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Relations Between J Ews and Non-Jews in the Late Ottoman Empire: Some Characteristics

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Relations Between J Ews and Non-Jews in the Late Ottoman Empire: Some Characteristics i ) - An olfprintfrom 1 . ı ) THE. .~JEW~ ··.QF ~FİE/· --; OTTOMAN.'. EMPIRE' -- - edited with an introduction :by Avigd~r Levy THE DARWIN PRESS, INC. PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY In Cooperation with ,- ·THE INSTITUTE OF TURKISH STUmES~ INC . WASHINGTON, D.C. ' ) (/ 1994 19 -Relations Between J ews and Non-Jews in the Late Ottoman Empire: Some Characteristics by Jacob M. Landau RESEARCH ON THE Jews of the Ottoman Empire has advanced visibly in the last generation. W e now know, much mo re than be­ forehand, about the history, culture, sociology, and economics of Jewish communities throughout the empire, at various periods. How­ e~er, the very large majority of these studies have applied themselves to the "micro" level, focusing on limited and specific subjects, rather than on the "macro" one, which would attempt to arrive at conclusions of a more general character. This was only natural, for without con­ siderable "micro" research, it is impossible to undertake a "macro" approach. However, due to the impressive number and range of studies available on specific subjects, it may now be possible to attempt to draw same more general, "macro"-type conclusions, referring to the relations between Jews and non-Jews in the Ottoman Empire. In an article published so me time ago in Pe'amim, 1 Professor Moshe Maoz and I attempted to draw up a model for relations between Jews and non-Jews in Syria and Egypt during the nineteenth century. W e suggested that these relations could be best expressed graphically as a triangle, the vertices of which represent Muslims, Christians, and Jews. However, even our limited examination of these two provinces revealed obviously different patterns: In Syria, Jews and Christians competed as rivals and Muslims despised both communities, while in Egypt there was unofficial collaboration between Muslims and Copts, frequently fareing the Jews into an inferior status. Considering that such variations-and most probably atlıers as well-were evident in a study of two provinces, it is obvious that no single exclusive model may be found for a comprehensive typology of inter-group relations in the Iate Ottoman Empire, i.e., from the end of the nineteenth century through the first two decades of the twentieth. Nevertheless, one may delineate several general patterns 539 540 The jews of the Ottoman Empire concerning various important aspects of these relations, attempting to carreiate them with factors governing variation. Evidently, these. are only preliminary suggestions or queries intended to stimulate an exchange of views, rather than present a definitive framework. To impose some order on the multifaceted web of inter-group relations, we limit o ur frame of reference in time, geographical scope, and spheres of concentration: We consider only the last generatian of the empire; the provinces ruled by the Ottomans directly (excluding most of North Africa, ruled by the French and British, whiclı exhibit sornewhat different features and will be referred to only exception­ ally); and the larger Jewish communities, to which many Jews were maving at the time, such as Salonica, Istanbul, Izmir, Bursa, Aleppo, Baghdad, and others. One important pattern concerns the worsening of relations be­ tween Jews and non-Jews-in different degrees with Muslims and Christians, as we shall see. This occurred despite a long history of Ottoman welcome offered to Jewish refugees (as well as to others­ Iranians, Polish, Russians). Relations were apparently exacerbated by two major phenomena in the Iate Ottoman Empire: a sharp economic decline and a swift rise in nationalİst sentiment. Without subscribing blindly to the zero-sum theory, I believe that it may be used to illus­ trate-and, perhaps, explain to some extent-the general characteris­ tics of both these spheres of relations. a. The economic decline of the empire, along with marked signs of inflation (e.g., in the Fertile Crescent) and occasional wartime shor­ tages of certain commodities (e.g., in the Balkans), heightened existing animosity between Christians and J ews. These two minorities had a long tradition of competition in several areas of commerce and manu­ facture, most particularly in those not pursued by Muslims. No less an authority than Haim Nahum (Nahoum), the halıambaşı, ı:-eferred to this situation in an article on the Jews in the Ottoman Empire, which he contributed to a book on modern Turkey, published in 1924. His words merit quotation: Detailed statistics would prove that, in proportion to their num­ bers, the J ews of Turkey have been more successful than all other nationalities residing in the Turkish Empire in lines of finance and in the export and im port business with Europe and America. At the same time, it must be recognized that both the Greeks and the Armenians are very active in commerce, and more particularly Relations Betweenjews and Non-Jews 541 in industry. But the development of the commerce in paper, hard~are, colonial products, glassware, hosiery, textiles, and other manufactured products is due largely to the Jews. Fallaw­ ing the example of the Jews of Constantinople and Salonica, the J ews of Aleppo and Baghdad played a great part in the develop­ ment of commerce in Syria and Mesopotamia. By establishing business houses in Egypt, Manchester, Bombay, and New York, they increased the trade of Persia through Baghdad. The influ­ ence of the Jewish business houses of Messa Fils, established in Aden, which developed the commerce between Sanaa (Yemen) and the ports of the Red Sea in Egypt, are worth mentioning.2 As Haim Nahum perceived it, there was an economic rivalry between the Jews, on the one hand, and the Greeks and Armenians, orl the other. Christians were attracted, indeed, to many of the fields in whichjews were then economically active. W e know this, alsa, from the reports in the archives of the Allian ce Israelite Universelle in Paris, which comprise valuable information aboutjewish occupations in sev­ eral parts of the Ottoman Empire at the end of the nineteenth century and the early twentieth. Dr. Paul Dumont, who has recently examined this information, co ncludes that J ews penetrated in that period in to many new occupations, covering a wide range of those available at the time, from the lowliest (water carriers, boot cleaners, and peddlers) to the most respected and affluent (moneychangers, clothmakers, and jewellers).3 These included numerous trades of artisans; and since Greeks and Armenians were alsa being driven away from same of these by the increasing penetration of goods manufactured in Europe, there must have been an almost unavoidable decrease in economic openings for all concerned. Examples are the spinning and weaving of silk, e.g., in Bursa, which w ere earlier entirely in the hands of Greek and Armenian women, and in the period under discussion were "in­ filtrated" by Jews.4 Such competition has often been a major factor in inter-com­ munal strife, in which the Christians, who almost invariably outnum­ bered the Jews, were at times guilty of anti-Jewish agitation and even blood libels, as well as physical violence. In Salonica, too, whosejewish inhabitants comprised more than half of the city's population in the early twentieth century (according to a local source, about 73,000 out 5 of 120,000 ), feelings ran high between Christians and Jews. This is at least partly explained by the general occupational distribution of 542 The ]ews of the Ottoman Empire Salonica's Jews, according to the evidence of a person who had a factory in the area: 4,000 of them are merchants who do a significant export and import trade, some are also factory owners; about 5,000 to 6,000 are tradesmen and artisans, shopkeepers and handicraftsmen; about 3,000 to 4,000 in the tobacco industry. The majority of lawyers, doctors, teachers & journalists are J ews. J ewish fishermen & porters are very much in evidence.6 Consequently, the anti-J ewish rio ts, instigated by the Greeks, fallawing their conquest and annexation of Salonica in 1912, should not have come asa surprise. Many Jews then felt that it would be prudent to emigrate. Obviously, in the case of Salonica, the relatively large J ewish presence served as an exacerbating factor. The Jewish presence, indeed, seems to have affected Christian­ Jewish relations (in cases where it was either absolute or relative) as a tension-producing factor elsewhere in the empire as well. Due to rising insecurity, on the one hand, and the pressing need to earn a living, Jews tended increasingly to leave the sınaller localities and move to the larger towns for instance in Iraq7 and Egypt.8 The in­ creased interaction in business, which resulted in some large towns, such as Izmir,9 between Jews and Christians, added an ingredient to the worsening of relations, as did their inter-community rivalry to obtaining those administrative posts open to non-Muslims, for in­ stance in Syria. 10 b. The rise of nationalism was very probably a patent factor in the worsening of relations between the Muslim Turks and the minorities. However, it hardly played a role in the relations between Christians and Jews, as many of the former agitated politically for autonomy and independence and had no immediate quarrel with their Jewish neighbors on this account. The Muslim Turks, however, became increasingly suspicious of what they considered overt and covert designs of revalt and secession by the major Christian denarni­ nations and several non-Turkish Muslim groups, such as the Alban­ ians and the Arabs. Once these suspicions became certainties, some leading Turkish nationalists included the Jews among the suspect groups; since then the Jews, being one of the weakest (or, perhaps, the very weakest) group in the empire, faced a delicate situation.
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