CALIFORNIA'S COASTAL PREHISTORY:

A CIRCUM~PACIFIC PERSPECTIVE

Jon M. Erlandson Department of Anthropology University of Oregon Eugene, OR 97403 and Department of Anthropology Santa Barbara Museum of Natural History 2559 Puesta Del Sol Santa Barbara, CA 93105

ABSTRACT

The archaeological record of the California coast offers unique opportunities to examine broader issues of Pacific Rim prehistory and the development of coastal societies. In this paper, I examine California coastal prehistory from a Pacific Rim perspective, focusing on two issues: the antiquity and development ofcoastal adaptations, and the possibility that a coastal migration route may have been used in the initial peopling ofthe Americas. By linking our research to broad issues of interest to the widest possible audience, we can increase support for archaeology.

INTRODUCTION Since that time, while collaborating with my wife, Madonna Moss, and other col­ As California archaeologists, we often leagues, an important part of my research view our state as a politically, environmen­ has been in northwestern North America tally, and culturally circumscribed region. (e.g., Moss et al. 1989, 1990; Moss and Er­ We all know tribal territories and environ­ landson 1992a, 1992b; Erlandson 1984; Er­ mental zones were not constrained by mod­ landson, Moss et al. 1992; Erlandson et al. em county, state, and national boundaries, 1991; Erlandson, Crowell et al. 1992). My but such borders encourage us to look in­ experiences in Alaska and the Pacific ward and to view our own research areas Northwest have exposed me to the tremen­ somewhat provincially. Born and raised dous diversity found among the complex mostly in California, I spent many years re­ maritime societies of the Pacific Rim. I have searching Santa Barbara Channel prehis­ also gained fIrsthand an appreciation for tory, largely oblivious to much ofwhat was many similarities in the patterns and tempo happening outside my research area. In ofcultural developments within various cul­ 1983, I went to southeast Alaska where I had ture areas. Most ofall, however, my work in the opportunity to participate in an inter­ northwestern North America has provided disciplinary study of the Hidden Falls site me with the invaluable opportunity to de­ (see Davis 1984), which contained a record velop a broader perspective on my continu­ ofnearly 10,000 years of occupation along ing research along the California coast. the northern Northwest Coast. Through survey work, background reading, and trav­ From a circum-Pacific perspective, the el, I also had the chance to immerse myself California coast is just a small part ofthe in the geography and archaeology ofa vast Pacific Rim region. Economically, the coastal landscape dramatically different modern societies ofwestern North America from those I had encountered previously. are redirecting their energies to the west -­ to the rapidly expanding markets ofAsia's

Pr<>Ce

In a paper ofthis scope, I cannot possibly I suggest that marine resources are address all these issues. Instead, I discuss low-return subsistence resources due two related issues that I believe are especial­ to a need for labor intensification, in ly relevant to California's coastal prehistory: the case of shelliish and small food the antiquity and development ofcoastal package-sized marine organisms, and adaptations, and the possibility that a due to their low protein content. A coastal migration led to the initial peopling number of factors combine to create of the New World. In discussing these is­ an evolutionary threshold that is too sues, I cite many sources that interested costly for human populations to cross readers may refer to for more detailed in­ unless they are experiencing density­ formation. My purpose in doing so is not to dependent selection. This subsist­ provide comprehensive lists ofsources, but ence-related threshold is so costly to to give a sampling ofthe most provocative, cross, in fact, that, given the option, comprehensive, or current papers for each we should expect to see human topic. More detailed discussions ofboth is­ groups shift away from the exploita­ sues may be found in Erlandson (1992). tion of the sea, at least in nonindus­ trial societies, whenever possible. [Osborn 1977:177] THE EVOLUTION OF COASTAL SOCIETIES Ofcourse, coastlines are neither uni­ versally productive, nor universally unpro­ As little as 15 years ago, there was no in­ ductive. Furthermore, the existence of tegrated body oftheory to help place the di­ submerged terrestrial sites in many parts of verse hunter-gatherers of the world's coast­ the world strongly suggests that we are lines into a coherent theoretical context. In missing an important part of the coastal ar­ recent years, a fascinating debate has raged chaeological record due to post-glacial sea over the nature of coastal adaptations, much level rise. As is often the case in such polar­ ofit polarized into two camps I call "Garden ized scientific debates, our best estimation of Eden" vs. "Gates ofHell" theories (Erland­ ofthe "truth" may lie somewhere in the

24 middle. 1979; Chauchat 1988). Ironically, although California archaeol­ Why does California appear to have been ogists have been at the forefront ofshell the home ofmaritime societies considerably midden analyses since the early 1900s (Uhle earlier than most other parts ofNorth and 1907; Nelson 1909; Gifford 1916; Rogers South America? The answer to that ques­ 1929; Cook 1946; Cook and Treganza 1950; tion is complex, and may include factors like Meighan 1959; Warren 1968; Koloseike the sheer volume ofresearch conducted on 1968; Glassow 1972; Botkin 1980; Koerper the California coast, the presence ofa rela­ 1981; and many others), until recently they tively narrow continental shelfthat limited have had little to say in this continuing marine transgression after the last glacial, debate. With publications by Erlandson the large number of estuaries formed by (198&,1992), Glassow and Wilcoxon (1988), rapidly rising sea levels, the unusually high Glassow et al. (1988), Jones (1991), Arnold productivity ofCalifornia's marine waters, (1992), and Raab (1992), however, California the presence ofa diverse array ofterrestrial archaeologists have reentered the dialog. plant and animal resources along much of These contributions complement or expand the mainland coast, and the lack ofsignifi­ upon some ofthe issues defmed by Sauer, cant post-glacial isostatic adjustments that Osborn, and other provocative papers by confound the identification ofearly sites in Parmalee and Klippel (1974), Bailey (1975, many coastal areas. In fact, the spatial jux­ 1978), Cohen (1977, 1981), Perlman (1980), taposition ofrich marine and terrestrial hab­ Yesner (1980,1987), Parkington (1981), itats along much ofthe California coast may Hayden (1981), Meehan (1977,1982), Quilt­ have provided one ofthe most diverse and er and Stocker (1983), Waselkov (1987), Noli secure subsistence bases ever encountered and Avery (1988); Claassen (1991), Moss by hunter-gatherers. Given the number of (1993); and others. productive subsistence options available along many parts ofthe California coast, it There are literally thousands ofshell should be no surprise that the record of middens in California, where preservation of coastal occupation goes back so far. Yesner artifacts and faunal remains is generally (1987:301) predicted, however, that the good, and where detailed studies ofsite for­ Channel Islands (and similar small islands mation processes, subsistence strategies, elsewhere) would not have been occupied settlement patterns, and paleogeography are until relatively late in the local prehistoric possible. By at least 9000 to 10,000 radio­ sequence. How do we explain the very early carbon years ago (RYBP), much of the Cali­ occupation ofthe Channel Islands, given the fornia coast was occupied by maritime peo­ impoverished nature of their terrestrial re­ ples with diversified collecting, fishing, and sources and the high productivity and di­ hunting economies (see Erlandson 1988b; versity ofresources found along the main­ Erlandson and Colten 1991; Jones 1991). By land coast? about 10,000 years ago, people appear to have settled both the northern and south­ At the time ofEuropean contact, parts of ern Channel Islands (Orr 1962, 1968; Er­ the California coast supported some ofthe landson 1991; Salls 1991), occupations that highest population densities recorded for would appear to have required seaworthy hunter-gatherer societies anywhere in the boats and relatively intensive coastal sub­ world. Not coincidentally, highly populous sistence. Ifa 10,700 year-old date on shell coastal tribes like the Chumash and others from the basal strata at Daisy Cave on San also exhibited levels ofsocial, economic, and Miguel Island (Snethkamp 1987) is verified, political complexity rarely surpassed in occupations ofthe islands may be extended hunter-gatherer societies. Over the past by another 500 years or more. Collectively 10,000 or more years, we know California's these early sites represent some ofthe old­ coastal environments changed dramatically est evidence for a relatively well-defmed (e.g., Bickel 1978; Moratto et al. 1978; Er­ coastal tradition anywhere in the Americas, landson 1988c). A variety ofdata also sug­ equaled only by early sites ofthe Andean lit­ gest that populations were growing expo­ toral in Peru and Chile (e.g., Llagostera nentially (see Glassow et al. 1988; Lambert

25 and Walker 1991:965). With more people to developments among many coastal and in­ feed, the types ofresources exploited and terior societies around the Pacific Rim and the technologies used to exploit them diver­ beyond. As broad patterns in the course of sified. In fact, California's coastal residents human cultural evolution, questions about appear to have adapted almost continuously when, how, and why such cultural changes to ever new geographic, technological, and occurred are ofintense interest to anthro­ demographic conditions. With the limited pologists today. Answering such questions resolution available in the archaeological may require a synthesis ofmethod and the­ record, these changes often appear to have ory, but our reconstructions ultimately rely been more or less continuous. on the interpretation of data from individual archaeological sites. California's coastal In general, however, culture change ap­ sites are an excellent source of comparative pears to have gradually accelerated on the data for examining the contexts of human California coast. While early Holocene cultural evolution on the local, regional, and (10,000 to 6650 RYBP) societies seem to global levels. Ifcarefully planned and exe­ have changed relatively slowly, middle Holo­ cuted, even small surveys or test excavations cene (6650 to 3350 RYBP) groups evolved on the California coast can contribute to the more rapidly, and late Holocene (3350 to 0 definition and interpretation ofbroad evolu­ RYBP) societies changed quite quickly. Cul­ tionary patterns among maritime societies. tural evolution on the California coast may This is only true, however, if they provide have been driven by a combination of popu­ radiocarbon dates or other chronological in­ lation growth, environmental change, tech­ formation that anchors the accompanying nological innovation, and increasing social data in time, and those data are made avail­ and economic interaction. Due to the inter­ able to the broader scientific community. play ofvarious stimuli, and the ambiguous nature of the archaeological record, it is hard to differentiate the effects ofeach fac­ THE COASTAL MIGRATION THEORY tor on the prehistoric cultures of the area. REVISITED A crucial point, related to both population growth and environmental changes, may One ofthe most interesting questions have been reached when people had filled that arises from the presence of early sites virtually all spatial niches in a landscape, on the California coast is: Where did these reaching what Carneiro (1970) called "terri­ early peoples come from? Along with early torial circumscription." Subsequently, popu­ middens and burials, we now have fluted lations could no longer move into unoccu­ points that appear to place Paleoindians on pied or underused areas in times ofsocial or the California coast about 11,000 to 11,500 economic stress, leading to greater social, years ago (Simons et al. 1985; Erlandson et economic, and political interaction. In some al. 1987). We do not know that Paleoindians cases, greater interaction may have led to were exploiting marine resources, but we increased cooperation and economic ex­ know frustratingly little about what Pale­ change, in others to more competition, ex­ oindians were doing in the interior either. ploitation, and warfare. Ultimately, howev­ Fluted points are more abundant in interior er, territorial circumscription insured that areas, but this may be due largely to envi­ inter-group contact and interaction could no ronmental biases. On the coast, post-glacial longer be avoided, causing greater cultural flooding of the continental shelves, sea cliff complexity to develop. It may have been a retreat, and sedimentation in coastal valleys precondition to the rise ofcoercive chiefly has buried, destroyed, or obscured most elites like the socio-economic system Arnold landforms dating to the terminal Pleisto­ (1992) believes developed among the Chu­ cene. In contrast, many fluted points found mash on the northern Channel Islands in the interior are from desert areas where about 600 to 800 years ago. vegetation cover is minimal, sedimentation has been limited, and large expanses of de­ These types of developments are not sert pavement facilitate the location of sites. unique to the California coast. They are The apparent lack of temporal priority for paralleled by Holocene cultural either interior or coastal occupations (see

26 Jones 1991) raises questions about where Over the years, a number ofscholars California's earliest coastal groups came have suggested that humans may have en­ from. tered the Americas via a coastal migration route near the end of the Pleistocene (e.g., A land-based interior migration through Heusser 1960; Fladmark 1979; Easton 1992). the fabled "Ice-Free Corridor" remains the Recently, however, a scholar as prominent dominant paradigm used to explain the ini­ and thoughtful as Mel Aikens (1990:12) de­ tial peopling of the New World (Fagan scribed the possibility ofa North Pacific 1991:73). In California, the view that the coastal migration route as "imponderable". coast was settled by interior groups dis­ At present, there is no compelling evidence placed by increasing aridity in the early that either supports m: refutes a coastal mi­ Holocene is probably most widely cited (Le., gration theory. There may never be, unfor­ Warren et al. 1961:28; Warren and Pavesic tunately, since much of the late Pleistocene 1963:420; Harrison 1964:366; Kowta coastline of the North Pacific was either gla­ 1969:36; Greenwood 1972:93; Wallace 1978; ciated or has been submerged by post-glacial Gallegos 1991). In part, this idea is based on sea level rise. similarities between interior and coastal tool assemblages and the assumption that the In 1988, I argued that the coastal migra­ earliest interior assemblages are older than tion theory suffered from a lack ofsuitable those on the coast. Some of the best evi­ North Pacific maritime precursors that pre­ dence for the common origin of early coastal dated the earliest sites of coastal California and interior groups is the wide distribution (Erlandson 1988b:394-395). Other than the ofSan Dieguito-like assemblages in both in­ presence ofleaf-shaped bifaces at some terior and coastal California. Similarities in sites, early microblade-bearing assemblages early lithic assemblages found around pluvi­ ofthe Northwest Coast (see Ackerman 1968; allake basins ofeastern California and Ore­ Ackerman et al. 1979; Davis 1984; Fladmark gon led Bedwell (1970) to defme the West­ 1986) bear little resemblance to contempo­ ern Pluvial Lakes Tradition (WPLT). Mor­ rary assemblages of the California coast. If, atto (1984:91) proposed that these early as now seems likely, however, this hypothet­ groups were descended from Paleoindians of ical coastal migration took place prior to the Fluted Point Tradition, and adapted to 10,000 years ago, it may have predated the marsh, lake, or other wetland habitats. Un­ spread ofa microblade technology around fortunately, faunal remains are rare in the North Pacific. WPLT sites, making dating and dietary in­ ferences difficult. From Japan (Aikens and Higuchi 1982:326), to northeast Siberia (Dikov and The similarities between early tool as­ Titov 1979), to central Alaska (Powers and semblages ofCalifornia's coast and interior Hoffecker 1989), bifacial industries contain­ suggest that the 2 traditions are related. ing leaf-shaped points and knives appear to But with Clovis-like fluted points now predate the earliest microblade industries known for the Pacific Coast, there is little by 1000 years or more (see also Aikens 1990; evidence that the generally poorly-dated in­ Aikens and Dumond 1986; Erlandson et al. terior sites are older than those of the coast. 1991). The spatial and temporal distribu­ Moreover, the earliest sites of the California tions of these assemblages may indicate 2 coast now appear to predate the onset of waves of migration into the New World, but arid conditions in California's desert interior it is also conceivable that it was ideas and (Glassow et al. 1988). Finally, Meighan not people that were moving from west to (1989) suggested that the antiquity ofsites east. Whatever the mechanism for their like Eel Point on San Clemente Island and movement, with a bit ofa time lag we can Daisy Cave on San Miguel Island indicate trace these technological traditions as they that enough time no longer exists to account move around the North Pacific. Many of the for the readaptation ofCalifornia's earliest later microblade assemblages also contain maritime groups from interior subsistence leaf-shaped bifaces, but are dominated by strategies. distinctive wedge-shaped microblade cores and microblades. Similar assemblages are

27 found on the Northwest Coast dating bet­ The evidence for such an early coastal ween about 9000 and 7000 years ago. Cur­ migration is not yet substantial enough to rent evidence suggests that this distinctive seriously challenge the orthodox view ofthe microblade technology never reached Cali­ Ice-free Corridor and an interior route for fornia, but coastal assemblages ofthe appro­ the peopling ofthe Americas. A major ob­ priate antiquity are almost unheard ofin jection to the coastal migration theory is the northern California. lack ofevidence for the advanced seafaring capabilities required to travel the For the most part, the earlier bifacial in­ treacherous coastlines ofPleistocene Berin­ dustries of the North Pacific Rim lack fluted gia and the North Pacific (e.g., Aikens points, though the Nenana Complex tool as­ 1990:12). We know, however, that maritime semblages ofcentral Alaska are very similar peoples were living in California, British to Clovis assemblages dating to the same Columbia, and southeast Alaska between time period (Goebel et al. 1991). As these 9000 and 10,000 years ago, and it may not be bifacial traditions spread around the North such a huge leap offaith to project similar Pacific, it is conceivable that they gave rise capabilities back another 3000 to 5000 years. to separate early bifacial traditions ofthe in­ Ifthey ever existed, rmding such early terior and coastal regions. Some evidence coastal sites in California would be difficult suggests that pre-microblade bifacialassem­ since most are likely to be found only as ero­ blages may be present at Ground Hog Bay in sional remnants along now submerged Pleis­ coastal southeast Alaska ca. 10,000 years ago tocene coastlines. (see Ackerman 1968) and at Namu in coastal British Columbia nearly as early (Carlson Lacking direct evidence, the coastal mi­ 1991). At the Circum-Pacific Prehistory gration theory seems unlikely to gain wide­ Conference, in fact, Meighan (1989) noted spread support without clear maritime pre­ similarities between the earliest artifacts cursors from the other side ofthe Pacific. from Namu and tools found at Eel Point on Here again, however, circumstantial evi­ San Clemente Island. dence offers some intriguing possibilities. Recent discoveries suggest that Australia Circumstantial evidence also has accu­ and New Guinea (united during the last gla­ mulated that an early coastal migration into cialas parts ofa larger continent called Sa­ the New World may have been possible. If hul) were colonized at least 40,000 to 50,000 Dillehay's (1984, 1986; Dillehay and Collins years ago (Groube et al. 1986; Bowdler 1990; 1988) proposed 13,000 year old peri-coastal Roberts et al. 1990; Clark 1991). The migra­ occupation at Monte Verde in Chile with­ tion from Sunda (majnland southeast Asia) stands careful scrutiny (see Lynch 1990; Dil­ to Sahul required several substantial sea lehayand Collins 1991), it might strengthen crossings through island southeast Asia arguments for a "pre-Clovis" coastal migra­ (Flood 1990). There has been some debate tion down the Pacific Coast. Located about about whether this migration was the result 50 km from the coast, Monte Verde report­ ofintentional sea voyaging or a series ofac­ edly contains asphaltum, salt, and other evi­ cidental voyages (see White and O'Connell dence for coastal exploitation (Dillehay 1982), but the recent discovery ofseveral 1987) that may indicate seasonal movements coastal sites on the Melanesian islands of to the coast or trade with coastal peoples. If New Britain, New Ireland, and the Solomons people reached the Chilean littoral via in­ dating between 20,000 and 32,000 years ago land routes, convincing evidence for such an (Allen et al. 1989; Wickler and Spriggs 1988) interior migration is sparse (Fagan 1987; seems to leave little doubt that maritime Haynes 1988; Lynch 1990; Jelinek 1992). voyaging was involved (see Fagan 1992:272­ Could it be that coastal peoples moved into 280). Several ofthese voyages required the Americas sometime about 15,000 years oceanic crossings ofup to 80 kilometers, and ago, but that much ofthe evidence for their imply the existence ofrelatively sophisticat­ journey has been submerged by rising post­ ed and seaworthy watercraft at a surprising­ glacial sea levels? Is it possible that the Clo­ ly early date. vis peoples ofabout 11,500 years ago de­ scended from these early coastal migrants? The coastal waters ofthe South Pacific

28 would have posed very different challenges Rim. At this point, I don't know if the peo­ than the much colder waters ofthe North pling ofthe New World was by land, by sea, Pacific, but evidence from Japan suggests or both. Intuitively, the idea that the first that Upper Paleolithic peoples were making settlers ofthe California coast may have substantial sea voyages to procure obsidian traveled by boat from the north Pacific ap­ from Kozushima Island by at least 30,000 peals to me. After spending a long winter in years ago (Oda 1990:64). At the height of Fairbanks, I know the so-called "Ice-Free the last glaciation, the Kurile Islands, which Corridor" is anything but ice-free most of arc north and eastwards towards the coast of the year. After an entire month when the Beringia, could have provided a series of temperature never rose above 30 degrees be­ staging points for a maritime migration from low zero, I reached two personal insights the Japanese Archipelago to the coastline of about the peopling ofthe Americas. The southern Beringia. The Japanese data sug­ first was why the New World appears to gest that late Pleistocene peoples may have have been settled so rapidly -- it seemed to had the ability to move around the North me that these people must have been head­ Pacific coast and colonize the New World by ing for California, fast. The second was that sea. anyone in their right mind who spent a win­ ter in the freezing, dark, and forbidding Despite these new developments on the landscape of Beringia's interior would surely coastal front, there is also new evidence have made a beeline to the coast as soon as from interior California that suggests that the first thaw arrived. Admittedly, these the adaptive shifts required for Paleoindians were the visceral responses of an ex-surfer to reorient their economies from interior to from California and Hawaii, but they may coastal resources may not have been as contain a kernel of truth. dramatic as previously thought. Recent re­ search by Beaton (1991) in a small rock­ To end on a more serious note, let me re­ shelter (CA-SIS-218) on the west shore of iterate that archaeological data from Cali­ Tule Lake in northern California identified fornia's coastal sites can be used to address cultural deposits dated to the terminal many issues that are crucial to the under­ Pleistocene. A small hearth at a depth of2.1 standing of our human past. Knowing the m produced wood charcoal dated to 11,450 ± broader context and implications of our re­ 340 RYBP (Beta-39545). Along with ash and search takes time, but it is also extremely charcoal, the hearth contained the "heavily rewarding. Understanding the evolution of degraded bones offish" (Beaton 1991). At California's coastal peoples also requires the same level, obsidian and other stone comparative knowledge of contemporary de­ debitage, undiagnostic bifacial point or knife velopments in adjacent regions, both up and midsections, and a unifacial tool were recov­ down the coast, as well as in the adjacent in­ ered. Cultural deposits in the shelter con­ terior. The societies we study did not devel­ tinue to a depth of 2.4 m. The basal sedi­ op in isolation; trade and other types ofin­ ments reportedly contain bone tools, bifacial teraction appear to have been well estab­ tools, chipped stone debitage, and the bones lished even during the early Holocene. of fish, birds, and mammals. In its prelimi­ nary stages, Beaton's research suggests that Above all, we must keep our minds open Paleoindians of California's interior prac­ and never lose sight of the fact that our re­ ticed economies not unlike coastal peoples search in California, if done deliberately and of later time periods, including the exploita­ carefully, can contribute to these larger is­ tion ofaquatic resources. sues. Moreover, when our interpretations are written clearly and without jargon they are ofinterest to a wide audience ofarchae­ CONCLUSIONS ologists, other scholars, resource managers, and the general pUblic. Since these are the Resolving questions about when, how, people who ultimately support archaeology, and why people first settled the California non-technical interpretation of our work can coast will require more data from both Cali­ contribute to our larger goals for California fornia and elsewhere around the Pacific archaeology.

29 It seems that many California archaeolo­ ology Annual Meetings in Pasadena on April gists hit a kind ofintellectual doldrums dur­ 24, 1992. I am indebted to Joanne Mack and ing the late 1970s and early 1980s. By and the Society for California Archaeology for large, we dropped out ofthe msjor journals, giving me the opportunity to address the many ofus overwhelmed by the opportuni­ Society and for fmancial assistance that ties and distractions of cultural resource helped make my trip possible. I am also in­ management (CRM). It took time to estab­ debted to Mel Aikens, Don Dumond, lish CRM as a legitimate need that the pub­ Michael Glassow, Richard Jordan, Madonna lic should support, and to get standards to a Moss, Roger Powers, and David Yesner for point where CRM data can consistently con­ steering me towards critical sources and for tribute to broader research problems. I be­ many lively discussions ofthe issues dis­ lieve California archaeology is entering a cussed in my paper. Finally, I thank the edi­ new and vital phase and I am generally op­ tors, Martin Rosen, Lynne Christenson, timistic about our future. We must contin­ Susan Hector, and Don Laylander, for their ed­ ue to generate good survey and excavation itorial and production assistance. data, however, while synthesizing the mounds ofinformation that have accumu­ lated over the last two decades. We must REFERENCES CITED publish our results, and our syntheses need to be tethered to broader issues of interest Ackerman, Robert E. to the public. 1968 The Archaeology of Glacier Bay Re­ gion, Southeastern Alaska. Washington Development, erosion, and looting are State University Laboratory ofAnthro­ destroying the sites that are our lifeblood. pology Reports of Investigations No. 44. There is a critical need for more regional Pll])man. studies and syntheses ofdata. In particular, we need to pay more attention to small and Ackerman, R.E., T.D. Hamilton, and R. low density sites, some ofwhich may be Stuckenrath among the most important sites in our re­ 1979 Early Culture Complexes on the gion. Many of our earliest coastal sites con­ Northern Northwest Coast. Canadian tain relatively few diagnostic artifacts, and Journal of Archaeology 3:195-209. they are relatively easy to miss or dismiss if not dated and carefully evaluated. Agencies Aikens, C. Melvin and academic institutions must take the 1990 From Asia to America: The First lead in developing more effective programs. Peopling of the New World. Prehistoric There are some sterling examples -- Andy Mongoloid Dispersals 7:1-34. The Uni­ Yatsko's San Clemente Island work with versity ofTokyo Museum. Clem Meighan and now Mark Raab, Don Morris' program on Channel Islands Nation­ Aikens, C. Melvin, and Don E. Dumond al Park, Jeanne Arnold's work on Santa 1986 Convergence and Common Heritage: Cruz Island, and Kent Lightfoot's north Some Parallels in the Archaeology of Ja­ coast research, to name just a few. We need pan and Western North America. In: to do even more, however, in designing co­ Windows on the Japanese Past: Studies operative research that combines the talents in Archaeology and Prehistory, edited by and resources ofacademic, agency, and con­ R.J. Pearson. Center for Japanese Stud­ tract archaeologists. Most ofall, we must ies, University ofMichigan. Pp.163-178. keep sight ofthe broader contexts ofour re­ search and integrate the big picture into our Aikens, C. Melvin, and T. Higuchi thinking. 1982 Prehistory of Japan. Academic Press, New York. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Allen, J., C. Gosden, and J.P. White 1989 Pleistocene New Ireland. Antiquity This paper was presented in a Plenary 63:548-561. Session at the Society for California Archae­

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