Graeco-Roman Associations, Judean Synagogues and Early Christianity in Bithynia-Pontus*

chapter 3 Graeco-Roman Associations, Judean Synagogues and Early Christianity in Bithynia-Pontus*

Markus Öhler

As has been shown in numerous studies, early Christian communities as well as synagogues of Judeans resemble Graeco-Roman associations in form and structure. Therefore, it makes sense to examine Christ groups from the first three centuries from the perspective of associations and synagogues in order to grasp the various characteristics of Christianity in this area up until the reign of Constantine. This article will begin with a brief geographical and historical overview of the regions composing the double province of Bithynia-Pontus, continue with a review of the inscriptional and literary evidence on associations (including synagogues), and finally discuss early sources for a study of Christianity, namely, the New Testament, Pliny’s letter about Christians, and inscriptions from the second and third centuries with a potentially Christian background.

1 Bithynia and Pontus: The Area and Its History in Early Imperial Times

The area of Bithynia et Pontus, which partly includes the region of Paphlagonia, has had a chequered history.1 In what follows, I will roughly focus on the territo- ries which formed a Roman double province from 63BC onward. This includes, from west to east, the region of Bithynia (from Kalchedon to Klaudiopolis and Tieion), Paphlagonia (from Amastris to Sinope), and Pontus (from Amisos to Nikopolis). Pontus had been a kingdom from Mithradates I until the death of Mithra- dates VI in 63BC. Afterwards, the western part, reaching as far as the city of Nikopolis, became part of the Roman province of Bithynia et Pontus which

* Many thanks to Julien M. Ogereau for not only correcting the wording of this article, but also for asking thought-provoking questions, which I (hopefully) was able to address. 1 See esp. C. Marek, Pontus et Bithynia: Die römischen Provinzen im Norden Kleinasiens (Mainz: Zabern, 2003) 30–43.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi: 10.1163/9789004367197_004 Markus Öhler - 9789004367197 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com08/10/2021 08:53:03AM via Universitat Wien early christianity in bithynia-pontus 63 was established by Pompey. The eastern part formed a client-kingdom until its inclusion into the province of Galatia in AD64. Bithynia had been in various alliances from 430BC until 74BC, when the Roman province of Bithynia was founded. Paphlagonia was included in the Roman province only to some extent, especially the parts near the coast. Most of the hinterland was part of the province of Galatia (since 5BC). Since the borders of provinces in north Asia Minor were never stable from early imperial times onward, some areas of Pontus formed small sub-provinces together with parts of Galatia or Cappado- cia.2 Archaeological research, including epigraphic surveys, has been much more intensive in Bithynia than in Pontus. This implies that the following overview is probably not representative of the actual historical situation. Nevertheless, a few findings will provide us with an insight into the world of local communities, which was not completely different from the rest of Asia Minor.

2 Graeco-Roman Associations in Bithynia-Pontus

Voluntary associations were a widespread phenomenon already in classical Greece and became even more popular in Roman imperial times. They were important to the social structure of a city not only by providing social space for commensality, religious practices and other activities, but also by creat- ing social networks that supported ancient society.3 Most of the evidence for ancient associations comes from inscriptions, scarcely from literary sources. Archaeological remains of clubhouses are attested in various places in Asia Minor, such as at Pergamon or Ephesos, but unfortunately not in Bithynia and Pontus. Therefore, inscriptions will be mostly relied upon to gain insight into the structures of associations in this area.

2 For a detailed discussion, see Marek, PontusetBithynia, 30–43 and 182–183 (maps); S. Mitchell, Anatolia: Land, Men, and Gods in Asia Minor (2 vols.; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993) 2.151–157. See also below the discussion on the address of 1Peter. 3 See e.g. A. Bendlin, “Gemeinschaft, Öffentlichkeit und Identität: Forschungsgeschichtliche Anmerkungen zu den Mustern sozialer Ordnung in Rom,” in ReligiöseVereinein der römischen Antike: Untersuchungen zu Organisation, Ritual und Raumordnung (ed. U. Egelhaaf-Gaiser and A. Schäfer; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2002) 9–40.

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2.1 The Epigraphic Evidence for Associations and Judean Synagogues In the second volume of the collection of inscriptions Greco-Roman Associa- tions (GRA) compiled by Philip Harland, the editor analyses six inscriptions from Bithynia-Pontus.4 On his accompanying website,5 Harland lists altogether thirty documents from Bithynia (especially from Apameia and Prusa ad Olym- pum), and eight from Pontus. Compared to the evidence from Lydia or Ionia this is not much, although it is something to work with. The date of these documents ranges between the third century BC and the third century AD, which makes the number of thirty-eight inscriptions over roughly six centuries excep- tionally small.6 In his description of the diaspora of Judeans, Philo indicates the presence of Judeans “up to Bithynia and the corners of Pontus” (ἄχρι Βιθυνίας καὶ τῶν τοῦ Πόντου μυχών, Legat. 281). Other texts from the New Testament (Acts 2:9; 18:2) also mention individual Judeans from Pontus and/or Bithynia. The earliest epigraphic attestation of Judeans in Bithynia-Pontus dates perhaps from the second century AD,7 but the dating of this inscription, which features a menorah, is highly insecure. Inscriptions with Judean expressions or decoration come from Kalchedon, Klaudiopolis (Bithynion), Nikaia, Nicomedia—all of which are in Bithynia—and Sebastopolis (Paphlagonia). There is no epigraphical evidence for Judeans in Pontus. Among the twelve Judean inscriptions in the Inscrip- tionesJudaicaeOrientis corpus, only two from Nicomedia mention a synagogue. This relatively small number of inscriptions pertaining to associations and synagogues might be due to the fact that many places in this area have not been excavated and studied in detail yet. This may also explain the small number of inscriptions with a possible Christian character before Constantine’s time. However, other explanations could be possible, such as the restrictions placed on associations (see below), or the measures taken against Christ believers (see below).

4 P.A.Harland, ed., Greco-RomanAssociations:Texts,TranslationsandCommentary, vol. 2: North Coast of the Black Sea, Asia Minor (BZNW 204; Berlin: de Gruyter, 2014) 43–71. 5 See http://philipharland.com/greco‑roman‑associations/ (21 September 2016). 6 This number may be even smaller since not every instance points to an association with considerable certainty, e.g. IPrusiasHyp 29, 63, 64; T. Reinach, BE 1904, 252 (Abonouteichos); ISinope 117; and IPrusaOlymp 50. Fourteen inscriptions of associations are honorific, eight documents inform us about the death of a member, and only four are dedications to a divin- ity. One inscription (IPrusaOlymp 52) comprises a list of members and their offices. 7 IJO II 153 (Nikaia).

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2.2 Honours and Authority From a social-scientific perspective, the predominance of honorific inscriptions suggests that leading or important persons acted as prototypes for the whole group. A man who served as a priest in a good and proper,8 or righ- teous,9 manner functioned as a role model for others. The fact that benevo- lence,10 generosity,11 virtue,12 the performances of a Bacchic dancer13 or of an athlete,14 piety and sense of honour,15 as well as good financial stewardship,16 were praised in inscriptions illustrates that these virtues were important for associations. These inscriptions in effect provided guidelines of conduct for fellow-members and in particular for leaders. For example, in one inscription the leader of a group of mystes praises himself as κράτιστος (excellent),17 in another, an association of shippers lauds their leader as the greatest.18 Obvi- ously, many of these epitheta were quite conventional and occurred in inscriptions a thousand times in antiquity. In effect, they reveal the expectations of groups, which were very probably also grounded in actual experience. The more association officers conformed to this prototypical behaviour, the greater became their authority and leadership position.19 Virtues are also mentioned in Christian inscriptions, such as the fear of God,20 the love of God,21 piety,22 love of the family,23 or pureness.24 We have to consider that most of the important virtues highlighted in association inscrip-

8 IApamBith 33. 9 IApamBith 34. 10 IApamBith 35; IKios 22; IPrusaOlymp 48, 1028; IHerakleiaPont 2; BE 1904, 252. 11 IPrusaOlymp 24. 12 GRA 2.98. 13 IKlaudiop 83. 14 GRA 2.97. 15 SEG 36.1150. 16 IPrusiasHyp 29. 17 IKlaudiop 65. 18 TAM IV/1.33. 19 J.S. Kloppenborg, “The Moralizing of Discourse in Greco-Roman Associations,” in The One Who Sows Bountifully: Essays in Honor of Stanley K. Stowers (ed. C.J. Hodge et al.; BJS 356; Providence, R.I.: Brown University, 2013) 215–228; A. Batten, “The Moral World of Greco- Roman Associations,” SR 36 (2007) 135–151. 20 IPrusaOlymp 15. 21 StudPont 3/1.72. 22 StudPont 3/1.20; SEG 50.1233. 23 StudPont 3/1.20. 24 IKlaudiop 44; GRA 1.49 (Liopesi, AD100).

Markus Öhler - 9789004367197 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com08/10/2021 08:53:03AM via Universitat Wien 66 öhler tions were also highly valued among Christ groups. They also needed generous and benevolent people to provide funding and housing and to act as role models with exemplary behaviour. At the same time, Christ groups developed new virtues such as the care for the poor25 and the widows,26 as we shall see below in detail.

2.3 Types of Associations Many inscriptions do not mention the specific purpose of associations, but some do. Ten of them mention the occupational orientation of their members: they were sack-weavers,27 garland-makers,28 shippers,29 gladiators,30 copper- smiths,31 green-grocers,32 or actors of the theatrical synodos, which was an international organization active throughout the Imperium Romanum.33 Although we have no early evidence for it, it is quite possible that some Christ groups were also composed of people sharing the same occupation.34 Some inscriptions evoke the religious profile of the association by designat- ing its members as Mystes,35 Isiakoi,36 Brontaistai,37 or as a gathering of Zeus.38 Explicit references to deities are also common, e.g. Dionysos,39 Zeus Poarinos,40 Zeus Bennios,41 Zeus Soter,42 Zeus Astarneus,43 the Twelve Gods,44 the Mother

25 StudPont 3/1.20. 26 StudPont 3/1.72. 27 IPrusaOlymp 1036. 28 ISinope 128. 29 GRA 2.98; TAM IV/1.22, 33. 30 IGladiateurs 78. 31 INikaia 73. 32 INikaia 197. 33 IHerakleiaPont 2; IPrusiasHyp 49. On professional associations see O.M. van Nijf, The Civic World of Professional Associations in the Roman East (Amsterdam: Gieben, 1997). 34 See R.S. Ascough, Paul’s Macedonian Associations: The Social Context of Philippians and 1Thessalonians (WUNT 2/161; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003) 184–186. 35 IApamBith 103; IPrusaOlymp 48, 52, 159. 36 IPrusaOlymp 1028. 37 IApamBith 116. 38 IApamBith 35. 39 IDionysosJ 73; INikaia 1324; GRA 2.97. 40 BE 1904, 252. 41 SEG 36.1150. 42 IPrusiasHyp 63, 64. 43 IJO II 149. 44 IKalchedon 13.

Markus Öhler - 9789004367197 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com08/10/2021 08:53:03AM via Universitat Wien early christianity in bithynia-pontus 67 of Gods,45 Isis,46 Hermes,47 the Bithynian war-god Preietos,48 and Theos Hyp- sistos.49 Others give themselves more neutral names, but show in their reliefs that devotion to a deity was the main concern of the association. In epitaphs, this was (also) perhaps indicative of the belief of the deceased or of his or her relatives: Zeus,50 Kybele (on her own,51 or with Apollon52), as well as Isis and Sarapis,53 are sometimes mentioned or depicted. Of course, this does not mean that cultic activities took place only within these associations, but at least one can affirm that cultic devotion seems to have played a major part in their life. It goes without saying that such religious self-designations and specific references to deities were important aspects of the identity of a group. These reveal the main interest and religious orientation of these associations and, in the case of occupational groups, the restrictions for membership as well. The collective veneration of a specific deity, which was sometimes even distinguished by special invocations (e.g. to Zeus), or through a mystic initiation (e.g. the cults of Isis or Dionysos), functioned as a group-marker, strengthened the social cohesion and dissociated the group from its environment.54 In an epitaph, the mention of some membership in an association, among other forms of belonging (e.g. family, political institutions), shows how important this aspect of one’s social identity must have been, even though these documents only give an impression of what the bereaved regarded as relevant. This evidence illustrates that self-designations taking the worshipped deity as a point of reference were quite common. This is also true of communities of Christ believers in Bithynia-Pontus: Pliny the Younger called them Chris- tiani (Ep. 10.96), and 1Peter used Χριστιανός as a self-designation (1Pet 4:16). Although this Roman designation originated in Antioch in the late thirties of the first century (Acts 11:26), it had become something of an identity marker by the beginning of the second century and was used by insiders and outsiders alike. Outside literary evidence, however, there is no other early attestation

45 IKios 20. 46 IKios 22. 47 IPrusaOlymp 48. 48 TAM IV/1.76. 49 ISinope 117. 50 IApamBith 33 and 34. 51 IPrusaOlymp 50. 52 IApamBith 35. 53 IPrusaOlymp 48. 54 This of course does not imply that members of these cults were in religious opposition to the official cults in their cities.

Markus Öhler - 9789004367197 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com08/10/2021 08:53:03AM via Universitat Wien 68 öhler of Χριστιανός in Bithynia-Pontus.55 Equally noteworthy is that no inscription before Constantine’s time mentions Christ or Jesus.56 Judean synagogues constituted a special type of associations, as they formed groups of people with the same ethnic background. They identified themselves with the country of their forefathers, as their pagan counterparts also did.57 Although other ethnic associations were not rare in the Graeco-Roman world, no example has been identified so far in Bithynia-Pontus. Two epitaphs from Nicomedia mention a synagogue (IJO II 154 and 157; AD III).58 Whereas the first inscription (IJO II 154) can be understood as referring to a non-Judean synagogue since it does not mention Judeans,59 the second one (IJO II 157) is without a doubt Judean and can be used to categorize the former (IJO II 154) as belonging to the Judean minority of Nicomedia as well.60The form Ἰουδέων in IJO II 157 and its variants are also attested at other places in Asia Minor, but the phrase “synagogue of Judeans” has been found only once more in Asia Minor.61

2.4 Association Terminology The most common self-designation of association members is θιασῖται or θια- σῶται.62 However, it is only attested from the third to the first centuries BC.63 Others named themselves μύσται or συνμύσται,64 ἑταίροι,65 φίλοι,66 ἀδελφοί,67

55 One example of the use of Χριστιανός in an inscription from Nicomedia is dated to Byzan- tine times. See TravMem 10 (1987) 432 no. 53. 56 All eleven instances from Bithynia-Pontus are quite late. 57 See S. Mason, “Jews, Judeans, Judaizing, Judaism: Problems of Categorization in Ancient History,” JSJ 38 (2007) 457–512. 58 IJO II 158, a possible third instance, is very fragmentary. 59 The reference to an altar (βωμός) in IJO II 154 should be understood as a description of the monument and should not be taken as a reference to a funerary altar. 60 Other Judean inscriptions from Nicomedia are IJO II 155, which is also a threat of punish- ment but without a reference to the synagogue, and IJO II 156, which mentions the office of a reader (see below). It becomes quite clear that the Judean minority in Nicomedia must have been quite substantial. 61 IJO II 36 (Kyme or Phoikaia). 62 IApamBith 33, 34, 35; IKalchedon 13; IKios 22; see also IPrusaOlymp 1036: συνθιασείτης. 63 The term was not restricted to Hellenistic times, however. See I.N. Arnaoutoglou, Thusias heneka kaisunousias: PrivateReligious Associations in Hellenistic Athens (Athens: Academy of Athens, 2003) 60–61. 64 IApamBith 103; IPrusaOlymp 48, 52, 159. 65 IPrusaOlymp 24. 66 IPrusaOlymp 17, 18, 24. 67 ISinope 117.

Markus Öhler - 9789004367197 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com08/10/2021 08:53:03AM via Universitat Wien early christianity in bithynia-pontus 69 or even after their gods (e.g. Βρονταϊσται, Ἰσίκαοι). The titles of associations or assemblies vary. There is one θίασος,68 one pagan(!) συναγωγή,69 one φαμίλια,70 three κοινοί,71 and three σύνοδοι.72 However, these terms do not define an association’s character and are quite common at other places. In some instances, it is not easy to determine the religious orientation of the association behind a certain inscription. This is especially so because the same terms could be used by pagan groups, Judeans and Christ believers alike, as the following two examples will illustrate. The last line of an inscription from Apameia records that honours for a certain Stratonike should be announced ἐν τῆι τοῦ Διὸς συναγωγῇ.73 It is quite remarkable to find a reference to a synagogue for the assembly of a pagan association, although this occurs more often than one might think.74 Harland gives several similar examples of the use of συναγωγή in inscriptions from Perinthos, Tanais, Beroia, and Egypt.75 Our example here is one of the oldest for an association. In my opinion, however, and in contrast with the use of the term in Judean inscriptions, here it neither identifies the association itself nor the building, but the actual gathering of its members.76 It is the assembly of members in which Stratonike’s benevolent behaviour and honours were made public.77 The expression συναγωγὴ τοῦ Διός therefore does not mean “association of Zeus” in a general sense (i.e. an association of people venerating Zeus), but refers to the “gathering for Zeus” (i.e. the actual assembly of those who practise the cult).78

68 IKios 20. 69 IApamBith 35. 70 IGladiateurs 78. 71 IPrusaOlymp 24, 52 (restored); BE 1904, 252. 72 IHerakleiaPont 2; IPrusiasHyp 49; ISinope 128. 73 IApamBith 35 (GRA 2.99). 74 Its pagan character is undisputable: Stratonike was a priestess of Mother Kybele and Apol- lon. 75 Harland, GRA 2, p. 52. 76 For the same usage in a Christian context see Jas 2:2: ἐὰν γὰρ εἰσέλθῃ εἰς συναγωγὴν ὑμῶν … Once again, Harland, GRA 2, p. 53, interprets this differently, however, and understands it as a reference to the building itself, whereas Corsten, IApamBith, pp. 54–55, seems to read it as a designation of the association (but see ibid., p. 54: “Versammlung, Fest”). 77 For the use of κηρυκτός for the proclamation of honours see also IApamBith 34, which, just as IApamBith 33, belongs to the same association. The word is used only in these two inscriptions. 78 If we connected ἐν τῆι τοῦ Διὸς συναγωγῇ with φιλαγαθήσασ[αν], it would indeed imply that συναγωγὴ τοῦ Διός means “association of Zeus” (see Corsten, IApamBith, p. 55). However, I could not find any other example of an association identified in this way. In the case

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From Sinope, on the southern coast of the Black Sea, comes an example of veneration of Theos Hypsistos79 in the form of an inscription set up by a large group of devotees.80 I will not herein discuss the mutual influences between pagan, Jewish and Christian worship of the Most High God and the character of this henotheistic epithet.81 In my opinion, the different forms of reference to a Highest God do not point to a specific and uniformed cult, but should be understood as part of an henotheistic or even monotheistic tendency in the second and third centuries AD. This point aside, we can find some additional affinity with the language of Christ believers in this inscription. The donors of the inscription identify themselves as the “vowing brothers” (ἀδελφοὶ εὐξάμενοι).82 Thus, it seems that they expressed their affiliation to an association of venerators of Theos Hypsistos by the use of fictive kinship language.83

of Judean synagogues, the genitive Ἰουδαίων refers to the people forming the association, which is also true of occupational groups who identify themselves by the name of their occupation in the genitive. 79 ISinope 117 (AD I or II): ἀγαθῆι τύχηι | (vac.) | θεῷ Ὑψίστῳ | Α̣ἴλιος Θρεπτίων | Ποντιανὸς Σεου|ῆρος Μάκερ οἱ | ἀδελφοὶ εὐξάμενοι. (“To good fortune. The brothers who have made a vow, Aelius Threption Pontianus and Severus Macer, dedicated this to the Most High God.”) 80 In 1999, Stephen Mitchell counted thirteen inscriptions from Bithynia, Pontus, and Paph- lagonia, including two from the above-mentioned Amastris and three from Sinope, a list which was expanded by three additional examples in 2010. See S. Mitchell, “Further Thoughts on the Cult of Theos Hypsistos,” in One God: Pagan Monotheism in the Roman Empire (ed. S. Mitchell and P. van Nuffelen; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010) 167–208, here 204. 81 See S. Mitchell, “The Cult of Theos Hypsistos between Pagans, Jews, and Christians,” in Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity (ed. P. Athanassiadi and M. Frede; Oxford: Clarendon, 1999) 81–148; id., “Further Thoughts,” 167–208; W. Wischmeyer, “ΘΕΟΣΥΨΙΣΤΟΣ: Neues zu einer alten Debatte,”ZAC 9 (2005) 149–168; G.W. Bowersock, “The Highest God with Partic- ular Reference to North-Pontus,” Hyperboreus 8 (2002) 353–363; Y. Ustinova, The Supreme Gods of the Bosporian Kingdom: Celestial Aphrodite and the Most High God (RGRW 135; Lei- den: Brill, 1999); N. Belayche, “Hypsistos: A Way of Exalting the Gods in Graeco-Roman Polytheism,” in The Religious History of the Roman Empire: Pagans, Jews, and Christians (ed. J.A. North and S.R.F. Price; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011) 139–174; I. Levin- skaya, The Book of Acts in Its Diaspora Setting (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Paternoster, 1996) 83–116. 82 The different names of the dedicators make it quite clear that they are not real brothers. See already F. Poland, Geschichte des griechischen Vereinswesens (Leipzig: Teubner, 1909) 55, who also pointed out the parallels from Tanais. 83 Some inscriptions from the city of Tanais, which was located far north at the entry of the river Tanais (modern-day Don) into the Maiotis (modern-day sea of Azov), refer to several

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This language was of course very prominent within groups of Christ believers, although Harland has convincingly shown that the use of family-language was not restricted to Christian groups and was probably much more common than our epigraphic sources reveal.84 This is due to the very nature of inscriptions which were largely directed to a wider audience (e.g. epitaphs, honorary inscriptions), whereas the language of fictive kinship was used mainly within a particular group. The higher frequency of kinship language in early Christian literary sources than in inscriptions of associations can also be explained by the fact that the former were texts intended for insiders. The use of ἀδελφός in a metaphorical sense can be found in an undeniably Christian inscription only after the Constantinian shift.85

2.5 Offices, Functions, and Honorific Titles Some inscriptions mention certain offices within associations. The Dionysiasts in Prusa ad Olympum had, for example, a μυστάρχης, a couple of βασιλείς, and an officer for sacred affairs.86 Priests87 or priestesses88 regularly feature in these groups. They can also have a provost (προστάτης),89 a special sacrificer (θυη- κόος),90 or a dancer (ὀρχήσας).91 Judean inscriptions from Bithynia-Pontus also record titles and offices of members of the synagogue, such as πρεσβύτερος,92 γραματεύς (sic!),93 ἀναγνώσ-

associations devoted to an unspecified Theos Hypsistos. Four mention “adopted brothers” (εἰσποιητοὶ ἀδελφοί): CIRB 1280, 1283, 1285 and 1286—all of which are dated between AD210 and 240. See also the discussion in P.A. Harland, “Familial Dimensions of Group Identity: ‘Brothers’ (ἀδελφοί) in Associations of the Greek East,” JBL 124 (2005) 491–513, here 502–503. In Panticapeum and Iluratum, on the north coast of the Black Sea, members of associations called a deceased “their own brother” (CIRB 107, AD200–250; CIRB 967, AD100–150), but no deity is mentioned. 84 Harland, “Familial Dimensions,” 494. 85 See Harland, “Familial Dimensions,” 496. The Christian character of IPrusaOlymp 115 is far from clear (see below). 86 IPrusaOlymp 52. See also IKlaudiop 65; INikaia 1324. IPrusaOlymp 52, l. 10, mentions an ἱερ(ός) or ἱερ(εύς)—the latter seems more probable. But see Corsten, IPrusaOlymp, p. 80. 87 IApamBith 33, 34; IKalchedon 13; IPrusaOlymp 48; BE 1904, 252. 88 IApamBith 35. 89 GRA 2.98. 90 IKlaudiop 65. 91 IKlaudiop 83. 92 IJO II 150, 151 (Kalchedon, AD IV or later). 93 IJO II 151.

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της,94 ἄρχων,95 αἰπηστάτις,96 and πρεσβῦτις.97 The office of “reader” (ἀναγνώ- στης) is the most interesting since it is very seldom in Judean inscriptions.98 He may have been required because the people could not read Hebrew or, more probably, could not read at all. It is also likely that reading the Scriptures was considered a special function in this community of Judeans, just as it would later be in Christ groups.99 Self-designations of religious groups could point to a cultic practice (e.g. μύσται), or to a certain intimacy between the members (e.g. φίλοι). The same may be said of the titles of their officers. Some inscriptions describe them as leaders (e.g. μυστάρχης), others as performers of distinct functions (e.g. ἱερεύς). In any case, inscriptions present them as authorities and role models to others with the objective either to honour them or to commemorate them. Sim- ilarly, when a deceased Christian presbyter is commemorated in an epitaph, some of his virtues can be invoked, e.g. the love of God and the love of widows.100

2.6 Literary References to Associations The most prominent references to associations in Bithynia-Pontus in Graeco- Roman literature are found in Pliny’s letters. Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus served as a legatus Augustae in the double province of Bithynia-Pontus from AD110 onward (perhaps until AD112).101 His task was to ensure the financial recovery of cities (Ep. 10.18.32). Book 10 of his letters compilation, which was edited after he died while serving as a governor, includes three letters in which associations are mentioned. The first instance relates Pliny’s suggestion to Trajan to establish a collegium fabrorum of 150 men to fight fires in Nicomedia (Ep. 10.33). Trajan’s reply is negative (Ep. 10.34). Such collegia may exist in other cities but not in the province of Bithynia-Pontus, since it had previously suffered under the activities of such

94 IJO II 156. 95 IJO II 160 (Sebastopolis, AD IV or later). 96 IJO II 151. 97 IJO II 161 (Sebastopolis, AD IV or later). 98 See on that P.W. van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs (Leuven: Peeters, 1991) esp. 96–97. 99 See e.g. SEG 41.1104 (Bithynia, Byzantine); StudPont 3/1.70b (Neoclaudiopolis, undated), 230 (Pontus, Byzantine), 234 (Pontus, Byzantine). 100 StudPont 3/1.72. 101 C. Marek, Geschichte Kleinasiens in der Antike (Munich: Beck, 2010) 871 (AD110–112). The exact dating is debated.

Markus Öhler - 9789004367197 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com08/10/2021 08:53:03AM via Universitat Wien early christianity in bithynia-pontus 73 organizations. Within a short time, they would become hetaeriae and would cause problems. Therefore, Pliny should not permit such groups.102 Later on, Pliny would deal with associations in a quite similar way, though with a different outcome (Ep. 10.93–94). The city of Amisus, a civitas libera et foederata, had the right to its own administrative law, and thus Trajan did not (or could not) prohibit the establishment of an ἔρανος. However, it was still important for the emperor to advise Pliny not to grant other cities the same privilege.103 One final example is Pliny’s famous letter about Christians in Bithynia- Pontus (Ep. 10.96). At the end of Pliny’s description of the Christians’ activities, he tells Trajan about their meetings:

When this was over, it was their custom to depart and to assemble again to partake of food, but ordinary and innocent food. Even this, they affirmed, they had ceased to do after my edict by which, in accordance with your instructions, I had forbidden hetaeriae.104

This raises the question as to whether the Christians had really obeyed Pliny’s previous edict, which would suggest that they conceived of themselves as an association. On the one hand, this is quite plausible since communities of Christ believers were some kind of Graeco-Roman associations. However, it would also imply that almost every association in Bithynia-Pontus, not only Christ groups, would have been dissolved after the edict. This, in my opinion,

102 To understand the background of this negative reply, one could point to the Bacchana- lian affair of 186BC, which durably traumatized the Roman elite. Closer to the world of Bithynia-Pontus, a remark in one of Dio Chrysostom’s speeches indicates that ἑταιρεῖαι, amongst others, were thought to be responsible for the political problems in his hometown Prusa (Or. 45.8). Pliny’s Ep. 10.81–82 is also concerned with a dispute between Dio (named Cocceianus Dion here) and the city of Prusa. 103 What is striking in Trajan’s answer is that he thinks of an ἔρανος—Pliny used the Greek word—as an institution for poor people. This goes back to a long-standing tradition dating from the fifth century BC, which seems to have still been relevant in the second century AD. The classical meaning of ἔρανος as a group of friends providing each other loans was apparently still applicable, although the general meaning “association” was prevalent at the time, as a second-century inscription from Liopesi in Attica attests (SEG 31.122 [GRA 1.50]; see l. 38 for ἔρανος). 104 Quibus peractis morem sibi discedendi fuisse rursusque coeundi ad capiendum cibum, pro- miscuum tamen et innoxium; quod ipsum facere desisse post edictum meum, quo secundum mandata tua hetaerias esse vetueram (H. Kasten, ed., C. Plini Caecilii Secundi Epistularum libri decem [Tusculum-Bücher 403; Munich: Heimeran, 1968]).

Markus Öhler - 9789004367197 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com08/10/2021 08:53:03AM via Universitat Wien 74 öhler is entirely implausible. Many of the association inscriptions date in fact to the second century AD,105 even though the dating is not secure in all cases. A dis- bandment of all associations in the double province would not have gone unno- ticed and might have been mentioned in one of Dio’s speeches, for example. Not to mention that such a measure would have simply been almost impossi- ble to execute. On the other hand, Pliny had every interest to show that he had faithfully obeyed the emperor’s orders. In all of his letters, the governor wants to show that he was successful in enforcing Trajan’s policies. He demonstrates this also with regard to the communal gatherings of Christ believers, which, according to him, were dissolved after the general ban on associations. Pagan allega- tions against Christians might have come from popular rumours about meals of Christ believers, who were accused of cannibalism or some other misbe- haviour.106 Pliny insinuates this indirectly when he states that the accused ate only “ordinary and innocent food.” But these incidents and the following events in court were used by the governor to show to the emperor that the order to dis- solve all associations had been effectively implemented. Christ groups made the most impressive example for this. In view of the epigraphic evidence for associations from the second century AD, which we should not have if Pliny’s actions had had such an effect, this reconstruction makes good sense. However, it is still possible that some Christ groups had ceased to meet for meals and worship. And while this might have been the case, it may not have been motivated by a general ban on associations. Rather, it was provoked by an adverse local environment (see below).

3 Early Christianity in Bithynia-Pontus

3.1 Bithynia and Pontus in the New Testament Bithynia is mentioned twice in the New Testament (Acts 16:7; 1Pet 1:1), Pontus three times (Acts 2:9; 18:2; 1Pet 1:1), but Paphlagonia not even once. Nor does any city of the double-province appear in the New Testament. These regions were not visited by Paul (at least according to Acts 16:7), and little is known

105 IPrusaOlymp 17, 18, 48, 50, 52, 1036; IKlaudiop 83; GRA 2.97 (Amastris); IHerakleiaPont 2; ISinope 117, 128. 106 See P.A. Harland, “‘These People Are Men-Eaters’: Banquets of Anti-Associations and Per- ceptions of Minority Cultural Groups,” in Identity and Interaction in the Ancient Mediter- ranean: Jews, Christians and Others (ed. Z. Crook and P.A. Harland; Sheffield: Sheffield- Phoenix, 2007) 56–75, here 70–72.

Markus Öhler - 9789004367197 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com08/10/2021 08:53:03AM via Universitat Wien early christianity in bithynia-pontus 75 overall of Christ believers in Bithynia or Pontus. We only know of one Chris- tian from Pontus named Aquila (Acts 18:2–3, 18, 26; see 1Cor 16:19; Rom 16:3; 2Tim 4:19). Together with his wife Priska he was one of the closest co-workers of Paul within his network, hosting communities in Corinth (Acts 18:2–3), Eph- esos (1Cor 16:19), and Rome (Rom 16:5). According to epigraphical evidence, the name Aquila occurs quite often in Pontus.107 It seems probable, however, that Priska and Aquila had become Christ believers in Rome. They had been expelled from Rome under the reign of Claudius (Acts 18:2) as a result of riots among the Judean minority on account of a certain “Chrestus” (which means “Christ”), according to Suetonius (Claud. 25.4). This combination of events makes it probable that Luke’s description of Aquila as a Judean (Acts 18:2), which should apply to his wife Priska, is historical. For our investigation of the beginnings of Christianity in Pontus, the reference to Aquila’s native country is however without any further relevance. Another possible piece of evidence attesting the presence of Christ believers in Pontus and Bithynia is the opening address of 1Peter.108 The text mentions in a circumventing fashion Christ believers in Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia.109 Interpretations of this list have differed. John H. Elliott has tried to re-establish the old idea that the regional order mirrors the journey of a letter courier.110 Another explanation could be that the address should be considered as an allusion to some tradition about Peter’s missionary activities.111 At least, this seems to have been the interpretation of Origen according to a passage in Eusebius’ history of the church (Hist. eccl. 3.1.2), although it is more probable that this is only an extrapolation of 1Pet 1:1. A third interpretation discerns an anti-Pauline intention behind the address: the author wanted to

107 Marek, Pontus et Bithynia, 118; id., Stadt, Ära und Territorium in Pontus-Bithynia und Nord- Galatia (Istanbuler Forschungen 39; Tübingen: Wasmuth, 1993) s.v. Ἀκύλας and Aquila; see e.g. ISinope 217. Πρεῖσκα is found in one inscription from Amastris (Marek, Stadt, Amastris 39). 108 For an overview of the discussion see T.B. Williams, Persecution in 1Peter: Differentiating and Contextualizing Early Christian Suffering (NovTSup 145; Leiden: Brill, 2012) 63–90. 109 There are however textual variations to the address according to NA²⁸: Codex Sinaiticus in its uncorrected form (together with codex 048 and some Vulgate manuscripts) omits the reference to Asia, whereas Codex Vaticanus—also prima manu—omits Bithynia. This could simply be due to scribal errors or to the adaptation to later provincial organization. 110 See J.H. Elliott, 1Peter: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 37B; New York: Doubleday, 2000) 91. The idea was first proposed by H. Ewald, Sieben Sendschreiben des Neuen Bundes (Göttingen: Dieterich, 1870) 3. 111 See P. Pokorný and U. Heckel, Einleitung in das Neue Testament: Seine Literatur und The- ologie im Überblick (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007) 692.

Markus Öhler - 9789004367197 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com08/10/2021 08:53:03AM via Universitat Wien 76 öhler establish a Petrine tradition in Asia Minor by mentioning Christ believers from every part of the peninsula.112 Whatever the most probable explanation might be, the list deserves consideration. Why did the author mention Pontus and Bithynia separately although they were bound together as a double province?What is the intention of mixing provincial names such as Asia or Galatia-Cappadocia with regional names such as Pontus and Bithynia? Did the author only think of regions? Or did he regard “Pontus” as the name of two other provinces, such as Pontus Galaticus (3/2BC– AD114), Pontus Polemoniacus (AD64–114), or Pontus Mediterraneus (between the reigns of Vespasian and Hadrian)—the first alternative being perhaps the most likely.113 This would of course imply that Paphlagonia would have been altogether left out, although it may have been included in Galatia-Cappadocia. Thus it seems possible that the author, if he had any good knowledge at all of the provinces of Asia Minor in the first century, was thinking of Bithynia as the whole province Bithynia-Pontus and of Pontus as another province further to the east. More generally, the likely pseudepigraphic character of 1Peter raises the car- dinal question whether the geographical setting of the addressees might not have in fact been larger than Asia Minor itself.114 There is also the possibility that 1Peter was not even intended to be read in Asia Minor, but in Rome. This assumption is underpinned by the fact that the author pretends to be in Rome (“Babylon,” 1Pet 5:13). Further, the social marginalization and oppression expe- rienced by these Christ believers and evoked in 1Peter seem to reflect better the situation in the city of Rome than elsewhere. Whatever the case may be, the letter, in my opinion, does not react to any precise situation in a specific region but to widespread problems and challenges commonly affecting the early Chris- tians. In 1Pet 5:9, the author indeed states explicitly that all Christ believers are suffering under the same difficult circumstances.

112 See M. Hengel, Die vier Evangelien und das eine Evangelium von Jesus Christus: Studien zu ihrer Sammlung und Entstehung (WUNT 224; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2011) 338 n. 1024. This interpretation, however, over-emphasizes non-Pauline elements in an otherwise Pauline text. On the Pauline character of 1Peter, see D.G. Horrell, Becoming Christian: Essays on 1Peter and the Making of Christian Identity (LNTS 394; London: T&T Clark, 2015) 7–44. 113 For a historical map of Asia Minor see Mitchell, Anatolia, 2.156. 114 See M. Vahrenhorst, Der erste Brief des Petrus (Theologischer Kommentar zum Neuen Tes- tament 19; Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2016) 17–18.

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3.2 Oppression and Persecution It is particularly interesting that the hostility against Christ believers, which is a dominant topic in 1Peter (4:12–16), has its counterpart in Pliny’s description of the situation in his province (Ep. 10.96). Wherever Pliny might have actually been confronted with Christ believers and their denouncers—whether in the capital Nicomedia or in any other major city—the situation was seemingly not so different from the one described in 1Peter. Christ believers were denounced as such (iis qui ad me tamquam Christiani deferebantur, Ep. 10.96.2). Even a libel with the names of many Christiani had been given to Pliny by an anonymous informer (Propositus est libellus sine auctore multorum nomina continens, 96.5). The motives of the informer (index, 96.6), probably the author of the libellus himself, are not clear, however. It may be that local priests or sellers of sacrifi- cial meat (see 96.10) were behind the denunciation. If Pliny’s description of the disastrous situation is not an entire exaggeration, the decline in the sale of sac- rificial meat must have resulted in significant economic prejudice for temples and businesses economically linked to them. By accusing Christians before the governor, they may have been trying to regain their social and economic position and to do away with the new religious group.115 And, according to Pliny, his measures had helped to improve the situation. Whatever the case may have been, Pliny’s account makes it probable that Christianity was a widespread phenomenon in Bithynia-Pontus by the beginning of the second century. Even if Pliny exaggerated the situation to highlight his commitment, it can be presumed that the new belief had become popular not only in cities but also in smaller villages. According to Pliny, some of the accused persons had abandoned Christianity twenty years before his account (Ep. 10.96.6), which shows that the gospel had been proclaimed in the region by at least the last decades of the first century AD.116

115 On the rhetorical strategies of Pliny’s description, see A. Reichert, “Durchdachte Konfu- sion: Plinius, Trajan und das Christentum,” ZNW 93 (2002) 227–250; K. Thraede, “Noch einmal: Plinius d.J. und die Christen,” ZNW 95 (2004) 102–128. For a different view see Williams, Persecution, 199–207. 116 Pliny’s description of the rituals and behaviour of Christ believers would deserve a much more thorough exegesis than can be undertaken within this article. Gatherings in the morning before sunrise, singing of hymns, commitment to certain moral standards, communal meals, and functionaries (e.g. two ministrae), are mentioned. Most of these practices (at least in form but not in content) are not entirely different from those of other religiously-oriented associations. It is quite probable that Pliny and/or the Christ believers themselves categorized their gatherings as meetings of hetaeriae.

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Hostility to Christ believers in Bithynia and Pontus is also mentioned in Lucian’s book on the prophet Alexander of Abonouteichos (Alex. 25.38). Alex- ander’s foundation of the cult of Asklepios Glykon started in the 40s of the second century, and had become quite popular by the end of the century. It lasted well into the third. Lucian’s contemporary satirical description of Alexander’s activities also mentions his hostile attitude towards Christians and Epicureans. “Pontus was full of atheists and Christians” (ἀθέων ἐμπεπλῆσθαι καὶ Χριστιανῶν τὸν Πόντον), Alexander complained, according to Lucian (Alex. 25). The accusa- tion of atheism comes close to Pliny’s judgement of Christianity as superstitio (Ep. 10.96.8–9).

3.3 Epigraphic and Literary Evidence for Christians before Constantine In contrast with the literary evidence, only a very limited number of Christian inscriptions from the time before Constantine has been preserved in Bithynia and Pontus. This small count could perhaps be even lower, since in some cases it is not possible to prove a Christian origin.117 Three explanations for the scarce inscriptional evidence are imaginable. A first possibility is that Pliny exaggerated the actual number of Christ believers. This seems plausible considering his rhetorical strategies, although it does not explain why numbers are, compared with other areas such as Phry- gia or Lycaonia, so small. A second possible reason is that Christ believers in Bithynia-Pontus refrained from publicly acknowledging their faith because of the fierce oppression they endured, which could have started earlier than in other places. However, there is no evidence of ongoing persecution during the short period when Pliny’s measures were implemented. A final, and perhaps more probable, explanation is that Christ believers in the first three centuries adopted and adapted pagan epigraphic forms and formulas in such a way that they simply cannot be identified with certainty in the local inscriptions from the period (see below). This could have also been due to oppression, but one cannot be sure. The following examples dated before the time of Con- stantine will illustrate the similarities between pagan and Christian epigraphic habits. The first example is an epitaph from Nicomedia which is only recognizable as Christian on the basis of a small cross hidden in the text (SEG 28.1037; not later than AD III).118 The cross is so discrete that a casual viewer might fail

117 Furthermore, quite a number of “Christian” inscriptions have not been dated precisely.See e.g. TAM IV/1.352–373. But even if some of these inscriptions dated to pre-Constantinian times, their number would not rise significantly. 118 See esp. L. Robert, “Documents d’Asie Mineure,” BCH 102.1 (1978) 395–543, here 413–419;

Markus Öhler - 9789004367197 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com08/10/2021 08:53:03AM via Universitat Wien early christianity in bithynia-pontus 79 to notice it.119 It is inserted into the text as though it were a letter, while the previous line is extended beyond the frame of the stone to make room for the cross at the beginning of the next line. The Christian symbol was apparently important, though hidden within the text. With this little sign, the family clearly indicated to those who knew the right interpretation what they believed, which was also probably shared by the deceased Eumoirios who came from Phoenicia (Arados). The text itself bears no sign of Christian faith, however:

Εὐμοίριος | Πάπος | Ἀράδιος ξυλο|γλύφος κῖμε || λείψανον ἐν|θάδε, πρόμοι|ρος κακῶν ἐτῶν | ✝ μαʹ· Χαίρετε | παροδῖτε.

I, Eumoirios Papos, from Arados, a wood-carver, lie here, the remains, un- timely because of malady at the age of 41. Farewell, passer-by.

The second example, possibly one of the oldest Christian inscriptions from Asia Minor, comes from Prusa ad Olympum in Bithynia (IPrusaOlymp 115 [SEG 49.1796]). Its text runs as follows:

Ἐπιθέρσῃ τῷ θεοσε|βῇ κ⟨α⟩ὶ Θεοκτίστῳ | τὰ τέκνα Μα⟨ρ⟩κιανὸς | καὶ Ἐπιθέρ- σης μετὰ || τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἐκ τῶν | εἰδείων μνήμης χάριν.

For the God-fearing Epitherses and to Theoktistos. The children Markianos and Epitherses (erected the epitaph) with the brothers out of their own expenses, in remembrance.

The dating of the inscription to the end of the second century AD is not dis- puted. The epitaph is accompanied with a relief of a funeral meal and a sacrifi- cial scene, which raises questions as to the religious affiliation of the deceased Epitherses and of his family. The qualification as “god-fearing” might point to a Judean, a Christ believer, or a devotee of Theos Hypsistos.120 The term θεοσεβής (god-fearing), as well as the name Theoktistos, could indicate a Judean origin, although the relief would be quite problematic for

G.J. Johnson, Early Christian Epitaphs from Anatolia (SBLTT 35; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1995) no. 3.14. 119 This is unlike an inscription dating perhaps from about the same time which refers to a Christian named Gaius Ofellius Iulius from Ephesos (IKlaudiop 174). It has a big cross above the text which cannot be overlooked. 120 See the discussion in SEG 49.1796.

Markus Öhler - 9789004367197 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com08/10/2021 08:53:03AM via Universitat Wien 80 öhler a Judean who calls himself θεοσεβής. The use of family language (“brothers”) could also fit a Judean context, if ἀδελφοί was understood as a term for people from the same ethnos. Thomas Corsten has interpreted it as a Christian epitaph because of the epithet θεοσεβής and the name Theoktistos.121 One could also point to the unspecified use of ἀδελφοί in line 5. It does not refer to brothers literally, as they would have been mentioned by name. The relief of the funeral meal, which may have been carved on the stone at an earlier stage, does not exclude the possibility that the inscription might have commemorated a Christ believer, in my opinion. Nor should we too hastily exclude the possibility that the pagan motif was simply accepted as compatible with a Christian stance. Walter Ameling’s interpretation that the deceased was a venerator of Theos Hypsistos solely rests on the interpretation of the relief itself.122 In particular, Ameling draws attention to a peculiarity of the relief which had already been observed by Corsten. The funerary meal is accompanied with the depiction of a young boy who is offering a sacrifice on an altar: he pours a libation from a bowl into a flame. Ameling’s interpretation depends on the depiction of the flame, which was an important element in the worship of Theos Hypsistos.123 In addition, he points to the designation of Epitherses as a θεοσεβής, a term which Stephen Mitchell regards as being typical of the cult of Theos Hypsis- tos.124 In light of these considerations, it is perhaps better to err on the side of caution. The inscription IPrusaOlymp 115 is far from constituting a definite piece of evidence for the presence of Christ believers in Bithynia in the second century AD. Another example from Klaudiopolis (Bithynion Hadriana) consists of an inscription set up for a Christ believer who was part of the local elite (IKlau- diop 44 [Johnson, Epitaphs, no. 3.1]). Its dating to the end of the third century AD by Friedrich Becker-Bertau125 has been recently called into question.126 The

121 Corsten, IPrusaOlymp, p. 146. For a Theoktistos in Bithynia from Byzantine times, see IPrusaOlymp 226. 122 W. Ameling, “Ein Verehrer des θεὸς Ὕψιστος in Prusa ad Olympum (IK 39, 115),” EpigAnat 31 (1999) 105–108. See also Mitchell, “Further Thoughts,” 191. 123 Ameling, “Ein Verehrer,” 106–107. 124 See most recently Mitchell, “Further Thoughts,” 189–196. 125 Becker-Bertau, IKlaudiop, p. 54: “Die Inschrift fällt wohl in das Ende des 3. Jahrhunderts, in die Jahre vor der Verfolgung durch Diocletian (303–5), in eine Zeit, in der das Christentum toleriert wurde.” 126 See A. Weiß, Soziale Elite und Christentum: Studien zu ordo-Angehörigen unter den frühen Christen (Millenium-Studien 52; Berlin: de Gruyter, 2015) 205.

Markus Öhler - 9789004367197 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com08/10/2021 08:53:03AM via Universitat Wien early christianity in bithynia-pontus 81 names Aurelius and Aurelia probably point to a date shortly after AD212, when they were very popular. The inscription reads as follows:

(hedera) τοῖς ἁγνοτάτοις καὶ | θεῷ πιστεύσασιν (hedera) Μάρ.[Αὐ.] (hedera) | Δημητριανῷ τῷ αʹ (hedera) ἄρξαν|τ⟨ο⟩ι καὶ πάντα πολειτευσα||μένῳ, ἀγωνοθετήσαντι δὲ | ἐπιτείμως, καὶ τῇ γλυκυτάτῃ | μητρὶ Αὐρ(ηλίᾳ) Παννυχίδι Αὐρ(ηλία) | Δημητριανὴ θυγάτηρ αὐτῶν | [κ]αὶ ὁ γαμβρὸς Δομ(ίτιος) Ἡλιόδω- ρος || ἅμ̣[α] καὶ τῷ ἀδελφῷ Δημητριανῷ | ἅμα καὶ τῷ θείῳ Χρυσίππῳ | ἔστησαν τόδε σῆμα | μνήμης χάριν. | θ(ανοῦσιν).

For the purest and most faithful to God, Marcus Aurelius Demetrianos, who was first archon and held all political offices, being agonothetes with dis- tinction, and the dearest mother Aurelia Pannychis. Aurelia Demetriana, their daughter, and the son-in-law Domitios Heliodoros, together with the brother Demetrianos and together with the uncle Chrysippos, set up this gravestone in remembrance. They died.

As with the previous examples, this inscription is not obviously Christian. It bears no cross, but only describes Demetrianos and his wife as τοῖς ἁγνοτάτοις καὶ θεῷ πιστεύσασιν (“the purest and most faithful to God”).127 The use of the superlative ἁγνότατος is conventional. It describes the moral integrity of the persons concerned.128 It is by no means used by Christians alone, although ἁγνότης bears some importance in Christian ethics (e.g. 2Cor 6:6; 11:3 [varia lectio]) and could also mean “chastity.”129 The second phrase θεῷ πιστεύσασιν points quite securely to a Christian origin, however, since the combination of πιστεύειν and θεῷ was typically used to express Christian belief (e.g. Acts 16:34; Gal 3:6; Titus 3:8; 1John 5:10).130 Yet, apart from ἁγνότατος and θεῷ πιστεύειν nothing else is particularly Christian about this epitaph. If Marcus Aurelius Demetrianos was indeed a Christian, it would be quite striking that he acted as first archon of the polis of Klaudiopolis and as a lead-

127 A linguistic parallel can be found in an undated inscription from Smyrna (SEG 2.656), which is dedicated to Tατίαν Τρύφωνος | πιστοτάτην καὶ | ἁγνοτάτην. 128 See e.g. the Prytanis Aurelia Iuliane (IEphesos 1066), the quaestor M.A. Secundinus (IEph- esos 3039), or an epitaph from Amastris (Marek, Stadt, 167 no. 39). 129 See W. Wischmeyer, “Die Aberkiosinschrift als Grabepigramm,” JAC 23 (1980) 22–47, here 29–30. 130 The phrase πιστεύειν θεῷ was already used in the Septuagint (Exod 14:31; Jdt 14:10; Prov 30:1), it could therefore also be a Jewish inscription. This seems, however, more unlikely since Demetrianos’ civic functions would have been quite unusual for a Judean.

Markus Öhler - 9789004367197 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com08/10/2021 08:53:03AM via Universitat Wien 82 öhler ing organizer of the local contests.131 The city was indeed the hometown of Hadrian’s favourite Antinous, was renamed Bithynion Hadriana in AD130, and regularly organized a festival in honour of Antinous every four years. As archon and agonothetes, Demetrianos must have been a member of the local elite who, as part of his office, would have had to partake in pagan rituals, possibly during the festival in honour of Antinous. We cannot exclude that he (and his wife) became Christian only after the completion of these functions. But it would be quite exceptional if he had been a Christian while fulfilling his civic duties. It is of course also possible that the Christian mode of expression was introduced by the children and relatives of Demetrianos who erected the gravestone. One final example illustrating the difficulty of distinguishing between Jew- ish, Christian and pagan language in inscriptions is the following epitaph from Neoclaudiopolis in Paphlagonia, which has been dated to AD237/238 (SEG 50.1233):

Ἀργυ|ρίων | νέος | ἐνθά||δε κεῖ|με· | Κύριε Παν|τοκράτωρ· σὺ μὲ ἔκτισες, | κακὸς δέ με ἄν||θρωπος ἀπώλε|σεν· ἐγδίκησόν | με ἐν τάχι· ἔστη|σάν μου στήλην | γονεῖς Τέρτυλλος || καὶ Χρύσα εἵνεκεν | εὐσεβίης ζήσαντι | ἔτη ιεʹ· τελευτᾷ | ἔτους σμγʹ· χαῖρε | παροδεῖτα.

I, Argyrion, a boy, lie here. Lord Pantokrator, you created me, a bad man killed me. Take quick revenge! My parents Tertyllos and Chrysa erected the stele on account of piety. He lived 15 years. Made in the year 243. Farewell, o passer-by.

The murdered young boy calls to the Lord Pantokrator for revenge. Christian Marek has discussed thoroughly in his editio princeps the various possibilities for interpreting this inscription.132 The invocation to the god as Κύριε Παντο- κράτωρ is what strikes at first, but it is not possible to assign it to a specific

131 See P. McKechnie, “Christian City Councillors in the Roman Empire before Constantine,” Interdisciplinary Journal of Research on Religion 5 (2009) 2–20, here 11. McKechnie pro- vides a list of fifteen Christians who served as council members before Constantine. Euse- bius narrates a story of a highly-regarded man in Nicomedia who was put to death after he had ripped into pieces the decree against Christians in the presence of the emper- ors Diocletian and Galerius (Hist. eccl. 8.5). The historical basis of this story is however doubtful—Eusebius was not even able to provide his name. 132 C. Marek, “Der höchste, beste, größte, allmächtige Gott: Inschriften aus Nordkleinasien,” EpigAnat 32 (2000) 137–146.

Markus Öhler - 9789004367197 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com08/10/2021 08:53:03AM via Universitat Wien early christianity in bithynia-pontus 83 religious group. The cult of Zeus Pantokrator is attested at Nikaia,133 and there are many other examples describing a deity as almighty.134 It is of course also used as an epithet for God in the Septuagint (118 times), in the New Testa- ment (2Cor 6:18; 7 times in Revelation), and in Patristic and liturgical texts. The second remarkable feature of this epitaph is the prayer for revenge, though there are also several similar examples in Asia Minor and elsewhere.135 Once again, pagans as well as Jews and Christians prayed to their respective gods for revenge. Although there is so far no Christian inscription with a similar plea, papyrological evidence illustrates that Christ believers also hoped in an avenging god.136 So it is quite difficult to determine with any degree of certainty whether the murdered Argyrion and his parents were pagans who prayed for revenge to their deity (perhaps Helios), Jews addressing the God of Israel, or Christians invoking Christ. From the city of Neoclaudiopolis in Paphlagonia comes one long epitaph in pseudo-hexameter (StudPont 3/1.20).137 It mentions a father named Regulus together with his two children Olympion and Aquila. The father is praised as being adorned with wisdom and virtue (τὸν πάσης σοφίης καὶ ἀ|ρετῆς κεκοσμημέ- νον ἄνδρα Ῥῆγλον)—nothing specifically Christian so far. However, the inscription reports that the souls of his children have been taken up by their creator (ὧν θεὸς γενέτης ψυ|[χ]ὰς αὐτὸς ἀντελάβετ[ο]) because of their piety (εὐσεβίης ἥ̣[ν]). It then goes on to celebrate their Christian ethical attitude, albeit without explicitly naming it as such. Olympion and Aquila “had filled the poor with good things” (ἀνθ’ ὧν πτωχοὺς ἐνέ̣πλησα[ν] | ἀγαθῶν), had honoured their friends (φίλους τ’ ἐτίμη|σαν), had watched over their family with inimitable affection (στοργῇ δὲ πολλῇ καὶ ἀ|μιμήτῳ συνγενείην ἐφύλα|ξαν), and had provided hospitality to everybody (πᾶσι βροτοῖς φιλο|ξενίην ἀσμένως ἐπό|θησαν). Two of these virtues were especially important to Christians: the care for the poor (Mark 10:21; Jas 2:2–6), and providing hospitality (Rom 12:13; 1Tim 3:2; 5:10;

133 INikaia 1121 and 1512. 134 Marek, “Gott,” 144–145. 135 See Marek, “Gott,” 140–144; A. Chaniotis, “Under the Watchful Eyes of the Gods: Divine Justice in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor,” in The Greco-Roman East: Politics, Culture, Society (ed. S. Colvin; YCS 31; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004) 1–43, here 9– 10. 136 See Marek, “Gott,” 142–144. 137 Marek dates this inscription at least before AD300. See Marek, Pontus et Bithynia, 112. For similar examples of Christian self-portrayal, see A. Samellas, Death in the Eastern Mediter- ranean (50–600A.D.):The Christianization of the East; An Interpretation (Studien undTexte zu Antike und Christentum 12; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2002) 124 n. 24.

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Titus 1:8; 1Pet 4:9). Describing death as an uplift of the soul back to the creator God also has some strong resonance with Judeo-Christian perceptions of the afterlife.138 It is therefore highly probable that this inscription commemorates the death of Christ believers from Paphlagonia. One final epitaph from Neoclaudiopolis was erected for a presbyter named Aurelios Domnillos (StudPont 3/1.72; AD III):

Αὐρ(ήλιον) Δομνίλ|λον τὸν ⟨φ⟩ιλό|θεον κὲ ⟨φ⟩ιλό|⟨χ⟩ηρον πρεσβύ||τερον γενό- με|νον ⟨Ἕ⟩λβιος Μ[η]|τρόδ[ω]ρος μνή|μης χάριν ἔ⟨σ⟩τ[η]|σα. [– – –]||ΜΕΠ[– – –], | δώσ[ει τῷ ταμείῳ] | (δην.) ͵αφʹ.

To Aurelios Domnillos, the God-loving and widow-loving, who was an elder. Elbios Metrodos, in remembrance.(Whoever places another corpse here) shall give (to the treasury) 1,500 denarii.

The title of presbyter does not necessarily mean that Aurelios Domnillos had held an office within a Christ group. The office or honorary title can be mentioned in inscriptions in various contexts.139 It is therefore no secure indication that Domnillos was indeed a Christ believer. Nor is the epithet “God-loving” typically Christian. Apart from the name Philotheos, which is attested several times, the adjective φιλόθεος is also used in pagan inscriptions.140 However, the term φιλόχηρος bears a strong Christian connotation. Caring for widows was indeed essential to early Christian ethics, and the appearance of groups of widows in Christian communities was an important stage in the formation of Christianity.141 The term φιλόχηρος is very seldom attested, but definitely a Christian coinage.142 So it is quite sure that this inscription refers to a Chris- tian presbyter who held an office in the local community. However, since the epitaph bears no Christian symbol or hint, the caretaker Elbios Metrodos must have been quite certain that, apart from those who knew Aurelios Domnillos,

138 E.g. Justin, Dial. 4–6: the soul is made by God and will see him after death. On similar Jewish traditions see G. Stemberger, “Seele (Judentum),” TRE 30 (1999) 740–744. 139 See e.g. IPrusaOlymp 24; TAM IV/1.33, 42 (Nicomedia); P.A. Harland, Associations, Syna- gogues and Congregations: Claiming a Place in the Ancient Mediterranean Society (Min- neapolis: Fortress, 2003) 182. 140 See e.g. IThesp 36 (I BC–AD I); IDidyma 504 (AD III–IV); SEG 30.1382 (AD301). For a Chris- tian example from Lycaonia, see MAMA I 237. 141 See C. Back, Die Witwen in der frühen Kirche (Munich: Beck, 2015). 142 See Apos. Con. 2.4.50; SEG 2.251 (Rome): φιλοθέῳ καὶ | φιλοχήρᾳ καὶ φιλάνδρῳ· καὶ | φιλο- τέκνῳ.

Markus Öhler - 9789004367197 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com08/10/2021 08:53:03AM via Universitat Wien early christianity in bithynia-pontus 85 only those familiar with the Christian virtue of caring for widows would recog- nize that the deceased had been a member of a Christ group.143 Within a discussion of Christian inscriptions from Bithynia and Pontus, a similar form of Judean epitaphs mentioning fines to the synagogue deserves some consideration.144 In 1984, Gary J. Johnson counted six examples of the so-called Nikaian formula found in epitaphs threatening violators of the tomb with the judgement of God (δώσει λόγον τῷ θεῷ).145 Four inscriptions can be dated after AD212 because of the name Aurelius, perhaps to the second half of the third century AD. Amongst these, three instances mention that the payment of the fine is to be made to the city treasurer.146 A religious classification of these inscriptions is almost as difficult as with those featuring the more prominent Eumeneian formula (ἔσται αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸν θέον).147 The phrase δώσει λόγον τῷ θεῷ finds some parallel in Rom 14:12 (ἕκασ- τος ἡμῶν περὶ ἑαυτοῦ λόγον δώσει τῷ θεῷ), but this passage presents some textual issues.148 The reference to the Judgement Day could signal Christian belief, but the awaiting of God’s final intervention is of course also part of Jewish eschatology. However, some of the Nikaian inscriptions mention a κοιμητή- ριον,149 a term that has been regarded as a classical, though not exclusive, Christian word to refer to a burial place150—in my opinion, the few Jewish inscriptions containing κοιμητήριον do not question this decisively.151 So it is

143 A handful of later epigraphic attestations of this office have been found: IApamBith 131; INikaia 1492; IKalchedon 79; SEG 36.1157; IPrusaOlymp 216; StudPont 3/1.68, 196, 218, 277. See S. Hübner, Der Klerus in der Gesellschaft des spätantiken Kleinasiens (Munich: Steiner, 2005) 57. 144 The Judean form is documented in IJO II 154, ll. 7–8: εἰ μή, ἕξει πρὸς τ[ὴν] | κρίσιν. 145 INikaia 552, 555, 556, 557, 559, 573. See G.J. Johnson, “Roman Bithynia and Christianity to the Mid-Fourth Century” (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1984) 15–58. The evidence is not restricted to Nikaia or Bithynia, as other examples come from Laodikeia Katakekaumene, Phrygia, and Galatia (see ibid., 19–23). 146 INikaia 555, 559, 573. 147 See e.g. P. Trebilco, “The Christian and Jewish Eumeneian Formula,” Mediterraneo Antico 5 (2002) 63–97. 148 The phrase τῷ θεῷ is lacking in important manuscripts such as Codex Vaticanus. 149 INikaia 552, 555, 557, 559. 150 See e.g. J. Kramer, “Was bedeutet κοιμητήριον in den Papyri?,” ZPE 80 (1990) 269–272; É. Rebillard, The Care of the Dead in Late Antiquity (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2009) 4. 151 The obvious Jewish examples that have been found so far are: IJO I Ach21, 28, 29, 30; IJO II 183. Christian influence on the wording of the epitaphs is in some cases quite secure, since they can be dated between the fourth and sixth centuries AD (IJO I Ach28 and 30;

Markus Öhler - 9789004367197 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com08/10/2021 08:53:03AM via Universitat Wien 86 öhler very probable that the inscriptions from Nikaia give evidence of the presence of a community of Christ believers in the decades after AD212, even though they do not explicitly mention a community, unlike the Jewish inscriptions from Nicomedia dating from about the same period and which indicate the fee payable to the local synagogue.152 While we should not infer from this silence that there was no Christian community at all in Nikaia, it is nevertheless noteworthy that Christ believers did not think of themselves as a potential recipient of funerary fines or as capable of enforcing such stipula- tions.

3.4 Additional Evidence of Christians in Bithynia-Pontus Apart from the above-mentioned inscriptions some further literary evidence can be adduced to illustrate early Christianity in Bithynia-Pontus. The earliest reference to functionaries in Christ groups could in fact well be Pliny’s mention of two Christian ministrae (Ep. 10.96.8), a term which he uses with some hesitation.153 It seems quite improbable that Pliny learnt this designation from Christ believers themselves, since they spoke Greek. Rather, here he seems to provide his own understanding of the function of women in a Christian community. This means that we cannot be sure whether, in Pliny’s letter, the term ministra is the Latin equivalent of the Christian office of διάκονος, or whether it rather describes more generally women with servile duties.154 In the view of the governor and of any other Roman official, these female slaves would have been the best possible informers to find out what was really taking place at Chris- tian banquets. We cannot exclude that these women were indeed διάκονοι, but Pliny’s reference to ministrae should not be regarded as the undeniable proof of the presence of female διάκονοι in Bithynia-Pontus. The earliest reference to a Christian office from the area is more likely to be found in Eusebius’ ecclesias- tical history. In a letter to Amastris and to the Christian communities of Pontus (cited in Hist. eccl. 5.23.6), Dionysios of Corinth (ca. AD180) indeed mentions

IJO II 183). The dating of IJO I Ach21 and 29 to the third century AD is far from reliable. It is of course also possible that some “Christian” epitaphs using κοιμητήριον are in fact Jewish. See A.J. Bij de Vaate and J.W. van Henten, “Jewish or Non-Jewish? Some Remarks on the Identification of Jewish Inscriptions from Asia Minor,”BO 53 (1996) 16–28, here 26–27. 152 IJO II 154 and 157. 153 See esp. J.A. Harrill, “Servile Functionaries or Priestly Leaders? Roman Domestic Religion, Narrative Intertextuality and Pliny’s Reference to Slave Christian Ministrae (Ep. 10,96,8),” ZNW 97 (2006) 111–130; J.-A. Shelton, The Women of Pliny’s Letter (Abingdon: Routledge, 2013) 323–326. 154 See Rom 16:1 for the διάκονος Phoebe, who was far more than just a servant.

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Bishop Palmas who would later on preside a synod of Pontian bishops (Hist. eccl. 5.23.3).155 These last two references provide early glimpses into the insti- tutionalization of the early church in Pontus, which becomes more evident in later patristic texts.156

4 Summary

This overview of the pre-Constantinian epigraphic and literary evidence relat- ing to pagan, Judean and Christian “associations” has illustrated that group identity, as well as internal or external manifestations of authority structures, were an important factor for their self-perception.There were differences in the self-representation of groups based on the identity discourse adopted within communities and with outsiders.Whereas pagan associations brought the gods they worshipped to the fore, named themselves after their favourite deity and celebrated their existence, the same cannot be said of Judeans or even of Chris- tians. There is not a single inscription from the second or third century AD which mentions Christ or the ἐκκλησία. Of course, pagans did also rarely mention deities or membership in associations on epitaphs.157 But, in my opinion, it is noteworthy that Christians in those two centuries did not do that at all, even though we can assume that every Christian was a member in a local community. At least two Judean inscriptions mention the synagogue. Whereas the latter phenomenon might be due to the scarcity of Judean groups in Pontus

155 In INikaia 577 (SEG 29.1323; NewDocs 4.259–261 no. 127; late imperial), a certain Gerontion identifies himself as the “father of the ekklesia of the Pious” (πατὴρ ἐὼν τῆς τῶν Εὐσεβῶν ἐκκλησίας). He evokes his expectation of the resurrection and his wife Kyradie is called a χριστοφόρος. There has been some speculation that the “community of the Pious” refers to Novatianists, but this has not been substantiated so far. See J. Robert and L. Robert, BE 1980, 470–471 no. 517. It was quite common for benefactors of an association—whether Christian, Jewish, or pagan—to be called “father” or “mother.” See P.A. Harland, “Familial Dimensions of Group Identity (II): ‘Mothers’ and ‘Fathers’ in Associations and Synagogues of the Greek World,” JSJ 38 (2007) 57–79. 156 Literary references to pre-Nicaean and Nicaean Christianity in Bithynia and Pontus are collected in R.L. Mullen, The Expansion of Christianity: A Gazetteer of Its First Three Cen- turies (VCSup 59; Leiden: Brill, 2004) 117–132. 157 In Bithynia-Pontus, only eleven epitaphs mentioning associations or the deities of an association are preserved. The number of epitaphs in the double-province is of course much greater and we cannot know how many of those who were commemorated had also been a member in an association.

Markus Öhler - 9789004367197 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com08/10/2021 08:53:03AM via Universitat Wien 88 öhler and in Bithynia, the low incidence of Christian inscriptions could be due to the persecution taking place under the governorship of Pliny and to the measures taken by the emperor Trajan. A comparison between pagan, Judean, and Christian inscriptions has also demonstrated how hesitant Christ believers were to develop their own language and how reluctant they seemed to be upfront about their belief. Their discretion about their Christian identity might have been intended to con- ceal a religious identity that was still perceived as scandalous, and which could have caused them to be harassed by the ruling class or by hostile neigh- bours and fellow-citizens. Yet, it might also be possible that Christian identity in Bithynia-Pontus was very much embedded into the cultural world of the double-province. Hence, there was no need to develop a whole new Christian culture, but only to adapt existing traditions.

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