 1570. The prosecuting magistrates while on a diplomatic mission. The motive for the were almost always secular officials, imbued with the murder was never determined, although speculation best thinking of prominent theologians, philoso- about this and other details of Winckelmann’s very phers, and even scientists. The numbers of those public private life has inspired numerous literary executed have often been exaggerated by a factor of treatments and plays. one or two hundred. Men made up perhaps a quar- See also Ancients and Moderns; Art: Art Theory, Criti- ter of those executed, and there is little evidence cism, and Historiography; Dresden; Early Modern that midwives or healers were singled out for suspi- Period: Art Historical Interpretations; Neoclassi- cion anywhere. But historical prejudices are hard to cism; Rome, Art in; Sculpture. uproot.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 219 WITCHCRAFT

UNDERSTANDINGS OF WITCHCRAFT seemed both alien and disreputable. In Greek litera- Depending on one’s definition, various histories of ture, the figure of the witch included characters witchcraft are defensible. It was once common, for such as Circe and Medea, women who used destruc- example, to understand the crime of witchcraft as tive magic to express their anger, lust, and frustra- consisting essentially of having a pact with the devil, tion, but magic does not seem to have been a prom- an agreement in which one exchanged one’s eternal inent fear among the Greeks. With the ancient soul for monstrous powers. Such a crime of diabo- Romans, however, harmful magic (maleficium) was lism had not existed in the ancient world and only forbidden in the earliest set of laws (the Twelve slowly emerged from the medieval campaign against Tables, 451 B.C.E.) and was punished with increas- magic and heresy, especially against medieval heret- ing severity. The Roman historian Livy (History ics such as the Cathars and Waldensians, groups 39.41.5 and 40.43.2f) recounts episodes when ap- who challenged both Catholic doctrines and papal parently thousands of persons were executed by jit- jurisdiction. By the late fourteenth century, how- tery judicial officials, and, in the late first century ever, canon lawyers, prominent inquisitors, learned C.E., the Romans began to crack down on fraudu- academics, and several popes came to agree that by lent magicae vanitates (‘worthless magic’), practices means of a contract with the devil, whether explicit that included healing, divination, and astrology. or only implicit, a magician might work genuine Thus, this understanding of witchcraft did not re- harm in this world. These theorists also gradually quire a devil or a pact but insisted on the dangers worked out a composite view of all the different lurking in the hidden practices of lustful and venge- sorts of crimes and activities their heresy involved. ful witches. It was increasingly believed that witch-heretics flew A third notion of witchcraft may be found in the off to a ‘‘sabbath’’ where they renounced their injunctions of the Old Testament, in which the au- Christian faith and baptism, worshipped the devil, thors of Exodus, Leviticus, Deuteronomy, and danced together, and enjoyed a cannibalistic feast, Kings, for example, forbade necromancy and divina- devouring children whom they had killed while tion, practices that competed with the rituals of the using their fat or other body parts to make loath- Levites and sacrificial priests while also challenging some potions. They were also thought to receive God’s sovereignty over the dead and the future. instruction in working harmful magic by which From this point of view, witchcraft represented not they might destroy their neighbors’ crops, interfere diabolism or a physical danger but an abomination, with the fertility of their cattle, and with the sex not a conspiracy in league with the devil but lives of those around them. Most luridly, witches impiety, a denial of God’s omnipotent control over were thought to have sexual relations with the devil blessings, punishments, and history (and hence the or with lesser demons. During the fifteenth century future as well); such witchcraft constituted an at- large numbers of heretical ‘‘witches’’ or sorcerers tempt to gain knowledge or advantages that were began to be discovered, and increasingly they were for God alone. Over time the Israelites intensified women. their prohibitions against magic, sorcery, divina- Another definition of witchcraft emphasizes the tion, and consulting the dead (necromancy), which continuity of magical practices that witches had all hinted at popular polytheism during the exilic used in the West ever since classical times and the and post-exilic period. similarities between such practices and those found All of these notions of witchcraft blended to- all around the world. On such an understanding, gether in various proportions during the late Middle witchcraft is the belief in and use of unusual, secret, Ages and early modern periods. Some jurists and or even supernatural forces in order to force or demonologists were more concerned about a sup- promote specific desired ends. The ancient Greeks posed Satanic conspiracy, whose goal seemed to be had believed in such magic but had not seen it as the destruction of humankind and Christianity. much of a daily threat. They originally thought that Others remained convinced that witches were pri- ‘‘magic’’ (mageia) was the strange, foreign reli- marily a physical danger to their neighbors. Still gious practice of Persian priests (the magi) and of others were inspired by the image of idolatrous or beggars or other dishonorable Greeks. Magic irreligious magicians who did not constitute a physi-

220 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WITCHCRAFT cal danger to anyone and were not members of scribing these trials are in fact nineteenth-century some hideous conspiracy, but were committed to forgeries. Consequently, historians over the past ‘‘heathenish practices’’ and to foretelling the future twenty-five years have relocated the beginnings of by means of astrology, numerology, or other illicit major witch-hunts to the fifteenth century, and es- means. In the seventeenth century some writers be- pecially to the . gan to think that the basic crime of witchcraft con- sisted in being antisocial, regardless of any actual THE EARLIEST WITCHCRAFT TRIALS harm done or religious error. The earliest trials seem to have sprung up around Lake Geneva, to the east in the Valais and Vaud, to THE GROWTH OF FEARS OF WITCHCRAFT the north in Fribourg, Neuchaˆtel, and Basel, and to In the early Middle Ages, these components had not the southeast in Leventina () and Valle yet blended to any extent, and so one finds ap- d’Aosta (Italy). During that decade, several authors proaches to the crime of witchcraft concentrating elaborated the notion of the witches’ sabbath and on the old Roman or Germanic fear of harmful expressed a sharpened sense of the dangers of a magic, while churchmen felt free to express deep witches’ conspiracy. For example, the Dominican skepticism about other elements of witchcraft. In Johannes Nider (c. 1380–1438) wrote extensively perhaps the most important early medieval text, the in favor of church reform and against witchcraft. Canon Episcopi (c. 910; ‘‘Bishops,’’ a title taken Although he maintained a skeptical attitude toward from the first word of this admonition), Regino of the flight of witches, he helped propagate the view Pru¨m condemned maleficium (‘wrongdoing’) and that witches assembled for dancing, feasting, and sortilegium (harmful magic and ‘fortune-telling’) sexual orgies and for murdering babies and eating harshly in his first paragraph, but also went on to their flesh. Gradually the notion took hold that express deep doubts about the stories told of witches gathered regularly at meetings called sab- women who supposedly went out at night to ride on baths or synagogues, terms that make the parallel the backs of beasts with the goddess Diana. Such with Jewish assemblies obvious. Frequently, how- persons were dreaming or hallucinating, he ever, these newly detected witches were seen as thought, and any Christian who believed these tales analogous to medieval heretics, especially to the Ca- was guilty of conceding too much power to a pagan thars and Waldensians. One treatise (c. 1450) de- goddess. This canon found a prominent place in scribed the ‘‘heresies’’ of the witches under the title Gratian’s Decretum (1140; Resolution), the most Errores Gazariorum (The errors of the Cathars, re- important medieval codification of canon law. From ferring to the dualist heretics), while many texts then on, all commentators had to concede that any- referred to fifteenth-century witches as Vaudois one who thought he or she flew might well be (Waldensians, another prominent medieval heresy). deluded. Although the concept of witchcraft drew on ideas of how medieval Jews and heretics were organized, Following the notion of witchcraft as diabolical there is no credible evidence that the European heresy, one can trace the rise to prominence of an witchcraft trials were actually directed at Jews or ecclesiastically flavored fear of a new and growing surviving pockets of heresy or paganism. sect of witches. In the early fourteenth century, Pope John XXII (reigned 1316–1334), for exam- THE MALLEUS MALEFICARUM ple, repeatedly condemned his enemies for using By the late fifteenth century many ecclesiastical writ- charms, wax figures, and incantations in their efforts ers had concluded that witchcraft was a fairly new to kill him. In a couple of papal bulls aimed at heresy with its origins in the . In 1484 Pope combating these threats, Pope John widened the Innocent VIII (reigned 1484–1492) issued a papal understanding of heresy to claim that sorcery in- bull, Summis desiderantes affectibus, reporting the volved heresy and a pact with the devil. It was once wide extent of the threat and authorizing two Do- thought that his reign also witnessed the beginnings minicans, Jacob Sprenger (c. 1436–1495) and of large-scale witchcraft trials with hundreds of exe- Heinrich Kramer (for centuries called Institoris cutions in southern France, but research in the mid- [Latin for ‘merchant’]; c. 1430–1505) as inquis- 1970s established that the sources purportedly de- itors to root out the heretics, especially in southern

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 221 WITCHCRAFT

Germany and in the alpine regions of Tyrol. Secular HERESY OR HARM? magistrates were to cease obstructing their efforts Those who define witchcraft as a sort of heresy have and offer their assistance. Despite the bull, Kramer often argued that by the end of the Middle Ages the continued to have trouble prosecuting witches, construction of the crime was complete and that the partly because of continued secular and ecclesiastical great witch-hunts that followed in the sixteenth and resistance to his haughty and brutal methods. In the seventeenth centuries were only the automatic re- sult of this late medieval construction. On this view, diocese of Constance, Kramer seems to have over- common among certain medievalists, the ‘‘great seen the conviction and execution of at least forty- witch craze’’ merely combined this fantastic crime eight women, but at he secured the with the supposedly relentless procedures of the In- conviction of only two, while many other suspects quisition. Those who have emphasized the nature of were released. In 1485, Bishop Georg II Golser of witchcraft as harmful magic, however, have thought Bressanone quashed Kramer’s investigations at that the emphasis on heresy and inquisition seri- Innsbruck and exiled Kramer, noting that he ously underestimates the fear of witchcraft among seemed credulous, unethical, and perhaps crazy in humble villagers, who were always more concerned his use of torture and in his wild imaginings of what about their crops, herds, and families than any sup- witches did. posed deviations in belief, and point to the slow adoption of witchcraft statutes by the civil authori- While licking his wounds, Kramer composed ties of northern Europe. Emperor Charles V’s (ruled what is perhaps the most famous treatise on witch- 1519–1556) imperial penal code (Constitutio craft, the Malleus Maleficarum (late 1486 or early Criminalis Carolina, 1532; The criminal code of 1487; The hammer of witches), in an effort to the Emperor Charles), valid for the whole Holy justify his fear that witchcraft was gaining ground Roman Empire, described the crime in these words: against Christendom and that lustful women were ‘‘When someone harms people or brings them trou- naturally attracted or seduced into a life of devil ble by witchcraft, one should punish them with worship, demonic sex, and harmful magic. Histo- death, and one should use the punishment of death rians have often thought that the more distin- by fire. When, however, someone uses witchcraft guished Cologne theologian and coinquisitor, Ja- and yet does no one any harm with it, that person cob Sprenger, was the coauthor of this book, but should be punished otherwise, according to the cus- the evidence for this collaboration is thin. It is worth tom of the case’’ (Article 109). There was no men- noting that Kramer’s Malleus never embodied ac- tion of pacts with the devil, no sabbath, can- cepted Catholic doctrine and that Kramer himself, nibalism, flight, or heresy. This secular code was after being banned from Innsbruck, was rusticated obviously most concerned with maleficium, to the mission fields of Bohemia, where he died in ‘harmful magic’. obscurity in 1505. A similar emphasis is visible in the English stat- ute of 1563, which threatened the death penalty for In the Malleus Kramer laid out both the new any witchcraft, enchantment, charming, or sorcery theological understanding of witchcraft and the if it resulted in the death of a human being; but if harsh inquisitorial methods by which one could these dark arts were less successful (if the victim was force suspects to confess and to implicate others in maimed or if animals were killed), the witch was to their heresy-crime. Kramer also pleaded successfully be punished with only a year’s imprisonment. Re- for the intervention of secular officials in the prose- duced penalties were introduced for the lesser cution of witchcraft, and, indeed, after 1500 most crimes of using magic to find lost or stolen goods, or of the trials north of the Mediterranean were run by to incite someone to illicit love. Other secular states secular magistrates and according to secular laws. also continued to consider witchcraft as first and The vast majority of witchcraft executions came at foremost an attack on others by magical, supernatu- the hands of ordinary secular magistrates who en- ral means; it was only in the seventeenth century forced secular laws and did not follow the prescrip- that some of these northern European states finally tions or share the peculiar phobias of the Malleus. adopted a fully diabolized understanding of witch-

222 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WITCHCRAFT craft, one that made it a capital crime to ‘‘consult, frost or a cold, rainy summer that ruined crops, as covenant with, entertain, employ, feed, or reward was common in Germany in 1626, ‘‘the year with any evil and wicked spirit to or for any intent or no summer.’’ purpose,’’ as the English statute of 1604 put it. Just Magistrates responded to local pressures de- as most secular states in northern Europe continued manding punishment for the witches thought re- to place maleficium at the heart of witchcraft ac- sponsible for these disasters; by the seventeenth cusations, so too most jurisdictions under an eccle- century some magistrates were ready to interpret siastical law (for example, the Mediterranean re- such crop failures and the resulting famine as the gions of Italy, Spain, and Portugal) persisted in the consequence of a satanic conspiracy. Thus, village sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in seeing witch- suspicions were reinforced by elite fears. In general, craft mainly as a spiritual offense. But that did not however, it appears that larger secular territories mean that the inquisitorial regimes were fiercer. with better-developed appeals courts were able to Rather, it meant that throughout southern Europe contain the panic of witchcraft more effectively. The the scrutiny of witchcraft rumors, accusations, and , for example, never carried out confessions was more intense, and executions for witch-hunts of any magnitude, and Bavaria after the the crime of witchcraft correspondingly scarce. 1590s also displayed an increasing skepticism. The Parlement of Paris, the appeals court responsible for VARIATIONS IN TIME AND SPACE a huge jurisdiction that took in most of northern The wave of recent research into witchcraft trials France, became increasingly skeptical from the across Europe has underscored dramatic variations 1580s onward and, after 1624, made the prosecu- from time to time and from place to place. No tion of witchcraft almost impossible. After a high region was ever subject to a hundred years of terror; point in much of Central Europe in the 1620s, the worst witch-hunts came in waves or spasms, another wave of witchcraft trials erupted in the starting in the 1560s and 1570s in southern Ger- 1660s from Germany north to Sweden, but then many and in Lorraine, rising again in the 1590s, became rare except in Poland, where trials contin- again in the and late 1620s, and coming to an ued until about 1725. By then, witchcraft trials were end in the 1660s. Across the Holy Roman Empire, long over elsewhere. It was long supposed that the the largest persecutions occurred in smaller territo- last German execution for witchcraft occurred in ries, especially those under the secular jurisdiction 1775 in Kempten, but it is now known that the of a prelate, an imperial abbot, or some other eccle- suspect there, though condemned, was not actually siastical administrator. The bishoprics and arch- executed. In 1782 the Protestant canton of Uri exe- bishoprics of Trier, Mainz, Cologne, Augsburg, cuted a woman as a witch, and a few Polish trials Wu¨rzburg, Bamberg, and Eichsta¨tt were among the resulted in executions even after that. fiercest in all of Europe, while the Duchy of Lor- raine was perhaps the worst secular territory. To- Witchcraft remained a crime mainly prosecuted gether they accounted for about 10,000 executions. in Catholic and Protestant Europe. The thoroughly developed notion of the pact with the devil was It was not only Catholic territories that proved never introduced into the lands of Eastern Ortho- to be zealous prosecutors of witchcraft. The Swiss doxy, so there were basically few trials (and no mas- territory of Vaud (under the general control of sive chain-reaction trials) in Russia. Even in Catho- Bern) conducted perhaps the most extensive witch- lic Poland it appears that earlier accounts of huge craft trials in any Protestant land (perhaps 2,000 witchcraft trials are seriously exaggerated. Suspi- executed in all), but the reformed courts of Scotland cions of magic and a variety of other popular spiri- probably executed 1,000 witches as well. Lutheran tual beliefs remained common among the Russian Mecklenburg, a land of splintered jurisdictions and peasantry, however, right down to the twentieth widespread noble autonomy, may well have exe- century. Altogether, for all of Europe and over a cuted 2,000 of the approximately 3,700 persons period of about 300 years, scholars now estimate tried there for witchcraft. In these large persecu- that perhaps 40,000 to 50,000 people were exe- tions, village accusations of witchcraft usually prolif- cuted for the crime of witchcraft, a large number to erated in the wake of some climatic disaster, a late be sure, but small compared to estimates that sug-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 223 WITCHCRAFT gest nine million executions, a number for which that elite judges sitting in provincial or national there is no basis. capitals disdained to take seriously accusations or convictions at the village level. Variations in the severity of witch-hunts and punishments imposed on those accused of the SOCIOLOGY OF WITCHCRAFT TRIALS crime-heresy of witchcraft seem to have depended Much recent research has concentrated on the so- on whether local convictions could be appealed to a ciology of the victims of witchcraft trials. The old distant (and usually more skeptical) court. Where notion that midwives and popular healers were sin- local courts could act autonomously, local excesses gled out for repression has faded in the light of were difficult to moderate. It may even be that the evidence that most of those convicted were more term witch-hunt is misleading because, in many of often women and men who failed in their neigh- the worst cases, magistrates were not actively hunt- borly obligations. The fantasies and tensions that ing anyone but were, instead, responding to ac- led some women to accuse other women of witch- cusations that bubbled up from neighborhood sus- craft, for example, have been examined. In the Ger- picions. In a surprising number of cases, the original man lands and in Britain about three-quarters of the accusations were launched by village women against executed were women, but elsewhere the propor- one or more other women suspected, sometimes for tion of men could be higher. In northern France decades, of causing local harm. men and women seem to have been executed in about equal numbers, while in Iceland and Finland WITCHCRAFT AS ‘‘SUPERSTITION’’ men made up the majority of convictions. It was The third definition of witchcraft as impiety sur- once held that women were the targets of faced in early modern Europe among magistrates misogynistic (and supposedly celibate) inquisitors, who reacted in horror at the ‘‘superstition’’ of com- but it has become clear that most magistrates re- mon villagers whose impious attitudes, magical sponded to pressures for witch trials from below and practices, illicit charms, and devotion to local magi- that the Mediterranean lands of the Inquisition (to- cal healers or shamanlike prophets seemed to prove gether with Ireland) were among the safest places to their adherence to irreligion and witchcraft. Such suffer local suspicions. There is also little evidence ‘‘superstitious’’ peasants seemed to deny God’s om- that those suspected of witchcraft were mentally ill nipotence, omniscience, and sovereignty over the or ‘‘hysterical.’’ Many of those convicted may, how- future and over all blessings and troubles. From this ever, have seemed like ‘‘bad neighbors,’’ quar- point of view, witchcraft accusations seem con- relsome or dangerous, isolated and suspected of nected to efforts of churchmen and magistrates to harboring vengeful feelings toward fellow villagers. enforce severe reforms of parish and devotional life. This pattern has been found in Friuli, north of Ven- THE RISE OF SKEPTICISM ice, among villagers who confessed that some of There was never a time when ‘‘everyone believed in their neighbors regularly went forth ‘‘in the spirit’’ witchcraft.’’ Even at the height of witchcraft trials, at night to combat the witches who threatened their some people expressed doubts about the crime it- fields. self, about details (for example, whether witches Another study has examined the similar case of could really fly to the sabbath), or about judicial an alpine horse wrangler who confessed that he procedures (whether torture could reliably force traveled with the ‘‘phantoms of the night’’ to learn suspects to confess the truth). Johann Weyer (Wier; the secrets of life and death and to gain healing 1515–1588), personal physician to the Duke of powers. Pastors and priests, however, complained Ju¨lich-Cleves-Berg, reacted to the renewal of witch- that their parishioners were too quick to blame their craft trials by publishing De Praestigiis Daemonum pains on witchcraft instead of recognizing the ways (1563; On the deceits of demons), which ques- that God tested and punished them for their devia- tioned whether the crime of witchcraft was even tion from the devotion expected of them. So the possible. Although Weyer conceded large powers to common notion that ordinary people were ‘‘super- the devil, in his view magic could never be effective stitious’’ did not automatically lead to charges of (and therefore maleficium could never harm any- witchcraft among them. Instead, it often happened one); no one could really have a binding pact with

224 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WITCHCRAFT the devil, and so confessions of guilt suggested that certain theologians and many villagers continued to the suspected witch (usually an old woman) was believe in magic and to fear the powers of witch- actually melancholy (mad). In 1584 Reginald Scot craft. (1538?–1599), a Kentish gentleman, published his See also Astrology; Charles V (Holy Roman Empire); Discoverie of Witchcraft, an even more radical rejec- Crime and Punishment; Folk Tales and Fairy Tales; tion of witchcraft that questioned even the power of Inquisition; Magic; Midwives; Popular Culture; Re- demons to produce wonders or harm of any sort. ligious Piety; Thomasius, Christian; Women. During the seventeenth century these sorts of skep- ticism were reinforced by a growing procedural BIBLIOGRAPHY skepticism of the sort expressed anonymously by Ankarloo, Bengt, and Gustav Henningsen, eds. Early Mod- Frederick Spee, S.J. (1591–1635), in his Cautio ern European Witchcraft: Centres and Peripheries. Ox- Criminalis (1631; A warning concerning criminal ford, 1990. cases). Spee movingly criticized the brutal employ- Bailey, Michael D. Battling Demons: Witchcraft, Heresy, and ment of torture, the reliance on perjured testimony, Reform in the Late Middle Ages. University Park, Pa., and twisted interpretations of the law, so that in his 2003. view no one once accused could expect to escape Behringer, Wolfgang. Shaman of Oberstdorf: Chonrad conviction. Doubts like these finally made an im- Stoeckhlin and the Phantoms of the Night. Translated by pression all across northern Europe, so that the H. C. Erik Midelfort. Charlottesville, Va., 1998. secular courts there became as skeptical as the Ro- Briggs, Robin. Witches and Neighbors: The Social and Cul- man and Spanish Inquisitions had been ever since tural Context of Early Modern Witchcraft. New York, the mid-sixteenth century. Only after witchcraft 1996. trials had almost died away did a more fundamental Clark, Stuart. Thinking with Demons: The Idea of Witchcraft skepticism spread, a philosophical or theological in Early Modern Europe. Oxford, 1997. doubt that spirits of any sort could have any physical Clark, Stuart, ed. Languages of Witchcraft: Narrative, Ideol- effects in this world. Here we may point to the ogy, and Meaning in Early Modern Culture. London, example of Balthasar Bekker (1634–1698), the 2001. Dutch reformed theologian, whose Betoverde Cohn, Norman. Europe’s Inner Demons: An Enquiry In- Weereld (1691; The world bewitched) did not chal- spired by the Great Witch-Hunt. London, 1975. lenge the existence of demons but tried to show that Davies, Owen. Witchcraft, Magic, and Culture, 1736–1951. they could not affect human affairs or the natural Manchester, U.K., 1999. world. In his view the doctrine of demons had crept Ginzburg, Carlo. The Night Battles: Witchcraft and Agrar- into Catholic Christianity from the pagans and ian Cults in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. needed to be thoroughly reformed. Christian Translated by J. and A. Tedeschi. Baltimore, 1983. Thomasius (1655–1728), a celebrated jurist of the Henningsen, Gustav. The Witches’ Advocate: Basque Witch- University of Halle, took a similar position in De craft and the Spanish Inquisition (1609–1614). Reno, Crimine Magiae (1701; Regarding the crime of Nev., 1980. magic). Kieckhefer, Richard. European Witch Trials: Their Founda- It is noteworthy that witchcraft remained con- tion in Popular and Learned Culture, 1300–1500. Berkeley, 1976. troversial, at least among theologians, well after the crime of witchcraft was essentially no longer pur- Levack, Brian. The Witch-Hunt in Early Modern Europe. 2nd ed. London, 1995. sued. The Netherlands had ceased prosecuting this crime around 1600 and the Parlement of Paris had Po´cs, E´ va. Fairies and Witches at the Boundary of South- made witchcraft hard to prove by the early seven- Eastern and Central Europe. Helsinki, 1989. teenth century, but it was not until 1682 that King Roper, Lyndal. Oedipus and the Devil: Witchcraft, Sexuality, Louis XIV (ruled 1643–1715) prohibited witch- and Religion in Early Modern Europe. London, 1994. craft trials in France, while England did not abolish Sharpe, James A. Instruments of Darkness: Witchcraft in the crime until 1736, and Austria and Hungary Early Modern England. Philadelphia, 1997. waited until 1755 and 1768, respectively, for this Soman, Alfred. Sorcellerie et justice criminelle: Le Parlement step. Even after these legal reforms were imposed, de Paris (16e–18e Sie`cles). Aldershot, U.K., 1992.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 225 WITT, JOHAN AND CORNELIS DE

Thomas, Keith. Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in The second development took place across the Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century English Channel, where Oliver Cromwell had put England. 2nd ed. London, 1997. an end to the kingship of Charles I, William II’s Zika, Charles. Exorcising Our Demons: Magic, Witchcraft, father-in-law. When Charles was beheaded in 1649, and Visual Culture in Early Modern Europe. Leiden, William wanted to bring the Stuarts back to power, Netherlands, 2003. which meant starting a new war. This was anathema H. C. ERIK MIDELFORT to the regents of Holland, the wealthy non-noble patricians of the cities. The conflict between the prince of Orange and the cities of Holland therefore escalated rapidly. In 1650 William incarcerated sev- WITT, JOHAN AND CORNELIS DE eral leading regents, one of whom was Jacob de (Johan 1625–1672; Cornelis 1623–1672), Dutch Witt, and tried in vain to conquer Amsterdam. Wil- statesmen and patriots. The de Witt brothers, lead- liam died of smallpox that same year, and a collec- ing statesmen of the Dutch Republic and opponents tive aversion to monarchical power surfaced among of the House of Orange from 1653 to 1672, were the regents. This mood was not tempered by the born in Dordrecht, a city in the south of the prov- birth of William III eight days after the death of his ince of Holland, where their father, Jacob de Witt, father. Holland and the six other provinces decided had already served several times as alderman and that the Dutch Republic could do without a singu- burgomaster. Together Johan and Cornelis went to lar authority, that the state would be governed by the Latin School and studied law at the University the city aristocracies, and proudly called this ‘‘True of Leiden. They completed their education with a Freedom’’ (de Ware Vrijheid ). Along with it came a grand tour through France and England. About this tolerant attitude toward various religious groups time it was evident that Johan possessed extraordi- and a keen eye for the connection between peace nary mental powers, notably in the field of mathe- and prosperity. Of this set of values Johan de Witt matics. In the course of his busy life he would find became the eloquent spokesman. time to publish a pioneering work on geometry, The Elements of Curved Lines (1659), and his master- Johan and Cornelis went separate ways, but piece, The Worth of Life Annuities Compared to both achieved powerful positions. Cornelis became Redemption Bonds (1671), which is regarded today a foremost member of the administration of his by historians of insurance as the foundation of mod- hometown of Dordrecht and married the daughter ern actuarial science. of an important aristocrat from Rotterdam. With the help of his brother, he became chief justice of a The brothers started their careers in a turbulent large area. Johan’s star rose higher. On 30 July time when international developments and national 1653, at the age of 28, he was appointed raadpen- events created unprecedented opportunities. First sionaris or grand pensionary of Holland, chairman there was the Peace of Westphalia (1648), which of the assembly of the States of Holland. Because ended the wars the Dutch had fought for eighty this province was by far the wealthiest and most years (1568–1648) against the Spanish oppressor. powerful of the Dutch Republic, it dominated the The treaty was an official recognition of the Dutch assembly of the States-General, so Johan became in territory as the United Provinces. The treaty also fact the political leader of the nation. In 1655 he brought peace, and it was precisely this peace that married Wendela Bicker, whose father was the most caused havoc. The princes of Orange had led the influential regent of Amsterdam and had been the army against the Spanish, and the cities had pro- leader of the resistance against William II. vided the funds, but now the peace broke up their confluence of interests. The merchants wanted to Before Johan started his term as grand pen- reduce the army budget and use their money for sionary, the First Anglo-Dutch War (1652–1654) investments in trade and for the reduction of their broke out. Johan managed to strengthen the navy enormous debts, but the young prince of Orange, and to conclude the war as quickly as possible, but William II (1626–1650), could not accept the pros- he paid a high price for the peace: the Act of Seclu- pect of being stripped of this glamorous part of the sion (1654), a secret concession to Cromwell, family heritage. which stated that no prince of Orange was to be

226 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WITTELSBACH DYNASTY (BAVARIA) stadtholder or captain-general. When the other six wars out of injured pride. When the assault came in provinces learned about it, a storm of indignation June 1672, it was too late. Louis XIV invaded Holl- came down on Johan’s head. Much of the hatred and and began the third of the Anglo-Dutch Wars. that was later directed at him originated from this The Dutch defeated the English and French navies, act. During the twenty years of his rule, Johan tried but the immense French army crushed its opponent to curtail the power of William III. But the older the in a matter of weeks. Panic raged through the re- prince became, the more difficult it was to contain public and a hunt for scapegoats ensued. Popular support for him. The gap between the proponents feeling suddenly turned in favor of William III, and of the ‘‘true freedom’’ and the supporters of the he was made stadtholder by popular acclaim. Ha- prince, many of whom saw him as a kind of messiah, tred against the De Witt brothers resulted in an became unsurmountable. attempt on Johan’s life and the detention of Cor- nelis, who was accused of planning to assassinate The Restoration (1660) in England brought William III. On 20 August Johan, who was visiting Charles II, William’s brother-in-law, to power. his brother in prison, and Cornelis were lynched by Charles grew into a dedicated enemy of the Dutch the people of The Hague; in the frenzy the bodies Republic and of Johan personally, whose domestic were mutilated, bowels were eaten, and fingers and position he tried to undermine by persuading the tongues collected as souvenirs. Among scholars it is Orangist party that the grand pensionary had de- still a matter of dispute whether Prince William III nied William his family rights. When the Second was behind the bloodbath. Anglo-Dutch War (1665–1667) broke out, Johan sailed several times with the fleet to encourage the See also Anglo-Dutch Naval Wars; Devolution, War of commanders to take offensive action. In the sum- (1667–1668); Dutch Republic; Louis XIV (France); Netherlands, Southern; Westphalia, Peace of mer of 1667 Cornelis de Witt executed a bold plan (1648); William and Mary. devised by Johan: with a flotilla he raided the Chat- ham Dockyards and not only destroyed the biggest BIBLIOGRAPHY ships, but also towed home the Royal Charles. After Geddes, James. History of the Administration of John de Witt, this humiliation, Charles was forced to sign the Grand Pensionary of Holland. Vol. I (only vol. pub- peace, the Treaty of Breda. lished). New York, 1880. Meanwhile, Louis XIV of France was usurping Geyl, Pieter. Orange and Stuart 1641–1672. Translated from the Dutch by A. Pomerans. London, 1969. large parts of the in the War of Devolution; this was the territory that Johan wanted Leve`vre-Pontalis, Germain Antonin. John de Witt, Grand Pensionary of Holland, or Twenty Years of a Parliamen- to keep as a buffer against mighty France. On 23 tary Republic. Translated from the French by S. E. and January 1668 he concluded the Triple Alliance with E. Stephenson. 2 vols. London, 1885. England and Sweden, and the war ended with the Rowen, Herbert H. John de Witt, Grand Pensionary of Holl- Treaty of Aachen (Aix-la-Chapelle) in May 1668. and 1625–1672. Princeton, 1978. But two years later Louis and Charles entered into LUC PANHUYSEN the secret Treaty of Dover, by which the latter promised the former to assist in a full-scale attack on the Dutch Republic. For more than a year Johan did not recognize WITTELSBACH DYNASTY (BA- the bad omens. He was too much of a rationalist VARIA). The Wittelsbachs were one of the more and counted completely on the balance of power, important dynasties in European history. They believing that both France and England would be at ruled Bavaria (1180–1918), the Palatinate (1214– a disadvantage when the other got hold of the 1918), and Electoral Cologne (1583–1761), as United Provinces. He was incapable of understand- well as half a dozen prince-bishoprics (Freising, ing that the French and English kings would work Lie`ge, Mu¨nster, Osnabru¨ck, Paderborn, and Re- together in destroying the Dutch Republic, because gensburg), and they held up to three electoral votes he thought it would be fatal to their own interests. in the Holy Roman Empire during the early modern He also did not grasp the fact that kings could start period. Three Wittelsbachs were elected Holy Ro-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 227 WITTELSBACH DYNASTY (BAVARIA) man emperor (1314–1347, 1400–1410, 1742– More concretely, the Treaty of Pavia (1329), in 1745), some ruled as counts of Holland and which Louis divided the Wittelsbachs into a Bavar- Friesland (1349–1425), one became king of Den- ian and a Palatine branch, actually maintained dy- mark, Sweden, and Norway (1440–1448), two be- nastic unity in order to secure mutual succession, came kings of Bohemia (1619–1620, 1741–1745), concluding with the unification of the house of Wit- four succeeded to the throne of Sweden (1654– telsbach in 1777 and 1799. 1720), and one was made king of Greece (1832– Throughout the early modern period the Bavar- 1862). An attempt to succeed the Habsburgs in ian Wittelsbachs based their politics on their core Spain failed in 1699, as did other attempts to as- territory, securing it carefully with dynastic and reli- sume the status of a major dynasty. The Wittels- gious alliances. They managed to bring about sus- bachs rose to princely status as supporters of the tained development and to create not only a mod- dynasty in the twelfth century, deriv- ern territorial state, but even a Bavarian nation. ing their name from the tiny castle of Albert IV the Wise of Bavaria-Munich (ruled 1465– Oberwittelsbach in Bavaria (in the district of 1508), married to a Habsburg princess, obtained Aichach, near Augsburg). territorial unity in the Bavarian War of Succession (1504) and by issuing a law of primogeniture THE BAVARIAN WITTELSBACHS (1506). William IV (ruled 1508–1550) molded a The Wittelsbachs molded the history of Bavaria, policy of absolute Catholicity in the period of the which they ruled as dukes (1180–1623), prince- Reformation. Bavarian princes married exclusively electors (1623–1806), and later kings (1806– Catholic princesses, primarily of the houses of 1918). Otto I von Wittelsbach, appointed by Em- Habsburg, Lorraine, and Savoy. The dynastic alli- peror Frederick I Barbarossa in 1180, and his son ance of Albert V (ruled 1550–1579) and Anna of Louis I, who received the Palatinate in 1214 from Austria guaranteed an austere Counter-Reforma- Emperor Frederick II von Hohenstaufen, were the tion. Catholicism was indeed transformed into a founding fathers of the dynasty. The Wittelsbach state ideology. William V the Pious (ruled 1579– coat of arms, assembled during this period, includes 1597) compensated for his weak character with the Hohenstaufen lion as well as the colors white religious determination, guided by Jesuit advisers. and blue from the counts of Bogen, inherited He intervened in the Cologne War (1583), leading through Ludmilla of Bogen (daughter of Frederick his territory close to bankruptcy, and had to resign. Prˇemysl, duke of Bohemia), and Elisabeth of Hun- However, he secured the Bavarian secundogeniture gary, the wife of Louis I. in the Lower Rhine region and Bavarian rule over The first Wittelsbach emperor, Louis IV (ruled the ecclesiastical lands of Cologne, Mu¨nster, 1314–1347), attracted Franciscan celebrities and Hildesheim, Paderborn, Osnabru¨ck, Lie`ge, and the philosophers like William of Ockham and Marsilius abbacies of Stavelot and Malmedy. of Padua to his court at Munich; Pope John XXII Maximilian I (ruled 1597–1651) was the most disdainfully branded him Ludovicus Bavarus (Louis powerful of all the Wittelsbachs. Like his Lorraine the Bavarian). The emperor married Margaret of cousins in France, he managed to assume leader- Holland, and his numerous children married into ship, and he forged a Catholic League in Germany the dynasties of Lancaster, Cleves, Denmark, Meck- (1610). He defeated his Wittelsbach cousin in Bo- lenburg, Poland, Brzeg, Bohemia, Hungary, Nur- hemia (1620), gained the Palatine dignity of prince- emberg (the Hohenzollerns), Hohenlohe, Lower elector (1623), and annexed the Upper Palatinate Bavaria, the Tyrol, Verona (the della Scala, or (1628), leading his country through the horrors of Scaliger, family), and Sicily. The emperor’s attempt the Thirty Years’ War and eventually supporting the to spread Wittelsbach rule over large parts of Eu- Peace of Westphalia. His son Ferdinand Maria rope—with his sons ruling over Holland, Zeeland, (ruled 1651–1679) consolidated the country dur- Friesland, Hainaut (Hennegouwen), Brandenburg, ing the postwar depression and introduced the cul- Bavaria, and the Tyrol—failed, but Louis’s legacy ture of the baroque, together with his wife influenced Bavarian politics in the early modern pe- Henriette Adelaide of Savoy. Maximilian II Eman- riod, raising ambitions and inspiring historiography. uel (ruled 1679–1726), the ‘‘blue prince,’’ fought

228 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WITTELSBACH DYNASTY (BAVARIA) successfully in the wars against the Turks and served ‘‘Winter King.’’ His son Rupert (1619–1682) as a governor in the Spanish Netherlands from fought as a general in the English Civil War, became 1691, but failed in his aspirations to the secure the privy councillor to Charles II, and discovered Spanish succession for his son by Maria Antonia of Rupert’s Land (the drainage basin of Hudson’s Bay) Spain, prince Joseph Ferdinand (1692–1699), who in Canada. The Palatine Wittelsbachs won back died at the most unfavorable moment. Charles Al- their territory in 1648, along with an additional bert, Maximilian II’s son by a Polish princess, was (eighth) electoral vote. Charles I Louis (ruled elected king of Bohemia and became Emperor 1648–1680) introduced toleration, admitting Lu- Charles VII (ruled 1742–1745), his rule marked by therans, Mennonites, Jews, and Catholics to the war and financial exhaustion. Maximilian III Joseph Palatinate. His son remained childless, however, (ruled 1745–1777), an enlightened prince and as- and his daughter Elizabeth Charlotte’s (1652– tute reformer, became the last prince-elector of the 1722) marriage to Duke Philip I of Orle´ans was Bavarian line. According to the Treaty of Pavia utilized by France as a pretext to invade and devas- (1329), he was succeeded by a Palatine prince. tate the Palatinate in the War of the Palatine Succes- sion (1688–1697). THE PALATINE WITTELSBACHS In 1685 the Electoral Palatinate was inherited The history of the Palatine Wittelsbachs is much by the Catholic Palatinate-Neuburg line. Wolfgang more complicated and confused, as their territory William of Palatinate-Neuburg (ruled 1610–1653), remained fragmented throughout the early modern who had been raised as a Lutheran, had maintained period, and the dynasty suffered from endless divi- his claims in the Ju¨lich-Cleves Succession War and sions. This creative chaos had its positive sides, as it converted to Catholicism after marrying a sister of guaranteed a plurality of voices and eventually se- Maximilian of Bavaria in 1613. The new Palatine cured the survival of the Wittelsbach dynasty. The ruler in Du¨sseldorf, the ruler of the duchies of Ju¨lich Wittelsbach electoral vote was given to the Palatines and Berg, married a princess of Palatinate- by the Golden Bull of 1356. Rupert III managed to Zweibru¨cken, confirming his line’s claim of succes- become German king (Rupert I von der Pfalz, or ‘of sion in the Electoral Palatinate. The Neuburgers the Palatinate’; ruled 1400–1410). As in the case of eventually succeeded to the main electoral line in the Bavarian emperor, after his death the land was Heidelberg in 1685/1699 with Elector Philip Wil- divided into four lines—the electoral line (Kurpfalz, liam. Their policy of re-Catholicization drove many or Electoral Palatinate), Palatinate-Neumarkt, Pa- subjects to emigrate, some to North America. When latinate-Simmern, and Palatinate-Mosbach—with a the Neuburger line ended with Elector Charles III good number of subdivisions. Of growing impor- Philip in 1742, they were succeeded by the princes tance were the line Palatinate-Simmern, which suc- of Palatinate-Sulzbach, a sideline of the Neuburg- ceeded to the electoral line with Frederick III (ruled ers, famous for their Rosicrucian commitment un- 1559–1576), and its sideline Palatinate- der Prince Christian August (1622–1708). Al- Zweibru¨cken (founded 1459), which branched out though married to a Calvinist princess of Nassau, into Palatinate-Neuburg (1614), Palatinate- Christian August personally converted to Catholi- Zweibru¨cken-Birkenfeld (1569), and Palatinate- cism but admitted all confessions and invited the Sulzbach (1614). Jews into his territory. Some of the Palatine Wittelsbachs adopted The Sulzbacher elector palatine Charles Theo- Protestantism, and the elector palatine assumed dore (ruled 1743–1799) inherited Bavaria in 1777 leadership of the Protestant party (Heidelberg Cate- and shifted the Palatine court to Munich, but he chism, 1563) in the Holy Roman Empire. The Cal- remained childless. In the end the count of the tiny vinist Frederick V (ruled 1610–1632), son-in-law Palatinate-Zweibru¨cken-Birkenfeld inherited not of James I of England through his 1613 marriage to only all the Palatine lines (1795 Zweibru¨cken, 1799 Elizabeth Stuart, was elected king of Bohemia (4 Electorial Palatinate), but also the throne in Mu- November 1619) but—despite Dutch, English, nich. For the first time since 1329 all the Wittels- and Danish support—was deposed by his Bavarian bach territories were united under one single ruler, cousin in 1620; he is thus remembered as the after 470 years. After the collapse of the Holy Ro-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 229 WŁADYSŁAW II JAGIEŁŁO (POLAND) man Empire in 1806, Maximilian IV Joseph (ruled 1799–1825), supported by Napoleon I, gained ter- WŁADYSŁAW II JAGIEŁŁO (PO- ritorial independence and became King Maximilian LAND) (Lithuanian: Jogaila; c. 1351–1434), I Joseph of Bavaria. His descendents stayed in grand duke of Lithuania (1377–1401) and king of power in an enlarged (with Poland (1386–1434); son of Grand Duke Algirdas of Lithuania (d. 1375) and Yuliana, princess of added lands from Swabia and Franconia) until the Tver; and founder of the Jagiellon dynasty in Po- revolution of 1918. The Wittelsbach family, despite land. In 1382 Jogaila imprisoned his uncle Keˆstutis, the official abolition of nobility, is still honored by with whom he had ruled jointly, and assumed full the Bavarian government to the present day. power in Lithuania; he later had Keˆstutis murdered. An offshoot of the Palatine Wittelsbachs be- That same year, threatened by the Order of Teu- came kings of Sweden in the seventeenth century, tonic Knights, he concluded an armistice with them when the younger son of the Calvinist prince John I on the Dubysa River, in which he gave up the west- of Palatinate-Zweibru¨cken, John Casimir of Palati- ern part of Samogitia and promised to adopt the nate-Kleeburg in Alsace, married Catherine, a Christian faith. The agreement was broken in 1383 daughter of King Charles IX of Sweden. After and Jogaila, seeing that a union with Poland would Queen Christina Vasa converted to Catholicism and give him support against the Teutonic Knights, ne- abdicated in 1654, the son of John Casimir and gotiated a union between the Grand Duchy of Lith- uania and Poland at Krewo (14 August 1385). In Catherine, educated as a Lutheran, came to the return for the hand of Queen Jadwiga of Poland, he Swedish throne as Charles X Gustav (ruled 1654– promised to Christianize the Grand Duchy, asso- 1660). Under the Wittelsbach ruler Charles XI ciate (applicare in Latin) its territories with Poland, (ruled 1660/1672–1697) Sweden became the heg- and recover the territories lost by Poland (Gdan´sk, emonic power in northern Europe, ruling over Pomerania, Kujavia, Silesia, Halicz Ruthenia). Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Livonia, and Pomerania. Charles XII (ruled 1697–1718) maintained this po- In 1388 Jogaila, now King Władysław Jagiełło, sition in the Great Northern War, but remained restored Mazovia’s feudal dependence on Poland. without an heir and was briefly succeeded by his From 1388 to 1392 he waged war against the Teu- sister Ulrika Eleonora (ruled 1718–1720). Her tonic Knights and their ally, his cousin Vytautas husband Frederick of Hessen-Kassel (ruled as Fred- (Witold). The war was brought to an end in 1392 erick I, 1720–1751) was elected Swedish king in by an agreement making Vytautas viceroy of the 1720. All Wittelsbach rulers, even the Swedish Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The Teutonic Order’s kings, shared the titles of duke of Bavaria and Count attempts to conquer Lithuania and sever its union Palatine of the Rhine. with Poland achieved partial success when Vytautas gave up Samogitia in 1398 (confirmed by treaty at See also Bavaria; Charles X Gustav (Sweden); Holy Ro- Racia˛z˙ in 1404). In 1409 the Teutonic Knights re- man Empire; Palatinate; Reformation, Catholic; Re- sumed the war but were routed by Polish-Lithua- formation, Protestant; Thirty Years’ War (1618– nian forces under Jagiełło’s command at the battle 1648). of Grunwald (Tannenberg; 15 July 1410). Even though the Poles did not take advantage of their BIBLIOGRAPHY victory militarily or politically (the Treaty of Torun´, Glaser, Hermann, ed. Wittelsbach und Bayern. Munich, concluded in 1411, was unfavorable to Poland), the 1980. battle marked the beginning of the decline of the Rall, Hans, and Marga Rall. Die Wittelsbacher in Teutonic state’s power. The fighting against the Lebensbildern. Graz, Austria, and Regensburg, Ger- Teutonic Knights in the years that followed proved many, 1986. successful for the Polish-Lithuanian side. Spindler, Max, ed. Handbuch der bayerischen Geschichte. 4 The childless death of Queen Jadwiga (1399) vols. Munich, 1967–1975. weakened Jagiełło’s position as king of Poland and Straub, Eberhard. Die Wittelsbacher. Berlin, 1994. made it necessary to renew the union with the WOLFGANG BEHRINGER Grand Duchy of Lithuania and settle the question

230 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WOLFF, CHRISTIAN of succession to the throne. The Treaty of Vilnius had shifted increasingly toward mathematics and (1401) confirmed the union of the two states and philosophy, both of which he regarded as useful recognized Vytautas as grand duke of Lithuania; the disciplines to solve religious disputes. His disserta- union was further strengthened by a new treaty tion, De philosophia practica universali methodo concluded at Horodo on 2 October 1413. Jagiełło’s mathematica conscripta (1702; Practical philosophy second marriage, with Anna, princess of Cilli (1402) according to mathematical methods), drew the at- and granddaughter of King Casimir III the Great, tention of Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646– was meant to strengthen his legal position in Po- 1716), whose letter of recommendation helped land. Wolff secure a professorship in mathematics at the University of Halle in 1706. In 1421 the Hussites urged Jagiełło to accept the Bohemian throne, but he declined the offer and Although officially a professor of mathematics, in 1424 issued an edict condemning Hussitism and Wolff lectured on experimental and theoretical threatening severe punishment for its believers and physics, metaphysics, moral philosophy, and logic. adherents. Having no male heir (Anna died in 1416, At Halle, he published his most important works in and his third wife, Elizabeth Granowska, died in philosophy including Vernu¨nfftige Gedancken von 1420), Jagiełło contracted a fourth marriage (1422) den Kra¨fften des menschlichen Verstandes (1713; with Sophia Holszan˜ska, who bore him two sons, Rational thoughts on the powers of human under- who became Władysław III Warnen´czyk (ruled standing), Vernu¨nfftige Gedancken von Gott, der 1434–1444) and Casimir IV Jagiellon´czyk (ruled Welt, und der Seele des Menschen, auch allen Dingen 1447–1492). In order to gain the nobility’s support u¨berhaupt (1720; Rational thoughts on God, the and secure the throne for his dynasty, the king world, and the human soul, and all things in gen- confirmed the nobles’ privileges in an act signed at eral), and Vernu¨nfftige Gedancken von der Menschen Jedno (1430). In addition to his successes in foreign Thun und Lassen, zu Befo¨rderung ihrer Glu¨ckseelig- policy, Jagiełło also deserves credit for the restora- keit, den Liebhabern der Wahrheit mitgetheilet tion of the university in Cracow (1400). He was (1720; Rational thoughts on human conduct for buried in the cathedral on Wawel Hill. the purpose of their happiness, told to those who See also Jadwiga (Poland); Jagiellon Dynasty; Lithuania, love the truth), all of which were written in German. Grand Duchy of, to 1569; Lublin, Union of (1569); Ever since, Wolff has been regarded as the founder Poland to 1569. of a German philosophical language. His fame, however, did not save him from attacks by leading BIBLIOGRAPHY Pietist members of the theological faculty at Halle, Krzyz˙aniakowa, Jadwiga, and Jerzy Ochman´ski. Władysław such as Joachim Lange (1670–1744), who viewed Jagiełło. Wrocław, 1990. Wolff as an advocate of a deterministic universe and MARCIN KAMLER as a potential danger to Christian dogma. The con- flict escalated on the occasion of Wolff’s public lec- ture, ‘‘De Sinarum philosophia practica’’ (1721; On the practical philosophy of the Chinese), which em- WOLFF, CHRISTIAN (1679–1754), Ger- phasized that revelation was not essential for ar- man philosopher. Born on 24 January 1679 in pre- riving at sound moral principles. His opponents dominantly Catholic Breslau, Silesia (now Wrocław, successfully appealed to King Frederick William I of Poland), the son of a Lutheran tanner who wanted Prussia (ruled 1713–1740), who issued an official him to become a minister, Wolff soon developed an warrant on 8 November 1723, demanding his de- interest in philosophy. After receiving a solid parture from Halle within forty-eight hours under grounding in Scholasticism and Cartesianism under the threat of death by hanging. Wolff subsequently Jesuit supervision at the local Gymnasium (college accepted a position as professor of philosophy at the preparatory school), Wolff began to study theology, University of Marburg until 1740, when the new mathematics, and philosophy at the University of King Frederick II of Prussia (ruled 1740–1786) Jena. He eventually earned his master’s degree from invited him to return to Halle. At the time of his the University of Leipzig in 1703, where his interest death on 9 April 1754, Wolff held the position of

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 231 WOLFF, CHRISTIAN chancellor of the University of Halle and was privy Hermann Samuel Reimarus (1694–1768) to exam- councillor of Prussia, vice president of the Academy ine and reject Christian revelation by subjecting of St. Petersburg, and baron of the Holy Roman Scripture to its rational principles. Nonetheless, one Empire. should not forget that Wolff’s incorporation of Scholastic elements in his system and his conserva- Wolff’s philosophical system builds on mathe- tive metaphysics made his philosophy equally ap- matical principles. He regarded the ‘‘mathematical pealing to Protestants and Catholics alike, both of method’’ as a guarantor for clarity because it con- whom viewed it as a useful defense against atheism nected premises and deductions into a chain of and deism. closely intertwined demonstrations. Although his philosophy was labeled as ‘‘Leibniz-Wolffian’’ as Wolff’s influence reached even beyond the Ger- early as 1724—probably by one of his students, man territories. The concept of philosophy, as it Georg Bernhard Bilfinger (1693–1750)—Wolff appears in Diderot’s and d’Alembert’s Encyclope´die, himself rejected this adjective without denying can almost be called a precise copy of his definition Leibniz’s profound influence on him. He surpassed of philosophy from his Discursus praeliminaris de his famous predecessor by developing a more com- philosophia in genere (1728; Preliminary discourse prehensive system of philosophy, thereby linking all on philosophy in general). the individual disciplines with each other. He See also Alembert, Jean Le Rond d’; Atheism; Carte- viewed philosophy as the science of all possible sianism; Deism; Descartes, Rene´; Diderot, Denis; things. By possible Wolff meant anything that does Encyclope´die; Enlightenment; Frederick II (Prussia); not contain a logical contradiction, which is a lack of Frederick William I (Prussia); Kant, Immanuel; sufficient reason. In contrast to theology, which Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm; Logic; Mathematics; concerns itself with the supernatural, philosophy Philosophy; Physics; Pietism; Theology. represents world wisdom. This marked a shift away BIBLIOGRAPHY from his predecessor Leibniz, who had always tried to prevent philosophy and theology from going Primary Sources Wolff, Christian. Gesammelte Werke. Edited by Jean E´ cole, their separate ways. Because, according to Wolff, et al. Hildesheim and New York, 1962–. attributes of the visible world proved God’s exis- —. Preliminary Discourse on Philosophy in General. tence, one branch of theology, the theologia natu- Translated by R. J. Blackwell. Indianapolis, 1963. ralis (‘natural theology’) can, in accordance with —. ‘‘Reasonable Thoughts on the Actions of Men, for the laws of reason, engage in determining God’s the Promotion of Their Happiness.’’ In Moral Philoso- qualities. Although he asserted that Christianity is phy from Montaigne to Kant, vol. 1, edited by J. B. based on the only true revelation, he nonetheless Schneewind, pp. 333–350. Cambridge, Mass., 1990. claimed that, at least in theory, certain standards must apply as well in order to distinguish it from Secondary Sources Blackwell, Richard. ‘‘The Structure of Wolffian Philoso- false revelation. By making this suggestion, Wolff phy.’’ Modern Schoolman 38 (1961): 203–218. laid the foundation for a critical (rational) examina- Carboncini, Sonia. Transzendentale Wahrheit und Traum: tion of revealed religion. Christian Wolffs Antwort auf die Herausforderung Christian Wolff was certainly the most impor- durch den cartesianischen Zweifel. Stuttgart-Bad Cann- statt, 1991. tant German philosopher between Leibniz and Im- ´ manuel Kant (1724–1804). In his Kritik der reinen Ecole, Jean. ‘‘Wolff e´tait-il un Aufkla¨rer?’’ In Aufkla¨rung als praktische Philosophie, edited by Frank Gunert, et al., Vernunft (1781; Critique of pure reason), Kant pp. 31–44. Tu¨bingen, 1998. praised him as the ‘‘founder of the spirit of thor- Fra¨ngsmyr, Tore. ‘‘Christian Wolff’s Mathematical Method oughness in Germany.’’ Wolff was the first modern and Its Impact on the Eighteenth Century.’’ Journal of thinker to write extensively in German. The rigor the History of Ideas 36 (1975): 653–668. and clarity of his methodology helped emancipate Morrison, J. C. ‘‘Christian Wolff’s Criticism of Spinoza.’’ philosophy from theology as an independent disci- Journal of the History of Philosophy 31 (1993): 182–213. pline. Wolffian principles, such as his emphasis on Saine, Thomas P. The Problem of Being Modern, or, the sufficient reason, encouraged radical biblical critics German Pursuit of Enlightenment from Leibniz to the such as Johann Lorenz Schmidt (1702–1749) and French Revolution. Detroit, Mich., 1997.

232 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WOMEN

Schneiders, Werner, ed. Christian Wolff, 1679–1754: Inter- of Europe. Even Queen Elizabeth was not excluded pretationen zu seiner Philosophie und deren Wirkung. from this, for her life—and the course of English Hamburg, 1983. history—would have been very different had she Wundt, Max. Die Deutsche Schulphilosophie im Zeitalter der been a man. Many women, from Queen Elizabeth Aufkla¨rung. Tu¨bingen, 1945. Reprint, Hildesheim, on down, were able to shape their lives to a great 1964. extent despite restrictive ideas and systems, but their ULRICH GROETSCH actions did not upset the underlying hierarchy of gender. This essay will first examine trends in the way that women’s history of the early modern pe- riod has been conceptualized and studied, and then WOMEN. As they have in all the world’s cul- explore three realms of life that were especially im- tures, women made up about half the population in portant in shaping early modern women’s situation early modern Europe, and their experiences were and experiences: legal systems, work, and religious thus nearly as varied as those of men. Like those of life. men, women’s experiences differed according to so- cial class, geographic location, religious affiliation, EARLY MODERN WOMEN’S HISTORY ethnicity, and rural or urban setting. The life of Intensive study of women in the early modern pe- Queen Elizabeth of England—probably the most riod, as in most periods, began in the 1970s by powerful and famous woman from this period—was asking what women contributed to developments far more like that of her male relatives than like that regarded as central to the period, such as the Renais- of a peasant woman in Poland or the Ottoman Em- sance, the Reformation, the development of capital- pire, or even a peasant woman on one of Elizabeth’s ism, the creation of colonial empires, or the rise of own estates. She was highly educated, spoke many the centralized state: Who were the great women languages, held legitimate authority over many peo- artists/musicians/scientists/rulers? How did ple, ate well, and lived quite comfortably, while women’s work serve capitalist expansion? What was peasant women—and men—had none of these ad- women’s role in political movements such as the vantages. English Civil War or other seventeenth-century re- The great changes of the period had widely volts? Along with this, historians investigated what varying effects on women, creating greater opportu- effects the developments of the early modern period nities for some women in some places while lessen- had on women: What was the impact of the Refor- ing opportunities for other women elsewhere. The mation on women’s lives? How did the scientific expansion of rural cloth production, for example, revolution or the Enlightenment shape ideas about created better-paying work for single women in women’s place? What new products or opportuni- parts of France, but lessened the demand for cloth ties were offered to women because of overseas made by married Irish women. Leaders of the Prot- empires? estant Reformation supported teaching girls to read Both these original lines of questioning con- the Bible, but also advocated the closing of con- tinue, particularly for parts of Europe or groups of vents that provided a place where learned women women that were slower to be studied, such as could study and teach. Urban women in western eastern Europe, Jewish women, or peasant women. Europe were increasingly able to obtain cheaper and They have been augmented more recently by quite more diverse consumer goods, but these were often different types of questions, as historians have real- produced in Europe’s overseas colonies by men and ized the limitations of simply trying to fit women women working in horrific conditions. into historical developments largely derived from Despite this variety, however, all women in Eu- the male experience (an approach rather sarcastically rope lived in a society that regarded women as infe- described as ‘‘add women and stir’’). Such ques- rior to men. This idea undergirded and shaped legal tions often center on women’s physical experi- systems, family relationships, inheritance patterns, ences—menstruation, pregnancy, motherhood— religious doctrine and institutions, educational op- and the ways in which women gave meaning to portunities, and structures of work throughout all these experiences, and on private or domestic mat-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 233 WOMEN ters, such as friendship networks, family devotional restricting women’s legal role. Marriage was cited as practices, or unpaid household labor. Because so the key reason for excluding women from public little of this was documented in public sources dur- offices and duties, for their duty to obey their hus- ing the early modern period, this research has re- bands prevented them from acting as independent quired a great amount of archival digging and the persons; the fact that an unmarried woman or use of literary and artistic sources. widow might possibly get married meant that they, To these older and newer lines of inquiry histo- too, were included in this exclusion. A married rians have also added questions about the symbolic woman was legally subject to her husband in all role of gender, that is, how qualities judged mascu- things; she could not sue, make contracts, or go to line and feminine are differently valued and then court for any reason without his approval, and in used in discussions that do not explicitly relate to many areas of Europe could not be sued or charged men and women, but that still reinforce women’s with any civil crime on her own. However, Russian secondary status. Investigations of the real and sym- law codes and Islamic law in the Ottoman Empire bolic relations between gender and power have usu- recognized women’s right to sue and be sued as well ally not been based on new types of sources, but as certain property and inheritance rights. In many have approached some of the most traditional types parts of Europe, all goods or property that a wife of historical sources—political treatises, public brought into a marriage and all wages she earned speeches by monarchs, state documents, religious during the marriage were considered the property tracts, and sermons—with new questions. of her husband, a situation that did not change legally until the nineteenth century. Taken together, these investigations have re- sulted in hundreds of books and thousands of arti- The husband’s control of his wife’s property cles on many aspects of the lives of early modern could be modified somewhat by a marriage contract women. This is still far less, of course, than the that gave her legal ownership of the dowry she number of books and articles on men, but it has brought into the marriage, or, in some cities, by her created a much more complex—and interesting— declaring herself unmarried (femme sole) for legal picture than historians of women could have imag- purposes, such as borrowing and loaning money or ined thirty years ago and has changed the way we making contracts. In the sixteenth century, wives view many features of early modern life. were also gradually allowed to retain control over some family property if they could prove that their LAW AND LEGAL SYSTEMS husbands were squandering everything through Traditional medieval law codes in Europe accorded drink, gambling, or bad investments. In addition to women a secondary legal status, based generally on these exceptions provided through law codes, it is their inability to perform feudal military service; the clear from court records that women often actively oldest legal codes required every woman who was managed their dowry property and carried out legal not married to have a male legal guardian who could transactions without getting special approval. The undergo such procedures as or trial proliferation of exceptions and the fact that women by ordeal for her. This gender-based guardianship were often able to slip through the cracks of urban gradually died out in the later Middle Ages as court law codes began to bother jurists who were becom- proceedings replaced physical trials, and unmarried ing educated in Roman law with its goals of com- women and widows generally gained the right to prehensiveness and uniformity. Roman law also hold land on their own and to appear in court on gave them additional grounds for women’s second- their own behalf. In most parts of Europe, unmar- ary legal status, for it based this not on feudal ried women and widows could make wills, serve as obligations or a wife’s duty to obey her husband but executors for the wills of others, and serve as wit- on women’s alleged physical and mental weak- nesses in civil and criminal cases, though they could nesses, their ‘‘fragility, imbecility, irresponsibility, not serve as witnesses to a will. and ignorance,’’ in the words of Justinian’s sixth- Limitations on women’s legal rights because of century code. Along with peasants and the simple- feudal obligations thus lessened in the late Middle minded, women were regarded as not legally re- Ages, but marriage provided another reason for sponsible for all of their own actions and could not

234 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WOMEN be compelled to appear before a court; in all cases essential in shaping women’s legal rights in early their testimony was regarded as less credible than a modern Europe—the notion of honor. Honor in man’s. These ideas led jurists in many parts of Eu- this period was highly gender-specific, and for rope to recommend, and in some cases implement, women, honor was largely a sexual matter. In most the reintroduction of gender-based guardianship; parts of Europe, women of all classes were allowed unmarried adult women and widows were again to bring defamation suits to court for insults to their given male guardians and were prohibited from honor, and it is clear from court records that they making any financial decisions, even donations to did this. Because of ideas of female sinfulness, irra- religious institutions, without their approval. In tionality, and weakness, however, women, particu- many parts of Europe, women lost the right of larly those in the middle and upper classes, were guardianship over their own children if they re- never regarded as able to defend their own honor married. completely without male assistance. Lower-class women might trade insults or physically fight one Increasing restrictions on unmarried and mar- another, but middle- and upper-class women were ried women continued throughout the early mod- expected to internalize notions of honor and shame ern period. In 1731, for example, the Paris Parle- and shape their behavior accordingly, depending on ment passed the Ordonnance des donations, which male relatives to carry out any public defense of their reemphasized the power of the husband over the honor. wife; its provisions limiting women’s legal rights later became part of the Code Napole´on of the early WORK nineteenth century. The fact that court records Though the actual work that men and women per- show that fewer and fewer women appeared on their formed in the early modern economy was often very own behalf indicates that male guardianship was similar or the same, their relationships to work and enforced. Governments generally became less wil- their work identities were very different. Male work ling to make exceptions in the case of women, as rhythms and a man’s position in the economy were they felt any laxness might disrupt public order. to a large degree determined by age, class, and train- The spread of Roman law thus had a largely ing, with boys and men often moving as a group negative effect on women’s civil legal status in the from one level of employment to the next. Female early modern period because of both the views of work rhythms were also determined by age and women that jurists chose to adopt from it and the class, but even more so by individual biological and stricter enforcement of existing laws to which it gave social events such as marriage, motherhood, and rise. Its impact on criminal law was less gender- widowhood, all of which were experienced by specific, as was criminal law itself. In general, women individually and over which they might have women throughout Europe were responsible for little control. Women often changed occupations their own criminal actions and could be tortured several times during their lives or performed many and executed just like men. Women were often exe- different types of jobs at once, so that their identifi- cuted in a manner different from men, buried alive cation with any one occupation was not strong. or drowned instead of being beheaded, largely be- Women rarely received formal training in a cause city executioners thought women would faint trade, and during the early modern period many at the sight of the sword or ax and make their job occupations were professionalized, setting up re- more difficult. In Germany, a wife was often in- quired amounts of formal training and a licensing cluded in her husband’s banishment for criminal procedure before one could claim an occupational actions—including banishment for adultery!— title. Thus in the Middle Ages both male and female while the opposite was not the case. In Russia under practitioners of medicine were often called (ruled 1547–1584), the execution ‘‘physicians,’’ but by the sixteenth century, al- of a husband or father usually meant death for the though women still healed people, only men who victim’s wife and children as well. had attended university medical school could be Along with concepts of feudal obligation, wifely called ‘‘physicians.’’ This professionalism trickled obedience, and Roman law, one additional idea was down to occupations that did not require university

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 235 WOMEN training; women might brew herbal remedies, but spouse was much faster in the countryside than in only men could use the title ‘‘apothecary.’’ Profes- the cities. Women’s labor changed as new types of sionalization did not simply affect titles, but also the crops and agricultural products were introduced fees people could charge for their services; a univer- and as agriculture became more specialized. sity-trained physician, for example, could easily Women in parts of Italy, for example, tended and make ten times the annual salary of a female medical harvested olive trees and grape vines, and carried practitioner. out most of the tasks associated with the production of silk: gathering leaves from mulberry trees, raising During the early modern period, gender also the silk cocoons, and processing cocoons into raw became an important factor in separating what was silk by reeling and spinning. Women also worked as considered skilled from what was considered un- day laborers in agriculture; from wage regulations, skilled work. Women were judged to be unfit for we can see that female agricultural laborers were to certain tasks, such as glass cutting, because they be paid about half of what men were, and were also were too clumsy and ‘‘unskilled,’’ yet those same to be given less and poorer quality food. women made lace or silk thread, jobs that required an even higher level of dexterity than glass cutting. Women also found work in rural areas in non- The gendered notion of work meant that women’s agricultural tasks, particularly in mining in central work was always valued less and generally paid less Europe and by the sixteenth century in domestic than men’s. All economies need both structure and industry. In mining, women carried ore, wood, and flexibility, and during the early modern period these salt, sorted and washed ore, and prepared charcoal qualities became gender-identified: male labor pro- briquets for use in smelting. In domestic industry, vided the structure, so that it was regulated, tied to a they produced wool, linen, and later cotton thread training process, and lifelong; female labor provided or cloth (or cloth that was a mixture of these), and the flexibility, so that it was discontinuous, alter- were hired by capitalist investors, especially in parts nately encouraged or suppressed, not linked to for- of France, southern Germany, and northern Italy, as mal training, and generally badly paid. Women’s part of a household or as an individual. In areas of work was thus both marginal and irreplaceable. Europe where whole households were hired, do- mestic industry often broke down gender divisions, Despite enormous economic changes during for men, women, and children who were old the early modern period, the vast majority of people enough all worked at the same tasks; labor became a in almost all parts of Europe continued to live in the more important economic commodity than prop- countryside, producing agricultural products for erty, which led to earlier marriage, weaker parental their own use and for the use of their landlords. control over children, and more power to women in Agricultural tasks were highly, though not com- family decision making. In parts of Europe where pletely, gender-specific, though exactly which tasks women were hired as individuals, men’s agricultural were regarded as female and which as male varied tasks were more highly paid, so men continued to widely throughout Europe. These gender divisions make most of the decisions in the family, and there were partly the result of physical differences, with was little change in women’s status. men generally doing tasks that required a great deal of upper-body strength, such as cutting grain with a In the cities, domestic service was probably the scythe; they were partly the result of women’s largest employer of women throughout the period. greater responsibility for child care, so that women Girls might begin service as young as seven or eight, carried out tasks closer to the house that could be traveling from their home village to a nearby town. more easily interrupted for nursing or tending chil- Cities also offered other types of service employ- dren; they were partly the result of cultural beliefs, ment on a daily or short-term basis. Many of these so that women in parts of Norway, for example, jobs were viewed as extensions of a woman’s func- sowed all grain because people felt this would en- tions and tasks in the home—cleaning, cooking, sure a bigger harvest. Whatever their source, gender laundering, caring for children and old people, divisions meant that the proper functioning of a nursing the sick, preparing bodies for burial, rural household required at least one adult male and mourning the dead. The hospitals, orphanages, and one adult female; remarriage after the death of a infirmaries run by the Catholic Church were largely

236 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WOMEN staffed by women, as were similar secular institu- one’s own shop, and worked at the same craft full- tions that many cities set up beginning in the fif- time until one died or got too old to work any teenth century. In most parts of Europe, women longer. Women fit into guilds much more infor- continued to dominate midwifery, the one female mally, largely through their relationship to a master occupation whose practitioners developed a sense of as his wife, daughter, or domestic servant. Masters’ work identity nearly as strong as that of men. widows ran shops after the death of their husbands, and were expected to pay all guild fees, though they The city marketplace, the economic as well as could not participate in running the guild. As the geographic center of most cities, was filled with result of economic decline, the competition of rural women; along with rural women with their agricul- and urban proto-industrial development, the in- tural and animal products there were city women creasingly political nature of the guilds, and notions with sausage, pretzels, meat pies, cookies, candles, of guild honor, even this informal participation be- soap, and wooden implements they had made. gan to be restricted in the fifteenth century on the Women sold fresh and salted fish that their hus- Continent, however, and women largely lost this bands had caught or that they had purchased from relatively high-status work opportunity. fishermen, game and fowl they had bought from hunters, and imported food items such as oranges, RELIGION and, in the eighteenth century, tea and coffee In Christianity, Judaism, and Islam, the early mod- bought from international merchants. Women also ern period was a time when the domestic nature of ran small retail establishments throughout the city. women’s acceptable religious activities was rein- They made beer, mead, and hard cider, and ran forced. The proper sphere for the expression of taverns and inns to dispense their beverages and women’s religious ideas was a household, whether provide sleeping quarters for those too poor to stay the secular household of a Jewish, Orthodox, Cath- in the more established inns. Among Muslim popu- olic, Protestant, or Muslim marriage, or the spiritual lations in Ottoman urban centers, a number of household of an enclosed Catholic or Orthodox women vendors, many of them Christians and Jews, convent. Times of emergency and instability, such catered to upper-class harem women. as the expulsion of the Jews and Muslims from Domestic industry provided employment for Spain, the first years of the Protestant Reformation, increasing numbers of urban as well as rural women, the English Civil War, or the Schism Crisis in Rus- particularly in spinning. Early modern techniques of sia, offered women opportunities to play a public cloth production necessitated up to twenty carders religious role, but these were clearly regarded as and spinners per weaver, so that cloth centers like extraordinary by male religious thinkers and by Florence, Augsburg, or Antwerp could keep many many of the women who wrote or spoke publicly people employed. The identification of women and during these times. Women who were too assertive spinning became very strong in the early modern in expressing themselves during more stable times, period, and by the seventeenth century unmarried or who were too individualistic in their ideas, risked women in England came to be called ‘‘spinsters.’’ being termed insane or being imprisoned by reli- gious or secular courts. Women increasingly turned to spinning as other employment avenues were closed to them, particu- Christianity, Judaism, and Islam all contain larly in craft guilds, which continued to dominate strong streaks of misogyny and were in the early the production and distribution of most products modern period totally controlled by male hierarch- throughout the early modern period. There were a ies with the highest (or all) levels of the clergy few all-female guilds in cities with highly specialized reserved for men. In all three, God is thought of as economies such as Cologne, Paris, and Rouen, but male, the account of Creation appears to ascribe or in general the guilds were male organizations and ordain a secondary status for women, and women followed the male life cycle. One became an appren- are instructed to be obedient and subservient; all tice at puberty, became a journeyman four to ten three religious traditions were used by men as but- years later, traveled around learning from a number tresses for male authority in all realms of life, not of masters, then settled down, married, opened simply religion. Nevertheless, it was the language of

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 237 WOMEN religious texts, and the examples of pious women cal training took the notion of the ‘‘priesthood of all who preceded them, that were used most often by believers’’ literally and preached or published po- women to subvert or directly oppose male direc- lemical religious literature explaining their own tives. ideas. Before the Reformation in western Europe and Women’s preaching or publishing religious ma- throughout the early modern period in eastern Eu- terial stood in direct opposition to the words as- rope, the most powerful and in many ways indepen- cribed to St. Paul (1 Timothy 2:11–15), which or- dent women in Christianity were the abbesses of dered women not to teach or preach, so that all certain convents, who controlled large amounts of women who published felt it necessary to justify property and often had jurisdiction over many sub- their actions. Once Protestant churches were insti- jects. Convents had widely varying levels of religious tutionalized, polemical writings by women (and un- devotion and intellectual life; many were little more trained men) largely stopped. Women continued to than dumping grounds for unmarriagable daugh- write hymns and devotional literature, but these ters, while others were important centers of piety were often published posthumously or were de- and learning. In the fifteenth century many under- signed for private use. Women’s actions as well as went a process of reform designed to enforce strict their writings in the first years of the Reformation rules of conduct and higher standards of spirituality. upset political and religious authorities. Many cities These reforms put convents more closely under the prohibited women from even getting together to control of a local male bishop, taking away some of discuss religious matters, and in 1543 an act of the abbess’s independent power, but also built up a Parliament in England banned all women except strong sense of group cohesion among the nuns and those of the gentry and nobility from reading the gave them a greater sense of the spiritual worth of Bible; upper-class women were also prohibited from their lives. In addition to living in convents, a num- reading the Bible aloud to others. ber of women in the late Middle Ages lived in less structured religious communities, supporting them- Once the Reformation was established, most selves by weaving, sewing, or caring for the sick. women expressed their religious convictions in a domestic, rather than public, setting. They prayed Like Christianity itself, the Protestant Reforma- and recited the catechism with children and ser- tion both expanded and diminished women’s op- vants, attended sermons, read the Bible or other portunities. The period in which women were most devotional literature if they were literate, served active was the decade or so immediately following meals that no longer followed Catholic fast prescrip- an area’s decision to break with the Catholic tions, and provided religious instruction for their Church, or while this decision was being made. In children. Women’s domestic religion frequently Germany and many other parts of Europe, that took them beyond the household, however, for they decision was made by a political leader—a prince, gave charitable donations to the needy and often duke, king, or city council—who then had to create assisted in caring for the ill and indigent. Such do- an alternative religious structure. During this pe- mestic and charitable activities were widely praised riod, many groups and individuals tried to shape the by Protestant reformers as long as husband and wife new religious institutions. Sometimes this popular agreed in their religious opinions. If there was dis- pressure took the form of religious riots, in which agreement, however, most Protestants generally women and men destroyed paintings, statues, urged the wife to obey her husband rather than stained-glass windows, or other objects that sym- what she perceived as God’s will. bolized the old religion, or protected such objects from destruction at the hands of government offi- The Protestant rejection of celibacy had a great cials; in 1536 at Exeter in England, for example, a impact on female religious, both cloistered nuns group of women armed with shovels and pikes at- and women who lived in less formal religious com- tacked workers who had been hired by the govern- munities. In most areas becoming Protestant, mon- ment to dismantle a monastery. Sometimes this asteries and convents were closed; nuns got very popular pressure took the form of writing, when small pensions and were expected to return to their women and men who did not have formal theologi- families. In parts of Germany where convents had

238 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WOMEN long been powerful, nuns became the most vocal women, and had a disproportionate number of and resolute opponents of the Protestant Reforma- women among their followers. Women prophesied, tion; the nuns’ firmness combined with other reli- published religious works, and even occasionally gious and political factors to allow many convents to preached during the English Civil War, and also survive for centuries as Catholic establishments organized prayer meetings and conventicles in their within Protestant territories or even as Lutheran houses. Quaker women preached throughout En- institutions, redefined as educational centers for gland and the English colonies in the New World, young women. and were active as missionaries also in Ireland and Continental Europe well into the eighteenth cen- The response of the Catholic Church to the tury. Jansenism, a movement primarily within the Protestant Reformation is often described as two French Catholic Church that emphasized personal interrelated movements, a Counter-Reformation holiness and spiritual renewal, attracted many that attempted to win territory and people back to women, and the convent of Port-Royal in Paris be- loyalty to Rome and prevent further spread of Prot- came the movement’s spiritual center. In Germany, estant ideas, and a reform of abuses and problems Pietism developed as a grass-roots movement of lay within the Catholic Church that had been recog- people who met in prayer circles and conventicles, nized as problems by many long before the Protes- among which were many women. tant Reformation. Women were actively involved in both movements, but their actions were generally Judaism and Islam were minority religions in judged more acceptable when they were part of a western Europe and Russia in the early modern reform drive; even more than the medieval crusades, period, and Jewish and Muslim women, along with the fight against Protestants, which was generally men, were often the targets of persecution. Jewish couched in very military language and could involve women as well as men were questioned, tortured, secret missions into ‘‘enemy’’ territory, was to be a physically punished, and in some cases executed by masculine affair. Women who felt God had called the Inquisition in Spain, leading Jews in other parts them to oppose Protestants directly through mis- of Europe to make special efforts to help women of sionary work, or to carry out the type of active Jewish ancestry leave Spain and Portugal. Jewish service to the world in schools and hospitals that the women were excluded from public religious life, but Franciscans, Dominicans, and the new orders like they did have specific religious duties relating to the the Jesuits were making increasingly popular with household and special prayers to say when they car- men, were largely opposed by the church hierarchy. ried out these duties. Like Jewish women, Spanish The Council of Trent, the church council that met Muslim women (termed ‘‘Moriscas’’) carried out between 1545 and 1563 to define what Catholic religious rituals in their homes and taught them to positions would be on matters of doctrine and disci- their children. According to the records of the In- pline, reaffirmed the necessity of cloister for all quisition, Moriscas observed the Muslim holy women religious, though enforcement of this de- month of Ramadan, performed daily prayers, hid cree came slowly. The only active apostolate left religious books and amulets written in Arabic in open to religious women was the instruction of their clothing and furniture, taught Muslim ideas girls, and that only within the convent. No nuns and practices to Christian women who married were sent to the foreign missions for any public Muslim men, and organized funerals, weddings, duties, though once colonies were established in the and other ceremonies. New World and Asia cloistered convents quickly fol- Women’s lives involved much more than legal lowed. systems, work, and religious life, of course, but it is Some analysts see the period of the later seven- as impossible to cover all aspects of their lives in a teenth and early eighteenth centuries as a time when relatively brief article as it would be those of men’s western European religion was feminized, as large lives. In fact, including a separate article on numbers of people turned to groups that empha- women—without a corresponding article on sized personal conversion, direct communication men—goes to some degree against recent research, with God, and moral regeneration. Many of these which has emphasized the diversity more than the groups were inspired by or even founded by commonalities in women’s experience across Eu-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 239 WOMEN AND ART rope. Even the experience of the relatively small Marshall, Sherrin, ed. Women in Reformation and Counter- group of women who held political power was di- Reformation Europe: Public and Private Worlds. verse. Elizabeth I’s situation was very different from Bloomington, Ind., 1989. that of queen mothers in France such as Marie de Mendelson, Sara, and Patricia Crawford. Women in Early Me´dicis, female rulers of eastern Europe such as Modern England, 1550–1720. Oxford and New York, 1998. Maria Theresa, such as Catherine the Great, or mothers of the sultans (known as the valide- Pierce, Leslie. The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty sultan) in the Ottoman Empire. Thus perhaps the in the Ottoman Empire. New York, 1993. only generalization safe to make is that gender Roper, Lyndal. The Holy Household: Women and Morals in shaped the lives of all early modern Europeans in Reformation Augsburg. Oxford, 1989. complex ways, and that every development of the Sa´nchez, Magdalena S., and Alain Saint-Sae¨ns, eds. Spanish period was shaped by, and in turn shaped, ideas Women in the Golden Age: Images and Realities. West- about or structures of gender. port, Conn., 1996. Sperling, Jutta. Convents and the Body Politic in Renaissance See also Bassi, Laura; Behn, Aphra; Catherine II (Russia); Venice. Chicago, 1999. Concubinage; Cornaro Piscopia, Elena Lucrezia; Divorce; Elizabeth I (England); Feminism; Gender; Stretton, Tim. Women Waging Law in Elizabethan England. Gentileschi, Artemisia; Harem; Inheritance and Cambridge, U.K., 1998. Wills; Jansenism; Maria Theresa (Holy Roman Em- Vickery, Amanda. The Gentleman’s Daughter: Women’s Lives pire); Marie de Me´dicis; Marriage; Midwives; Moth- in Georgian England. New Haven, 1998. erhood and Childbearing; Pietism; Quakers; Qui- etism; Reformation, Catholic; Reformation, Wiesner, Merry E. Women and Gender in Early Modern Protestant; Salons; Widows and Widowhood; Europe. 2nd ed. Cambridge, U.K., 2000. Witchcraft; Women and Art. Wunder, Heide. He Is the Sun, She Is the Moon: Women in Early Modern Germany. Translated by Thomas Dunlap. BIBLIOGRAPHY Cambridge, Mass., 1998.

Amussen, Susan D., and Adele Seeff, eds. Attending to Early MERRY WIESNER-HANKS Modern Women. Newark, Del., 1998. Bennett, Judith. Ale, Beer, and Brewsters in England: Women’s Work in a Changing World, 1300–1600. New York, 1996. Cohn, Samuel K., Jr. Women in the Streets: Essays On Sex and WOMEN AND ART. Although women cer- Power in Renaissance Italy. Baltimore, 1996. tainly produced art in previous centuries, it is in the Davis, Natalie Zemon. Women on the Margins: Three Seven- sixteenth century that we first find strong biographi- teenth-Century Lives. Cambridge, Mass., 1995. cal information on female artists. In the second edi- Davis, Natalie Zemon, and Arlette Farge, eds. Renaissance tion of his Lives of the Artists (1568), Giorgio Vasari and Enlightenment Paradoxes. Vol. 3 of A History of mentions a number of Flemish and Italian female Women in the West, edited by Georges Duby and Mi- artists, including the Bolognese sculptor Properzia chelle Perrot. Cambridge, Mass., 1993. De’ Rossi (c. 1490–c. 1530), Sister Plautilla Gowing, Laura. Domestic Dangers: Women, Words, and Sex (1523–1588; prioress of the Florentine convent of in Early Modern London. Oxford, 1996. Santa Caterina da Siena), a Madonna Lucrezia, wife Hafter, Daryl M., ed. European Women and Preindustrial of Count Clemente Pietra, and Sofonisba An- Craft. Bloomington, Ind., 1995. guissola (1527–1625). Nonetheless, the sixteenth Hufton, Olwen. The Prospect Before Her: A History of Women and seventeenth centuries also witnessed a progres- in Western Europe. London, 1995. sive exclusion of women from membership in guilds King, Margaret. Women of the Renaissance. Chicago, 1991. and the newly established art academies. The latter Kuehn, Thomas. Law, Family, and Women: Toward a Legal elevated painting, sculpture, and architecture above Anthropology of Renaissance Italy. Chicago, 1992. the status of craft by linking them to fields of knowl- Levin, Eve. Sex and Society in the World of the Orthodox Slavs, edge—mathematics, geometry, human anatomy 900–1700. Ithaca, N.Y., 1989. and study from living models, as well as a deep MacCurtain, Margaret, and Mary O’Dowd, eds. Women in understanding of classical literary and visual Early Modern Ireland, 1500–1800. Edinburgh, 1991. sources—largely inaccessible to women.

240 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WOMEN AND ART

FATHERS AND DAUGHTERS her father, the artist Jan van Hemessen. Levina Until the modern period women rarely achieved Teerlinc (c. 1510–1576) followed the profession of success in sculpture or architecture, although De’ her father, the miniaturist Simon Bining (or Rossi, who won a reputation for miniature cu- Bennick), and was called to the court of Henry riosities comprising elaborate scenes carved on VIII. Barbara Longhi (1552–1638), painter of peach stones and later received public commissions small-scale devotional images, was trained by her in stone for the Church of San Petronio in Bologna, father, Luca, in Ravenna; similarly, Venetian is a notable exception. Vasari emphasizes her ac- Marietta Robusti (1560–1590) was a vital member complishment in household management and her of the workshop of her father, Jacopo Robusti physical beauty along with her artistry as a carver. (called Tintoretto, c. 1518–1594). The Bolognese According to Vasari, her relief of The Temptation artists Lavinia Fontana (1552–1614) and Elisa- of Joseph by Potiphar’s Wife (c. 1526–1530), was betta Sirani (1638–1665) were also taught by their ‘‘esteemed by all to be most beautiful,’’ emphasiz- fathers, Prospero and Giovanni Andrea, respec- ing that ‘‘the wife of the Pharao’s Chamberlain’’ is tively. Bologna, in fact, appears to have been an seen stripping Joseph’s garment from him ‘‘with a environment marked by progressive attitudes womanly grace that defies description.’’ toward women in general (its university admitted Occasionally, educated aristocratic women female students already in the thirteenth century) achieved great success as courtiers and artists. The and by its relative openness to female professional career of Sofonisba Anguissola is, in this regard, par- artists: no fewer than twenty-three female painters adigmatic. She was the daughter of a noble family of are recorded as active in Bologna during the six- Cremona. Her father, Amilcare Anguissola, edu- teenth and seventeenth centuries. Sirani even cated all his seven children in music, painting, and opened a school for female artists in her native Latin. He also sent Sofonisba, together with her Bologna, allowing the possibility for women of sister Elena, to spend three years (1546–1549) in non-artistic families to pursue a career in the arts. the household of the painter Bernardino Campi, SELF AND OTHERS and she subsequently studied with another Cre- These forms of alternative education became more monese painter, Bernadino Gatti. Sofonisba, in widespread in the following centuries. Yet with the turn, trained three of her sisters—Lucia, Europa, powerful presence of the art academy in the seven- and Anna Maria—to paint. Anguissola was cele- teenth and eighteenth centuries and the limitations brated for her informal portraits and self-portraits, placed on female admissions, it was still very difficult singled out by Vasari as ‘‘breathing likenesses.’’ An for women to study art and therefore to become extraordinary painting depicting three of her sisters professional artists. Women could hardly aspire to playing chess while a maid looks on (1555, The produce the highest genre within the academic hier- Chess Game) stands out for its striking attention to archy, history painting, since they were barred from detail and for its natural rendition of physiognomy the life classes where the nude (and especially the and gestural expression. While still in her twenties, male body) could be studied. This form of study was Anguissola was invited to join the retinue of perceived as a prerequisite for the complex figura- Philip II in Madrid, where she resided for over ten tive compositions that history painting demanded. years (1559–1573), working as court painter and One way to circumvent this limitation was by copy- lady-in-waiting to Queen Isabel of Valois and subse- ing from casts, statues, and skeletons, with which quently Queen Anne of Austria. most studios were equipped. In a striking self-por- Although some aristocratic women, like An- trait of 1579, Lavinia Fontana shows herself seated guissola, received an education that prepared them with an air of intellectual seriousness at her desk, to pursue a career in the arts, more often than not surrounded by a small nude figure and casts of body the women who achieved success as artists benefited parts. Fontana, who in her lifetime amassed an im- from a relative in the trade. Antwerp artist Catharina pressive collection of antiques, gained success as a van Hemessen (1527/28–after 1566?), court portraitist but also became known for her many painter to Mary of Hungary, came to be known for ambitious religious and mythological scenes. Her her small panels of religious subjects in the mode of marriage and eleven children did not hinder her

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 241 WOMEN AND ART

Women and Art. Properzia De’ Rossi, The Temptation of Joseph by Potiphar’s Wife, marble relief, Bologna, Museo di San Petronio. ᮊART RESOURCE, N.Y.

career; she became official painter at the court of ing Herself (1613) commissioned by the major Ro- Clement VII and was elected to the Roman Acad- man art collector Cardinal Scipione Borghese. This emy. Her history paintings include a large-scale image of the goddess-warrior and patron of the arts is altarpiece of the Consecration of the Virgin (1599) the first documented single-figure painting of a fe- and the full-length nude depiction of Minerva Dress- male nude by a female artist.

242 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WOMEN AND ART

Another female artist who managed to produce insects, plants, and animals. Other female baroque a large body of work, including history paintings, still life painters include the Italian Giovanna was Artemisia Gentileschi (c. 1597–after 1651). Garzoni (1600–1670), who became a member of Trained in the style of Caravaggio by her father, the Academy of Saint Luke in Rome, Josefa de Orazio Gentileschi (c. 1562–c. 1647), and by Ago- Obidos (1630–1684) in Portugal, and the Parisian stino Tassi, Gentileschi produced a great number of child prodigy Louise Moillon (1615/16–after mythological and biblical scenes for patrons in Flor- 1674), known for her originative combining of ence, Rome, Naples, and London. Products of one of genre and still life scenes. the most powerful of female artists, Gentileschi’s As a painter of intimate domestic genre scenes, impressive heroines have been linked to her own Judith Leyster (1609–1660) deserves special men- biography, particularly with regard to the assault she tion. She presumably studied painting in the work- suffered at the hands of her teacher Tassi. Her Judith shop of Frans Pietersz de Grebber, a renowned Decapitating Holofernes (1615–1620; Pitti Palace, portrait painter in Haarlem, before becoming a Florence) shows a dramatic nocturnal scene: the Old member of the Haarlem Guild of St. Luke in 1633. Testament heroine Judith has secretly entered the The membership in the painters’ guild enabled enemy camp and, with the help of her maid, cuts the Leyster to establish her own studio, to which she throat of the Assyrian general. Although this icono- also admitted a number of male students. Her paint- graphy was painted by many of Gentileschi’s con- ings have often been confused with those of her temporaries—including Caravaggio, Sirani, and her contemporary Frans Hals. Leyster’s successful ca- own father—no other artist achieved such a convinc- reer ended when she married an artist colleague and ing rendition of sheer bodily force and psychological became a mother. tension. We know from surviving letters that Gentileschi privately hired female models. The first THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY extant studies of a male nude by a female artist are, The belief that women’s ability to bear children however, a series of exquisite drawings by the Vene- paralleled their ability to reproduce nature tian painter Giulia Lama (1681–1747) and the mimetically bears upon the products of women art- roughly contemporary life studies by Susanna Maria ists throughout early modernity. From the sixteenth von Sandrart (1658–1716), a graphic artist from through the eighteenth centuries, female artists Nuremberg. were particularly prized as portraitists. Mary Beale Female artists often turned their attention to (1633–1699), England’s first documented profes- the mimetic genres of portraiture and still life paint- sional female artist, made a name for herself as a ing, where academic training mattered less and prolific painter of clerical portraits in the London of which permitted women to work in the privacy of Charles II, competing with Peter Lely and Godfrey their own homes. In these fields, female artists were Kneller. A generation later, the Venetian Rosalba often highly innovative. Dutch artists such as Clara Carriera (1675–1757), who began her career illus- Peeters (1594–after 1657) and Rachel Ruysch trating snuff boxes, won international repute for her (1664–1750) specialized in still life painting. skillful portraits in pastels. Her light and efferves- Ruysch’s marvelous, minutely rendered flower pic- cent manner not only helped raise pastel to a fine tures were much sought after and fetched more than art, but—following her visit to Paris in 1720–1721 double the price of what Rembrandt could ask for (on the invitation of the important patron Pierre his canvases. With her meticulous and painstakingly Crozat)—her technique and style also had a decisive detailed renditions of insect specimens and plants in impact on the development of the rococo. Carriera watercolor on vellum, the German-born Maria captured her sitters in flattering portraits of brilliant Sibylla Merian (1647–1717) contributed funda- luminous color and introduced a degree of infor- mentally to the fields of entomology and botany. mality that suited the taste of her international clien- Born in Frankfurt am Main and living much of her tele and was quickly emulated by other artists adult life in the Netherlands, Merian spent two years throughout Europe. She became the first foreign with her sister in the Dutch colony of Suriname in woman to be elected to the French Academy of Fine South America, where she catalogued indigenous Arts. Felicita` Sartori, Carriera’s best student, also

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 243 WOMEN AND ART won international acclaim; she worked for August portraits. One of the earliest known self-portraits by III, elector of Saxony and king of Poland, at his a female artist is that by a young Dutch woman, who court in Dresden. In France, many female artists emerges from a dark background holding a thin achieved success in and around the Bourbon court brush in her hand. The painting is inscribed ‘‘I, and in the Paris salons, including Anne Vallayer- Catharina van Hemessen, painted myself in 1548 at Coster (1744–1818), Ade´laı¨de Labille-Guı¨ard the age of 20.’’ Sofonisba Anguissola’s father sent (1749–1803), Marie Gabrielle Capet (1761– out some of his daughter’s many self-portraits to 1818), the sculptor Marie-Anne Collot (student of patrons as advertisements of her beauty and her M. E. Falconet), and the German painter Anna talent, and Clara Peeters sometimes captured multi- Dorothea Lisiewska-Therbusch (1721–1782). ple self-reflections, holding brush and palette, in the But the most successful female French artist of surface of shiny objects in her meticulous still lifes. the late eighteenth century was undoubtedly Elisa- With the advent of the public art market and the beth Vige´e-Lebrun (1755–1842). One of the fore- unavoidable visibility of artists in the competitive most painters of her time and court painter to annual academy exhibitions, self-portraiture had, by Queen Marie Antoinette, she is remembered for her the eighteenth century, become a vital genre for animated portraits and her equally lively autobio- female artists. It allowed them to craft public per- graphical Souvenirs (1835–1837), which describe sonae in a time when invisibility and private virtues her coming of age in the ancien re´gime, her Euro- (associated with modesty and domesticity) consti- pean travels, and her life in Napoleonic Paris. In this tuted ideal femininity. In the year that Vige´e- book, Vige´e-Lebrun records her awareness of fe- Lebrun exhibited her monumental portrait of Marie male artists both past and present: she notes study- Antoinette and Her Children (1787), an effort to ing works by Carriera in Venice and expresses pride counter the slander identifying the queen as a ‘‘bad at seeing the Self-Portrait of Angelica Kauffmann mother,’’ the artist also showed her own Self- (1741–1807) in the Uffizi gallery. Indeed, during Portrait with Daughter Julie. Emulating a Madonna the second half of the eighteenth century Vige´e- Lebrun’s fame was matched only by the Swiss-born painting by Raphael, Vige´e-Lebrun advertises her Kauffmann, who lived most of her life in Italy, but role as mother while simultaneously competing ar- who spent a productive decade and a half in Lon- tistically with her celebrated male predecessor. don. In 1768 Kauffmann became one of only two It also became a matter of pride—and self- female founding members of the British Royal advertisement—for professional women to show Academy, along with Mary Moser (1744–1819), a themselves with their female students, as in Car- flower and subject painter. Kauffmann was enor- mously successful as a history painter of ambitious riera’s Self-Portrait in which the artist works on a ancient and modern themes, while many of her pastel portrait of her sister, whom Carriera had smaller allegorical and mythological subjects were trained as her assistant. The accomplished painting picked up by the print trade and reproduced on by Marie-Victoire Lemoine (1754–1820), Atelier furniture, wall panels, and fabrics, causing one critic of a Painter, Probably Mme Vige´e Le Brun and Her to exclaim that ‘‘the whole world is Angelicamad.’’ Pupil (1796), shows the artist as a student, learning It was, however, through her portraits that Kauff- to draw under the guidance of her celebrated mann, like Vige´e-Lebrun and Carriera, secured an teacher. After 1780, Vige´e-Lebrun’s chief female international clientele. Capitalizing on contempo- competitor and co-academician in Paris, Ade´laı¨de rary notions that promoted women’s ‘‘sensibility,’’ Labille-Guı¨ard, ran a private studio for women and Kauffmann’s portraits came to be seen as particu- in September 1790 approached the academy to raise larly profound comments on the sitters’ interior the established quota of four female academicians. states. In her celebrated painting Self-Portrait with Two Given that female artists had to negotiate their Tulips, Labille-Guı¨ard depicts herself life-size in a identities in a profession that for the most part dazzling dress at work on a monumental canvas, shunned them, it is perhaps not surprising that as a framed by attentive pupils Marie Gabrielle Capet group they produced such a large number of self- (d. 1818) and Garreaux de Rosemond (d. 1788).

244 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WOMEN AND ART

THE SALON: PATRONAGE made by Dorthea Caroline Albertine von Schelling AND PERSONALITIES (later Schlegel) and Henriette Julie Herz. These Since the appearance of Baldassare Castiglione’s The informal social gatherings also often provided the Courtier (1528), the idea of art as a component of space for artistic expression by women; for example, ideal feminine comportment had become wide- Emma Hart (later Lady Hamilton) became famous spread, reaching its greatest extent in the eighteenth throughout Europe for her performance of century when the status of the amateur artist be- ‘‘attitudes,’’ a series of poses emulating different came broadly accepted as a norm. It was common ancient works of art. practice for female artists to instruct aristocratic pupils, thereby cultivating a network of female pa- When the female body entered representation trons. Indeed, many female artists found particular in the early modern era, it often negotiated a long success with powerful female patrons. This was cer- tradition of accepted figural, social, and moral tainly true for Vige´e-Lebrun, Kauffmann, and La- models. Given prevailing Christian conceptions of bille-Guı¨ard, all of whom prospered from female female virtue and vice in representation women protectors. There was, in fact, a long tradition of were often seen to embody the virginal/maternal female aristocratic patronage, from the voracious qualities of Mary or the seductive worldliness of collector and patron Isabella d’Este in sixteenth- Eve. Early modern portraits of female sitters— century Ferrara to Rubens’s great patron, Marie de almost always patrician or aristocratic—shift be- Me´dicis, in seventeenth-century Paris. It was, how- tween these two poles, with images of courtesans ever, in the eighteenth century that female patrons enticing assumed male spectators on the one hand, emerged as a powerful force in determining the or, on the other, enacting the roles of ‘‘happy development of art. For example, the extensive pa- mothers’’ who appear to embrace a domestic ideal. tronage of Catherine II the Great of Russia (ruled This ambivalence runs through all genres and me- 1762–1796) helped transform St. Petersburg into a dia. It is made more complex by the enduring fasci- European city. In France, the sociable patronage of nation with Greco-Roman mythology. The reclin- Jeanne Antoinette Poisson, Dame Le Normant ing female nude, a staple of Renaissance, baroque, d’E´ tioles, Marquise de Pompadour (1721–1764) rococo, and neoclassical art, produced an alternate deserves mention. The mistress of Louis XV, Pom- moral axis. For while the woman represented might padour shaped the cultural life of France between be a courtesan elevated to the status of Venus, the 1744 and her death in 1764. She collected art, com- mythological guise could also be donned by aristo- missioned paintings, and influenced the king’s ar- cratic women—but referring only to their beauty, chitectural patronage. By promoting certain artists, not to their moral state. In fact, given the ease with notably Franc¸ois Boucher, Pompadour supported which the female body could pass into abstraction, the novel rococo forms, which defined the art of her many representations of women in early modernity age. Pompadour was also at the vanguard of what tend to fluctuate between fixed reference to a partic- was to become the public expression of the new ular individual and/or character, and an embodi- theory of aesthetics: the private salon. In line with ment of an abstract principle. This is perhaps most contemporary notions privileging the cultivation of evident in the baroque art associated with the courts taste, salons were social gatherings staged for the of Rome and Paris in the seventeenth century, but it polite cultured exchange that was increasingly also can be seen in contemporary Dutch paintings of thought to represent the foundation of civilized so- domestic scenes. The women represented within ciety. Women, long associated with the private the apparently unpretentious Netherlandish inte- sphere, played a major role in this development. riors are taken by some scholars as images of actual Important salons were held by Marie de Rabutin- women, while other scholars insist that these women are types, operating within various mor- Chantal Marquise de Se´vigne´, Marie-Madeleine alizing tales. Marquise de La Fayette, Anne (called Ninon) de Lenclos, Claudine Alexandrine Gue´rin de Tencin, Although often hindered by misogynistic opin- and Jeanne Franc¸oise Julie Ade´laı¨de Re´camier. Ger- ions and obstacles, women in early modern Europe many lacked the cultural and social climate of were active as artists and patrons, contributing deci- France but similar attempts to institute salons were sively to the development of major artistic move-

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 245 WOODLANDS ments. The work they produced is, in fact, intrigu- Rosenthal, Angela. Angelika Kauffmann: Bildnismalerei im ing in part on account of the manner in which these 18. Jahrhundert. Berlin, 1996. women responded to the complex restrictions they Roworth, Wendy Wassyng, ed. Angelica Kauffmann: A faced. Continental Artist in Georgian England. London, 1992. See also Anguissola, Sofonisba; Art: The Conception and Sani, Bernardina. Rosalba Carriera. Turin, 1988. Status of the Artist; Art: Artistic Patronage; Art: The Art Market and Collecting; Baroque; Carriera, Sheriff, Mary D. The Exceptional Woman: Elisabeth Vige´e- Rosalba; Early Modern Period: Art Historical Inter- Lebrun and the Cultural Politics of Art. Chicago and pretations; Gender; Gentileschi, Artemisia; Kauff- London, 1996. mann, Angelica; Merian, Maria Sibylla; Painting; Slatkin, Wendy. Women Artists in History: From Antiquity to Ruysch, Rachel; Salons; Vige´e-Lebrun, Elisabeth; the Present. 2nd ed. Upper Saddle River, N.J., 1997. Women. Tufts, Eleanor. Our Hidden Heritage: Five Centuries of Women Artists. New York and London, 1974. BIBLIOGRAPHY Vasari, Giorgio. Lives of the Painters, Sculptors and Archi- Baillio, Joseph. Elisabeth Louise Vige´e Le Brun, 1755–1842. tects. Translated by Gaston du C. de Vere. 2 vols. New Exh. cat. Fort Worth, 1982. York, 1996. Bermingham, Ann. Learning to Draw: Studies in the Cul- ANGELA H. ROSENTHAL tural History of a Polite and Useful Art. New Haven and London, 2000. Borzello, Frances. A World of Our Own: Women as Artists since the Renaissance. New York, 2000. WOODLANDS. See Forests and Woodlands. Chadwick, Whitney. Women, Art, and Society. 3rd ed. Lon- don and New York, 2002. Dictionary of Women Artists. Edited by Delia Gaze. 2 vols. London and Chicago, 1997. WORK. See Artisans; Laborers; Peasantry; Wages. Fortunati, Vera. Lavinia Fontana of Bologna, 1552–1614. Exh. cat. Milan, 1998. Garrard, Mary D. Artemisia Gentileschi: The Image of the Female Hero in Italian Baroque Art. Princeton, 1989. WREN, CHRISTOPHER (1632–1723), Gere, Charlotte, and Marina Vaizey. Great Women Collec- English architect. Sir Christopher Wren was an En- tors. New York, 1999. glish scientist and architect, important for con- Gorsen, Peter, Gislind Nabakowski, and Helka Sander. firming, in what later was jokingly referred to as the Frauen in der Kunst. 2 vols. Frankfurt am Main, 1980. ‘‘Wrenaissance,’’ a tradition of classical architecture Greer, Germaine. The Obstacle Race: The Fortunes of Women in England in the seventeenth century that lasted for Painters and Their Work. London, 1979. two centuries. His father was a distinguished cleric, Heller, Nancy G. Women Artists: An Illustrated History. and Wren was well educated, coming into contact New York, 1987. while a student at Oxford with a group of scientists Ju¨rgs, Britta, ed. Sammeln nur um zu besitzen?: Beru¨hmte who were later, in 1661, to found the Royal Society. Kunstsammlerinnen von Isabella d’Este bis Peggy His interests at this time were science and astron- Guggenheim. Berlin, 2000. omy; after receiving his degrees, he was elected a Nochlin, Linda, and Ann Sutherland Harris. Women Artists, member of All Souls College and in 1661 he be- 1550–1950. Exh. cat. Los Angeles and New York, came the Savilian professor of astronomy at Oxford. 1976. Parker, Rozsika, and Griselda Pollock. Old Mistresses: Gradually, however, Wren became interested in Women, Art, and Ideology. London and New York, architecture, then considered a part of mathematics. 1981. When in 1663 his uncle, the bishop of Ely, asked Perlingieri, Ilya Sandra. Sofonisba Anguissola: The First Great him to design a chapel at Pembroke College, Cam- Woman Artist of the Renaissance. New York, 1992. bridge, he was able to produce an adequate design, Pointon, Marcia. Strategies for Showing: Women, Possession, simple and classical in its forms. A year later he and Representation in English Visual Culture, 1665– began the Sheldonian Theatre, Oxford, a complex 1800. Oxford and New York, 1997. structure, taken as to be expected from the design of

246 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WREN, CHRISTOPHER

Christopher Wren. St. Paul’s Cathedral, London, view from the northwest. ᮊDAVID REED/CORBIS

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 247 WREN, CHRISTOPHER

Christopher Wren. The Wren Library, Trinity College, Cambridge. THE ART ARCHIVE/JARROLD PUBLISHING classical theaters, but roofed with a new truss system in the city be quickly rebuilt along the existing without columns, based on a floor plan devised by patterns of streets. Wren was also involved in John Wallis, formerly professor of geometry at Ox- rebuilding more than fifty local city churches. Their ford. It was in 1665 that Wren made his only visit designs, varied and distinct as they were in their abroad, to Paris, where he visited the new classical plans, established a new form for the Protestant buildings and met, if briefly, the Italian architect church, with open galleries inside and bell towers Gian Lorenzo Bernini. outside, often set apart from the basic structure and effectively recalling, in all their classical details, the On his return to London, Wren began further spires of the older medieval churches that had earlier restorations at St. Paul’s Cathedral. But in 1666 been present at the same sites. came the Great Fire, and with it an opportunity for him not only to rebuild the fabric of the cathedral, Wren’s design for St. Paul’s Cathedral was but also to redesign the whole city of London on a equally important. Its great dome, with the colon- regular and ordered plan. As one of the commis- nade running around the drum, taken from a design sioners appointed to survey the areas destroyed, by Donato Bramante for St. Peter’s, was a model for Wren was very much involved in the restoration of many later buildings—such as the Capitol in Wash- London; when in 1668 he was also appointed sur- ington, D.C.—where a dome was to be used for veyor general of the king’s works, he resigned from purely secular buildings. Wren also worked on sev- Oxford and turned all his attention to architecture. eral projects for King Charles II. Although many of Of the project for London, which was taken from his designs for Winchester Palace, Whitehall, and some of the new plans for Rome, little was realized, Hampton Court were never realized, at the Royal commerce and expediency requiring that everything Hospital, Chelsea (begun in 1682), and at the Royal

248 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WU¨ RTTEMBERG, DUCHY OF

Hospital for Seamen, Greenwich (1696 onward), ¨ he defined an ideal of monumental architecture, WURTTEMBERG, DUCHY OF. Early deeply influential on architects of the next genera- modern Wu¨rttemberg had a flourishing agricultural tion. In addition, Wren again worked for the univer- economy, a highly developed administrative struc- sities, notably at the library of Trinity College, Cam- ture, and superb cultural achievements, yet its prime bridge (1676–1684) and at Tom Tower at Christ location in the southwest corner of the Holy Roman Church, Oxford (1681–1682), which, following Empire also made it a target for imperial ambitions what he called customary rather than natural and invasions. For administrative and taxation pur- beauty, was constructed in a Gothic style to comple- poses, the territory of almost 3,500 square miles ment its older architectural surroundings. (9,000 square kilometers) was divided up into dis- tricts (A¨ mter or Vogteien) that varied greatly in size The last years of Wren’s life were not happy. His and whose number rose from thirty-eight in 1442 supervision of the Office of Works became haphaz- to fifty-eight by 1600. Wu¨rttemberg’s total popula- ard, and in 1718 he was dismissed, retaining only his tion during the sixteenth century was between three surveyorship at St. Paul’s and at Westminster Ab- and four hundred thousand, with 70 percent of the bey. It was then that the Palladian group, led by populace living in the countryside and 30 percent in Lord Burlington, took charge of this office, arguing the towns. The capital was Stuttgart, the largest for a new native style of architecture, based on the town by far with a population of about nine thou- theories of Andrea Palladio and Inigo Jones, to sand inhabitants. Wu¨rttemberg’s economy rested replace the more pragmatic baroque style of Wren primarily on wine, rye, barley, hay, and oats, al- and his followers. But what Wren had done was of though its merchants also traded in wood, wool, immense importance. And if his designs never reached the quality of those executed by Sir John cloth, linen, glass, and metal. Small property owner- Vanbrugh and Nicholas Hawksmoor, who had ship by landlords who charged their tenants rent begun his career in Wren’s office, his ideas about his (Grundherrschaft) remained the rule, rather than work, carefully preserved by his son, served to dem- the large landed estates (Gutsherrschaften) common onstrate, in ways now compatible with the experi- in other German territories. mental approaches he learned as a scientist, how A series of wars during the seventeenth century architecture and its history could be seriously and the early eighteenth century had a devastating thought about and seen as part of a design tradition impact on the region’s social, economic, and cul- that dated back to Italy and antiquity. tural life. While the duchy was at first little touched See also Britain, Architecture in; Classicism; Jones, Inigo; by the Thirty Years’ War (1618–1648), large-scale London; Palladio, Andrea, and Palladianism. invasions by imperial troops following the Battle of No¨rdlingen in 1634 led to a decline in the duchy’s BIBLIOGRAPHY population from 415,000 to 97,000 by 1639. The Primary Sources wars of Louis XIV (ruled 1643–1715) continued to Soo, Lydia M. Wren’s ‘‘Tracts’’ on Architecture and Other suppress population levels, and it was not until the Writings. New York and Cambridge, U.K., 1998. Treaty of Utrecht of 1713 that an era of relative Wren, Stephen. Parentalia, or Memoirs of the Family of the peace and prosperity ensued. Wrens. Reprint. Hampshire, U.K., 1965. Originally published London, 1750. GOVERNMENT Secondary Sources Territorial administration existed on several levels. Bennett, J. A. The Mathematical Science of Sir Christopher Rulers came from the House of Wu¨rttemberg, Wren. Cambridge, U.K., 1982. which had governed the territory since the eleventh Jardine, Lisa. On a Grander Scale: The Outstanding Career century. Count Eberhard im Bart (‘‘the Bearded,’’ of Christopher Wren. London, 2002. 1445–1496) became a duke following the elevation Jeffery, Paul. The City Churches of Sir Christopher Wren. of Wu¨rttemberg to a duchy by Emperor Maximilian London and Rio Grande, Ohio, 1996. I (ruled 1493–1519) at the Diet of Worms in 1495. Whinney, Margaret. Christopher Wren. New York, 1971. For advice on policy, subsequent dukes surrounded DAVID CAST themselves with burgher and noble councillors,

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 249 WU¨ RTTEMBERG, DUCHY OF many of whom were educated at Tu¨bingen Univer- principal reformer, the humanist scholar and theo- sity, founded in 1477. logian Johannes Brenz (1499–1570), cofounded the visitation to instruct the faithful and enforce The majority of councillors came from the ur- church discipline. The church council (Kirchenrat), ban notables (Ehrbarkeit), a relatively diverse ad- created in 1553 under Duke Christoph (1515– ministrative group holding positions at the local and 1568), subsumed these and other duties, such as district levels. Most local positions, such as village collecting rents from church lands, distributing mayor (Schultheiss), burgomaster, and town clerk, loans or grants to the poor and to university stu- arose during the thirteenth century. At the district dents, and paying the salaries of court musicians. level the position of the commissioner (Vogt) split into two separate positions, junior commissioner The Pietist movement, based on the theology of and senior commissioner (Untervogt and Obervogt), Johann Valentin Andreae (1586–1654) and Philipp by the late fifteenth century. The junior commis- Jacob Spener (1635–1705), arose during the 1680s sioner, typically a burgher, worked with the district and 1690s, when the Wu¨rttemberg court moved court to maintain law and order and supervise taxa- toward a hedonistic lifestyle patterned after Ver- tion, whereas the senior commissioner, almost al- sailles and reveled in opera, dance, and Carnival. ways a noble, had a military role, although this posi- Pietism offered a ‘‘passive, antiabsolutist’’ stance tion became essentially honorary by the early and provided a corollary to English Puritanism but seventeenth century. was less political in its manifestations. Pietists’ disap- proval of the court increased strongly while The notables also dominated the Estates, which Wu¨rttemberg had Catholic dukes from 1733 to first met in 1457 and comprised the territory’s rep- 1797, beginning with Carl Alexander (1684– resentative body. With 75 percent of the representa- 1737), who had converted in 1712 and established tives coming from the towns, the Estates comprised close ties with the Habsburgs. His son and successor lesser nobles, burghers, and prelates and served as a Carl Eugen (1728–1793), who ruled for almost counterbalance to the higher nobility, the knights fifty years, seemed to personify the ‘‘petty absolut- (Reichsritter), who gradually exempted themselves ist’’ and was in continual conflict with the Estates. from Wu¨rttemberg’s state control. While the ruler Court life inspired the territory’s greatest Enlight- had to call the Estates to assembly, two committees, enment figure, Friedrich Schiller (1759–1805), the Small and Large Committees, could convene on who attended the duke’s military academy and their own authority. The Estates claimed some early rebelled openly against the pomposity and vainglory victories, such as the 1514 Treaty of Tu¨bingen that of the age through drama and verse. affirmed citizens’ privileges, but it rose to even greater heights during the seventeenth century, par- Notable achievements in the fine arts included ticularly following the Thirty Years’ War, when the the establishment of a music ensemble (Hofkapelle duke needed the Estates to raise more revenue. A or court chapel) in 1496 under Duke Eberhard II combination of the diversity and power of the nota- (1447–1504). Consisting at its peak of fifty-nine bles, the long-term presence of the Estates, and instrumentalists and a boys’ choir, the music ensem- rigorous Lutheran reforms contributed to the rela- ble became renowned throughout Europe during tive unity of Wu¨rttemberg’s territories over time. the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and per- formed at both sacred and secular occasions. It RELIGION AND CULTURE attracted many foreign musicians, including the En- After fifteen years of Austrian occupation, glish lutenist John Price (d. 1641) and the Hungar- Wu¨rttembergers witnessed two seminal events: the ian composer Samuel Capricornus (1628–1665), triumphant return in 1534 of Duke Ulrich (1487– who served as music director (kapellmeister) from 1550) with the aid of Landgrave Philip of Hesse 1657 to 1665. The territory’s most famous artist, (1504–1567) and the Schmalkaldic League, and Hans Baldung-Grien (c. 1484–1545), was an ap- the ushering in of the Lutheran Reformation. A prentice to Albrecht Du¨rer (1471–1528) before he confiscation of church property ensued, which ini- moved to Strasbourg to become one of the leading tially brought in over 100,000 gulden annually, al- figures of the northern Renaissance. In his paint- though the monasteries were not dissolved. The ings, stained glass, drawings, woodcuts, and engrav-

250 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 WU¨ RTTEMBERG, DUCHY OF ings, Baldung depicted a broad array of subjects, Marcus, Kenneth H. ‘‘Music Patronage of the Wu¨rttemberg from traditional Christian iconography and secular Hofkapelle, c. 1500–1650.’’ German History 13, no. 2 (1995): 151–162. portraiture to witchcraft and death. —. The Politics of Power: Elites of an Early Modern State See also Maximilian I (Holy Roman Empire); Pietism; in Germany. Mainz, 2000. Reformation, Protestant; Representative Institu- Scribner, Bob. ‘‘Police and the Territorial State in Sixteenth- tions; Schiller, Johann Christoph Friedrich von; Century Wu¨rttemberg.’’ In Politics and Society in Re- Thirty Years’ War (1618–1648). formation Europe: Essays for Sir Geoffrey Elton on His Sixty-fifth Birthday, edited by E. I. Kouri and Tom Scott, pp. 103–120. Basingstoke, U.K., 1987. BIBLIOGRAPHY Vann, James Allen. The Making of a State: Wu¨rttemberg, Brecht, Martin, and Hermann Ehmer. Su¨dwestdeutsche Re- 1593–1793. Ithaca, N.Y., 1984. formationsgeschichte: Zur Einfu¨hrung der Reformation Wilson, Peter H. War, State, and Society in Wu¨rttemberg, im Herzogtum Wu¨rttemberg 1534. Stuttgart, 1984. 1677–1793. Cambridge, U.K., 1995. Fulbrook, Mary. Piety and Politics: Religion and the Rise of Zull, Gertraud. ‘‘Die ho¨fischen Feste.’’ In Die Renaissance Absolutism in England, Wu¨rttemberg, and Prussia. im Deutschen Su¨dwesten zwischen Reformation und Cambridge, U.K., 1983. Dreissigja¨ hrigem Krieg. Vol. 2, pp. 913–925. Grube, Walter. Der Stuttgarter Landtag, 1457–1957. Stutt- Karlsruhe, 1986. gart, 1957. KENNETH H. MARCUS

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 251 XYZ

headwear, or a new hairstyle among girls. In gen- YOUTH. The transitional phase of life between eral, though, early modern ‘‘youth’’ is best mea- childhood and adulthood in early modern Europe is sured in chronologically flexible terms of an individ- not easily fixed chronologically. Traditionally child- ual’s position in various groups, principally relating hood ended around age seven, but since full adult- to his or her immediate family, employer, and peers. hood was usually marked by marriage, ‘‘youth’’ (Latin iuventus) could last as little as ten years and as WORK AND SCHOOL long as twenty-five or more years. Consequently, Most boys and girls left their homes at some point terms for male youths, such as lad or knave, garc¸on before marriage for apprenticeships or domestic ser- (French), or Knabe (German), could refer to some- vice positions with relatives or strangers. Few one as young as seven years old or as old as thirty- departed before the age of seven and some not until five. The same is true of the female maid or maiden, their late teens. By the time youths had reached jeune fille (French) or Jungfrau (German), as well as their early twenties, though, at least two-thirds and the forms of address of Miss, Mademoiselle, and sometimes three-quarters of them had left their par- Fra¨ulein. Early modern legal codes similarly varied ents’ homes. Ostensibly the main purpose of the widely on the age of majority, ranging from twelve arrangement, typically lasting three to seven years, in canon law to twenty-five in Roman law and its was for a boy to learn certain marketable skills and later imitators. for a girl to earn the money for her dowry. The sojourn away from home, however, also had the The onset of youth, on the other hand, enjoyed effect of reducing a household’s expenditures while broader consensus in European societies and was the child was away. Some returned at the end of reinforced by the ecclesiastical tradition established their contractual period, awaiting an inheritance (in by Lateran IV (1215) of establishing seven as the the case of a son), a dowry and/or marriage pros- age of discretion (Latin anni discretionis), when a pect (in the case of a daughter), or a new position. child was intellectually and morally competent to The same expectations held for the large number of receive the Eucharist. Puberty certainly fell within youths who had never left home in the first place this life stage but was rarely a formalized marker (particularly in the countryside) and who in the within itself, not only because of its individual char- meantime worked to contribute to the family’s in- acter but also because the average age of menarche come. Meanwhile, the remainder had married and was at least sixteen or seventeen, and many males usually set up their own households, a universally continued to grow physically into their twenties. recognized sign of adulthood. Occasionally, certain rituals marked the transition from childhood to youth, such as the bestowing of a Education received a powerful boost from both knife or sword on a boy, or distinctive jewelry, the Renaissance and Catholic and Protestant Refor-

253 YOUTH mations, but schooling remained a minority experi- GROUP ACTIVITIES ence among European youths until at least the eigh- Rural fraternities or youth groups were known by a teenth century. The majority of those boys and girls variety of names: iunores (Latin), Bu¨rschen (Ger- who did attend school usually received no more man), garc¸ons de village (France), gioventu` (Italian). than a few years of instruction from parish or private All were exclusively male, rarely accepted anyone schools in basic vernacular literacy and some funda- younger than sixteen, and sometimes required ex- mental arithmetic. Well-to-do and intellectually perience as an apprentice or soldier. Their leaders gifted boys were able to attend Latin grammar might be known as ‘‘abbots’’ (in the case of France’s schools, with many continuing their studies at a abbayes de la jeunesse, or ‘youth abbies’), ‘‘cap- university. Often, pupils, like apprentices, moved tains,’’ ‘‘kings,’’ and so forth. Initiation usually in- into the homes of their masters. Among the volved some sort of extended and humiliating haz- wealthy, either tutors took up lodging with their ing, after which new members swore their allegiance students’ families, instructing their charges in a vari- to the group and received their own secret nick- ety of subjects, or teenagers attended exclusive names. Some fraternities maintained their own writ- boarding schools. In Catholic countries, the new ten law as well as primitive courts for handing out religious orders of the Catholic Reformation, nota- fines and other punishments. As everywhere in early bly the Jesuits, Barnabites, Piarists, and others, of- modern society, a strict hierarchy ruled, with older fered free education in Latin schools found in every boys at the top charged with introducing younger major city and many towns. Those boys who were males to the adult male culture. Drinking, gam- able to continue their studies at a university were bling, and cursing constituted the main pastimes, forbidden to marry before completing their degrees but the principal focus of such groups was the regu- and were controlled in other ways by their masters, lation of sexual activities in the community. For the who acted in loco parentis and continued to set most part this meant finding eligible girls for one strict rules and discipline with the rod. another and possibly organizing dances. However, such bands of rural youths also ritually harassed One of the initial benefits of the Reformation other members of the community who had for girls was the opening of many mixed and single- transgressed local mores (such as widows who re- sex schools that they might attend in Protestant married too soon or shrewish wives), failed sexually lands. Among Catholics, new teaching orders such (presumed impotence or sterility), or were begin- as the Ursulines undertook a similar mission to edu- ning a sexual union (newlyweds). The youths’ loud cate girls and young women. In addition, in Catho- verbal abuse, lewd songs, and crudeness—known as lic countries many girls received educations as long- charivaris, ‘rough music’, or Katzenmusik (Ger- term boarders in convents or as novices (future man)—served an important communal function of nuns). The majority received limited vernacular expressing popular approval or disapproval of what reading and writing skills plus sewing and singing modern people would consider private matters. Sur- lessons. A few convent boarders and future nuns viving modern customs, such as putting tin cans and received good Latin educations. Unfortunately, signs on the groom’s car, have largely lost such both movements coincided with a greater restric- meaning in the contemporary world but continue tion against and eventually prohibition of non- to survive as obscure relics of communal approval of accredited ‘‘cranny schools,’’ the more affordable some sort. and thus more common site of education for early modern girls. The reforms and advances among In cities, male youths could join a number of Protestants must also be weighed against the clo- groups. The best organized were probably the jour- sure of all convent and other girls’ schools run by neymen’s associations (German Gesellenverba¨nde; nuns. Consequently, only a minority of girls en- French compagnonnages), distinguished by craft. joyed the fruits of the education boom of the early Like rural fraternities, these groups were character- modern era and even those who did, with the excep- ized by prolonged hazing and other mischief as well tion of the privileged few, gained little more than as drinking and gambling. Because of their extensive the most fundamental of literary and mathematical European networks as well as growing association skills. with assorted acts of violence, journeymen’s associa-

254 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 YOUTH tions were banned in France in the early sixteenth turated to their society’s expectations of them as century and were prohibited in the Holy Roman adults. Such gatherings also provided important Empire in 1730. companionship and conversation with peers, with- out any of the prolonged rituals of initiation or University fraternities were also a prominent formalized aggression of male groups. On the other part of urban life, with students originally divided hand, segregation of teenage boys and girls shared into ‘‘nations’’ (based on common languages), but one important goal, the finding and securing of an by the eighteenth century organized by a variety of acceptable mate, an objective that simultaneously purposes and identities, including religious groups reinforced and (if successful) undermined the co- such as the John Wesley’s Holy Club at Oxford, herency of single-sex groups. derided by other students as ‘‘Methodists.’’ In Brit- ain the college constituted a central corporate iden- tity for most students and continues in this role to a RELATIONS BETWEEN THE SEXES lesser degree today, albeit with an increasingly het- The numerous festivals and wedding feasts provided erogeneous undergraduate population. Still another a host of opportunities for young men and women type of young male organization were the secular to meet and court. In addition to local village or fool societies (French socie´te´s joyeuses), groups that town holidays, youths were especially prominent in played key roles in all secular pageantry (especially at the festivities of St. Valentine’s Day (England), Mardi Gras) and reveled in mocking their elders and Shrove Tuesday (Mardi Gras), May Day, Midsum- playing pranks on them. The most famous of these mer (June 24), and Christmas. According to the was the Parisian Enfants sans souci (‘carefree chil- historian Michael Mitterauer, ‘‘These were social dren’), closely rivaled by the Kingdom of Basoche, institutions which virtually forced adolescents into composed of the clerks of the Parlement of Paris. contact with the opposite sex.’’ Males were almost always expected to initiate contact with the opposite Male groups tended to gather at local inns as sex, though in a few cases girls were customarily well as at private homes or barns. In addition to allowed to organize dances and collect boys, such as their charivari activity, they were especially visible the St. Catherine’s Day Ball in France (25 Novem- during public holidays, when they would engage in ber) and the German Jungferntanz (‘maidens’ various ball sports, archery, wrestling, boxing, card- dance’). In rural Bulgaria, the feast of St. Lazarus, playing, cock fighting, and dog tossing. Often com- before Palm Sunday, marked the ritual transition of petitions became quite heated and led to serious young girls (lazarki) into eligible young women, injuries and occasionally deaths. In England Guy known as lazarouvane´. Following a collective with- Fawkes Day (5 November) was renowned as the drawal of adolescent girls from the village, they prompter of many violent town versus gown riots in would return to sing outside the house of every Oxford and Cambridge. Ritualistic raids on brothels bachelor, donning new festive dresses that signified were also common, though more so at the begin- their right to take part in all of the village’s public ning and end of the early modern period. festivities. More typically, teenage boys and girls Single-sex gatherings of young women, by con- met under more informal circumstances: through trast, were both less formalized and less publicly relatives, in the marketplace, or (especially in the visible than those of their male counterparts. This case of domestic maids and males of the house) in reflected the typical public-private expectations in the home. In fact this last pairing—including mas- gender relations. Among Catholics, convent ters, their sons, and male servants—accounted for schools and cloisters themselves were the most obvi- more of the illegitimate children born than any ous centers of exclusively female societies, in both other type of relationship. Sometimes the sex was instances removed from the public sphere. Some consensual; often it was coerced, either through Protestant girls formed prayer groups, particularly threats of dismissal or outright rape. It rarely re- during the later seventeenth and eighteenth centu- sulted in marriage and usually meant dismissal and ries. Otherwise, spinning at home with female rela- disgrace for the pregnant young woman. As in cases tives or communally with other women provided of incest between stepfathers and stepdaughters, we opportunities for young women to become accul- have no reliable statistics on the actual frequency of

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 255 YOUTH such situations since families usually shrouded chization and other educational means. It is thus themselves in conspiracies of silence. difficult to assess whether there truly were more problems with young people or simply higher After first contact, youths normally began a expectations. Clearly, economic instability during courting process, varying in formality by social sta- the entire early modern period also contributed to tus, whose ostensible final goal was marriage. the perceived laziness of youths at any given time. Throughout Europe, we hear of the practice of Changes in the common practice of tramping (Ger- youths visiting girlfriends in their bedrooms at man Wanderjahre; French tour de France), for in- night, a custom variously known as ‘‘night visiting’’ stance, illustrate some of this transformation at in the south of England and ‘‘sitting up’’ in the work. Since the Middle Ages, most young jour- north, ‘‘nights of watching’’ in Wales, Kiltgang neymen spent their late teens and twenties traveling (‘dusking’) or Fensterln (climbing in through a win- the countryside, sometimes staying at established dow) in German lands, and nattelo¨pere (‘night- houses of call for their profession (referred to in runners’) in Norway. Sometimes these visits in- France as ‘‘mother houses’’), but more often rent- volved kissing, petting, or even intercourse, but ing a small room or bed and getting by on whatever given the possibility of parental interruption, sex work was available. Ideally, those already trained in was not always involved. Parental attitudes toward crafts would be accordingly employed, but by the this ubiquitous practice varied widely, with some late sixteenth century such temporary positions mothers and fathers turning a blind eye if they were increasingly difficult to find, and becoming a thought the two youths well-matched for marriage, master was a near impossibility for someone without while others (particularly in Scotland) strongly con- family connections. Instead, many youths turned to demning such meetings on moral and religious day labor or, what was more lucrative still, begging. grounds. The same divergence characterized paren- Countless ordinances throughout Europe com- tal attitudes toward premarital sex in general, with plained of a pandemic of ‘‘able-bodied beggars,’’ most of Europe’s parents apparently tolerant even whose tactics were often quite physically aggressive of premarital cohabitation as long as they were as- and extortionate of passersby. References to what sured that a suitable formal union and public cere- we might call ‘‘gangs’’ of youths had been common mony were forthcoming. If parental disapproval was since at least the late Middle Ages, but during the known or feared, young people might meet at the early modern period scuffles increasingly went be- homes of friends, secluded places, or the boisterous yond turf battles. Violence could also be turned gatherings known as ‘‘spinning rooms’’ (German against property, yielding vandalism such as break- Spinnstuben or Gunkeln; French veilles; Russian ing or stealing street lanterns, damaging conduits, posidelki), smoky rooms at private residences or inns rolling timber onto the highways, and committing where women of all ages gathered in the evening to widespread graffiti. Some of these unemployed and spin cloth and gossip, visited by young men who ‘‘masterless’’ youths made the more serious turn to drank, sang, and occasionally danced with their fe- professional crime, principally burglary and rob- male counterparts. Often such encounters led to bery, but occasionally arson and murder. engagement and eventually marriage; other times they could result in unwanted pregnancy and In response, some parents succeeded in having rushed marriage, abortion, abandonment, or infan- their unruly children incarcerated in new ‘‘bride- ticide. wells’’ and workhouses. During the seventeenth cen- tury, punishment of both juvenile delinquents and ‘‘MASTERLESS YOUNG PEOPLE’’ sturdy beggars grew in intensity, with magistrates Complaints about ‘‘youth these days’’ are as old as increasingly relying on chain gangs, galley sentences, civilization itself. The early modern period was no military impressments, and ‘‘transportation’’ to for- exception, with unceasing laments from every re- eign colonies. Repeated petty thefts were also often gion about a world ‘‘full of ill-advised and ill- treated as capital offenses. Despite such extreme nurtured youth’’ (Griffiths, p. 111). Some of these measures, the number of ‘‘masterless’’ young people concerns may be tied to the attempted Protestant continued to grow in Europe, particularly in bur- and Catholic reforms of morals through cate- geoning cities. Philanthropic endeavors approached

256 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 ZINZENDORF, NIKOLAUS LUDWIG VON the problem from a different perspective and had Mitterauer, Michael. A History of Youth. Translated by some successes but were no match for the enormity Graeme Dunphy. Oxford and Cambridge, Mass., 1993. of the economic and social crisis underway. Ozment, Steven, ed. Three Behaim Boys: Growing Up in Early Modern Germany: A Chronicle of Their Lives. New CONCLUSION Haven, 1990. While early modern youths throughout Europe JOEL F. HARRINGTON shared many experiences, it would be misleading to speak of a uniform youth culture. Friends and other peers were merely one of several social groups to which a young person belonged, and their influ- ZINZENDORF, NIKOLAUS LUD- ence—admittedly strong during the teens and early WIG VON (1700–1760), poet, preacher, theo- twenties—was not the only shaper of individual logian, and religious leader. Count Zinzendorf was identity and values. The transition from childhood a controversial figure within German Pietism in the to adulthood involved many biological, cultural, first half of the eighteenth century. He advocated a economic, and political changes that occurred at nonrational approach to Christianity that he called different ages for each youth. Some events, such as ‘‘religion of the heart.’’ In addition to being a cre- entering the world of work or school, proved more ative theologian and author, he was the founder of a significant in the social development of some young dynamic religious community known as the people than others. Only marriage could be de- Bru¨dergemeine (Community of Brethren, now scribed as a universally recognized sign of adult- commonly called the Moravian Church) that estab- hood, and even here an independent household lished communities on four continents. might still be years away. Thus while clearly an important stage in every individual’s life cycle, the Zinzendorf was the son of George Ludwig von phase known as youth often remained ambiguous as Zinzendorf, a counsellor in the court of the king of to both rights and responsibilities—a situation not Saxony, and Charlotte Justine von Gersdorf. Be- completely unfamiliar in the modern West. cause of the early death of his father, Zinzendorf was raised primarily by his grandmother, Henrietta See also Childhood and Childrearing; Crime and Punish- Catherine, Baroness von Gersdorf (1648–1726), ment; Education; Family; Festivals; Guilds; Mar- riage; Sexuality and Sexual Behavior; Vagrants and who was closely connected to the leaders of . Pietist movement, Philipp Jacob Spener (1635– 1705) and August Hermann Francke (1663– BIBLIOGRAPHY 1727). Ben-Amos, Ilana Krausman. Adolescence and Youth in Early When he was ten, Zinzendorf was sent to Modern England. New Haven, 1994. Francke’s school in Halle, where he developed a Cox, Pamela, and Heather Shore, eds. Becoming Delinquent: strong interest in the Pietist program. He was then British and European Youth, 1650–1950. Aldershot, U.K., and Burlington, Vt., 2002. sent to the University of Wittenberg for advanced education to broaden his perspective, but Zinzen- Davis, Natalie Zemon. ‘‘The Reasons of Misrule.’’ In Society and Culture in Early Modern France: Eight Essays, dorf devoted himself to theological and religious pp. 97–123. Stanford, 1975. pursuits rather than to politics and law. Eisenbichler, Konrad, ed. The Premodern Teenager: Youth in After his marriage to Erdmuth Dorothea von Society, 1150–1650. Toronto, 2002. Reuss (1700–1756) in 1722, Zinzendorf became Gillis, John R. Youth and History: Tradition and Change in deeply involved with a group of Protestant refugees European Age Relations, 1770–Present. Expanded Stu- from neighboring Moravia who claimed to be a dent Edition. New York, 1981. remnant of the Unitas Fratrum (Unity of Brethren), Griffiths, Paul. Youth and Authority: Formative Experiences in England, 1560–1640. Oxford and New York, 1996. a pre-Reformation Protestant church with roots in the Hussite movement. In addition to offering the Levi, Giovanni, and Jean-Claude Schmitt, eds. A History of Young People in the West. Volume 2: Stormy Evolution to Moravians protection from persecution, Zinzendorf Modern Times. Translated by Carol Volk. Cambridge, organized their village of Herrnhut as a unique Mass., 1997. religious community.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 257 ZINZENDORF, NIKOLAUS LUDWIG VON

The Brotherly Agreement of 1727 subordi- ual intercourse as a sacramental act symbolizing the nated secular activities to a religious mission. mystical union of the soul with Christ. In addition, Women assumed leadership roles almost equal to Zinzendorf encouraged his followers to worship the those of men. Artisans held leadership posts along- Holy Spirit as ‘‘Mother,’’ and he maintained that all side nobles. Several distinctive Moravian practices churches are expressions of the true, invisible originated in Herrnhut, such as the Daily Texts church. Most controversial was his promotion of a drawn from the Bible, making or confirming deci- Lutheran ‘‘theology of the cross’’ through a highly sions through the lot, the Easter dawn confession of evocative worship of the wounds of Christ. faith, foot washing, and love feasts. Through In 1747, Zinzendorf’s banishment from Sax- schools, publications, and Herrnhut-style commu- ony was lifted and the following year, the Moravians nities, the Moravians established a strong presence received official recognition in Saxony because they throughout Protestant Europe, especially in Ger- had proven to be good subjects. In 1749 Zinzen- many, Switzerland, the Baltic, the Netherlands, and dorf persuaded the British Parliament to recognize the British Isles. the Moravian Church as ‘‘an ancient and apostolic In 1735 Zinzendorf was ordained as a Lutheran church,’’ paving the way for further mission work in minister, although he never held an official position the British colonies. in the church. Also in 1735 he arranged for the Also in 1749 Zinzendorf experienced the ordination of one of his Moravian followers as a greatest blow to his work when Count Ernst bishop of the nearly defunct Unitas Fratrum. In Casimir of Ysenburg-Bu¨dingen(ruled1708– 1737 Zinzendorf was consecrated a Moravian 1749), the secular overlord of the Moravian com- bishop. munity of Herrnhaag in the Wetterau, died. His Inspired by Zinzendorf, the first Moravian mis- son and successor Gustav Friedrich Casimir (ruled sionaries left for Saint Thomas (Virgin Islands) in 1749–1768) ordered the Moravians in his realm to 1732. Soon mission work was established among swear their fealty to him and repudiate their alle- the Inuit in Greenland and Labrador, the Khoi Khoi giance to Zinzendorf. Reports of eroticism con- in South Africa, the Delaware in British North nected to the veneration of the wounds of Christ America, and many other tribal peoples in the At- among the Single Brothers in the late 1740s (the lantic world. On his voyage to Georgia, John Wes- so-called Sifting Time) may have contributed to ley (1703–1791) met Moravian missionaries and this crisis. Over a thousand Moravians chose to became interested in Zinzendorf’s theology. Zin- relocate in 1750 rather than reject Zinzendorf. zendorf’s writings played an important role in the They were forced to abandon Herrnhaag’s expen- early development of the Methodist movement. sive buildings, and the resulting financial crisis nearly destroyed the church. Controversy swirled around Zinzendorf throughout his career. In 1736 he was exiled from In 1755 Zinzendorf returned to Herrnhut, Saxony because he sheltered religious refugees from where he edited and republished his works. Follow- Habsburg lands. Subsequently Zinzendorf traveled ing the death of Erdmuth in 1756, he married his extensively, including two trips to North America, lifelong co-worker Anna Nitschmann in 1757. Zin- where he preached to slaves and tribal people. zendorf’s death in 1760 was a severe blow to the church. Under the leadership of August Gottlieb During the 1740s Zinzendorf developed some Spangenberg (1704–1792), the church became in- of his most creative and controversial ideas. Among creasingly conservative in orientation. them were the ‘‘choir system’’ that replaced tradi- tional family structures in Moravian communities Zinzendorf left a multifaceted legacy. He was a with groupings according to age and gender. He forerunner of the modern subjective theology ex- also promoted a positive attitude toward sexuality. emplified in Friedrich Schleiermacher (1768– For instance, he argued that the incarnation of 1834), and he was an early Romantic poet. More- Christ made both male and female genitalia holy over, his unusual understanding of race, gender, since Christ was born of a woman and had male sexuality, and society attracts attention and even organs. He also taught married couples to view sex- admiration. He established important Moravian

258 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 ZOOLOGY communities in Bethlehem, Pa., and Salem, N.C., for their symbolic or allegorical meaning. Medieval that continue to be centers of Moravian work in bestiaries, based on the Natural History of Pliny America. By the early twenty-first century the bulk and the encyclopedic works of such early church of his followers were in eastern Africa, thanks to the fathers as Isidore of Seville, mingled naturalistic Moravian mission effort. description, uses, and symbolic significance in their accounts of animals, and did not clearly demarcate See also Methodism; Moravian Brethren; Pietism. real from mythological beasts. Conrad Gessner’s

BIBLIOGRAPHY Historia Animalium (Description of animals) of 1551, the era’s most comprehensive text on ani- Primary Sources mals, continued this mode of description, still evi- Zinzendorf, Nikolaus Ludwig von. A Collection of Sermons from Zinzendorf’s Pennsylvania Journey 1741–42. Ed- dent fifty years later in Edward Topsell’s revised ited by Craig D. Atwood, translated by Julie Tomberlin translation, A History of Four-Footed Beastes (1607). Weber. Bethlehem, Pa., 2002. Animals were classified in hierarchical terms cen- —. Erga¨nzungsba¨nde zu den Hauptschriften. Edited by tered on the notion of the great chain of being. Erich Beyreuther and Gerhard Meyer. Hildesheim, However, the voyages of discovery and the intellec- 1965–1971. tual changes associated with the scientific revolution —. Hauptschriften in sechs Ba¨nden. Edited by Erich began to strip away the layers of symbol and allegory Beyreuther and Gerhard Meyer. Hildesheim, 1962– from animals and made them objects of study in 1965. themselves. —. Nine Public Lectures on Important Subjects in Reli- gion, Preached in Fetter Lane Chapel in London in the Animals had been used as surrogates for hu- Year 1746. Edited and translated by George W. Forell. mans in the training of physicians and surgeons Iowa City, 1973; paperback, 1998. since the twelfth century. Even after human dissec- tion began to be practiced in the fourteenth cen- Secondary Sources tury, medical schools continued to use animals, Atwood, Craig D. Community of the Cross: Moravian Piety in Colonial Bethlehem. University Park, Pa., forthcom- especially pigs, dogs, and cats, to teach human anat- ing. Includes a discussion of Zinzendorf’s theology and omy by means of both dissection and vivisection. its impact on his followers. The beginnings of comparative anatomy are usually Freeman, Arthur J. An Ecumenical Theology of the Heart: The dated to the appearance in 1551 of Pierre Belon’s Theology of Count Nicholas Ludwig von Zinzendorf. (1517–1564) work on the anatomy of cetaceans, Bethlehem, Pa., 1998. soon followed by his comparison of a human skele- Kinkel, Gary Steven. Our Dear Mother the Spirit: An Investi- ton to that of a bird (1555). Volker Coiter (1534– gation of Count Zinzendorf’s Theology and Praxis. 1576) established comparative anatomy as an au- Lanham, Md., 1990. tonomous field of study in the 1570s, and while Meyer, Dietrich, ed. Bibliographisches Handbuch zur Zinzen- animals continued to function as human proxies, dorf-Forschung. Du¨sseldorf, 1987. An invaluable guide numerous works appeared on animal anatomy and to research on Zinzendorf. physiology as well. Meyer, Dietrich, and Paul Peucker, eds. Graf ohne Grenzen: Leben und Werk von Nikolaus Ludwig Graf von Zinzen- Exotic animals were a form of diplomatic ex- dorf. Herrnhut, 2000. A beautiful and informative text change dating back to Roman times. Medieval produced in connection with an exhibit for Zinzen- monarchs established menageries such as that at the dorf’s three-hundredth birthday. Tower of London, which during the sixteenth cen- Weinlick, John R. Count Zinzendorf. New York, 1956; re- tury included lions, leopards, a tiger, a lynx, an print, Bethlehem, Pa., 1989. An English-language bi- eagle, and a porcupine. Animals in menageries were ography. often used for sport in the form of animal combats CRAIG D. ATWOOD or baiting. Louis XIV of France established a me- nagerie at his palace at Versailles; when the animals died, they were dissected before the Paris Academy of Sciences, and many of them were described in ZOOLOGY. For much of the sixteenth century, Claude Perrault’s (1613–1688) Me´moires pour as in earlier periods, animals were valued for use or servir a` l’histoire naturelle des animaux (1671–

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 259 ZOOLOGY

1676; Memoirs for a natural history of animals). sensibility toward animals when he apologized for After death, these animals graced natural history causing them pain. cabinets (among which Gessner’s was famous), By the end of the seventeenth century, concepts which also included plants, antiquities, minerals, of classification had reached a crisis. The seemingly and curiosities. These predecessors of the modern chaotic organization of cabinets and collections re- natural history museum attempted to make sense of flected a lack of consensus on classification schemes. a rapidly expanding world by means of analogies, The great influx of animals from the New World etymologies, and seemingly odd juxtapositions and and other areas disrupted the old notion of a chain also served important social and cultural roles in an of being that was both full and complete, but there aristocratic society based on status and patronage. was little agreement about what might be a proper The work of Perrault’s team and others such as criterion for classification. Although Aristotle had Edward Tyson (1651–1708) made great strides in attempted to establish a natural system of classifica- comparative anatomy. However, the main use of an- tion based on essential features and natural imals in science from the end of the sixteenth cen- affinities, he also believed in a natural hierarchy. tury onward was to demonstrate aspects of human Various theories of plant classification multiplied, (and animal) anatomy and physiology, for instruc- but the classification of animals lagged behind. At tion and especially for research. William Harvey the end of the seventeenth century, John Ray (1578–1657) demonstrated the circulation of the (1627–1705) attempted a natural classification of blood, published in 1628, by means of hundreds of animals, but its complexity did not bode well for experiments on live animals ranging from fish to future endeavors. In 1735, Carl Linnaeus (1707– dogs. Experimenters in universities and academies 1778) described a classification of plants based on all over Europe embraced Harvey’s experimental sexual parts in his Systema Naturae (System of na- techniques, which included injection and inflation ture), which also presented a scheme for classifying as well as vivisection. Notable examples included the animals, organizing them in six broad classes. In the work of Marcello Malpighi (1628–1694) on the 1779 edition of Systema Naturae, he described structure of the lungs and the capillary circulation, nearly six thousand species of animals. His system Robert Hooke (1635–1704) on the process of res- was artificial, aimed at establishing order rather than piration, Regnier de Graaf (1641–1673) on the reproducing nature’s plan, and its use of the bino- glands, and Nicolaus Steno (1638–1686) on the mial nomenclature was widely adopted. structure of the muscles. Hooke and Robert Boyle (1627–1691) placed small animals in a vacuum Linnaeus’s system of classification was chal- pump of their design and demonstrated the body’s lenged by Georges-Louis Leclerc, comte de Buffon need for fresh air to sustain life. Antoni van Leeu- (1707–1788), whose Histoire naturelle (1749– wenhoek (1632–1723) revealed the possibilities of 1788; Natural history) was the most comprehensive the microscope, also used successfully by Malpighi (and best-known) work on natural history in the and Hooke. eighteenth century. Buffon argued that any system of classification was by definition arbitrary and artifi- Most seventeenth-century natural philosophers cial, and that reality resided in individuals, not in regarded animals as machines, although few went as species. While he modified his views over the course far as Rene´ Descartes (1596–1650) in denying their of his life, adopting many Linnaean categories, Buf- mental capacity to experience pain. Vitalist philoso- fon is especially important for introducing the con- phies revived in the eighteenth century, although cept of time into the discussion of taxonomy, find- the mechanical philosophy continued to influence ing variability of species over time but constancy of views of animal function. The work of Stephen form at higher taxonomic levels. Hales (1671–1767) on blood pressure was mecha- nistic, but by mid-century, Albrecht von Haller By the end of the eighteenth century, animals (1708–1777) exemplified the new emphasis on vital had lost much of their earlier symbolic meaning. function with his work on the sensibility and irrita- But in both laboratories and natural history mu- bility of the nerves. At the beginning of his 1752 seums they were, more than ever, objects of scien- treatise on this topic, Haller also displayed a new tific scrutiny.

260 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 ZURBARA´ N, FRANCISCO DE

See also Academies, Learned; Biology; Botany; Boyle, his distinctive style by studying the work of the Ital- Robert; Buffon, Georges Louis Leclerc; Descartes, ian painter Caravaggio (born Michelangelo Merisi, Rene´; Harvey, William; Hooke, Robert; Leeuwen- hoek, Antoni van; Linnaeus, Carl; Louis XIV 1573–1610) and the Spanish sculptor Juan (France); Malpighi, Marcello; Medicine; Natural Martı´nez Montan˜es (1568–1649). History; Ray, John; Scientific Instruments; Scien- tific Method; Scientific Revolution. From 1628 until approximately 1640, Zurbara´n was regarded as the leading artist of An-

BIBLIOGRAPHY dalusia, and he received commissions from monas- Cole, F. J. A History of Comparative Anatomy from Aristotle teries and convents throughout Spain. Apparently to the Eighteenth Century. New York, 1975. jealous of his success, officers of the painters’ guild, Findlen, Paula. Possessing Nature. Museums, Collecting, and led by Alonso Cano (1601–1667), ordered him on Scientific Culture in Early Modern Italy. Berkeley, 23 May 1630 to take the examination for master 1994. painters in Seville. Zurbara´n appealed to the city George, Wilma. ‘‘Sources and Background to Discoveries of council, which denied the guild’s authority on 8 New Animals in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centu- June 1630. ries.’’ History of Science 18 (1980): 79–104. Guerrini, Anita. ‘‘The Ethics of Animal Experimentation in Many of Zurbara´n’s major pictorial programs Seventeenth-Century England.’’ Journal of the History concern the lives of the most famous saints of the of Ideas 50, no. 3 (1989): 391–407. monastic orders that had commissioned them. Larson, James L. Reason and Experience. The Representation Thus, for the Monastery of the Merced Calzada, of Natural Order in the Work of Carl von Linne´. Berke- Seville, he produced twenty-two paintings that illus- ley, 1971. trate the life of Saint Peter Nolasco, the founder of ANITA GUERRINI the order. Saint Peter Nolasco’s Vision of the Cruci- fied Saint Peter the Apostle (1628, Prado, Madrid) eloquently reveals his ability to make the supernatu- ral seem believable. Zurbara´n’s eight paintings for ´ ZURBARAN, FRANCISCO DE (born the Sacristy of the Monastery of Saint Jerome, Francisco de Zurbara´n Ma´rquez [or Salazar]; Guadalupe (1638–1639; still in situ), were unusual 1598–1664), Spanish painter. Francisco de because they all depicted residents of that house, Zurbara´n was born in Fuentedecantos (Ex- such as Bishop Gonzalo de Illescas. His commission tremadura), an agricultural village. At considerable for the Carthusian Monastery of Jerez de la Frontera expense, his father, a shopkeeper, sent him in 1614 included four large altarpieces depicting Christ’s to Seville, where he was an apprentice to Pedro Dı´az early life. In Adoration of the Magi (1639–1640, Villanueva, an obscure artist. In 1617 he established Muse´e du Peinture et de Sculpture, Grenoble), he a workshop in Llerena, a large Extremaduran mar- created spectacular effects through the use of glow- ket town; no paintings before 1627 have been lo- ing colors and lavish still life details. cated. By 1630 he was living in Seville. In 1626 Zurbara´n contracted with the Domini- In 1634 Zurbara´n went to Madrid in order to can monastery of San Pablo el Real, Seville, to undertake a royal commission, which had been produce twenty-one paintings for the relatively awarded to him through the intervention of Diego modest sum of 4,000 reales. Displayed in an oratory Rodriguez de Silva Vela´zquez (1599–1660). For chapel of this monastery, Christ on the Cross (1627, the Hall of Realms in the Buen Retiro Palace, he Art Institute of Chicago), his earliest dated paint- painted ten pictures of the Labors of Hercules and a ing, made him famous. Against the dark back- battle scene, The Defense of Ca´ diz against the En- ground, strong illumination accentuates the sculp- glish (all in the Prado, Madrid). In contrast to most tural qualities of the naturalistically rendered figure. seventeenth-century painters, Zurbara´n did not The exceptional stillness of the body indicates base his images of Hercules on famous classical stat- death, but dramatic tension is introduced by its ues. Instead, he infused Hercules’ Labors with an leftward sag, which causes Christ’s head to fall earthy vitality by depicting Hercules as a rugged, against his shoulder. Zurbara´n probably developed awkward man of exceptional strength.

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 261 ZURBARA´ N, FRANCISCO DE

Francisco de Zurbara´n.Christ on the Cross. ᮊCHRISTIE’S IMAGES/CORBIS

262 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 ZURICH

In addition to large-scale programs, Zurbara´n , Martin S. Zurbara´n.London, 1953. This catalogue of also produced many single paintings, including over the artist’s entire oeuvre is still useful. forty images of Saint Francis of Assisi. As does Saint RICHARD G. MANN Francis in Meditation (c. 1635–1640, National Gallery, London, National Gallery), most promi- nently feature a skull, a symbol of penitence; up- turned eyes and open mouth express the saint’s ZURICH. Although there is evidence of settle- mystical ecstasy. The ‘‘close-up’’ depiction of the ment around Zurich from the Bronze Age, the Ro- isolated figure against a neutral background still mans were the first to fortify the site and named it makes a strong impact. In his few still life paintings, Turicum. The legend of the city’s foundation dates such as Still Life with Lemons, Oranges, and a Rose from the martyrdom of Felix and Regula, Roman (1633, Norton Simon Foundation, Pasadena, Cal- Christians and the patron saints of Zurich, who fled if.), Zurbara´n endowed humble objects with tran- to the city from the massacre of their legion in Valais scendent importance. in the third century C.E. They were martyred by decapitation for refusing to pray to Roman gods, After 1640 Zurbara´n’s career underwent an ir- whereupon they picked up their heads and carried reversible decline. The collapse of the Spanish econ- them up the hill to the spot where they wished to be omy greatly limited the expenditures of Spanish buried. The Wasserkirche in Zurich marks the spot monasteries and convents, his primary clients. where they are thought to have been executed. Dur- Moreover, his austere style did not correspond with ing the eleventh and twelfth centuries, Zurich’s the increasing emphasis on tender piety in Spanish traders exploited the favorable location of the city religious life. To compensate for the loss of clients in between the Alpine passes and the Rhine to build Spain, Zurbara´n expanded his workshop’s produc- the city’s wealth from textiles, such as wool and silk. tion of images for export to the Americas. More- In 1336 the Bu¨rgermeister Rudolf Brun led a revolt over, he responded to the changed spiritual mood that shifted power from the patrician families into by creating images such as Christ Carrying the Cross the hands of the thirteen guilds. Shortly thereafter, (1653, Cathedral at Orle´ans) that invokes the pity in 1351, still under Brunn’s direction, Zurich joined of its spectator. In 1658 Zurbara´n moved to Ma- the Swiss Confederation, though it remained an drid, where he imitated Vela´zquez’s style in por- imperial city under the direct authority of the em- traits such as Doctor of Laws (c. 1658–1660, Gard- peror. During the fifteenth century Zurich repeat- ner Museum, Boston). edly attempted to centralize the Confederation un- der its control, and the result was civil wars such as In 1838 the modern revival of interest in the Old Zurich War (1439–1450). Zurbara´n’s work resulted from the display of eighty Although it lay in the vast diocese of Constance, of his paintings in the Galerie Espagnole of the Zurich was fairly independent of the bishop and had Louvre. His paintings were copied by E´ douard three major ecclesiastical bodies: the Grossmu¨nster, Manet (1832–1883) and many other nineteenth- the Fraumu¨nster, and St. Peterskirche. Huldrych century artists. Zwingli (1484–1531) arrived in Zurich in 1519 See also Spain, Art in. and gradually built a reform movement that gained minority, although influential, support from leading

BIBLIOGRAPHY families and the guilds. In April 1525 the Reforma- tion was formally adopted and the Reformed church Baticle, Jeannine, ed. Zurbara´n. New York, 1987. Cata- logue of a major exhibition held 1987–1988 at The established. It was an institution that remained un- Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York; Galeries Na- der the control of the magistrates throughout the tionales du Grand Palais, Paris; and Museo del Prado, early modern period. Zurich developed provision Madrid; with scholarly studies by leading experts. for higher education, but not a university. It re- Brown, Jonathan. Francisco de Zurbara´n. New York, 1974. mained an important center of trade and a key A well-illustrated overview of the artist’s career, in- member of the international Reformed church, but tended for the general reader. during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 263 ZWINGLI, HULDRYCH

Zurich was a provincial city with little influence government was drawn from the Old Testament, beyond the Swiss Confederation. with the prophet (Zwingli) advising the ruler (the Zurich town council), who was responsible for en- See also Switzerland; Zwingli, Huldrych. forcing the laws of the state. BIBLIOGRAPHY Zwingli’s position in Zurich was never wholly Flu¨eler, Niklaus, and Marianne Flu¨eler-Grauwiler, eds. secure. The establishment of the new Reformed or- Geschichte des Kantons Zu¨rich. Vol. 2, Fru¨he Neuzeit, der in Zurich at Easter 1525 was largely due to the 16. bis 18. Jahrhundert. Zurich, 1996. influence of a couple of key magistrates who backed Gordon, Bruce. The Swiss Reformation. Manchester, U.K., Zwingli. At the center of Zwingli’s vision was the 2002. reform of worship, and the Reformation com- BRUCE GORDON menced in Zurich with a celebration of the new liturgy of the Lord’s Supper. His reforms, however, revealed a mixture of late medieval and Erasmian impulses; institutional changes, as well as moral leg- ZWINGLI, HULDRYCH (1484–1531), islation, were drawn from the reform councils of the Swiss reformer and church leader. Born into a peas- fifteenth century, and, like Erasmus, Zwingli be- ant family in Toggenburg, an Alpine valley in the lieved that education was the key to the creation of a eastern part of modern-day Switzerland, Zwingli Christian society. studied at the universities of Vienna and Basel (1498–1506), where he was exposed to the major Institutional reform under Zwingli was halting, currents that would shape his theology: late medi- largely because from 1525 until his death he was eval Scholasticism and humanism. Research begin- involved in a series of heated polemical exchanges. ning in the late twentieth century has pointed to the Zwingli faced opposition from Catholics, his former particular importance of Desiderius Erasmus mentor Erasmus, the so-called Anabaptists, and (1466?–1536) and John Duns Scotus (c. 1266– most famously, from Martin Luther. Virtually all of 1308) to his theological formation. Zwingli was or- Zwingli’s theological writings were hastily compiled dained to the priesthood and served first in Glarus, responses to particular crises or attacks. Thus his one of the smallest cantons of the Swiss Confedera- work cannot be treated as systematic theology. The tion, before going to the great Benedictine monas- three major events in Zwingli’s career after 1525 tery of Einsiedeln (1516), whose rich library re- were the Baden disputation (1526), which he re- sources afforded the young priest the opportunity fused to attend for fear of being arrested and exe- to deepen his knowledge of patristic and medieval cuted, the Bern disputation (1528), which saw the writers. He preached at the yearly official pilgrim- Reformation adopted in major parts of the Swiss ages made by the citizens of Zurich to the Black Confederation, and the Colloquy of Marburg Madonna of Einsiedeln, and his sermons made him (1529), where he and Luther came face to face. well known in the city. In 1519 he was called to the Zwingli’s desire to bring the Reformation to the Grossmu¨nster in Zurich as a stipendiary priest. rest of the Swiss Confederation led to alliance build- ing that made war with the Catholic states probable. Zwingli’s preaching, in which he denounced This led to the disastrous First and Second Kappel corruption and called on the people to purify them- Wars of 1529 and 1531. Zwingli was killed in a selves before God, created the mood for reform, but surprise attack on the night of 11 October 1531. it was a small circle of like-minded priests, printers, and magistrates who pushed the movement for- On account of their acrimonious falling out ward. Events took shape around two disputations in with respect to the celebration of the Lord’s Supper, 1523 for which Zwingli wrote his Sixty-seven Theses, specifically the nature of Christ’s presence in the his first major work. Zwingli sought to reform Eucharist, the question of Luther’s influence on church and society, but he recognized that to do Zwingli has remained, for confessional reasons, this he required the support of Zurich’s magistrates, highly contentious. Certainly Zwingli keenly fol- who in turn needed to be reassured that reform did lowed the ‘‘Luther affair’’ of 1517–1521, and read not imply social revolution. His vision of Christian all the German reformer’s works, which were being

264 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 ZWINGLI, HULDRYCH printed in Basel. On key theological points, such as Zwingli was not a national reformer; his cause ‘‘faith alone’’ and ‘‘scripture alone,’’ they were in was closely linked with the particular aspirations of agreement, but Zwingli had an entirely different Zurich. Nevertheless, the clarity of his thought car- agenda, which led to a theology of a different char- ried his ideas across Europe, and there can be no acter. Zwingli’s theology was shaped by two crucial doubt that he was the founder of the Reformed aspects: first, his experience of serving in military tradition. campaigns (1513–1515) and observing with horror the effects of the mercenary trade on the Swiss; and See also Bullinger, Heinrich; Erasmus, Desiderius; Lu- ther, Martin; Lutheranism; Marburg, Colloquy of; second, the form of Christian humanism prevalent Reformation, Protestant; Zurich. in southwestern Germany and the Swiss lands. The type of humanism that shaped Zwingli’s thought BIBLIOGRAPHY concentrated on the practical Christian life and re- form of the church, emphasizing the role of the Old Gordon, Bruce. The Swiss Reformation. Manchester, U.K., 2002. Testament. To this we can attribute most of the major themes in Zwingli’s thought: the utter sover- Potter, G. R. Zwingli. Cambridge, U.K., and New York, eignty of God, the covenantal nature of God’s rela- 1976. tionship with humanity, God’s demand that his Stephens, W. P. The Theology of Huldrych Zwingli. Oxford people be ‘‘pure,’’ and the centrality of ethics and and New York, 1986. the life of the regenerated Christian. BRUCE GORDON

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 265 SYSTEMATIC OUTLINE OF CONTENTS

This outline provides a general overview of the conceptual scheme of the Encyclopedia, listing the titles of each entry and subentry. Because the section headings are not mutually exclusive, certain entries in the Encyclopedia are listed in more than one section. Monarchs of the same name are listed first by their country, and then numerically. Thus, for example, Henry VII and Henry VIII of England precede Henry II of France.

1 Interpretation and Historiography 2 Periods 3 Social History 4 Everyday Life 5 Social Classes and Orders 6 Economic History 7 Political History 8 Law, Justice, and Crime 9 International Relations, Diplomacy, War 9.1 Wars 9.2 Treaties 10 Religion 11 Art and Culture 11.1 Literature and Language 12 Education, Printing, Literacy 13 Philosophy and Intellectual Life 14 Concepts and Ideas 15 Science 16 Technology 17 Events 18 Places 18.1 Countries and Regions 18.2 Cities 18.3 Places Outside Europe 18.4 Oceans and Seas 19 Biographies 19.1 Dynasties 19.2 Biographies

267 SYSTEMATIC OUTLINE OF CONTENTS

Mobility, Social 1 INTERPRETATION AND Odalisque HISTORIOGRAPHY Patriarchy and Paternalism Early Modern Period: Art Historical Plague Interpretations Poverty Historiography Prostitution Military: Historiography Public Health Race, Theories of Refugees, Exiles, and E´ migre´s Sanitation Serfdom 2 PERIODS Serfdom in East Central Europe Serfdom in Russia Introduction: The Early Modern Period Servants Ancien Re´gime Sexual Difference, Theories of Baroque Sexuality and Sexual Behavior Crisis of the Seventeenth Century Slavery and the Slave Trade Enlightenment Spas and Resorts Industrial Revolution Sumptuary Laws Late Middle Ages Villages Renaissance Weather and Climate Revolutions, Age of Women

3 SOCIAL HISTORY 4 EVERYDAY LIFE Agriculture Childhood and Childrearing Banditry Clothing Census Concubinage Charity and Poor Relief Consumption Cities and Urban Life Daily Life Duel Death and Dying Enclosure Divorce Environment Family Estates and Country Houses Food and Drink Feudalism Games and Play Food Riots Housing Gambling Inheritance and Wills Gender Marriage Ghetto Midwives Harem Motherhood and Childbearing Homosexuality Old Age Honor Orphans and Foundlings Hospitals Sports Hunting Suicide Landholding Vagrants and Beggars Madness and Melancholy Widows and Widowhood Mobility, Geographic Youth

268 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 SYSTEMATIC OUTLINE OF CONTENTS

Monopoly 5 SOCIAL CLASSES AND ORDERS Pawning Aristocracy and Gentry Physiocrats and Physiocracy Artisans Postal Systems Bourgeoisie Property Class, Status, and Order Proto-Industry Divine Right Kingship Shipping Gentleman Shops and Shopkeeping Guilds Stock Exchanges Laborers Strikes Monarchy Sugar Patriarchy and Paternalism Taxation Peasantry Textile Industry Queens and Empresses Tobacco Rentiers Trading Companies Serfdom Triangular Trade Pattern Serfdom in East Central Europe Tulips Serfdom in Russia Wages Servants

7 POLITICAL HISTORY 6 ECONOMIC HISTORY Absolutism Accounting and Bookkeeping Assassination Banking and Credit Authority, Concept of Bankruptcy Autocracy Capitalism Citizenship Colonialism City-State Commerce and Markets Constitutionalism Communication and Transportation Court and Courtiers Economic Crises Democracy Exploration Divine Right Kingship Forests and Woodlands Duma Fur Trade English Civil War Radicalism North America Enlightened Despotism Russia Exclusion Crisis Hansa Holy Roman Empire Institutions Industrial Revolution Imperial Expansion, Russia Industry Intendants Inflation Jacobitism Insurance Janissary Interest Kalmar, Union of Law’s System Khmelnytsky Uprising Liberalism, Economic Liberty Lottery Monarchy Mercantilism National Identity Money and Coinage Navigation Acts Central and Eastern Europe Nepotism Western Europe Officeholding

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 269 SYSTEMATIC OUTLINE OF CONTENTS

Parliament Patronage 9 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, Political Parties in England DIPLOMACY, WAR Political Philosophy Cambrai, League of (1508) Political Secularization Diplomacy Popular Protest and Rebellions Espionage Porte Holy Leagues Provincial Government Kalmar, Union of Queens and Empresses Mercenaries Military Regency Armies: Recruitment, Organization, and Representative Institutions Social Composition Republicanism Battle Tactics and Campaign Strategy Resistance, Theory of Early Modern Military Theory Rights, Natural Historiography Sarmatism Navy Sea Beggars Pacifism Sovereignty, Theory of State and Bureaucracy 9.1 WARS Sultan American Independence, War of 3 May Constitution (1775–1783) Tulip Era (Ottoman Empire) Anglo-Dutch Naval Wars Tyranny, Theory of Austrian Succession, War of the (1740–1748) Violence Austro-Ottoman Wars Vizier Devolution, War of (1667–1668) Dutch Revolt (1568–1648) Dutch War (1672–1678) Habsburg-Valois Wars Italian Wars (1494–1559) Jenkins’ Ear, War of (1739–1748) 8 LAW, JUSTICE, AND CRIME League of Augsburg, War of the Crime and Punishment (1688–1697) Galleys Livonian War (1558–1583) Law Mantuan Succession, War of the Canon Law (1627–1631) Common Law Northern Wars Courts Polish Succession, War of the (1733–1738) International Law Restoration, Portuguese War of (1640–1668) Lawyers Russo-Ottoman Wars Russo-Polish Wars Roman Law Schmalkaldic War (1546–1547) Russian Law Seven Years’ War (1756–1763) Lettre de Cachet Spanish Succession, War of the (1701–1714) Oprichnina Thirty Years’ War (1618–1648) Parlements Wars of Religion, French Persecution Piracy 9.2 TREATIES Police Andrusovo, Truce of (1667) Star Chamber Augsburg, Religious Peace of Torture Cateau-Cambre´sis (1559)

270 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 SYSTEMATIC OUTLINE OF CONTENTS

Passarowitz, Peace of (1718) Methodism Pyrenees, Peace of the (1659) Miracles Utrecht, Peace of (1713) Missions, Parish Westphalia, Peace of (1648) Missions and Missionaries Asia Spanish America Moravian Brethren 10 RELIGION Moriscos Anabaptism Nantes, Edict of Anticlericalism Old Believers Apocalypticism Orthodoxy, Greek Atheism Orthodoxy, Russian Augsburg, Religious Peace of Papacy and Papal States Bible Pietism Interpretation Poissy, Colloquy of Translations and Editions Preaching and Sermons Cabala Puritanism Calvinism Quakers Catholic Spirituality and Mysticism Quietism Catholicism Reformation, Catholic Church and State Relations Reformation, Protestant Church of England Reformations in Eastern Europe: Protestant, Clergy Catholic, and Orthodox Protestant Clergy Religious Orders Roman Catholic Clergy Religious Piety Russian Orthodox Clergy Seminary Confraternities Swedenborgianism Conversos Theology Deism Toleration Dissenters, English Trent, Council of Febronianism Uniates Gallicanism Union of Brest (1596) Hagiography Witchcraft Haskalah (Jewish Enlightenment) Huguenots Hussites Hymns 11 ART AND CULTURE Inquisition Academies of Art Inquisition, Roman Architecture Inquisition, Islam in the Ottoman Empire Art Exhibitions Jansenism The Art Market and Collecting Jesuits Art Theory, Criticism, and Jews, Attitudes toward Historiography Jews and Judaism Artistic Patronage Josephinism The Conception and Status of the Artist Lutheranism Baroque Marburg, Colloquy of Biography and Autobiography Martyrs and Martyrology Britain, Architecture in Messianism, Jewish Britain, Art in

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 271 SYSTEMATIC OUTLINE OF CONTENTS

Camera Obscura Ritual, Religious Caricature and Cartoon Rococo Carnival Romanticism Central Europe, Art in Rome, Architecture in Ceramics, Pottery, and Porcelain Rome, Art in City Planning Russia, Architecture in Classicism Russia, Art in Coins and Medals Sculpture Commedia dell’Arte Songs, Popular Dance Spain, Art in Decorative Arts Tournament Drama Travel and Travel Literature English Veduta (View Painting) German Venice, Architecture in Italian Venice, Art in Spanish and Portuguese Women and Art Festivals

Florence, Art in 11.1 LITERATURE AND LANGUAGE Fontainebleau, School of Czech Literature and Language Forgeries, Copies, and Casts Dutch Literature and Language France, Architecture in English Literature and Language France, Art in French Literature and Language Gardens and Parks German Literature and Language Grand Tour Hungarian Literature and Language Heraldry Italian Literature and Language Humor Lithuanian Literature and Language Jewelry Polish Literature and Language Latin Portuguese Literature and Language Mannerism Russian Literature and Language Music Spanish Literature and Language Music Criticism Swedish Literature and Language Naples, Art in Turkish Literature and Language Neoclassicism Ukrainian Literature and Language Netherlands, Art in the Art in the Netherlands, 1500–1585 Art in Flanders, 1585–1700 Art in the Northern Netherlands, 1585–1700 Opera 12 EDUCATION, PRINTING, Painting LITERACY Pastel Academies, Learned Picturesque Advice and Etiquette Books Pompeii and Herculaneum Ancient World Popular Culture Censorship Portrait Miniatures Communication, Scientific Prints and Popular Imagery Diaries Early Popular Imagery Dictionaries and Encyclopedias Later Prints and Printmaking Dissemination of Knowledge Republic of Letters Education Ritual, Civic and Royal Encyclope´die

272 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 SYSTEMATIC OUTLINE OF CONTENTS

Folk Tales and Fairy Tales Index of Prohibited Books 14 CONCEPTS AND IDEAS Journalism, Newspapers, and Newssheets Ancients and Moderns Journals, Literary Design Latin Determinism Libraries Enthusiasm Literacy and Reading Equality and Inequality Pornography Free Will Printing and Publishing Natural Law Public Opinion Nature Republic of Letters Noble Savage Rhetoric Passions Salons Progress Universities Providence Race, Theories of Reason Sensibility Sexual Difference, Theories of 13 PHILOSOPHY AND Sublime, Idea of the INTELLECTUAL LIFE Time, Measurement of Aristotelianism Utopia Atheism Virtue Cabala Cambridge Platonists Cartesianism 15 SCIENCE Cosmology Empiricism Acoustics Epistemology Alchemy Feminism Anatomy and Physiology Freemasonry Apothecaries Archaeology Hermeticism Astrology Historiography Astronomy Humanists and Humanism Barometer Idealism Biology Logic Botany Mechanism Calendar Moral Philosophy and Ethics Cartography and Geography Neoplatonism Chemistry Occult Philosophy Earth, Theories of the Philosophes Ethnography Philosophy Geology Political Philosophy Magic Psychology Marvels and Wonders Republic of Letters Mathematics Rosicrucianism Matter, Theories of Salamanca, School of Medicine Scholasticism Museums Skepticism: Academic and Pyrrhonian Natural History Stoicism Obstetrics and Gynecology

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 273 SYSTEMATIC OUTLINE OF CONTENTS

Optics Jews, Expulsion of (Spain; Portugal) Physics Khmelnytsky Uprising Prophecy Lepanto, Battle of Scientific Illustration Lublin, Union of (1569) Scientific Instruments Moriscos, Expulsion of (Spain) Scientific Method Nantes, Edict of Scientific Revolution Naples, Revolt of (1647) Secrets, Books of Patriot Revolution Statistics Peasants’ War, German Surgeons Poisons, Affair of the Zoology Poland, Partitions of Prague, Defenestration of Pugachev Revolt (1773–1775) Ra´ko´czi Revolt Rome, Sack of 16 TECHNOLOGY St. Bartholomew’s Day Massacre Balloons Salzburg Expulsion Barometer Time of Troubles (Russia) Chronometer Trent, Council of Clocks and Watches Union of Brest (1596) Engineering Vienna, Sieges of Civil Military Firearms Industrial Revolution 18 PLACES Industry 18.1 COUNTRIES AND REGIONS Proto-Industry Austria Shipbuilding and Navigation Balkans Surveying Baltic Nations Technology Basque Country Weights and Measures Bavaria Belarus Black Sea Steppe Bohemia Brandenburg 17 EVENTS Brittany Armada, Spanish Burgundy Augsburg, Religious Peace of (1555) Catalonia Camisard Revolt Corsica Catalonia, Revolt of (1640–1652) Cossacks Catholic League (France) Denmark Comuneros Revolt (1520–1521) Dutch Republic Diamond Necklace, Affair of England Dort, Synod of France English Civil War and Interregnum Germany, Idea of Estates-General, French Greece Estates-General, 1614 Habsburg Territories Estates-General, 1789 Hesse, Landgraviate of Fronde Hetmanate (Ukraine) Glorious Revolution (Britain) Holy Roman Empire

274 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 SYSTEMATIC OUTLINE OF CONTENTS

Hungary Edinburgh Ireland Florence Italy Frankfurt am Main Kalmar, Union of Free and Imperial Cities Lithuania, Grand Duchy of, to 1569 Gdan´sk Lorraine, Duchy of Geneva Milan Genoa Naples, Kingdom of Goa Netherlands, Southern Granada Ottoman Empire Hamburg Palatinate Hanover Parma Ju¨lich-Cleves-Berg Poland to 1569 Kiev Poland-Lithuania, Commonwealth of, La Rochelle 1569–1795 Leipzig Portugal Lima Prussia Lisbon Roma (Gypsies) London Romania Lu¨beck Russia Lviv Savoy, duchy of Lyon Saxony Macau Scotland Madrid Serbia Manila Silesia Mantua Spain Marseille Sweden Mexico City Switzerland Moscow Teutonic Knights Munich Ukraine Mu¨nster Venice New York Wu¨rttemberg, duchy of Nuremberg 18.2 CITIES Paris Amsterdam Philadelphia Antwerp Potosı´ Augsburg Prague Barcelona Rome Berlin St. Petersburg Bordeaux Seville Boston Smyrna (I˙zmir) Budapest Stockholm Buenos Aires Strasbourg Ca´diz Toledo Charleston Topkapi Palace Cologne Versailles Constantinople Vienna Cracow Vilnius Dresden Warsaw Dublin Zurich

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 275 SYSTEMATIC OUTLINE OF CONTENTS

18.3 PLACES OUTSIDE EUROPE Hohenzollern Dynasty Africa Jagiełłon Dynasty (Poland-Lithuania) North Africa Ottoman Dynasty Sub-Saharan Africa Romanov Dynasty (Russia) Arctic and Antarctic Stuart Dynasty (England and Scotland) Asia Tudor Dynasty (England) British Colonies Valois Dynasty (France) The Caribbean Vasa Dynasty (Sweden) India Wittelsbach Dynasty (Bavaria) North America Dutch Colonies 19.2 BIOGRAPHIES The Americas Addison, Joseph The East Indies Alba, Fernando A´ lvarez de Toledo, duke of Europe and the World Aldrovandi, Ulisse French Colonies Alembert, Jean Le Rond d’ The Caribbean Alexis I (Russia) India Anguissola, Sofonisba North America Anna (Russia) Levant Anne (England) Portuguese Colonies Anne of Austria Africa Anne of Brittany Brazil Arnauld Family The Indian Ocean and Asia Asam Family Madeira and the Azores Augustus II the Strong (Saxony and Poland) Spanish Colonies Avvakum Petrovich Africa and the Canary Islands Bach Family The Caribbean Bacon, Francis Mexico Bassi, Laura Other American Colonies Baxter, Richard Peru Bayle, Pierre The Philippines Beaumont and Fletcher Beccaria, Cesare Bonesana, marquis of 18.4 OCEANS AND SEAS Behn, Aphra Atlantic Ocean Bellarmine, Robert Baltic and North Seas Benedict XIV (pope) Islands Berkeley, George Mediterranean Basin Bernini, Gian Lorenzo Pacific Ocean Be´rulle, Pierre de Be`ze, The´odore de Bodin, Jean Boehme, Jacob 19 BIOGRAPHIES Boerhaave, Herman 19.1 DYNASTIES Boileau-Despre´aux, Nicolas Bourbon Dynasty (France) Boris Godunov (Russia) Bourbon Dynasty (Spain) Borromeo, Carlo Dientzenhofer Family Borromini, Francesco Habsburg Dynasty Bossuet, Jacques-Be´nigne Austria Boswell, James Spain Boucher, Franc¸ois Hanoverian Dynasty (Great Britain) Boyle, Robert

276 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 SYSTEMATIC OUTLINE OF CONTENTS

Brahe, Tycho Comenius, Jan Amos Brant, Sebastian Conde´ Family Browne, Thomas Condorcet, Marie-Jean Caritat, marquis de Bruegel Family Copernicus, Nicolaus Bruno, Giordano Cornaro Piscopia, Elena Lucrezia Bude´, Guillaume Corneille, Pierre Buffon, Georges Louis Leclerc Correggio Bullinger, Heinrich Corte´s, Herna´n Bunyan, John Coulomb, Charles-Augustin de Burke, Edmund Cranach Family Burney, Frances Cromwell, Oliver Buxtehude, Dieterich Cromwell, Thomas Caldero´n de la Barca, Pedro Cullen, William Callot, Jacques Dashkova, Princess Catherine Calvin, John David, Jacques-Louis Camo˜es, Luı´s Vaz de Dee, John Canova, Antonio Defoe, Daniel Caravaggio and Caravaggism Descartes, Rene´ Carracci Family Diderot, Denis Carriera, Rosalba Donne, John Casanova, Giacomo Girolamo Dryden, John Castiglione, Baldassare Du¨rer, Albrecht Catherine II (Russia) E´ boli, Ruy Go´mez de Silva, prince of Catherine de Me´dicis Edward VI (England) Cavendish, Margaret El Greco Caxton, William Elizabeth I (England) Cecil Family Elizabeth (Russia) Cellini, Benvenuto Ensenada, Ceno´n Somodevilla, marque´s de la Cervantes, Miguel de Erasmus, Desiderius Chardin, Jean-Baptiste-Sime´on Euler, Leonhard Charles I (England) False Dmitrii, First Charles II (England) Farnese, Isabel (Spain) Charles VIII (France) Fe´nelon, Franc¸ois Charles V (Holy Roman Empire) Ferdinand I (Holy Roman Empire) Charles VI (Holy Roman Empire) Ferdinand II (Holy Roman Empire) Charles II (Spain) Ferdinand III (Holy Roman Empire) Charles III (Spain) Ferdinand VI (Spain) Charles X Gustav (Sweden) Ferdinand of Arago´n Charles XII (Sweden) Fielding, Henry Charles the Bold (Burgundy) Fischer von Erlach, Johann Bernhard Charleton, Walter Floridablanca, Jose´Mon˜ino, count of Christina (Sweden) Fragonard, Jean-Honore´ Churchill, John, duke of Marlborough Francis I (France) Cisneros, Cardinal Francisco Jime´nez de Francis II (Holy Roman Empire) Claude Lorrain (Gelle´e) Franck, Sebastian Clouet, Franc¸ois Franc¸ois de Sales Cobos, Francisco de los Frederick III (Holy Roman Empire) Colbert, Jean-Baptiste Frederick I (Prussia) Coligny Family Frederick II (Prussia) Columbus, Christopher Frederick William (Brandenburg)

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 277 SYSTEMATIC OUTLINE OF CONTENTS

Frederick William I (Prussia) Henry IV (France) Frederick William II (Prussia) Herder, Johann Gottfried von Fugger Family Hobbes, Thomas Gabrieli, Andrea and Giovanni Hogarth, William Gainsborough, Thomas Holbach, Paul Thiry, baron d’ Galileo Galilei Holbein, Hans, the Younger Gama, Vasco da Hooke, Robert Gassendi, Pierre Hooker, Richard Gattinara, Mercurino Hume, David Gentileschi, Artemisia Huygens Family Geoffrin, Marie-The´re`se Ignatius of Loyola George I (Great Britain) Isabel Clara Eugenia and Albert of Habsburg George II (Great Britain) Isabella of Castile George III (Great Britain) Ivan III (Muscovy) Gessner, Conrad Ivan IV, ‘‘the Terrible’’ (Russia) Giambologna (Giovanni da Bologna) Jadwiga (Poland) Gianonne, Pietro James I and VI (England and Scotland) Gibbon, Edward James II (England) Gilbert, William Joanna I, ‘‘the Mad’’ (Spain) Giorgione Johnson, Samuel Glisson, Francis Jones, Inigo Gluck, Christoph Willibald von Jonson, Ben Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von Joseph I (Holy Roman Empire) Goldoni, Carlo Joseph II (Holy Roman Empire) Go´ngora y Argote, Luis de Juan de Austria, Don Goya y Lucientes, Francisco de Julius II (pope) Graunt, John Kant, Immanuel Greuze, Jean-Baptiste Kauffmann, Angelica Grimm, Friedrich Melchior von Kepler, Johannes Grimmelshausen, H. J. C. von Khmelnytsky, Bohdan Grotius, Hugo Kircher, Athanasius Guicciardini, Francesco Klopstock, Friedrich Gottlieb Guise Family Knox, John Gustavus II Adolphus (Sweden) Kochanowski, Jan Gutenberg, Johannes Kołła˛taj, Hugo Haller, Albrecht von La Bruye`re, Jean de Hals, Frans La Fayette, Marie-Madeleine de Handel, George Frideric La Fontaine, Jean de Harley, Robert La Mettrie, Julien Offroy de Harrington, James La Rochefoucauld, Franc¸ois, duc de Hartlib, Samuel Laclos, Pierre Ambroise Choderlos de Harvey, William Lagrange, Joseph-Louis Hastings, Warren Las Casas, Bartolome´de Haydn, Franz Joseph Lasso, Orlando di Helmont, Jean Baptiste van Laud, William Helve´tius, Claude-Adrien Lavoisier, Antoine Henry VII (England) Le Brun, Charles Henry VIII (England) Ledoux, Claude-Nicolas Henry II (France) Leeuwenhoek, Antoni van Henry III (France) Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm

278 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 SYSTEMATIC OUTLINE OF CONTENTS

Leo X (pope) Michelangelo Buonarroti Leonardo da Vinci Milton, John Leopold I (Holy Roman Empire) Mohyla, Peter Lerma, Francisco Go´mez de Sandoval y Molie`re Rojas, 1st duke of Montaigne, Michel de Lessing, Gotthold Ephraim Montesquieu, Charles-Louis de Secondat de Leyden, Jan van Monteverdi, Claudio L’Hoˆpital, Michel de More, Henry Linnaeus, Carl More, Thomas Lipsius, Justus Morozova, Boiarynia Locke, John Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus Louis XII (France) Muratori, Ludovico Antonio Louis XIII (France) Murillo, Bartolome´ Esteban Louis XIV (France) Nasi Family Louis XV (France) Neumann, Balthasar Louis XVI (France) Newton, Isaac Louvois, Franc¸ois Le Tellier, marquis de Nikon, patriarch Lully, Jean-Baptiste Novalis Luther, Martin Novikov, Nikolai Ivanovich Machiavelli, Niccolo` Oldenbarneveldt, Johan van Magellan, Ferdinand Oldenburg, Henry Malpighi, Marcello Olivares, Gaspar de Guzma´n y Pimentel, Mandeville, Bernard count of Mansart, Franc¸ois Oxenstierna, Axel Marguerite de Navarre Palestrina, Giovanni Pierluigi da Maria Theresa (Holy Roman Empire) Palladio, Andrea, and Palladianism Mariana, Juan de Paracelsus Marie Antoinette Parma, Alexander Farnese, duke of Marie de l’Incarnation Pascal, Blaise Marie de Me´dicis Patin˜o y Morales, Jose´ Marillac, Michel de Paul I (Russia) Marlowe, Christopher Paul III (pope) Mary I (England) Paul V (pope) Matthias (Holy Roman Empire) Peiresc, Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Maulbertsch, Franz Anton Pepys, Samuel Maximilian I (Holy Roman Empire) Perrault, Charles Maximilian II (Holy Roman Empire) Peter I (Russia) Mazarin, Jules Petty, William Mazepa, Ivan Philip II (Spain) Medici Family Philip III (Spain) Medina Sidonia, Alonso Pe´rez de Guzma´n, Philip IV (Spain) 7th duke of Philip V (Spain) Mehmed II (Ottoman Empire) Pilon, Germain Melanchthon, Philipp Piranesi, Giovanni Battista Mendelssohn, Moses Pitt, William the Elder and Mengs, Anton Raphael William the Younger Merian, Maria Sibylla Pius IV (pope) Mersenne, Marin Pius V (pope) Mesmer, Franz Anton Pizarro Brothers Michael Romanov (Russia) Pompadour, Jeanne-Antoinette Poisson

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 279 SYSTEMATIC OUTLINE OF CONTENTS

Poniatowski, Stanisław II Augustus Steno, Nicolaus Pope, Alexander Stephen Ba´thory Poussin, Nicolas Sterne, Laurence Pre´vost d’Exiles, Antoine-Franc¸ois Suleiman I Priestley, Joseph Swift, Jonathan Prokopovich, Feofan Tasso, Torquato Purcell, Henry Teresa of A´ vila Rabelais, Franc¸ois Thomasius, Christian Racine, Jean Tiepolo, Giovanni Battista Rameau, Jean-Philippe Tilly, Johann Tserclaes of Ramus, Petrus Tintoretto Raphael Titian Ray, John Urban VIII (pope) Razin, Stepan Van Dyck, Anthony Rembrandt van Rijn Vasari, Giorgio Reynolds, Joshua Vasilii III (Muscovy) Richardson, Samuel Vaughan, Thomas Richelieu, Armand-Jean Du Plessis, cardinal Vega, Lope de Robertson, William Vela´zquez, Diego Rousseau, Jean-Jacques Vermeer, Jan Rubens, Peter Paul Veronese (Paolo Caliari) Rudolf II (Holy Roman Empire) Vesalius, Andreas Ruysch, Rachel Vico, Giovanni Battista Sade, Donatien-Alphonse-Franc¸ois de Victoria, Toma´s Luis de Saint-Simon, Louis de Rouvroy Vie`te, Franc¸ois Sarpi, Paolo (Pietro) Vige´e-Lebrun, Elisabeth Scarlatti, Domenico and Alessandro Vincent de Paul Schiller, Johann Christoph Friedrich von Schu¨tz, Heinrich Vivaldi, Antonio Scude´ry, Madeleine de Vives, Juan Luis Sepu´lveda, Juan Gine´s de Voltaire Se´vigne´, Marie de Vouet, Simon Shabbetai Tzevi Wallenstein, A. W. E. von Shakespeare, William Walpole, Horace Sheridan, Richard Brinsley Watteau, Antoine Sidney, Philip Wesley Family Sigismund II Augustus (Poland, Lithuania) Wieland, Christoph Martin Sinan Wilkins, John Sixtus V (pope) William and Mary Sleidanus, Johannes William of Orange Smith, Adam Winckelmann, Johann Joachim Smollett, Tobias Witt, Johan and Cornelis de Smotrytskyi, Meletii Władysław II Jagiełło (Poland) Sofiia Alekseevna Wolff, Christian Spenser, Edmund Wren, Christopher Spinoza, Baruch Zinzendorf, Nikolaus Ludwig von Sprat, Thomas Zurbara´n, Francisco de Steele, Richard Zwingli, Huldrych

280 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 DIRECTORY OF CONTRIBUTORS

O. W. ABI-MERSHED VIRGINIA H. AKSAN WILDA CHRISTINE Georgetown University McMaster University ANDERSON Africa: North Africa Sultan Johns Hopkins University Vizier Condorcet, Marie-Jean Caritat, marquis de ANN JENSEN ADAMS Lavoisier, Antoine University of California, KEN ALBALA Santa Barbara University of the Pacific WALTER G. ANDREWS Netherlands, Art in the: Art Consumption University of Washington in Flanders, 1585–1700 Turkish Literature and Language Netherlands, Art in the: Art AMIR ALEXANDER in the Netherlands, Author of Geometrical WILBUR APPLEBAUM 1500–1585 Landscapes: The Voyages of Illinois Institute of Technology Netherlands, Art in the: Art Discovery and the Copernicus, Nicolaus in the Northern Transformation of Mathematical Netherlands, Practice KARL APPUHN 1585–1700 Euler, Leonhard University of Oregon Rembrandt van Rijn Lagrange, Joseph-Louis Genoa Mathematics IAN W. ARCHER CHRISTINE ADAMS Vie`te, Franc¸ois Keble College, Oxford University St. Mary’s College London Bordeaux MICHAEL J. B. ALLEN Bourgeoisie University of California, ROGER ARIEW Los Angeles Virginia Polytechnic Institute and University GA´ BOR A´ GOSTON Neoplatonism Aristotelianism Georgetown University

Budapest GLENN J. AMES RONALD G. ASCH Hungarian Literature University of Toledo University of Osnabru¨ck and Language Colbert, Jean-Baptiste Aristocracy and Gentry Hungary French Colonies: India Court and Courtiers Ra´ko´czi Revolt Gama, Vasco da Thirty Years’ War Vienna, Sieges of Mercantilism (1618–1648)

281 DIRECTORY OF CONTRIBUTORS

WILLIAM B. ASHWORTH, JR. PAUL BAROLSKY WILLIAM BEIK University of University of Virginia Emory University Leeuwenhoek, Antoni van Vasari, Giorgio Popular Protest and Steno, Nicolaus Rebellions M. ELIZABETH C. BARTLET CHRISTOPHER D. M. ATKINS Duke University KEITH R. BENSON Museum of Fine Arts, Boston Gluck, Christoph National Science Foundation Hals, Frans Willibald von Buffon, Georges Louis Ruysch, Rachel Rameau, Jean-Philippe Leclerc Vermeer, Jan GEORGE C. BAUER CRISTIAN BERCO CRAIG D. ATWOOD ASSOCIATE EDITOR University of Toronto Author of Community of the University of California, Irvine Moriscos Cross: Moravian Piety in Academies of Art Moriscos, Expulsion of Colonial Bethlehem Bernini, Gian Lorenzo Zinzendorf, Nikolaus Caricature and Cartoon ROBERT W. BERGER Ludwig von Prints and Popular Imagery: Author of A Royal Passion: Louis Later Prints and XIV as Patron of Architecture Printmaking Art: Art Exhibitions MICHAEL AUSTIN Shepherd College LINDA F. BAUER Pepys, Samuel JOSEPH BERGIN ASSOCIATE EDITOR University of Manchester University of California, Irvine Marillac, Michel de DAMIAN BACICH Forgeries, Copies, and Casts Richelieu, Armand-Jean Du University of California, Maulbertsch, Franz Anton Plessis, cardinal Los Angeles Vives, Juan Luis FREDERIC J. BAUMGARTNER ZVI BIENER Virginia Polytechnic Institute University of Pittsburgh MARTHA BALDWIN and State University Physics Stonehill College Anne of Brittany Chronometer Authority, Concept of ROBERT BIRELEY Clocks and Watches Charles VIII (France) Loyola University Gilbert, William Charles the Bold Ferdinand II (Holy (Burgundy) Roman Empire) PETER BARKER Francis I (France) University of Henry II (France) JEREMY BLACK Cosmology Louis XII (France) University of Exeter Kepler, Johannes Anne (England) Stoicism CHARLES BEDDINGTON Cateau-Cambre´sis (1559) Beddington and Blackman Ltd., England G. J. BARKER-BENFIELD London George I (Great Britain) University at Albany, State Veduta (View Painting) George II (Great Britain) University of New York George III (Great Britain) Sensibility WOLFGANG BEHRINGER Gibbon, Edward University of York, U.K. Grand Tour ROBIN B. BARNES Bavaria Habsburg-Valois Wars Davidson College Postal Systems Laud, William Apocalypticism Wittelsbach Dynasty Pyrenees, Peace of the Prophecy (Bavaria) (1659)

282 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 DIRECTORY OF CONTRIBUTORS

CONSTANCE BLACKWELL JAMES M. BOYDEN STUART BROWN Foundation for Intellectual Tulane University Open University, U.K. History E´ boli, Ruy Go´mez de Silva, Empiricism Logic prince of Philip II (Spain) DANIEL BROWNSTEIN ANN BLAIR Independent Scholar, Bologna Harvard University JOHN K. BRACKETT Cartography and Geography Dictionaries and University of Cincinnati Encyclopedias Crime and Punishment GAYLE K. BRUNELLE California State University, BRIAN BOECK Fullerton THOMAS A. BRADY, JR. Harvard University Communication and University of California, Berkeley Fur Trade: Russia Transportation Augsburg, Religious Peace Imperial Expansion, Russia of (1555) Serfdom in Russia LAWRENCE M. BRYANT Germany, Idea of California State University, Holy Roman Empire DONNA BOHANAN Chico Auburn University Institutions Ritual, Civic and Royal Marseille KATHRYN BRAMMALL ALMUT BUES REBECCA BOONE Truman State University German Historical Institute, Lamar University Museums Warsaw Cambrai, League of (1508) Baltic Nations Gentleman CAROL M. BRESNAHAN Savoy, duchy of University of Toledo DOROTHEA BURNS Daily Life Harvard College Libraries PETER BORSAY Florence Pastel University of Wales, Lampeter Medici Family Spas and Resorts Pawning PAUL BUSKOVITCH Yale University

GAIL BOSSENGA DANIEL BREWER Alexis I (Russia) University of University of Minnesota Boris Godunov (Russia) Citizenship Encyclope´die Duma Ivan III (Muscovy) Philosophes RUTH BOTTIGHEIMER Ivan IV, ‘‘the Terrible’’ State University of New York (Russia) THOMAS H. BROMAN at Stony Brook Michael Romanov (Russia) University of Wisconsin, Madison Folk Tales and Fairy Tales Oprichnina Medicine Romanov Dynasty (Russia) D’A. J. D. BOULTON Russia University of Notre Dame DAVID BROMWICH Sofiia Alekseevna Heraldry Yale University Vasilii III (Muscovy) Burke, Edmund CYNTHIA BOUTON Sublime, Idea of the WILLIAM CAFERRO Texas A & M University Vanderbilt University Food Riots KENDALL W. BROWN Accounting and Brigham Young University Bookkeeping BARBARA C. BOWEN Corte´s, Herna´n Banking and Credit Vanderbilt University Pizarro Brothers Late Middle Ages Humor Potosı´ Mercenaries

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 283 DIRECTORY OF CONTRIBUTORS

EUAN K. CAMERON Casanova, Giacomo GEOFFREY CLARK Union Theological Seminary Girolamo State University of New York Clergy: Protestant Clergy Drama: Italian at Potsdam Goldoni, Carlo Insurance JODI CAMPBELL Italian Literature Texas Christian University and Language HENRY CLARK Caldero´n de la Barca, Pedro Canisius College Charles II (Spain) STUART CARROLL La Rochefoucauld, Drama: Spanish and University of York, U.K. Franc¸ois, duc de Portuguese Catherine de Me´dicis Vega, Lope de Catholic League (France) RICHARD CLEARY University of Texas at Austin ˜ Coligny Family JORGE CANIZAZES- City Planning ESGUERRA Guise Family Ledoux, Claude-Nicolas University at Buffalo, State Henry III (France) University of New York L’Hoˆpital, Michel de Race, Theories of JAMES CLIFTON DAVID CAST Museum of Fine Arts, Houston BERNARD CAPP Bryn Mawr College Naples, Art in University of Warwick Britain, Architecture in English Civil War Radicalism Jones, Inigo LOUISE GEORGE CLUBB Wren, Christopher University of California, Berkeley MICHAEL CARHART Commedia dell’Arte University of Neveda, Reno FRANCESCO C. CESAREO Ethnography John Carroll University NICHOLAS H. CLULEE Herder, Johann Bellarmine, Robert Frostburg State University Gottfried von Borromeo, Carlo Dee, John Noble Savage Catholic Spirituality Travel and Travel Literature and Mysticism TIMOTHY J. COATES Reformation, Catholic College of Charleston MARYBETH CARLSON Theology Goa University of Dayton Macau Servants SARA E. CHAPMAN Portuguese Colonies: The Oakland University Indian Ocean and Asia CHARLES CARLTON Bossuet, Jacques-Be´nigne North Carolina State University Fe´nelon, Franc¸ois MICHAEL COLE Charles I (England) Mazarin, Jules University of North Carolina Cellini, Benvenuto ANN CARMICHAEL Giambologna (Giovanni Indiana University LESLIE CHOQUETTE da Bologna) Plague Assumption College French Colonies: DAVID W. CARRITHERS North America JAMES B. COLLINS University of Tennessee, Georgetown University Chattanooga ALVIN L. CLARK, JR. Absolutism Montesquieu, Charles-Louis Fogg Art Museum, Harvard Brittany de Secondat de Callot, Jacques Class, Status, and Order Claude Lorrain (Gelle´e) LINDA L. CARROLL Le Brun, Charles MARSHA S. COLLINS Tulane University Poussin, Nicolas University of North Carolina Carnival Vouet, Simon Go´ngora y Argote, Luis de

284 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 DIRECTORY OF CONTRIBUTORS

STEPHEN L. COLLINS Sports Razin, Stepan Babson College Russo-Polish Wars Reason ALEXANDER COWAN Time of Troubles (Russia) Northumbria University, U.K. WILLIAM CONNELL Lu¨beck J. M. DE BUJANDA Seton Hall University University of Sherbrooke, Quebec Grotius, Hugo DAVID L. COWEN Index of Prohibited Books Rutgers University (Emeritus) NOBLE DAVID COOK Apothecaries MICHEL DE WAELE International University University of Quebec, Chicoutimi Spanish Colonies: Peru KATHERINE CRAWFORD Anne of Austria Vanderbilt University Assassination J. P. D. COOPER Sexuality and Sexual Fronde University of Sussex Behavior Edward VI (England) Officeholding DANIEL A. CREWS BERNARD DOV COOPERMAN DAVID J. DENBY Central Missouri State University Dublin City University University of Maryland Cobos, Francisco de los Messianism, Jewish Passions Nasi Family DAVID M. CROWE DENNIS DES CHENE Elon College KEVIN L. COPE Washington University, St. Louis Roma (Gypsies) State University Determinism Pope, Alexander Mechanism JOHN CUNNALLY Psychology Iowa State University LESLEY CORMACK Coins and Medals University of Alberta DOMINIQUE DESLANDRES Arctic and Antarctic NICHOLAS P. CUSHNER University of Montreal Surveying State University of New York, Be´rulle, Pierre de Empire State College Franc¸ois de Sales FANNY COSANDEY Marie de l’Incarnation University of Nantes Spanish Colonies: The Philippines Missions, Parish Queens and Empresses Quietism Seminary ALLISON P. COUDERT DAVID DANIELL Vincent de Paul Princeton University University of London (Emeritus) Cabala Bible: Interpretation JONATHAN DEWALD Magic Bible: Translations and Editions EDITOR IN CHIEF University at Buffalo, State EDWARD COUNTRYMAN University of New York Southern Methodist University GRAHAM DARBY American Independence, King Edward VI School, Bourbon Dynasty (France) War of (1775–1783) Bournemouth, U.K. Diamond Necklace, Affair of Wallenstein, A. W. E. von Espionage HOWARD COUTTS Westphalia, Peace of (1648) France Josephine & John Bowes Museum Industrial Revolution Ceramics, Pottery, and BRIAN DAVIES Rentiers Porcelain University of Texas Valois Dynasty (France) Andrusovo, Truce of (1667) SARAH COVINGTON Black Sea Steppe DONALD R. DICKSON Elizabethtown College False Dmitrii, First Texas A & M University Clothing Livonian War (1558–1583) Utopia

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 285 DIRECTORY OF CONTRIBUTORS

BARBARA B. DIEFENDORF THERESA EARENFIGHT ZIRKA ZAREMBA FILIPCZAK Boston University Seattle University Williams College St. Bartholomew’s Ferdinand of Arago´n Rubens, Peter Paul Day Massacre Van Dyck, Anthony GLENN EHRSTINE THOMAS DIPIERO University of Iowa NENAD FILIPOVIC University of Rochester Brant, Sebastian Princeton University Sade, Donatien-Alphonse- German Literature Balkans Franc¸ois de and Language Porte

SIMON DITCHFIELD EMLYN EISENACH MAX FINCHER University of York, U.K. Independent Scholar Independent Scholar, Hagiography Concubinage Aylesbury, U.K. Divorce Addison, Joseph WILLIAM DONOVAN Marriage Fielding, Henry Loyola College Johnson, Samuel Lisbon MARTIN MALCOLM ELBL Richardson, Samuel Trent University, Otonabee Steele, Richard BRENDAN DOOLEY College Swift, Jonathan International University, Bremen Portuguese Colonies: Africa Gianonne, Pietro PAULA FINDLEN Muratori, Ludovico Antonio J. H. ELLIOTT Stanford University Printing and Publishing Oriel College, Oxford University Academies, Learned Olivares, Gaspar de Guzma´n Aldrovandi, Ulisse SUSAN DORAN y Pimentel, Count of Bassi, Laura Christ Church College, Kircher, Athanasius Oxford University LEE MATTHEW ESCANDON Pornography Church of England Princeton University Victoria, Toma´s Luis de MARY FISCHER MICHAEL D. DRIEDGER Brock University Napier University Anabaptism DOREEN EVENDEN Teutonic Knights Hamburg McMaster University Pietism Motherhood and MARY E. FISSELL Childbearing Johns Hopkins University ROBERT S. DUPLESSIS Midwives Swarthmore College JAMES R. FARR Obstetrics and Gynecology Crisis of the Seventeenth Purdue University Sexual Difference, Century Artisans Theories of Guilds FRANCIS A. DUTRA Proto-Industry KATE FLEET University of California, Strikes Newnham College, Cambridge Santa Barbara University Portugal GAIL FEIGENBAUM Levant Portuguese Colonies: Brazil Getty Research Institute Mehmed II Portuguese Colonies: Carracci Family (Ottoman Empire) Madeira and the Azores Ottoman Dynasty PALOMA FERNA´ NDEZ-PE´ REZ WILLIAM EAMON BENEDETTO FONTANA State University Ca´diz Baruch College Secrets, Books of Charles III (Spain) Democracy

286 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 DIRECTORY OF CONTRIBUTORS

KRISTINE K. FORNEY THOMAS A. FUDGE GUIDO GIGLIONI California State University, University of Canterbury, Massachusetts Institute of Long Beach New Zealand Technology Gabrieli, Andrea and Hussites Anatomy and Physiology Giovanni Harvey, William Lasso, Orlando di RADEK FUKALA Malpighi, Marcello Silesian University at Opava Vesalius, Andreas Silesia MARC FORSTER EMMA GILBY Connecticut College JOHN G. GAGLIARDO Gonville and Caius College, Febronianism Boston University Cambridge University Enlightened Despotism Pascal, Blaise JULIAN H. FRANKLIN Columbia University ALISON GAMES JULIANNE GILLAND Bodin, Jean Georgetown University University of California, Berkeley Atlantic Ocean Ensenada, Ceno´n Somodevilla, DAVID FRICK marque´s de la University of California, Berkeley ELENI GARA Floridablanca, Jose´Mon˜ino, Cracow University of the Aegean, count of Gdan´sk Mytilene, Greece Greece Kiev JOHN R. GILLIS Kochanowski, Jan JOHN GARRIGUS Rutgers University Kołła˛taj, Hugo Jacksonville University Islands Lithuania, Grand Duchy of, French Colonies: to 1569 JAN GLETE The Caribbean Lithuanian Literature Stockholm University Navy and Language HILARY GATTI Lviv University of Rome, La Sapienza THOMAS F. GLICK Mohyla, Peter Bruno, Giordano Polish Literature Boston University Colonialism and Language SUZANNE GEARHART Magellan, Ferdinand Reformations in Eastern University of California, Irvine Scientific Instruments Europe: Protestant, Pre´vost d’Exiles, Catholic, and Orthodox Antoine-Franc¸ois DANIEL GOFFMAN Sarmatism Ball State University Smotrytskyi, Meletii TOBY GELFAND Smyrna (I˙zmir) Ukrainian Literature University of Ottawa and Language Surgeons ELIZABETH C. GOLDSMITH Vilnius Boston University Warsaw IAN GENTLES La Fayette, Glendon College, York Marie-Madeleine de University, Toronto J. WILLIAM FROST Molie`re Cromwell, Oliver Swarthmore College (Emeritus) Scude´ry, Madeleine de English Civil War and Quakers Se´vigne´, Marie de Interregnum JAMES L. GOLDSMITH ROBERT I. FROST JANIS M. GIBBS University of Oklahoma King’s College London Hope College Economic Crises Northern Wars Cologne Feudalism

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 287 DIRECTORY OF CONTRIBUTORS

JAMES GOODALE Hartlib, Samuel EMILY R. GROSHOLZ Bucknell University Huguenots Pennsylvania State University Augustus II the Strong Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm (Saxony and Poland) TOBIAS GREGORY Saxony University of California, DAVID GRUMMITT Northridge History of Parliament Trust, BRUCE GORDON Tasso, Torquato London University of St. Andrews, Cecil Family Scotland PAUL F. GRENDLER Henry VII (England) Bullinger, Heinrich ASSOCIATE EDITOR James I and VI Zurich University of Toronto (Emeritus) (England and Scotland) Zwingli, Huldrych Advice and Etiquette Books Star Chamber Benedict XIV (pope) Stuart Dynasty DAVID M. GORDON Censorship (England and Scotland) University of Maryland City-State Tudor Dynasty (England) Africa: Sub-Saharan Cornaro Piscopia, Elena Lucrezia ANITA GUERRINI MICHAH GOTTLIEB University of California, Brown University Education Mendelssohn, Moses Machiavelli, Niccolo` Santa Barbara Mantua Zoology KENNETH GOUWENS Parma University of Connecticut Progress GAY GULLICKSON Rome Renaissance University of Maryland Rome, Sack of Universities Textile Industry

PAOLO GOZZA JACQUES M. GRES-GAYER CHARLES D. GUNNOE, JR. University of Bologna Catholic University of America, Aquinas College Acoustics Washington Palatinate Gallicanism LISA JANE GRAHAM Jansenism BRUCE GUSTAFSON Haverford College Urban VIII (pope) Franklin and Marshall College Lettre de Cachet Lully, Jean-Baptiste EVA GRIFFITH MARK GRANQUIST King’s College London DOROTHY METZGER HABEL Gustavus Adolphus College Jonson, Ben University of Tennessee Swedenborgianism Marlowe, Christopher Rome, Architecture in Shakespeare, William RICHARD L. GREAVES ERIK J. HADLEY Florida State University ULRICH GROETSCH University at Buffalo, State Bunyan, John Rutgers University University of New York

MOLLY GREENE Lessing, Gotthold Ephraim National Identity Princeton University Wieland, Christoph Martin Mediterranean Basin Wolff, Christian MICHAEL HAKKENBERG Piracy Roanoke University EDDY GROOTES Dort, Synod of MARK GREENGRASS University of Amsterdam University of Sheffield (Emeritus) MARY HOYT HALAVAIS Comenius, Jan Amos Dutch Literature Sonoma State University Conde´ Family and Language Madrid

288 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 DIRECTORY OF CONTRIBUTORS

MARCIA B. HALL TIM HARRIS Palestrina, Giovanni Temple University Brown University Pierluigi da Mannerism Exclusion Crisis Schu¨tz, Heinrich Glorious Revolution Vivaldi, Antonio FIONA DEANS HALLORAN (Britain)

University of California, James II (England) MARY HENNINGER-VOSS Los Angeles Political Parties in England Princeton University Boston William and Mary Engineering: Civil Charleston Engineering: Military New York PETER HARRISON Technology Philadelphia Bond University, Australia Design JOHN HENRY MICHAEL HAMMER Enthusiasm University of Edinburgh University of California, Glisson, Francis Los Angeles GARY HATFIELD Spanish Literature University of Pennsylvania Hooke, Robert and Language Epistemology Matter, Theories of Scientific Revolution RACHEL HAMMERSLEY JOHN B. HATTENDORF University of Sussex U.S. Naval War College WILLIAM L. HINE Harrington, James Anglo-Dutch Naval Wars York University, Toronto Idealism Mersenne, Marin J. MICHAEL HAYDEN University of Saskatchewan GREGORY HANLON KEITH HITCHINS Dalhousie University Estates-General, University of Illinois French: 1614 Italian Wars (1494–1559) Romania Italy PATRICK MARSHALL ¨ Milan HAYDEN-ROY LOTHAR HOBELT Wesleyan University University of Vienna JAMES D. HARDY, JR. Franck, Sebastian Ferdinand III (Holy Louisiana State University Roman Empire) Frederick II (Prussia) DAVID L. HAYS Frederick William I (Prussia) University of Illinois TIMOTHY HOCHSTRASSER Joseph II (Holy Gardens and Parks London School of Economics Roman Empire) Picturesque Thomasius, Christian

DONALD J. HARRELD RANDOLPH C. HEAD PHILIP T. HOFFMAN Brigham Young University University of California, California Institute of Technology Dutch Revolt (1568–1648) Riverside Agriculture Reformation, Protestant Spanish Colonies: Other JOEL F. HARRINGTON Switzerland American Colonies Vanderbilt University Childhood and Childrearing LEX HEERMA VAN VOSS Family International Institute of Social PAUL M. HOHENBERG Nuremberg History, Netherlands Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute Youth Baltic and North Seas Cities and Urban Life

ALICE K. HARRIS WENDY HELLER THOMAS HOLDEN Georgia State University Princeton University Syracuse University Granada Monteverdi, Claudio Philosophy

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 289 DIRECTORY OF CONTRIBUTORS

MACK P. HOLT Du¨rer, Albrecht FREDRIKA H. JACOBS George Mason University Holbein, Hans, the Younger Virginia Commonwealth Burgundy Prints and Popular Imagery: University Wars of Religion, French Early Popular Imagery Anguissola, Sofonisba

R. P. HOME BRUCE B. JANZ RONALD HUTTON University of Melbourne University of Central Florida Bristol University Coulomb, Charles- Jacob Boehme Augustin de Charles II (England) MARK JENNER ROSAMOND HOOPER- SARAH HUTTON University of York, U.K. HAMERSLEY Middlesex University Sanitation New Jersey City University Cambridge Platonists Geoffrin, Marie-The´re`se More, Henry DE LAMAR JENSEN Marie Antoinette Oldenburg, Henry Brigham Young University Pompadour, Jeanne- Vaughan, Thomas (Emeritus) Antoinette Poisson Diplomacy

R. A. HOUSTON MELISSA HYDE University of St. Andrews University of Florida CHRISTOPHER M. S. JOHNS Capitalism Boucher, Franc¸ois University of Virginia Edinburgh Rococo Canova, Antonio Literacy and Reading Mengs, Anton Raphael Neoclassicism Scotland ROB ILIFFE Imperial College, London DOROTHY JOHNSON JEREMY HOWARD Astronomy University of St. Andrews University of Iowa Central Europe, Art in David, Jacques-Louis COLIN IMBER Greuze, Jean-Baptiste WILLIAM V. HUDON University of Manchester Bloomsburg University Islam in the JAMES JOHNSON Catholicism Ottoman Empire Boston University Church and State Relations Ottoman Empire Music Suleiman I Opera MARK HULLIUNG Brandeis University ¨ CHARLES INGRAO ROBERT JUTTE Helve´tius, Claude-Adrien Purdue University Institute for the History of Austria Medicine, Stuttgart ALAN HUNT Banditry Carleton University Joseph I (Holy Vagrants and Beggars Sumptuary Laws Roman Empire)

C¸IG˘ DEM KAFESCIOG˘ LU JOHN J. HURT MALCOLM JACK Bogazici University, Istanbul University of Delaware Author of Sintra: A Glorious Law’s System Sinan Eden Topkapi Palace Parlements Mandeville, Bernard Regency FRANK KAFKER JANE CAMPBELL K. DAVID JACKSON University of Cincinnati HUTCHISON Yale University (Emeritus) University of Wisconsin Portuguese Literature Holbach, Paul Thiry, Cranach Family and Language baron d’

290 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 DIRECTORY OF CONTRIBUTORS

MICHAEL KAISER SHARON KETTERING ZENON KOHUT University of Cologne Montgomery College, Maryland University of Alberta Tilly, Johann Tserclaes of (Emerita) Hetmanate (Ukraine) Patronage Mazepa, Ivan THOMAS E. KAISER ROBERT KOLB University of TANYA KEVORKIAN Property Millersville University Concordia Seminary Bach Family Melanchthon, Philipp MARCIN KAMLER Leipzig Independent Scholar, Warsaw JACK KOLLMANN Jadwiga (Poland) Stanford University MARIE SEONG-HAK KIM Jagiełłon Dynasty Clergy: Russian Orthodox St. Cloud State University (Poland-Lithuania) Clergy Law: Lawyers Lublin, Union of (1569) Moscow Poissy, Colloquy of Poland to 1569 Orthodoxy, Russian Poland-Lithuania, Russia, Architecture in Commonwealth of, MARGARET L. KING Russia, Art in 1569–1795 Brooklyn College, City University St. Petersburg Poniatowski, Stanisław II of New York Augustus Venice MILTON KOOISTRA Sigismund II Augustus University of Toronto (Poland, Lithuania) JAMES M. KITTELSON Ancient World Latin Stephen Ba´thory Luther Seminary 3 May Constitution Luther, Martin CRAIG KOSLOFSKY Władysław II Jagiełło Lutheranism University of Illinois (Poland) Holy Roman Empire HANNES KLEINEKE SUSAN C. KARANT-NUNN History of Parliament Trust, JOSEPH W. KOTERSKI University of London Fordham University Ritual, Religious Hanoverian Dynasty More, Thomas (Great Britain) JONATHAN KARP ELMAR KREMER State University of New York, WIM KLOOSTER University of Toronto (Emeritus) Binghamton University of Southern Maine Free Will Jews, Attitudes toward Dutch Colonies: Jews and Judaism The Americas MARK KROLL Trading Companies Boston University DONALD KELLEY Triangular Trade Pattern Monteverdi, Claudio ASSOCIATE EDITOR Palestrina, Giovanni Rutgers University Pierluigi da LOUIS KNAFLA Republic of Letters Schu¨tz, Heinrich University of Calgary Sleidanus, Johannes Vivaldi, Antonio Ramus, Petrus Violence JAMES KELLY ROGER KUIN Dublin City University York University, Toronto Dublin PAUL KNEVEL Sidney, Philip University of Amsterdam EDMUND M. KERN Oldenbarneveldt, Johan van MICHAEL KWASS Lawrence University Sea Beggars University of Georgia Habsburg Territories William of Orange Equality and Inequality

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 291 DIRECTORY OF CONTRIBUTORS

Taxation MICHAEL LEVIN PAUL DOUGLAS LOCKHART University of Akron Wright State University CHRIS R. KYLE Gattinara, Mercurino Denmark Henry E. Huntington Library, JOSEPH M. LEVINE San Marino, Calif. PAMELA O. LONG Syracuse University Parliament Author of Openness, Secrecy, Ancients and Moderns Authorship: Technical Arts and JOHN CHRISTIAN LAURSEN the Culture of Knowledge from MARY L. LEVKOFF University of California, Antiquity to the Renaissance Riverside Los Angeles County Communication, Scientific Skepticism: Academic Museum of Art Nature and Pyrrhonian Clouet, Franc¸ois Fontainebleau, School of Scientific Method T. J. A. LE GOFF Pilon, Germain York University, Toronto CAROLYN C. LOUGEE Intendants VICTOR MORALES LEZCANO Stanford University Louis XV (France) Institute for Historical Research– Salons Louis XVI (France) UNED, Madrid Spanish Colonies: Africa and HOWARD LOUTHAN the Canary Islands NATHALIE LECOMTE University of Florida Independent Scholar, Bohemia Palaiseau, France CHARLES LILLEY Dance Asia THOMAS M. LUCKETT DAVID LEDERER MARY LINDEMANN Portland State University Institute for European Cultural Carnegie Mellon University Interest History, Augsburg Public Health Popular Culture MARVIN LUNENFELD CHARLES LIPP State University of New York, University at Buffalo, State ELIZABETH LEHFELDT Fredonia Cleveland State University University of New York Las Casas, Bartolome´de Joanna I, ‘‘the Mad’’ Lorraine, Duchy of Sepu´lveda, Juan Gine´s de (Spain) PEGGY K. LISS CHRISTOPHER I. LEHRICH Author of Isabel the Queen: WALLACE MACCAFFREY Boston University Life and Times Cambridge University Hermeticism Cisneros, Cardinal Elizabeth I (England) Occult Philosophy Francisco Jime´nez de Isabella of Castile DIARMAID MACCULLOCH HOWARD LEITHEAD St. Cross College, Trinity College, Cambridge DONALD W. LIVINGSTON Oxford University University Emory University Knox, John Cromwell, Thomas Hume, David Mary I (England)

THOMAS M. LENNON MICHAEL LOBBAN Talbot College, University of Queen Mary College, PETER MACHAMER Western Ontario University of London University of Pittsburgh Bayle, Pierre Law: Common Law Physics

292 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 DIRECTORY OF CONTRIBUTORS

RUTH MACKAY WILLY MALEY Russian Literature Author of The Limits of Royal University of Glasgow and Language Authority: Resistance and Spenser, Edmund Obedience in Seventeenth- GUIDO MARNEF Century Castile WILLIAM S. MALTBY University of Antwerp Catalonia, Revolt of University of Missouri, St. Louis Antwerp (1640–1652) (Emeritus) Alba, Fernando A´ lvarez de Lerma, Francisco Go´mez de PETER MARSHALL Toledo, duke of Sandoval y Rojas, University of Warwick Charles V (Holy 1st duke of Death and Dying Mariana, Juan de Roman Empire) Philip III (Spain) CARLOS MARTI´NEZ-SHAW Philip IV (Spain) ELIZABETH MANCKE Universidad Nacional de Salamanca, School of University of Akron Utrecht, Peace of (1713) Educacio´n a Distancia Bourbon Dynasty (Spain) RICHARD MACKENNEY Farnese, Isabel (Spain) University of Edinburgh JUDITH MANN Ferdinand VI (Spain) Industry St. Louis Art Museum Gentileschi, Artemisia Patin˜o y Morales, Jose´ KERRY V. MAGRUDER Philip V (Spain) University of Oklahoma RICHARD G. MANN Earth, Theories of the San Francisco State University LINDA MARTZ Geology El Greco Independent Scholar, Murillo, Bartolome´ Esteban Bethesda, Maryland MICHAEL W. MAHER Vela´zquez, Diego Comuneros Revolt St. Louis University Zurbara´n, Francisco de (1520–1521) Clergy: Roman Catholic Conversos Clergy KENNETH H. MARCUS Toledo Ignatius of Loyola University of La Verne Jesuits Wu¨rttemberg, duchy of ANNE E. C. MCCANTS Religious Orders Massachusetts Institute of JOHN A. MARINO Technology University of California, WALTRAUD MAIERHOFER Orphans and Foundlings San Diego University of Iowa Poverty Goethe, Johann Naples, Kingdom of Naples, Revolt of (1647) Wolfgang von DIANE KELSEY MCCOLLEY

GARY MARKER Rutgers University (Emerita) GEORGE P. MAJESKA Milton, John University of Maryland State University of New York Orthodoxy, Greek at Stony Brook Anna (Russia) ANITA MCCONNELL ANDREW MAJESKE Catherine II (Russia) Oxford University Press, U.K. University of California, Davis Dashkova, Princess Barometer Hooker, Richard Catherine Elizabeth (Russia) WILLIAM MCCUAIG GREGORY MALDONADO Novikov, Nikolai Ivanovich Independent Scholar, Toronto California State University, Paul I (Russia) Beccaria, Cesare Bonesana, Long Beach Peter I (Russia) marquis of Buxtehude, Dieterich Prokopovich, Feofan Guicciardini, Francesco Scarlatti, Domenico Pugachev Revolt Republicanism and Alessandro (1773–1775) Sarpi, Paolo (Pietro)

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 293 DIRECTORY OF CONTRIBUTORS

RORY MCENTEGART SARA H. MENDELSON PETER N. MILLER American College, Dublin McMaster University Bard College Henry VIII (England) Diaries Peiresc, Nicolas-Claude Fabri de JOHN MCERLEAN MICHAEL P. MEZZATESTA York University, Toronto Duke University NELSON H. MINNICH Corsica Sculpture Catholic University of America Leo X (pope) GEORG MICHELS FREDERICK J. MCGINNESS Papacy and Papal States University of California, Mount Holyoke College Trent, Council of Riverside Anticlericalism Avvakum Petrovich Nepotism VERNON HYDE MINOR Morozova, Boiarynia Paul III (pope) University of Colorado, Boulder Nikon, patriarch Paul V (pope) Early Modern Period: Art Old Believers Pius IV (pope) Historical Interpretations Pius V (pope) RICHARD MIDDLETON BONNER MITCHELL Preaching and Sermons Queens University, Belfast Sixtus V (pope) University of Missouri–Columbia British Colonies: Festivals North America Tournament ANTONY MCKENNA Navigation Acts Jean-Monnet University Arnauld Family LYNN WOOD MOLLENAUER H. C. ERIK MIDELFORT University of North Carolina ASSOCIATE EDITOR Poisons, Affair of the ANNE MCLAREN University of Virginia Versailles University of Liverpool Habsburg Dynasty: Austria Divine Right Kingship Ju¨lich-Cleves-Berg Madness and Melancholy W. GREGORY MONAHAN Eastern Oregon State College SUSAN MCMAHON Prague, Defenestration of Suicide Camisard Revolt Independent Scholar, Lyon Cochrane, Alberta Witchcraft Ray, John JENNIFER D. MILAM MICHAEL L. MONHEIT University of Sydney University of South DAVID O. MCNEIL Fragonard, Jean-Honore´ Calvin, John San Jose State University Games and Play Bude´, Guillaume Vige´e-Lebrun, Elisabeth PAUL MONOD Middlebury College MARK A. MEADOW MARGARET M. MILES Monarchy University of California, University of California, Irvine Political Secularization Santa Barbara Archaeology Representative Institutions Art: The Art Market Pompeii and Herculaneum and Collecting GEORGE MONTEIRO Bruegel Family GORDON L. MILLER Brown University University of Seattle Camo˜es, Luı´s Vaz de JAMES VAN HORN MELTON Browne, Thomas Emory University WILLIAM MONTER Freemasonry NICHOLAS J. MILLER Northwestern University Haydn, Franz Joseph Boise State University Calvinism Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus Serbia Geneva

294 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 DIRECTORY OF CONTRIBUTORS

BRUCE T. MORAN English Literature DANIEL NEXON University of , Reno and Language Georgetown University Alchemy State and Bureaucracy Helmont, Jean Baptiste van STEVEN NADLER TOM NICHOLS Paracelsus University of Wisconsin King’s College, Aberdeen Atheism Giorgione JENNIFER MORI Cartesianism Tintoretto University of Toronto Descartes, Rene´ Pitt, William the Elder and Titian Spinoza, Baruch William the Younger Venice, Art in Walpole, Horace Veronese (Paolo Caliari) SARA TILGHMAN NALLE William Paterson University JAVIER MORILLO-ALICEA KATHRYN NORBERG Macalaster College Inquisition University of California, Spanish Colonies: Inquisition, Spanish Los Angeles The Caribbean Prostitution CHARLES G. NAUERT BYRON J. NORDSTROM JEAN DIETZ MOSS University of Missouri (Emeritus) Catholic University of America Humanists and Humanism Gustavus Adolphus College Rhetoric Charles X Gustav (Sweden) LARRY D. NEAL Charles XII (Sweden) JAMES MULDOON University of Illinois, Christina (Sweden) The John Carter Brown Library Champaign-Urbana Gustavus II Adolphus Europe and the World Stock Exchanges (Sweden) Law: Canon Law Oxenstierna, Axel Sweden Law: International Law CARY J. NEDERMAN Vasa Dynasty (Sweden) Texas A&M University STAFFAN MU¨ LLER-WILLE Deism PAUL NORLE´ N Max-Planck-Institute for the Liberty University of Washington History of Science, Berlin Rights, Natural Stockholm Linnaeus, Carl Political Philosophy Swedish Literature Toleration and Language D. E. MUNGELLO Virtue Baylor University WM. ARCTANDER O’BRIEN Missions and Missionaries: PAUL NEEDHAM University of California, Asia Princeton University Library San Diego Caxton, William Novalis JOHN H. MUNRO Gutenberg, Johannes University of Toronto JENS E. OLESEN Inflation Ernst-Moritz-Arndt University PAUL NELLES Money and Coinage: Kalmar, Union of Western Europe Carleton University Dissemination of Knowledge EDWARD J. OLSZEWSKI Libraries LUCY MUNRO Case Western Reserve University King’s College London Art: Artistic Patronage Beaumont and Fletcher JANICE L. NERI Behn, Aphra University of California, Irvine MARGARET OSLER Donne, John Camera Obscura University of Calgary Drama: English Merian, Maria Sibylla Charleton, Walter Dryden, John Scientific Illustration Gassendi, Pierre

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 295 DIRECTORY OF CONTRIBUTORS

SUSANNAH OTTAWAY Military: ROD PHILLIPS Carleton College Armies: Recruitment, Carleton University Old Age Organization, and Social Food and Drink Composition JAMES R. OTTESON Military: Battle Tactics and WILLIAM D. PHILLIPS, JR. University of Alabama Campaign Strategy University of Minnesota Smith, Adam Military: Early Modern Columbus, Christopher Military Theory CHRISTIAN OTTO Military: Historiography PETER PIERSON Cornell University Spanish Succession, War of Santa Clara University Asam Family the (1701–1714) (Emeritus) Dientzenhofer Family Armada, Spanish KATHLEEN A. PARROW Fischer von Erlach, Johann Estates and Country Houses Black Hills State University Bernhard Habsburg Dynasty: Spain Law: Roman Law Neumann, Balthasar Isabel Clara Eugenia and Resistance, Theory of Albert of Habsburg JAMES R. PALMITESSA JOSEPH F. PATROUCH Juan de Austria, Don Western Michigan University Florida International University Medina Sidonia, Alonso Prague Ferdinand I (Holy Pe´rez de Guzma´n, Roman Empire) 7th duke of LUC PANHUYSEN Matthias (Holy Netherlands, Southern Author of De Beloofde Stad [The Roman Empire) Parma, Alexander Farnese, Promised City] Maximilian I (Holy duke of ´ Leyden, Jan van Roman Empire) Santa Cruz, Alvaro de Witt, Johan and Cornelis de Maximilian II (Holy Baza´n, first marquis of Roman Empire) Spain KATHERINE PARK Vienna Harvard University HEIKKI PIHLAJAMA¨ KI ALINA PAYNE Marvels and Wonders University of Helsinki University of Toronto Torture Venice, Architecture in DAVID PARKER JULIE ANNE PLAX University of Leeds SUE PEABODY University of Arizona La Rochelle Washington State University France, Art in Slavery and the Slave Trade Watteau, Antoine KEVIN PARKER University of North Carolina ELIZABETH A. PERGAM Winckelmann, Johann Metropolitan Museum of Art SERHII PLOKHY Joachim Britain, Art in University of Alberta Gainsborough, Thomas Belarus Ukraine DAVID PARROTT Reynolds, Joshua New College, Oxford University JUAN JAVIER PESCADOR Devolution, War of MARJORIE E. PLUMMER Michigan State University Western Kentucky University (1667–1668) Basque Country Dutch War (1672–1678) Augsburg League of Augsburg, War of CARLA RAHN PHILLIPS the (1688–1697) ASSOCIATE EDITOR MARTHA POLLAK Mantuan Succession, War of University of Minnesota University of Illinois, Chicago the (1627–1631) Exploration Architecture

296 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 DIRECTORY OF CONTRIBUTORS

ROBERT POOLE KAREN REEDS THOMAS ROBISHEAUX St. Martin’s College, U.K. Princeton Research Forum Duke University Calendar Botany Peasants’ War, German

JEREMY POPKIN EILEEN REEVES SHIRLEY A. ROE University of Kentucky Princeton University University of Connecticut Journalism, Newspapers, Galileo Galilei Haller, Albrecht von and Newssheets GERDA REITH SHELLEY E. ROFF University of Glasgow DAVID M. POSNER University of Texas, San Antonio Gambling Loyola University, Chicago Barcelona Lottery French Literature Catalonia and Language PIERRE-CLAUDE REYNARD Montaigne, Michel de University of Western Ontario KARL A. ROIDER Rabelais, Franc¸ois Environment Louisiana State University Racine, Jean Weather and Climate Charles VI (Holy Roman Empire) JEAN-PIERRE POUSSOU THOMAS E. RIDENHOUR, JR. Francis II (Holy University of Paris, Sorbonne University of Virginia Roman Empire) Mobility, Geographic Schmalkaldic War Frederick I (Prussia) Mobility, Social (1546–1547) Frederick William (Brandenburg) MAARTEN PRAK PATRICK RILEY Frederick William II University of Utrecht Harvard University (Prussia) Amsterdam Rousseau, Jean-Jacques Hohenzollern Dynasty Dutch Republic Maria Theresa (Holy Tulips PATRICK RILEY, JR. Roman Empire) Colgate University Rudolf II (Holy OM PRAKASH Alembert, Jean Le Rond d’ Roman Empire) Delhi School of Economics Diderot, Denis British Colonies: India Voltaire LEONARD N. ROSENBAND State University GUENTER B. RISSE CYNTHIA PYLE Balloons New York University University of California, Laborers Gessner, Conrad San Francisco (Emeritus) Cullen, William ANGELA H. ROSENTHAL Hospitals PAULA REA RADISICH Dartmouth College Whittier College Hogarth, William LISSA ROBERTS Chardin, Jean-Baptiste- Women and Art University of Twente, Sime´on Netherlands Boerhaave, Herman JEAN-LAURENT ROSENTHAL DAVID RANDALL Chemistry University of California, Rutgers University Los Angeles Providence JAMES ROBERTSON Wages University of the West Indies, BENJAMIN RAVID Mona DANIEL ROWLAND Brandeis University British Colonies: University of Kentucky Ghetto The Caribbean Autocracy

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 297 DIRECTORY OF CONTRIBUTORS

INGRID ROWLAND Frederick III (Holy GORDON SCHOCHET American Academy in Rome Roman Empire) Rutgers University Leonardo da Vinci Fugger Family Hobbes, Thomas Raphael Monopoly Locke, John Rome, Art in Shops and Shopkeeping Natural Law Patriarchy and Paternalism GUY ROWLANDS J. H. M. SALMON Newnham College, Cambridge Bryn Mawr College (Emeritus) JOHN F. SCHWALLER University Constitutionalism University of Minnesota, Morris Austrian Succession, War of Sovereignty, Theory of Mexico City the (1740–1748) Tyranny, Theory of Missions and Missionaries: Louis XIV (France) Spanish America Louvois, Franc¸ois Le Tellier, BRIAN SANDBERG Spanish Colonies: Mexico marquis de European University Institute Seven Years’ War Firearms A. TRUMAN SCHWARTZ (1756–1763) Macalester College VICTORIA SANGER Priestley, Joseph A. R. ROWLEY Columbia University University of York, U.K. France, Architecture in STUART B. SCHWARTZ Yale University Tobacco Mansart, Franc¸ois Restoration, Portuguese War JULIUS R. RUFF of (1640–1668) RICHARD E. SCHADE Marquette University University of Cincinnati Police KARL W. SCHWEIZER Drama: German New Jersey Institute of Technology German Literature ERIKA RUMMEL Churchill, John, and Language Wilfrid Laurier University, duke of Marlborough Toronto Harley, Robert STEPHAN K. SCHINDLER Erasmus, Desiderius Hastings, Warren Washington University, St. Louis Jenkins’ Ear, War of Klopstock, Friedrich ANDREA RUSNOCK (1739–1748) University of Rhode Island Gottlieb Graunt, John JOHN BELDON SCOTT Petty, William J. B. SCHNEEWIND University of Iowa Johns Hopkins University Statistics Borromini, Francesco Kant, Immanuel KATHLEEN RUSSO Moral Philosophy and Ethics TOM SCOTT Florida Atlantic University University of Liverpool Carriera, Rosalba ROBERT A. SCHNEIDER Peasantry Kauffmann, Angelica Catholic University of America Duel PAUL S. SEAVER DAVID RYDEN Journals, Literary Stanford University (Emeritus) University of Houston, Louis XIII (France) Puritanism Downtown Marie de Me´dicis Sugar Paris JOHN SEWELL Arizona State University THOMAS MAX SAFLEY ZOE A. SCHNEIDER Magic University of Pennsylvania Georgetown University Bankruptcy Landholding JOLE SHACKELFORD Charity and Poor Relief Law: Courts University of Minnesota Commerce and Markets Villages Brahe, Tycho

298 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 DIRECTORY OF CONTRIBUTORS

Rosicrucianism JIM SMYTH JACK SPALDING University of Notre Dame Fordham University BARBARA SHAPIRO Ireland Florence, Art in University of California, Berkeley Sprat, Thomas STEPHEN D. SNOBELEN E. C. SPARY Wilkins, John University of King’s College, Independent Scholar, Cambridge, Halifax U.K. LESLEY SHARPE Newton, Isaac Natural History University of Bristol JOHN P. SPIELMAN Schiller, Johann Christoph SUSAN M. SOCOLOW Friedrich von Emory University Haverford College Leopold I (Holy Buenos Aires CHRISTINE SHAW Roman Empire) University of Warwick PHILIP M. SOERGEL Julius II (pope) JOHN SPURR Arizona State University University of Wales, Swansea Miracles ANITA SHELTON Baxter, Richard Munich Eastern Illinois University Dissenters, English Religious Piety Czech Literature and Language GOVIND P. SREENIVASAN PHILIP L. SOHM Brandeis University NIKKI SHEPARDSON University of Toronto Census Rider College Art: Art Theory, Criticism, Inheritance and Wills Be`ze, The´odore de and Historiography Serfdom Martyrs and Martyrology Baroque GRETCHEN D. STARR- JOHN SHOVLIN GERALD L. SOLIDAY LEBEAU Hobart and William Smith University of Texas, Dallas University of Kentucky Colleges Frankfurt am Main Jews, Expulsion of Physiocrats and Physiocracy Hesse, Landgraviate of (Spain; Portugal) Persecution DAVID SIMPSON JACOB SOLL University of California, Davis Rutgers University MALINA STEFANOVSKA Romanticism Lipsius, Justus University of California, Los Angeles NANCY SINKOFF Biography and JULIE ROBIN SOLOMON Autobiography Rutgers University American University Haskalah Saint-Simon, Louis de Bacon, Francis (Jewish Enlightenment) Rouvroy Cavendish, Margaret

CAROLE SLADE MATTHEW STEGGLE Columbia University ELISABETH SOMMER Sheffield Hallam University Author of Serving Two Masters: Teresa of A´ vila Sheridan, Richard Brinsley The Moravian Brethren in A. MARK SMITH Germany and North Carolina ALISON STENTON University of Missouri 1727–1801 King’s College, London Optics Moravian Brethren Boswell, James Burney, Frances JEFFREY SMITTEN NICHOLAS SPADACCINI Defoe, Daniel Utah State University University of Minnesota Smollett, Tobias Robertson, William Cervantes, Miguel de Sterne, Laurence

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 299 DIRECTORY OF CONTRIBUTORS

BARBARA STEPHENSON KENNETH L. TAYLOR ERNEST TUCKER Mount Holyoke College University of Oklahoma U.S. Naval Academy Marguerite de Navarre Earth, Theories of the Austro-Ottoman Wars Geology Galleys JAMIE STEPHENSON Holy Leagues University of Minnesota SCOTT TAYLOR Janissary Lima Siena College Lepanto, Battle of Honor Passarowitz, Peace of (1718) DAVID M. STONE Russo-Ottoman Wars WAYNE TE BRAKE University of Delaware Purchase College, State Caravaggio and Caravaggism JAMES B. TUELLER University of New York Brigham Young University Patriot Revolution Manila SIEP STUURMAN Pacific Ocean Erasmus University, Rotterdam JOHN TEDESCHI Feminism University of Wisconsin A. J. TURNER Inquisition, Roman Independent Scholar, Le Mesnil DONALD SUTHERLAND le Roi, France NICHOLAS TEMPERLEY University of Maryland Time, Measurement of Ancien Re´gime University of Illinois Handel, George Frideric Estates-General, RICHARD W. UNGER Hymns French: 1789 University of British Columbia Purcell, Henry Revolutions, Age of Hansa Shipbuilding and Navigation NICHOLAS TERPSTRA JULIAN SWANN Shipping University of Toronto Birkbeck College, University of Confraternities London MARY VACCARO Provincial Government JOHN THEIBAULT University of Texas, Arlington Author of German Villages in Correggio FRANK E. SYSYN Crisis: Rural Life in Hesse-Kassel University of Alberta and the Thirty Years’ War, PETER VAN DEN DUNGEN Cossacks 1580–1720 University of Bradford Khmelnytsky, Bohdan Housing Pacifism Khmelnytsky Uprising Hunting Uniates Salzburg Explusion THEO VAN DER MEER Union of Brest (1596) Independent Scholar, Amsterdam FREDERICK J. THORPE Homosexuality FRANZ SZABO Curator Emeritus, Canadian STEVEN VANDEN BROECKE University of Alberta Museum of Civilization Johns Hopkins University Josephinism Fur Trade: North America Astrology BARBARA J. TODD DANIEL SZECHI University of Toronto JOHN VARRIANO Auburn University Widows and Widowhood Mount Holyoke College Jacobitism Palladio, Andrea, JANIS TOMLINSON and Palladianism LYNNE TATLOCK National Academy of Sciences Washington University, St. Louis Goya y Lucientes, DONALD PHILLIP VERENE Grimmelshausen, Francisco de Emory University H. J. C. von Spain, Art in Vico, Giovanni Battista

300 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 DIRECTORY OF CONTRIBUTORS

RICK VERNIER Songs, Popular MICHAEL WOLFE Purdue University, Calumet Pennsylvania State University, Liberalism, Economic Altoona GEORGE G. WEICKHARDT Henry IV (France) Ropers, Majeski, Kohn & Bentley MARKUS P. M. VINK Nantes, Edict of Law: Russian Law State University of New York, Fredonia ALLEN G. WOOD Dutch Colonies: KATHLEEN WELLMAN Purdue University The East Indies Southern Methodist University Boileau-Despre´aux, Nicolas La Mettrie, Julien Offroy de Corneille, Pierre DIANE WAGGONER Grimm, Friedrich Huntington Library, Art CATHERINE WHISTLER Melchior von Collections, and Botanical Ashmolean Museum, Oxford La Bruye`re, Jean de Gardens Tiepolo, Giovanni Battista La Fontaine, Jean de Portrait Miniatures Laclos, Pierre Ambroise MERRY WIESNER-HANKS Choderlos de STEFANIE WALKER Perrault, Charles Bard College University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee Decorative Arts JOANNA WOODS-MARSDEN Gender Jewelry University of California, Women Los Angeles WILLIAM A. WALLACE Art: The Conception and University of Maryland ELIZABETH A. WILLIAMS Status of the Artist Scholasticism Oklahoma State University Biology D. R. WOOLF WILLIAM E. WALLACE Mesmer, Franz Anton University of Alberta Washington University, St. Louis Historiography Michelangelo Buonarroti GLORIA WILLIAMS JOHNSON KENT WRIGHT PETER WALMSLEY Norton Simon Museum, McMaster University Pasadena Arizona State University Berkeley, George Painting Enlightenment Public Opinion PAUL WARDE PETER H. WILSON Pembroke College, Cambridge W. J. WRIGHT University of Sunderland, U.K. University University of Tennessee Berlin Enclosure Marburg, Colloquy of Brandenburg Forests and Woodlands Free and Imperial Cities AMANDA WUNDER HELEN WATANABE-O’KELLY Hanover University of Wisconsin Exeter College, Oxford University Mu¨nster Seville Dresden Prussia Strasbourg ANDRZEJ WYCZAN´ SKI ELISSA B. WEAVER Polish Academy of Sciences (Emeritus) University of Chicago JOHN WILTON-ELY Serfdom in East Castiglione, Baldassare University of Hull (Emeritus) Central Europe Piranesi, Giovanni Battista WILLIAM WEBER ASSOCIATE EDITOR WANDA WYPORSKA California State University, JAN W. WOJCIK Hertford College, Long Beach Auburn University Oxford University Music Criticism Boyle, Robert Poland, Partitions of

EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 301 DIRECTORY OF CONTRIBUTORS

Polish Succession, War of Wesley Family MADELINE C. ZILFI the (1733–1738) ASSOCIATE EDITOR University of Maryland JOELLA G. YODER AVIHU ZAKAI Shabbetai Tzevi Author of Unrolling Time: Hebrew University of Jerusalem Tulip Era Christiaan Huygens and the Refugees, Exiles, (Ottoman Empire) Mathematization of Nature and E´ migre´s Huygens Family RONALD EDWARD ZUPKO CHARLES YRIGOYEN, JR. FARIBA ZARINEBAF Marquette University (Emeritus) General Commission on Archives Northwestern University Weights and Measures and History, United Methodist Constantinople Church Harem Methodism Odalisque

302 EUROPE 1450 TO 1789 DEMEibc-emap.qx4 10/21/03 9:17 AM Page 1 DEME,v6-ci pgs10,6,03hi.qx4 10/21/03 6:47 AM Page 1

A

(CONTINUED)

Giovanni Battista Tiepolo. Mercury, messenger of the gods, detail from ceiling fresco in the staircase of the Residenz, Würzburg. ©ERICH LESSING/ART RESOURCE, N.Y. DEME,v6-ci pgs10,6,03hi.qx4 10/21/03 6:47 AM Page 2

RIGHT: Titian. Bacchus and Ariadne, one of three “Bacchanals” created by Titian between 1518 and 1524, all of which portray the classical world as a place of sensual delight. ©ERICH LESSING/ART RESOURCE.

BELOW: Jacopo Tintoretto. The Annunciation, 1581–1582. This masterpiece of the artist’s maturity beautifully illustrates his use of naturalism to create realistic scenes that powerfully suggest the presence of the divine. ©CAMERAPHOTO/ART RESOURCE, N.Y. DEME,v6-ci pgs10,6,03hi.qx4 10/21/03 6:47 AM Page 3

LEFT: Anthony Van Dyck. Portrait of Countess Helena Grimaldi, 1623. During his lifetime, Van Dyck was the most influential portraitist in Europe. THE ART ARCHIVE/NATIONAL GALLERY OF ART WASHINGTON/ALBUM/JOSEPH MARTIN

BELOW: Diego Velázquez. Mars, c. 1639. Velázquez wittily depicts the ancient god of war contemplating his frustrations in love. THE ART ARCHIVE/MUSEO DEL PRADO MADRID/ALBUM/JOSEPH MARTIN DEME,v6-ci pgs10,6,03hi.qx4 10/21/03 6:47 AM Page 4 DEME,v6-ci pgs10,6,03hi.qx4 10/21/03 6:47 AM Page 5

OPPOSITE PAGE: Jan Vermeer. The Milkmaid is typical of Vermeer’s intimate interiors.

LEFT: Art in Venice. Apotheosis of Venice, 1585, by Veronese, painted on the ceiling of the Sala del Maggior Consiglio in the doge’s palace, Venice. ©SCALA/ART RESOURCE, N.Y.

BELOW LEFT: Veronese. The coronation of Esther as Queen of Ahasuerus, ceiling decoration in the Church of San Sebastiano, Venice, painted c. 1556. ©CAMERAPHOTO/ART RESOURCE, N.Y.

BELOW RIGHT: Elisabeth Vigée-Lebrun. Portrait of Marie- Antoinette, 1788. Vigée-Lebrun was favored by the queen for her ability to lend an informal air to royal portraits; this is one of several portraits of the queen painted by Vigée-Lebrun between 1778 and 1793. ©GIRAUDON/ART RESOURCE DEME,v6-ci pgs10,6,03hi.qx4 10/21/03 6:47 AM Page 6

ABOVE RIGHT: Simon Vouet. Allegory of Riches, c. 1640. Vouet is considered the founder of the early modern school of French painting, combining naturalism with extravagant use of color, as in this painting. THE BRIDGEMAN ART LIBRARY

BELOW RIGHT: Jean-Antoine Watteau. Gilles, 1717. Although typical in style, this later depiction of a standard commedia dell’arte character reflects the artist’s more mature vision in the contrast between the character’s festive dress and melancholy expression. THE ART ARCHIVE/MUSÉE DU LOUVRE PARIS/DAGLI ORTI (A) DEME,v6-ci pgs10,6,03hi.qx4 10/21/03 6:47 AM Page 7

LEFT: Women and Art. Angelica Kauffmann, Self-Portrait, 1787. An enormously successful artist, Kauffmann was one of only two women among the founders of the British Royal Academy. ©ARTE & IMMAGINI SRL/CORBIS

BELOW LEFT: Women and Art. Clara Peeters, Table with Pitcher and Dish of Dried Fruit. THE ART ARCHIVE/MUSEO DEL PRADO MADRID

BELOW RIGHT: Women and Art. Adélaide Labille-Guïard, portrait of Marie Adélaide of France, 1787. A noted portraitist, Labille-Guïard ran a studio for women in Paris and at one point asked the French academy to raise the quota of four female academicians. THE ART ARCHIVE/MUSÉE DU CHÂTEAU DE VERSAILLES/DAGLI ORTI DEME,v6-ci pgs10,6,03hi.qx4 10/21/03 6:47 AM Page 8

Francisco de Zurbarán. St. Peter Nolasco’s Vision of the Crucified St. Peter, 1628. Many of Zurbarán’s paintings depict the lives of notable saints. Here he shows his ability to make the miraculous seem eminently real. ©ERICH LESSING/ART RESOURCE, N.Y.