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REVOLUTION Popular Movements in the Revolutionary Era IHIRD REVOLUTION Popular Movements in the Revolutionary Era Volume 2 lii **--." illt tf{ '. a#3A' "l {. :Tf fiir \;rr-:-t j Si Bo#K Alsoby Munay Boohchinand publtshedby Cassell: I From Urbanizationto Cities (1995) Re-enchantingHumanity ( 1995) THE THIRD The Third Revolution,Volume I (1996) The Murray BookchinReader (edited byJaner Biehl) (1997) REVOLUTION POPULARMOVEMENTS - IN THE REVOLUTIONARYERA VOLUMLTWO Murray Bookchin T r- CASSELL London and Washington t Cassell Wellington House I25 Strand London WC2R 0BB PO Box 605 Herndon Virginia 20172-0605 Contents @ Munay Bookchin1998 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmittedin any form or by any means,electronic or mechanical,including photocopying,recording or anyinformation storage or retrievalsystem, without Preface vll prior permissionin writing from the publishers. Part V Tur Rlsr oF ARTTSANALSocrnlru I Firstpublished 1998 Chapter22 FromJacobinismto Socialism 2 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Chapter23 From Restorationto Revolution 29 24 A cataloguerecord for this book is availablefrom the British Library. Chapter The Revolutionof July 1830 52 Library of CongressCataloging-in-Publication Data PaTt VI THE BARRICADESoF PARIS 7l Bookchin,Murray, l92l - Chapter25 The Revolurionof February1848 72 The third revolu[ion:popular movementsin the revolutionaryera Chapter26 The IncompleteRevolution 94 Murray Bookchin. Chapter 27 "Defeatof the Revolution!" It8 p. cm. Chapter28 The Insurrectionof June 18,18 r44 Includesbibliographical references and index. Chapter29 Reacdonand Revival r68 ISBN 0-304-33595-9(hardback v. 2).-ISBN 0-304-33596-7(pbk v. 2) Chapter30 Preludeto the ParisCommune 192 l. World politics. 2. Revolutions-Europe-History. Chapter31 The ParisCommune of 187I zt9 3. Revolu[ions-United States-Historv. I. Title. D2r.3.866I996 9545955 Part MI PRoLETARIANSocrru_rsrvrs 253 909.07-dc20 CIP Chapter32 The Riseof ProlerarianSocialisms 254 Chapter33 The SocialDemocratic Interregnum ISBN 0 304 33595 9 (hardback) 278 O 304 33596 7 (paperback) BibliographicalEssay 313 lndex 327 Typesetby BookEnsLtd, Royston,Herts. Printed and bound in GreatBriuin by RedwoodBooks, Trowbridge, Wihshire. Preface This volume, the second of.The Third Rnolution, deals primarily with the major nineteenth-century uprisings of the French working class, from the Revolution of 1830 through the Revolution of 1848 to the ParisCommune of 1871. It also necessarilyexamines the origrns and history of the Internadonal Workingmen's Association (IWMA) or First InternaLional and the Second Internalional, primarily a Marxist social democratic association heavily influenced by the German Social Democratic Party. The increasingly ideological nature of For my granddaughterKaga nineteenth-century workers' movements and the emergence of a modem proletariat and an industrial capitalist class made it necessaryfor me to explore in some detail the transition fromJacobinism, a radical republican ideology and movement, to various socialisms oriented toward the working class.During the first half of the century a modern class conflict really appeared in both England and France and, with it, various socialist and anarchist ideologies that were already sprouting in the immediate aftermath of the Great French Revolution. Hence, in addition to covering the revolutions themselves,I provide summary accounts of the ideological transilion from left-wing Jacobinism to outright socialism. In a sense,this volume is not only an account.of one of the stormiest periods of popular insurrections in modem history but also an account of nineteenth- century France, as seen through the lens of its great revolutionary movements and ideologies.The revolutions of 1830, 1848, and 1871 in Pariswere, in great part, extensionsof the Revolution of 1789 to 1794, which is also how many of their parficipants regarded them. In contrast to most conven[ional historians, I share Roger V. Gould's view that the June 1848 insurrection of the Parisian workers was the most class-conscious of all nineteenth-century French revolutions, even more than the dramatic Paris Commune of I87I. which was by no means socialist or exclusively working class in character-it was actually less a class revolution than a municipal, political, and patriotic phenomenon, precrpitated by the Prussian siege of Paris. But the June Viii PREFACE PREFACE ix insurrectionof 1848 canbe seen,as many of its participantssaw it, as the "third employers-indeed,only ten percent of the mastersemployed ten or more revolution" that the sans-culotteshad hoped to make in 1793. workers-and theseordinary workers or journeymen appearto havebeen far This volume is also an accountof the transitionfrom artisanalsocialism to more open to radicalegalitarian ideas about collectiveproperty ownershipand proletariansocialism. The wo forms of socialism,while overlappingin many cooperativeproduction. Thus, the Parisianworking class initially had no respects,were also different in their goals and methods.Indeed, the book's coherent,let alone shared concept of associationand the "organizarionof narrative pivots on this nansition, as well as on the shift from the small work"; flrom mastersto journeymen to outright unskilled proletarianswho handicraft workshop to the modern capital-intensivefactory, with the were litde more than laborers,their demandsprobably varied considerably. differencesin sensibility and politics that the transformationproduced. In In the 1830sand 1840s,any attemprro establisha truly collectivistbasis for 1789 and 1830, the miliuns were primarily arlisans,especially journeymen, industrial production would have encounteredgreat difficulties.But many and by trade were often carpenters,masons, fumiture makers(particularly in French artisans devised ingenious schemes for establishing productive the Saint-Antoinedistrict of Paris),and printers,rather than factoryworkers. By associationsof a socialistickind based on their existing workshops.Hence the tum of the nvenriethcentury, the leadingmilitant membersof the working their carliest calls for a new "organizationof work" often came down to classeswere metalworkers,who retained the independent spirit of skilled demandsfor sharedresources for credit; insurancefunds to tide individual artisans while simultaneously forming an integral part of the factory artisansover in timesof unemployment"illness, and old age;and legislationto environment.Among the thousandsof semiskilledor unskilled and poorly protect their small workshops againstcomperidon from the growing factory educatedproletarians in factories,it was these "arlisan-proletarians,"so to system. speak,who were the most educated,forceful, and independentand to whom In time, however,and in growing numbers,the most sophisticatedworker the others rurned for leadership.They begin to as earlyas June 1848, "militants," comprising both artisansand journeymen laborers,did seek to ^ppear and as the readerof volume 3 will find, theyplayed a very prominentrole in the collectivizemost of the French economy.Many historiansof the Frenchlabor great revolutionarywave that swept over Russiaand Germanybetween I9I7 movementmaintain that nineteenth-centuryFrench craftsmenwere genuine and 192I. proletarianswho were fervently committed to collectivistideas of socialism I sharethe view of BernardH. Moss,William H. Sewell,Jr.,and other recent basedon free associations.Marxist historians,on the other hand, regardmost historians of the nineteenth-centuryFrench working class that ideas of of the Parisian craftsmenas "petty bourgeois" remnants of a preindustrial cooperative,indeed collectiveproduction and distribution (as distinguished society,whose "associationist"ideas were basedon the private ownership of from individualistic forms) becamevery widespreadin Paris in the years after small-scaleproperty. I haveaccepted neither viewpoint in totobut havetried to 1830,and especiallyfollowing the 1848 Revolution.These ideas varied greatly steera middle coursebetween the two. PaceMarx,collectivist goals did emerge and were often vaguein conception,ranging from simple uade unions with amongmany Frenchartisans after the Revolutionof 1830.But thesegoals were guildlike featuresto cooperativeswith egaliurian and collectivistmethods of diverse,often confused,and ultimately unworkablewithin the context of the production and distribution.It is highly unlikely that Parisianartisans or even small-scaleproduction that prevailed in French industry for most of the "skilled workers," as Moss calls them, moved unerringly in the direction of nineteenthcentury. developing collective forms of work. After all, about fifty percent of the One wing of the collectivistideology of artisanalsocialism called for the enterprisesin Paris during the 1840swere owned by artisanalmasters, often nadonalizationof railroads, banks, and major industrial enterprises,to be aided by one or more assis[ants. managedby the men and womenwho worked in them.But in the main,French But many of these master craftsmenaspired to securetheir independent socialiss, not. to speak of anarchists,were generally more enamored of statusagainst the effors of merchantcapitaliss to control them,and againstthe federalistideas of associationthan centralistones, an affinity that,well into the encroachmentsof the factorysystem which, judging from the unsavoryEnglish next century, in conjunction with their commitment to workers' control of example,threatened one day to proletarianizethem aswell. The needto defend industry, would make them either conscious
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