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Cuban Missile Crisis JCC: USSR
asdf PMUNC 2015 Cuban Missile Crisis JCC: USSR Chair: Jacob Sackett-Sanders JCC PMUNC 2015 Contents Chair Letter…………………………………………………………………...3 Introduction……………….………………………………………………….4 Topics of Concern………………………...………………….………………6 The Space Race…...……………………………....………………….....6 The Third World...…………………………………………......………7 The Eastern Bloc………………………………………………………9 The Chinese Communists…………………………………………….10 De-Stalinization and Domestic Reform………………………………11 Committee Members….……………………………………………………..13 2 JCC PMUNC 2015 Chair’s Letter Dear Delegates, It is my great pleasure to give you an early welcome to PMUNC 2015. My name is Jacob, and I’ll be your chair, helping to guide you as you take on the role of the Soviet political elites circa 1961. Originally from Wilmington, Delaware, at Princeton I study Slavic Languages and Literature. The Eastern Bloc, as well as Yugoslavia, have long been interests of mine. Our history classes and national consciousness often paints them as communist enemies, but in their own ways, they too helped to shape the modern world that we know today. While ultimately failed states, they had successes throughout their history, contributing their own shares to world science and culture, and that’s something I’ve always tried to appreciate. Things are rarely as black and white as the paper and ink of our textbooks. During the conference, you will take on the role of members of the fictional Soviet Advisory Committee on Centralization and Global Communism, a new semi-secret body intended to advise the Politburo and other major state organs. You will be given unmatched power but also faced with a variety of unique challenges, such as unrest in the satellite states, an economy over-reliant on heavy industry, and a geopolitical sphere of influence being challenged by both the USA and an emerging Communist China. -
Foreign Visitors and the Post-Stalin Soviet State
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2016 Porous Empire: Foreign Visitors And The oP st- Stalin Soviet State Alex Hazanov Hazanov University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Hazanov, Alex Hazanov, "Porous Empire: Foreign Visitors And The osP t-Stalin Soviet State" (2016). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2330. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2330 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2330 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Porous Empire: Foreign Visitors And The oP st-Stalin Soviet State Abstract “Porous Empire” is a study of the relationship between Soviet institutions, Soviet society and the millions of foreigners who visited the USSR between the mid-1950s and the mid-1980s. “Porous Empire” traces how Soviet economic, propaganda, and state security institutions, all shaped during the isolationist Stalin period, struggled to accommodate their practices to millions of visitors with material expectations and assumed legal rights radically unlike those of Soviet citizens. While much recent Soviet historiography focuses on the ways in which the post-Stalin opening to the outside world led to the erosion of official Soviet ideology, I argue that ideological attitudes inherited from the Stalin era structured institutional responses to a growing foreign presence in Soviet life. Therefore, while Soviet institutions had to accommodate their economic practices to the growing numbers of tourists and other visitors inside the Soviet borders and were forced to concede the existence of contact zones between foreigners and Soviet citizens that loosened some of the absolute sovereignty claims of the Soviet party-statem, they remained loyal to visions of Soviet economic independence, committed to fighting the cultural Cold War, and profoundly suspicious of the outside world. -
Open Society Archives
OSA book OSA / Publications OPEN SOCIETY ARCHIVES Open Society Archives Edited by Leszek Pudlowski and Iván Székely Published by the Open Society Archives at Central European University Budapest 1999 Copyright ©1999 by the Open Society Archives at Central European University, Budapest English Text Editor: Andy Haupert ISBN 963 85230 5 0 Design by Tamás Harsányi Printed by Gábor Rózsa Printing House, Budapest on Niveus acid-free offset printing paper of 90g/m2 produced by Neusiedler Szolnok Paper Mill, Hungary. This paper meets the requirements of ISO9706 standard. TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I. The coordinates of the Archives The enemy-archives (István Rév) 14 Archival parasailing (Trudy Huskamp Peterson) 20 Access to archives: a political issue (Charles Kecskeméti) 24 The Open Society Archives: a brief history (András Mink) 30 CHAPTER II. The holdings Introduction 38 http://www.osaarchivum.org/files/1999/osabook/BookText.htm[31-Jul-2009 08:07:32] OSA book COMMUNISM AND COLD WAR 39 Records of the Research Institute of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty 39 • The Archives in Munich (András Mink) 39 • Archival arrangement and structure of the records of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Research Institute (Leszek Pud½owski) 46 • The Information Resources Department 49 The East European Archives 49 Records of the Bulgarian Unit (Olga Zaslavskaya) 49 Records of the Czechoslovak Unit (Pavol Salamon) 51 Records of the Hungarian Unit (Csaba Szilágyi) 55 Records of the Polish Unit (Leszek Pud½owski) 58 Records of the Polish Underground Publications Unit -
Title of Thesis: ABSTRACT CLASSIFYING BIAS
ABSTRACT Title of Thesis: CLASSIFYING BIAS IN LARGE MULTILINGUAL CORPORA VIA CROWDSOURCING AND TOPIC MODELING Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang Thesis Directed By: Dr. David Zajic, Ph.D. Our project extends previous algorithmic approaches to finding bias in large text corpora. We used multilingual topic modeling to examine language-specific bias in the English, Spanish, and Russian versions of Wikipedia. In particular, we placed Spanish articles discussing the Cold War on a Russian-English viewpoint spectrum based on similarity in topic distribution. We then crowdsourced human annotations of Spanish Wikipedia articles for comparison to the topic model. Our hypothesis was that human annotators and topic modeling algorithms would provide correlated results for bias. However, that was not the case. Our annotators indicated that humans were more perceptive of sentiment in article text than topic distribution, which suggests that our classifier provides a different perspective on a text’s bias. CLASSIFYING BIAS IN LARGE MULTILINGUAL CORPORA VIA CROWDSOURCING AND TOPIC MODELING by Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Gemstone Honors Program, University of Maryland, 2018 Advisory Committee: Dr. David Zajic, Chair Dr. Brian Butler Dr. Marine Carpuat Dr. Melanie Kill Dr. Philip Resnik Mr. Ed Summers © Copyright by Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang 2018 Acknowledgements We would like to express our sincerest gratitude to our mentor, Dr. -
June 17, 1968 Memorandum from P. Shelest to CPSU CC
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified June 17, 1968 Memorandum from P. Shelest to CPSU CC Citation: “Memorandum from P. Shelest to CPSU CC,” June 17, 1968, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, TsDAHOU, F. 1, Op. 25, Spr. 30, Ll. 15-19, original in Russian. Translated for CWIHP by Mark Kramer. https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/117293 Summary: First Secretary of the Ukrainian Communist Party Shelest reports on the vist of a delegation of workers from Czechoslovakia to Ukraine. There was much discussion of the ongoing Prague Spring, including criticism of the Soviet Union from some delegation members. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Russian Contents: English Translation A delegation of workers from the ČSSR was in the city of Uzhhorod and in Kharkiv Oblast from 25 to 29 May. They were visiting our country to exchange tokens of peace and friendship in commemoration of the 23rd anniversary of the liberation of Czechoslovakia from fascist occupiers. The delegation, headed by the KSČ CC Presidium member and acting chairman of the Slovak National Council, Cde. František Barbírek, consisted of 22 representatives of different organizations and departments in Czechoslovakia. There was only one construction worker in the delegation and not a single worker from an agricultural cooperative. During their stay in Kharkiv Oblast and Uzhhorod, the delegation held discussions with officials from party and government organs, visited the museum of Soviet-Czechoslovak friendship in the village of Sokolovo, and stopped at a collective farm, a university, a tractor factory, and a school, where they had meetings and conversations with workers and saw the sights in Kharkiv and Uzhhorod. -
Regime Legitimacy and Comparative Chinese Secession Movements
POSC 289: Nationalism, Secession, and the State. Spring 2009, Dr. Thomas Julian Lee, Research Paper Regime Legitimacy and Comparative Chinese Secession Movements (PHOTO: A tattered PRC flag waves above a Beijing restaurant in the Xizhimen Wai District, 2001.) ABSTRACT: Much of foreigners’ “misunderstanding” of China is a result of its own environment of restricted information. An undeniably ideographic case, the current regime of the People’s Republic of China faces an ongoing crisis of legitimacy in its post-totalitarian state, to which its primary response has been the instrumental tapping of any and all potential sources, including vestigial socialist ideology, economic development, traditional Chinese culture, and perhaps most of all, a self-proclaimed status as the protector of a civic Chinese nation which may not actually exist. While denying its imperial past and present, the PRC seeks to construct such a nation, while retaining the territories and nations in its periphery which, due largely to non-identification as members of the Chinese nation, would prefer autonomy or independence by means of “secession”. Secessionist movements based on nationalist conflicts with the central government are unlikely to “succeed”, and as Chinese power rises, the more important issues are transparency and the types of tactics the Chinese Communist Party employs in pursuit of national integration. What all concerned parties must be vigilant for, additionally, is any evidence of a long-term strategy to reconstruct a “Sinocentric world” which would begin with the revisionist construction of a “Greater China”. China itself faces a choice of what kind of state it would prefer to be, and a primary indicator of its decision, by which the international community has judged it harshly, has been the policies toward “minority nationalities”, effectively denying their rights to self-determination, in turn denying the regime its desired legitimacy. -
Czechoslovak Reply to Warsaw Meeting's Criticisms. Mr. Dubcek's Assurances of Continuation of Democratic Reforms
Keesing's Record of World Events (formerly Keesing's Contemporary Archives), Volume 14, August, 1968 Czechoslovakia, Czechoslovak, Page 22888 © 1931-2006 Keesing's Worldwide, LLC - All Rights Reserved. Czechoslovak Reply to Warsaw Meeting's Criticisms. Mr. Dubcek's Assurances of Continuation of Democratic Reforms. - Soviet Demand for Meeting of Czechoslovak and Soviet Politburos. - Continuation of Soviet “Nerve War” against Czechoslovakia. A reasoned, point-by-point reply to the criticisms of the Communist Parties represented at Warsaw was made on July 18 by the presidium of the central committee of the Czechoslovak Communist Party. On the same day Mr. Dubcek, the First Secretary of the party, gave an assurance in a radio and television broadcast that there would be no retreat from the democratic reforms begun since January. Declaring that “we want our socialism deeply anchored in the minds of the people,” Mr. Dubcek said that after many years “an atmosphere has been created in this country in which everyone can publicly, without fear, express his opinion openly and with dignity.” While emphasizing that Czechoslovakia remained loyal to the Warsaw Pact and that there was no danger of the Czechoslovak Communist Party losing its leading position in the country, Mr. Dubcek stressed that “we shall finish the democratic process we have begun” and “shall not permit any return to the pre-January situation.” In its reply to the “ Warsaw letter,” the Czechoslovak Communist Party denied that any serious threat had arisen to its position or authority; reiterated Czechoslovakia's loyalty to the Warsaw Pact and to the socialist community; pointed out inter alia that the Communist Party, the Government, and the National Front had rejected the “2,000 Words” document; declared that the overwhelming majority of the Czechoslovak people favoured the abolition of censorship and supported free expression of opinion; and said that the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia was trying to give a different leadership than that of the “discredited bureaucratic-police methods” of the past. -
'Ghost Island' and the Enduring Legacy of Late President Lee Teng-Hui
December 14, 2020 The future of ‘Ghost Island’ and the enduring legacy of late President Lee Teng-hui Edition 5, 2020 Dr Roger Lee Huang DOI: In one of Taiwan’s most popular songs of this year, Ghost Island (鬼島), alongside Taiwanese rapper Dwagie, Malaysian singer-songwriter Namewee satirises the excesses of ‘democracy and human rights’ as ‘gross impropriety,’ welcoming listeners to a land where freedom of speech is ‘blasphemy to the leaders.’ The song plays on the endearing yet self-depreciating slang for Taiwan, ‘Ghost Island’, which adeptly captures its wonderful contradictions: rowdy and confident which regularly punches above its weight internationally in the face of hostility from People’s Republic of China (PRC, China), while consistently dejected for its exclusion from the international community. The song exudes pride in Taiwan’s uniquely ‘chaotic’ democracy, but implicit is a sense of both despair and fear of an aggressively nationalistic China. What Taiwan’s democracy means today is deeply connected to the actions of the late President Lee Teng-hui, who died on July 30, 2020. As both the first Taiwanese president of the Republic of China (ROC, Taiwan), and the first president to be directly elected via universal suffrage, Lee was instrumental in leading Taiwan to a peaceful democratic transition. Under his presidency, open discussions about Taiwanese identity, and the island’s complicated relationship with China became possible. 1 December 14, 2020 In 1998, during a campaign speech in support of Ma Ying-jeou’s Taipei mayoral campaign, President Lee publicly spoke of the New‘ Taiwanese’ an idea rooted in civic-nationalist terms and deeply embedded as an essential part of Taiwanese democracy. -
The Sino-Soviet Rift and Chinese Policy Toward Vietnam, 19641968
KBreahooking the Ring of Encirclement Breaking the Ring of Encirclement The Sino-Soviet Rift and Chinese Policy toward Vietnam, 1964–1968 ✣ Nicholas Khoo Introduction The “secret speech” delivered by Nikita Khrushchev, the First Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), at the CPSU’s Twentieth Congress in February 1956 was viewed by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) as a serious error.1 The disagreements that emerged between Moscow and Beijing on this issue ushered in an extended period in which the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Soviet Union actively competed for inºuence both inside and outside the Communist world.2 Perhaps the most signiªcant consequence of their rivalry was the de facto termination of the Sino-Soviet alliance, a development that altered global and regional power re- lations.3 How did the failure of the Sino-Soviet alliance affect the triangular rela- tionship between the Chinese, Soviet, and Vietnamese Communist parties 1. A discussion of Mao’s immediate reaction to Khrushchev’s speech can be found in Yang Kuisong, Mao Zedong yu Mosike de enen yuanyuan (Jiangxi, China: Jiangxi renmin chubanshe, 1999), pp. 371– 400. See also, Roderick MacFarquhar, The Origins of the Cultural Revolution, Vol. 1, Contradictions among the People 1956–57 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1974), pp. 39–56. For an analysis of the escalating Sino-Soviet conºict before the de facto termination of the alliance, see Donald Zagoria, The Sino-Soviet Conºict, 1956–61 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1962). 2. For contemporary analysis of the escalating Sino-Soviet conºict after the de facto termination of the alliance, see Zbigniew Brzezinski, The Soviet Bloc: Unity and Conºict (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Uni- versity Press, 1967), pp. -
Czechoslovakia: the Problem of Soviet Control
APPROVED ,*OR RELEASE DATE: MAY toot bw DIRECTORATE OF INTELLIGENCE Intelligence Memorandum Czechoslovakia: The Problem of Soviet Control L (Refcreme Title: ESAU XLIV) \ Topa ecret W 16 Januarv 1970 Backgrou\ Use Only I .. t CZECHOSLOVAKIA: THE PROEiLEM OF SOVIET CONTROL Table of Contents Page Summary ...................... 1 Mechanisms and Prerequisites ............ 1 January to August 1968: The Dismantling of Soviet Control ..................5 20-26 August: Military Intervention and Political Compromise ...............18 September 1968-March 1969: Creating the Prerequisites ..................25 April-September 1'969: Control Restored ......37 Dramatis Personae .................A-1 CZECHOSLOVAKIA: THE PROBLEM OF SOVIET CONTROL-- - MEMORANDUM FOR RECIPIENTS This Intelligence Re'port analyzes why the Soviet Union lost political control in Czechoslovakia and how that control was restored during 1968 and 1969. All the weapons in the Soviet arsenal for exercising political control over a brother socialist state were employed at one time or another. The Soviet leadership emerges from the story as fallible in its tactics but certain in its objectives and unrelenting in pursuit of them. Moscow paid a political price in bringing Prague again to heel, but the price was almost certainly less than Moscow was prepared to pay. Analysts from the Office of Strategic Research, the Office of Current Intelligence, and the Central w Reference Service contributed to the study and the text has been coordinated with those components. The Sov/Eur Staff of the Office of National Estimates also reviewed the study and is in general agreement with it. The research analyst in charge was James Ogle. hn Kerry Ki W TOP\ CRET~ SUMMARY The story of Czechoslovakia in 1968 can be told from many perspectives~asit reflects on Soviet Politburo decision making and reaction to crisis, for the significance of. -
Dissertation Final Aug 31 Formatted
Identity Gerrymandering: How the Armenian State Constructs and Controls “Its” Diaspora by Kristin Talinn Rebecca Cavoukian A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Kristin Cavoukian 2016 Identity Gerrymandering: How the Armenian State Constructs and Controls “Its” Diaspora Kristin Talinn Rebecca Cavoukian Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Toronto 2016 Abstract This dissertation examines the Republic of Armenia (RA) and its elites’ attempts to reframe state-diaspora relations in ways that served state interests. After 17 years of relatively rocky relations, in 2008, a new Ministry of Diaspora was created that offered little in the way of policy output. Instead, it engaged in “identity gerrymandering,” broadening the category of diaspora from its accepted reference to post-1915 genocide refugees and their descendants, to include Armenians living throughout the post-Soviet region who had never identified as such. This diluted the pool of critical, oppositional diasporans with culturally closer and more compliant emigrants. The new ministry also favoured geographically based, hierarchical diaspora organizations, and “quiet” strategies of dissent. Since these were ultimately attempts to define membership in the nation, and informal, affective ties to the state, the Ministry of Diaspora acted as a “discursive power ministry,” with boundary-defining and maintenance functions reminiscent of the physical border policing functions of traditional power ministries. These efforts were directed at three different “diasporas:” the Armenians of Russia, whom RA elites wished to mold into the new “model” diaspora, the Armenians of Georgia, whose indigeneity claims they sought to discourage, and the “established” western diaspora, whose contentious public ii critique they sought to disarm. -
Frontier Politics and Sino-Soviet Relations: a Study of Northwestern Xinjiang, 1949-1963
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2017 Frontier Politics And Sino-Soviet Relations: A Study Of Northwestern Xinjiang, 1949-1963 Sheng Mao University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Mao, Sheng, "Frontier Politics And Sino-Soviet Relations: A Study Of Northwestern Xinjiang, 1949-1963" (2017). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2459. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2459 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2459 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Frontier Politics And Sino-Soviet Relations: A Study Of Northwestern Xinjiang, 1949-1963 Abstract This is an ethnopolitical and diplomatic study of the Three Districts, or the former East Turkestan Republic, in China’s northwest frontier in the 1950s and 1960s. It describes how this Muslim borderland between Central Asia and China became today’s Yili Kazakh Autonomous Prefecture under the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. The Three Districts had been in the Soviet sphere of influence since the 1930s and remained so even after the Chinese Communist takeover in October 1949. After the Sino- Soviet split in the late 1950s, Beijing transformed a fragile suzerainty into full sovereignty over this region: the transitional population in Xinjiang was demarcated, border defenses were established, and Soviet consulates were forced to withdraw. As a result, the Three Districts changed from a Soviet frontier to a Chinese one, and Xinjiang’s outward focus moved from Soviet Central Asia to China proper. The largely peaceful integration of Xinjiang into PRC China stands in stark contrast to what occurred in Outer Mongolia and Tibet.