"To Each According to Ability": Saint-Simon on Equality of Opportunity
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Philosophical Statism and the Illusions of Citizenship Reflections on the Neutral State
1 Philosophical Statism and the Illusions of Citizenship Reflections on the Neutral State Frank van Dun ∗ Is the welfare state neutral to personal morality? 1 In today's welfare states one can find numerous life-styles existing side by side. These indicate a wide scope for 'personal mo- ralities' 2, but do not prove that the welfare state is 'neutral' to them. Welfare states interfere in more or less onerous ways with the business of (private) life with police checks, administrative controls and a vast arsenal of regulatory, penal and/or fiscal regimes. Some of the regulations may be more or less reasonable attempts to minimise the risk of one person inflicting irreparable damage on others or their property, but a great many are not. It is not too difficult to see the hand of special (economic, ideological, even sectarian) interests in the bulk of the rules and regulations on the books. 3 The state's non-neutrality is often an unintended outcome, but not always. Officials introduce new regulations with proud declarations of their intention to enforce particular 'moral choices', to treat one thing as a 'merit good' and another as an evil. They also justify intrusive policies with blatantly paternalistic arguments—remember their promise, or was it threat, to take care of us "from the cradle to the grave"—, with self-congratulatory references to an unspecified 'responsibility of the government'. There is no more direct negation of the role of private mo- rality than the claim that one discharges one's own responsibility by depriving others of the opportunity to exercise theirs. -
Agape, Philia and Eros Anca Simitopol Thesis Submi
Ideas of Community in the Thought of Pierre Leroux and of Feodor Dostoevsky: Agape , Philia and Eros Anca Simitopol Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the PhD degree in Political Science Supervisor: Gilles Labelle Political Studies Social Sciences University of Ottawa ©Anca Simitopol, Ottawa, Canada, 2012 Contents ABSTRACT ……………………………………………………………………… iv INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………………………… 1 CHAPTER ONE Two Critics of “Possessive Individualism” ………………………………….. 11 1.1. Introduction ……………………………………………………………... 11 1.2. Leroux as a liberal …………………………………………………......... 27 1.3. Leroux’s anthropology: Liberté, Égalité, Fraternité …………………... 37 1.4. Division of society, division of the self and eclecticism ………………... 42 1.5. Freedom according to Leroux …………………………………………... 47 1.6. Property according to Leroux …………………………………………… 58 1.7. Dostoevsky as political thinker ………………………………………….. 68 1.8. The poor and the ontological meaning of capitalism ………………….. 70 1.9. “Possessive Individualism” in Russia …………………………………… 82 1.10. From individualism to the revolutionary affirmation of the will-to-power 1.10.1. Raskolnikov ………………………………………………….. 93 1.10.2. The case of “The possessed” ………………………………... 98 1.11. Conclusion …………………………………………………………… 105 CHAPTER TWO Varieties of Socialism and of Utopia ………………………………………. 115 2.1. Introduction ...………………………………………………………… 115 2.2. Dostoevsky’s critique of socialism: “Shigalovism” …………………. 130 2.3. Leroux’s critique of Fourier’s socialism ……………………………. 144 2.4. Introduction to utopia ………………………………………………... 149 2.5. Transformation of utopia in the 19 th century ……………………….. 158 2.6. Saint-Simon: oscillation between transcendence and immanence .... 171 2.7. The Saint-Simonian School: utopia transformed into political program …………………………………………………….. 180 2.8. The Grand Inquisitor and the incompatibility between freedom and unity ……………………………………………………. 193 2.9. Dostoevsky: a dialogical utopia ……………………………………… 207 2.10. -
The Order of the Prophets: Series in Early French Social Science and Socialism
Hist. Sci., xlviii (2010) THE ORDER OF THE PROPHETS: SERIES IN EARLY FRENCH SOCIAL SCIENCE AND SOCIALISM John Tresch University of Pennsylvania Everything that can be thought by the mind or perceived by the senses is necessarily a series.1 According to the editors of an influential text in the history of social science, “in the first half of the nineteenth century the expression series seemed destined to a great philosophical future”.2 The expression itself seems to encourage speculation on destiny. Elements laid out in a temporal sequence ask to be continued through the addition of subsequent terms. “Series” were particularly prominent in the French Restoration and July Monarchy (1815–48) in works announcing a new social science. For example, the physician and republican conspirator J. P. B. Buchez, a former fol- lower of Henri de Saint-Simon who led a movement of Catholic social reform, made “series” central to his Introduction à la science de l’histoire. Mathematical series show a “progression”, not “a simple succession of unrelated numbers”; in human history, we discover two simultaneous series: “one growing, that of good; one diminishing, that of evil.” The inevitability of positive progress was confirmed by recent findings in physiology, zoology and geology. Correlations between the developmental stages of organisms, species, and the Earth were proof that humanity’s presence in the world “was no accident”, and that “labour, devotion and sacrifice” were part of the “universal order”. The “great law of progress” pointed toward a socialist republic in fulfilment both of scripture and of the promise of 1789. -
Montesquieu's Mistakes and the True Meaning of Separation Laurence Claus University of San Diego School of Law, [email protected]
University of San Diego Digital USD University of San Diego Public Law and Legal Law Faculty Scholarship Theory Research Paper Series September 2004 Montesquieu's Mistakes and the True Meaning of Separation Laurence Claus University of San Diego School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digital.sandiego.edu/lwps_public Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Jurisprudence Commons, Legal History Commons, Legislation Commons, and the Public Law and Legal Theory Commons Digital USD Citation Claus, Laurence, "Montesquieu's Mistakes and the True Meaning of Separation" (2004). University of San Diego Public Law and Legal Theory Research Paper Series. 11. http://digital.sandiego.edu/lwps_public/art11 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Faculty Scholarship at Digital USD. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of San Diego Public Law and Legal Theory Research Paper Series by an authorized administrator of Digital USD. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Claus: Public Law and Legal Theory Research Paper Series September 2004 Montesquieu's Mistakes and the True Meaning of Separation Laurence Claus Published by Digital USD, 2004 1 University of San Diego Public Law and Legal Theory Research Paper Series, Art. 11 [2004] MONTESQUIEU’S MISTAKES AND THE TRUE MEANING OF SEPARATION 25 Oxford Journal of Legal Studies (forthcoming) Laurence Claus1 “The political liberty of the subject,” said Montesquieu, “is a tranquility of mind arising from the opinion each person has of his safety. In order to have this liberty, it is requisite the government be so constituted as one man needs not be afraid of another.”2 The liberty of which Montesquieu spoke is directly promoted by apportioning power among political actors in a way that minimizes opportunities for those actors to determine conclusively the reach of their own powers. -
The-Law-By-Fredrick-Bastiat-1850.Pdf
The Law by Frédéric Bastiat [1850] Preface When a reviewer wishes to give special recognition to a book, he predicts that it will still be read "a hundred years from now." The Law, first published as a pamphlet in June, 1850, is already more than a hundred years old. And because its truths are eternal, it will still be read when another century has passed. Frédéric Bastiat (1801-1850) was a French economist, statesman, and author. He did most of his writing during the years just before—and immediately following—the Revolution of February 1848. This was the period when France was rapidly turning to complete socialism. As a Deputy to the Legislative Assembly, Mr. Bastiat was studying and explaining each socialist fallacy as it appeared. And he explained how socialism must inevitably degenerate into communism. But most of his countrymen chose to ignore his logic. The Law is here presented again because the same situation that existed in the France of 1848, exists in practically every country today. The same socialist-communist ideas and plans that were then adopted in France are now sweeping the world. The explanations and arguments then advanced against socialism by Mr. Bastiat are—word for word—equally valid today. His ideas deserve a serious hearing. FREDERIC BASTIAT The Law THE FOUNDATION FOR ECONOMIC EDUCATION, INC. IRVINGTON-ON-HUDSON, NEW YORK l950 914-591-7230 The Foundation for Economic Education is a non-profit research and educational institution. It is responsible to no outside person or group--either in government, business, labor, or agriculture. Its sole purpose is a search for truth in economics, political science, and related subjects. -
Book LBF Bastiat Law.Indb
“The Law,” “The State,” and Other Political Writings, 1843–1850 The Collected Works of Frédéric Bastiat Jacques de Guenin, General Editor The Man and the Statesman: The Correspondence and Articles on Politics “The Law,” “The State,” and Other Political Writings, 1843–1850 Economic Sophisms and “What Is Seen and What Is Not Seen” Miscellaneous Works on Economics: From “Jacques-Bonhomme” to Le Journal des Économistes Economic Harmonies The Struggle Against Protectionism: The English and French Free-Trade Movements Frédéric Bastiat “The Law,” “The State,” and Other Political Writings, 1843–1850 frédéric bastiat Jacques de Guenin, General Editor Translated fr om the French by Jane Willems and Michel Willems with an introduction by Pascal Salin Annotations and Glossaries by Jacques de Guenin, Jean-Claude Paul-Dejean, and David M. Hart Translation Editor Dennis O’Keeff e Academic Editor David M. Hart Liberty Fund Indianapolis This book is published by Liberty Fund, Inc., a foundation established to encourage study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals. The cuneiform inscription that serves as our logo and as the design motif for our endpapers is the earliest-known written appearance of the word “freedom” (amagi), or “liberty.” It is taken from a clay document written about 2300 b.c. in the Sumerian city-state of Lagash. © 2012 by Liberty Fund, Inc. All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America c 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 p 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Cover art: Image of the village of Mugron, France, the town where Bastiat spent most of his adult life, from a postcard at www.communes.com / www.notrefamille.com. -
H-France Review Volume 17 (2017) Page 1
H-France Review Volume 17 (2017) Page 1 H-France Review Vol. 17 (December 2017), No. 242 Julian Wright, Socialism and the Experience of Time: Idealism and the Present in Modern France. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017. Chronology, bibliography, and index. xv + 276 pp. $97.50 U.S. (cl). ISBN 978-0-19-953358-9. Review by K. Steven Vincent, North Carolina State University. Anglo-American historians of my generation, when they looked to the political and social thought of the Third Republic, devoted most attention either to the founders of sociology, to existentialists, or to figures and movements of the radical Left and Right – extreme nationalists, anti-Semites, and proto-fascists on the right; terrorists, anarchists, syndicalists, and revolutionary socialists on the left. Julian Wright represents a new generation of English-language historians looking at figures and movements between the extremes. Wright’s first book was about the regionalist movement during the Belle Époque, and it focused on the intellectual and organizational leader of this movement, Jean Charles-Brun.[1] Wright situated Charles- Brun within a French political discourse that recommended regionalism, federalism, conciliation, and gradualist praxis, a discourse that extended back to the Old Regime, but grew in importance during the nineteenth century, as prominent intellectuals like Pierre-Joseph Proudhon criticized the state and recommended mutualist and federalist organizational forms. Charles-Brun, Wright insisted, should be placed at the center of the French political tradition that looked to regional bodies to make reforms, one that respected the cultures and particular needs of local populations. Wright took a generous view of what Anne-Marie Thiesse termed Charles-Brun’s “consensual nationalism,”[2] arguing that even when Charles-Brun served on the Commission des Provinces set up by Pétain, he was not a collaborator, but instead was pushing for moderate reforms, an agenda that avoided socio-political abstractions and focused on quotidian concerns. -
Bastiat, Frédéric
pfront-04.qxd 6/8/2004 2:17 PM Page i The Law by Frederic Bastiat Translated from the French by Dean Russell Foreword by Walter E. Williams Introduction by Richard Ebeling Afterword by Sheldon Richman Foundation for Economic Education Irvington-on-Hudson, New York pfront-04.qxd 6/8/2004 2:17 PM Page ii The Law Copyright © 1998 by the Foundation for Economic Education All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system without permis- sion in writing from the publisher, except by a reviewer, who may quote brief passages in a review. Foundation for Economic Education 30 South Broadway Irvington-on-Hudson, NY 10533 (914) 591-7230 Publisher’s Cataloging in Publication (Prepared by Quality Books, Inc.) Bastiat, Frederic, 1801-1850 [Loi. English] The law / Frederic Bastiat. — 2nd ed. p. cm. Includes index Preassigned LCCN: 98-73568 ISBN 1-57246-073-3 1. Law and socialism. 2. Law—Philosophy. 3. Socialism and liberty. I. Title. K357.B37 1998 340.115 QBI98-1118 Second edition, August 1998 second printing, September 2000; third printing, October 2001 fourth printing, June 2004 Cover design by Doug Hesseltine Manufactured in the United States of America pfront-04.qxd 6/8/2004 2:17 PM Page iii Foreword Walter E. Williams I must have been forty years old before reading Frederic Bastiat’s classic The Law. An anonymous person, to whom I shall eternally be in debt, mailed me an unsolicited copy. -
Jean Jacques Burlamaqui and the Theory of Social Contract
JEAN JACQUES BURLAMAQUI AND THE THEORY OF SOCIAL CONTRACT Raúl Pérez Johnston I. INTRODUCTION. II. THE STATE OF NATURE. PRIMITIVE SOCIETY BOUND BY NATURAL LAW. III. THE COMPACTS. 3.1.- The first compact. Necessity of abandoning the state of nature to evolve to an association, creating the body of the nation and the objectives of the same: the pursuit of happiness. 3.2.- The Fundamental Compact. The creation of the State and the constitution, and establishment of the form of government. 3.3.- The third compact: Designation of the rulers. IV. THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE SOCIAL CONTRACT. LIMITED GOVERNMENT UNDER CERTAIN PARTICULAR RULES AND PRINCIPLES. 4.1.- Definitive abandonment of the state of nature, popular sovereignty and the right of resistance. 4.2.- Representative government, limited government – delegated powers, and separation of powers. 4.3.- The respect of negative rights (non harmful portion of the state of nature) while asserting social (positive) rights to assure the end of the association and the rule of law. 4.4.- Supremacy of the constitution, the need for an institutional guardian of the constitution and judicial review. V. BURLAMAQUI AND THE FOUNDING ERA. VI. CONCLUSION. I. INTRODUCTION 1. Jean Jacques Burlamaqui (1696-1748), a Swiss legal scholar, is one of the most interesting enigmas of political science and the law: while some others recollected undeserved fame, he, deserving at least some, has fallen into oblivion. This, despite having developed an original and revolutionary line of thoughts that comprised not only most of the great institutions of XVIII and XIX century constitutionalism, but also, more contemporary ideas like that of social rights, to give but an example. -
The Controversy Over Intellectual Property in Nineteenth-Century France: a Comparative Analysis Between Proudhon and Walras Rémy Guichardaz
The controversy over intellectual property in nineteenth-century France: a comparative analysis between Proudhon and Walras Rémy Guichardaz To cite this version: Rémy Guichardaz. The controversy over intellectual property in nineteenth-century France: a compar- ative analysis between Proudhon and Walras. European Journal of the History of Economic Thought, Taylor & Francis (Routledge), In press, 10.1080/09672567.2019.1651364. hal-02437832 HAL Id: hal-02437832 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02437832 Submitted on 13 Jan 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. The Controversy over Intellectual Property in Nineteenth-century France: A Comparative Analysis between Proudhon and Walras Rémy Guichardaz University of Strasbourg, CNRS BETA UMR 7522 F-67000 Strasbourg, France [email protected] Abstract The debate over intellectual property in nineteenth-century France was structured as follows: liberal economists advocated a system of perpetual intellectual property rights, while socialist thinkers called for their total abolition. Between these two extremes, other economists supported a temporary form of intellectual property: in particular, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and Léon Walras both converged towards this third solution. This article shows that they in fact provide two different analyses of intellectual property rights, which partly overlap with positions in current debates in innovation studies. -
The Intellectual Origins of French Jacobin Socialism
LEO A. LOUBERE THE INTELLECTUAL ORIGINS OF FRENCH JACOBIN SOCIALISM This essay was written with the thought in mind that there is need for more clarification in the terminology used to describe certain socialist philosophies of the nineteenth century. It seems clear that the terms "democratic socialism" or "social democracy" have lost much of the meaning they might have had in the past. "Democratic" as an adjec- tive or "democracy" as a noun, have been so abused that today they may convey the idea of either a civil libertarian kind of government or a form of totalitarianism. Indeed, the words made for confusion in the nineteenth century when Jacobins, Babouvians, Blanquists, even Bonapartists, claimed each to be true representatives of the general will, and either executed or would have executed those representing opposing wills. Nonviolent were P.-J.-B. Buchez and Louis Blanc, each of whom claimed to be a democratic socialist. Yet in 1848 they opposed each other with intense vehemence. There is need then, for definition and delineation. The problem of clarification involves a reinterpretation of certain socialist ideologies and a more definite understanding of the forces which brought about the politicizing of them. For France, only one author made this latter topic the subject of a special study.1 However, he fell somewhat short of his goal, especially for the pre-18 48 period, the one with which this essay deals. The purpose of this study, there- fore, is to offer a more precise explanation concerning the origin of one of the currents of early socialist philosophy, called here Jacobin socialism. -
Karl Marx Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844
Karl Marx Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844 Karl Marx, Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844. Progress Publishers, Moscow 1959; Translated by Martin Milligan, revised by Dirk J. Struik, contained in Marx/Engels, Gesamtausgabe, Abt. 1, Bd. 3. First Manuscript Wages of Labor Wages are determined through the antagonistic struggle between capitalist and worker. Victory goes necessarily to the capitalist. The capitalist can live longer without the worker than can the worker without the capitalist. Combination among the capitalists is customary and effective; workers’ combination is prohibited and painful in its consequences for them. Besides, the landowner and the capitalist can make use of industrial advantages to augment their revenues; the worker has neither rent nor interest on capital to supplement his industrial income. Hence the intensity of the competition among the workers. Thus only for the workers is the separation of capital, landed property, and labour an inevitable, essential and detrimental separation. Capital and landed property need not remain fixed in this abstraction, as must the labor of the workers. The separation of capital, rent, and labor is thus fatal for the worker. The lowest and the only necessary wage rate is that providing for the subsistence of the worker for the duration of his work and as much more as is necessary for him to support a family and for the race of laborers not to die out. The ordinary wage, according to Smith, is the lowest compatible with common humanity6, that is, with cattle-like existence. The demand for men necessarily governs the production of men, as of every other commodity.