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Whither Communism: a Comparative Perspective on Constitutionalism in a Postsocialist Cuba Jon L
University of Florida Levin College of Law UF Law Scholarship Repository UF Law Faculty Publications Faculty Scholarship 2009 Whither Communism: A Comparative Perspective on Constitutionalism in a Postsocialist Cuba Jon L. Mills University of Florida Levin College of Law, [email protected] Daniel Ryan Koslosky Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.ufl.edu/facultypub Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons Recommended Citation Jon Mills & Daniel Ryan Koslosky, Whither Communism: A Comparative Perspective on Constitutionalism in a Postsocialist Cuba, 40 Geo. Wash. Int'l L. Rev. 1219 (2009), available at, http://scholarship.law.ufl.edu/facultypub/522 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at UF Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in UF Law Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of UF Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WHITHER COMMUNISM: A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE ON CONSTITUTIONALISM IN A POSTSOCIALIST CUBA JON MILLS* AND DANIEL RYAN KOSLOSIc4 I. INTRODUCTION ........................................ 1220 II. HISTORY AND BACKGROUND ............................ 1222 A. Cuban ConstitutionalLaw .......................... 1223 1. Precommunist Legacy ........................ 1223 2. Communist Constitutionalism ................ 1225 B. Comparisons with Eastern Europe ................... 1229 1. Nationalizations in Eastern Europe ........... 1230 2. Cuban Expropriations ........................ 1231 III. MODES OF CONSTITUTIONALISM: A SCENARIO ANALYSIS. 1234 A. Latvia and the Problem of ConstitutionalInheritance . 1236 1. History, Revolution, and Reform ............. 1236 2. Resurrecting an Ancien Rgime ................ 1239 B. Czechoslovakia and Poland: Revolutions from Below .. 1241 1. Poland's Solidarity ........................... 1241 2. Czechoslovakia's Velvet Revolution ........... 1244 3. New Constitutionalism ....................... 1248 C. Hungary's GradualDecline and Decay .............. -
Canada, the Us and Cuba
CANADA, THE US AND CUBA CANADA, THE US AND CUBA HELMS-BURTON AND ITS AFTERMATH Edited by Heather N. Nicol Centre for International Relations, Queen’s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada 1999 Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Main entry under title: Canada, the US and Cuba : Helms-Burton and its aftermath (Martello papers, ISSN 1183-3661 ; 21) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-88911-884-1 1. United States. Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity (LIBERTAD) Act of 1996. 2. Canada – Foreign relations – Cuba. 3. Cuba – Foreign relations – Canada. 4. Canada – Foreign relations – United States. 5. United States – Foreign relations – Canada. 6. United States – Foreign relations – Cuba. 7. Cuba – Foreign relations – United States. I. Nicol, Heather N. (Heather Nora), 1953- . II. Queen’s University (Kingston, Ont.). Centre for International Relations. III. Series. FC602.C335 1999 327.71 C99-932101-3 F1034.2.C318 1999 © Copyright 1999 The Martello Papers The Queen’s University Centre for International Relations (QCIR) is pleased to present the twenty-first in its series of security studies, the Martello Papers. Taking their name from the distinctive towers built during the nineteenth century to de- fend Kingston, Ontario, these papers cover a wide range of topics and issues rele- vant to contemporary international strategic relations. This volume presents a collection of insightful essays on the often uneasy but always interesting United States-Cuba-Canada triangle. Seemingly a relic of the Cold War, it is a topic that, as editor Heather Nicol observes, “is always with us,” and indeed is likely to be of greater concern as the post-Cold War era enters its second decade. -
June 20, 1966 Report on a Meeting Between Enver Hoxha and DPRK Ambassador an Yong
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified June 20, 1966 Report on a Meeting between Enver Hoxha and DPRK Ambassador An Yong Citation: “Report on a Meeting between Enver Hoxha and DPRK Ambassador An Yong,” June 20, 1966, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, AQPPSH, MPP Korese, D 3, V. 1966. Translated for NKIDP by Enkel Daljani. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/114407 Summary: Enver Hoxha meets with the North Korean Ambassador to Albania, An Yong, to discuss North Korea's foreign relations, Titoist and Khrushchevian revisionism, the communist movement, and bilateral relations. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Albanian Contents: English Translation THE MEETING BETWEEN THE FIRST SECRETARY OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE ALBANIAN LABOR PARTY, COMRADE ENVER HOXHA, AND THE AMBASSADOR OF THE DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF KOREA, AN YONG, ON THE OCCASION OF HIS FINAL DEPARTURE FROM ALBANIA, ON JUNE 20, 1966 After Comrade Enver Hoxha received the ambassador and went to the quarters where the conversation would take place, he asked him about the health of Comrade [General Secretary of the Korean Worker’s Party (KWP)] Kim Il Sung and also expressed his regret that after a stay of several years, the ambassador is leaving Albania. “But you are Albanians now,” said Comrade Enver Hoxha to the North Korean ambassador. Ambassador An Yong: Since the time I set off for Albania, where I have stayed for a relatively long time, I had a recommendation from the party and government to do all that is possible to accomplish my task within the framework of our great friendship. -
Grassroots Catholic Groups and Politics in Brazil
GRASSROOTS CATHOLIC GROUPS AND POLITICS IN BRAZIL, 1964-1985 Scott Mainwaring Working Paper #98 - August 1987 Scott Mainwaring is Assistant Professor of Government and member of the Kellogg Institute, University of Notre Dame. He has written extensively on the Catholic Church and politics, social movements, and transitions to democracy. The author wishes to thank Caroline Domingo, Frances Hagopian, Margaret Keck, Alfred Stepan, and Alexander Wilde for helpful suggestions. ABSTRACT During most of its lengthy history, the Catholic Church in Latin America has been identified with dominant elites and the state. This situation has changed in recent decades as Church leaders have supported popular protest aimed at changing unjust social structures. At the forefront of the process of ecclesiastical change have been a panoply of new grassroots groups, the most famous of which are the ecclesial base communities (CEBs). This paper examines the relationship between such grassroots groups and politics in Brazil. The author calls attention to the strong linkages between these groups and the hierarchy. He also underscores the central religious character of CEBs and other groups, even while arguing that these groups did have a political impact. The paper traces how the political activities of CEBs and other grassroots groups evolved over time, largely in response to macropolitical changes. It pays particular attention to the difficulties poor Catholics often encountered in acting in the political sphere. RESUMEN Durante la mayor parte de su larga historia, la Iglesia Católica en Latinoamérica se ha identificado con las élites dominantes. Esta situación ha cambiado en las décadas recientes ya que líderes de la Iglesia han apoyado la protesta popular dirigida al cambio de estructuras sociales injustas. -
Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930S
Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2014 © 2014 Ariel Mae Lambe All rights reserved ABSTRACT Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe This dissertation shows that during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) diverse Cubans organized to support the Spanish Second Republic, overcoming differences to coalesce around a movement they defined as antifascism. Hundreds of Cuban volunteers—more than from any other Latin American country—traveled to Spain to fight for the Republic in both the International Brigades and the regular Republican forces, to provide medical care, and to serve in other support roles; children, women, and men back home worked together to raise substantial monetary and material aid for Spanish children during the war; and longstanding groups on the island including black associations, Freemasons, anarchists, and the Communist Party leveraged organizational and publishing resources to raise awareness, garner support, fund, and otherwise assist the cause. The dissertation studies Cuban antifascist individuals, campaigns, organizations, and networks operating transnationally to help the Spanish Republic, contextualizing these efforts in Cuba’s internal struggles of the 1930s. It argues that both transnational solidarity and domestic concerns defined Cuban antifascism. First, Cubans confronting crises of democracy at home and in Spain believed fascism threatened them directly. Citing examples in Ethiopia, China, Europe, and Latin America, Cuban antifascists—like many others—feared a worldwide menace posed by fascism’s spread. -
Introduction Chapter 1 Chapter 2
Notes Introduction 1. I am grateful to Richard Boyd for his teaching and supervision, as a result of which I was introduced to the eminent importance, both within and outside philosophy, of arguments for naturalistic realism in Anglo- American analytic philosophy. See Boyd 1982, 1983, 1985, 1988, 1999, 2010. 2. This is how the term is spelled in Goodman 1973. Chapter 1 1. This took place at a talk at the University of Havana on the occasion of receiving an honorary degree December 8, 2001, Havana, Cuba. 2. Take, for example, Senel Paz saying, “I have always thought that it is the duty of the intellectuals . to examine closely all of our errors and negative tendencies, to study them with courage and without shame” (my translation) in Heras 1999: 148. 3. I have discussed this view at some length in Babbitt 1996. 4. Julia Sweig’s statement is significant given that she was director of Latin Ameri- can studies at the Council of Foreign Relations, a major foreign policy forum for the US government. See Sweig 2007, cited in Veltmeyer & Rushton 2013: 301. 5. “US Governor in First Trip to Castro’s Cuba” (1999, October 24), New York Times, p. 14, http:// search .proquest .com .proxy .queensu .ca /docview /110125370 / pageviewPDF ?accountid = 6180 [accessed March 10, 2013]. 6. The fact- value distinction emerged in European Enlightenment philosophy, originating, arguably, with Hume (1711– 1776) who argued that normative arguments (about value) cannot be derived logically from arguments about what exists. 7. The view that the mind, understood as consciousness, is physical, although distinctly so, is defended by philosophers of mind (Searle 1998; see also Prado 2006). -
The Rhetoric of Fidel Castro Brent C
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 2008 From the mountains to the podium: the rhetoric of Fidel Castro Brent C. Kice Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations Part of the Communication Commons Recommended Citation Kice, Brent C., "From the mountains to the podium: the rhetoric of Fidel Castro" (2008). LSU Doctoral Dissertations. 1766. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations/1766 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please [email protected]. FROM THE MOUNTAINS TO THE PODIUM: THE RHETORIC OF FIDEL CASTRO A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of Communication Studies by Brent C. Kice B.A., Loyola University New Orleans, 2002 M.A., Southeastern Louisiana University, 2004 December 2008 DEDICATION To my wife, Dori, for providing me strength during this arduous journey ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank Andy King for all of his guidance, and especially his impeccable impersonations. I also wish to thank Stephanie Grey, Ruth Bowman, Renee Edwards, David Lindenfeld, and Mary Brody for their suggestions during this project. I am so thankful for the care and advice given to me by Loretta Pecchioni. -
Originality and Relevance of the Cuban Revolution
4 Originality and Relevance of the Cuban Revolution The predominant tendency in European intellectual and political circles is to regard the Cuban regime as a kind of fossil, a Stalinist hangover, and even in more traditional leftist circles which see Cuba as an example of social justice and resistance to globalisation, virtually no-one suggests that other countries could learn from the Cuban experience in political terms. The Cuban experience is identifi ed with armed struggle, and since the neutralisation of the Central American guerrilla movements armed revolution has been discredited. Although strong insurgent movements still exist in Colombia – the FARC, ELN and others – their strategy is to combine armed struggle with other methods and to seek a negotiated political solution; their great achievement (which should not be overlooked despite government and media demonisation of them as ‘narco-terrorists’) has been to maintain popular armed resistance to neo-liberalism. Within the last decade other movements which defend the resort to arms have appeared, notably the Zapatistas in Mexico, but given their limited military capacity and their strategy of ‘dissolution’ rather than seizure of power, it would be more accurate to describe them as representing ‘armed contestation’ as opposed to revolutionary armed struggle in the classic sense. Small organisations which advocate armed struggle in theory exist in many countries, and it would be rash to suggest that the question of armed revolution will never again be on the agenda in Latin America; but at present it is clear that political confl icts are resolved through a combination of elections and mass mobilisations which are predominantly peaceful. -
Operation Urgent Fury: High School Briefing File
OPERATION URGENT FURY: HIGH SCHOOL BRIEFING FILE PEACE THROUGH STRENGTH “ As for the enemies of freedom...they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people. We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it; we will not surrender for it— now or ever.” -Ronald Reagan, 1981 TABLE OF CONTENTS COMMUNISM 2 COLD WAR TIMELINE 4 PRIMARY SOURCE DOCUMENT 6 STORIES OF SURVIVAL 8 GLOSSARY 9 COMMUNISM “The road to Hell is paved with good intentions.” - Karl Marx, Das Kapital 1 Karl Marx (1818 – 1883) was a philosopher, co-author of The Communist Manifesto, and is credited with developing the ideas and principles that led to the foundation of Communism. While he never lived to see his dream of a communist state realized, politicians such as Vladimir Lenin studied his works and formed governments like the Soviet Union, the Republic of Cuba, and Grenada. Karl Marx, 1867. Photograph by Freidrich Karl Wunder (1815-1893). Courtesy of marxists.org. In your own words, what do you think Marx meant in the quote above? ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________ The Union of Soviet Socialist Republic 1936 Constitution of the USSR Fundamental Rights and Duties of Citizens ARTICLE 123. Equality of rights of citizens of the USSR, irrespective of their nationality or race, in all spheres of economic, state, cultural, social and political life, is an indefeasible law. Any direct or indirect restriction of the rights of, or, conversely, any establishment of direct or indirect privileges for, citizens on account of their race or nationality, as well as any advocacy of racial or national exclusiveness or hatred and contempt, is punishable by law. -
General Assembly Official Records Sixty-First Session
United Nations A/61/PV.50 General Assembly Official Records Sixty-first session 50th plenary meeting Wednesday, 8 November 2006, 10 a.m. New York President: Ms. Al Khalifa ................................... (Bahrain) The meeting was called to order at 10.10 a.m. At the thirtieth annual ministerial meeting of the Group of 77 and China, the ministers once again firmly Agenda item 18 rejected the imposition of laws and regulations with extraterritorial impact and all other forms of coercive Necessity of ending the economic, commercial and economic measures, including unilateral sanctions financial embargo imposed by the United States of against developing countries, and reiterated the urgent America against Cuba need to eliminate them immediately. They emphasized Report of the Secretary-General (A/61/132) that such actions not only undermine the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and Draft resolution (A/61/L.10) international law, but also severely threaten the Amendment (A/61/L.19) freedom of trade and investment. They therefore called on the international community neither to recognize Mr. Maqungo (South Africa): On this important those measures nor to apply them. occasion, the Chairman of the Group of 77 and China, Ambassador Kumalo, would have preferred to deliver The Group of 77 and China is guided by the basic this statement himself. However, due to the fact that he norms of international law and conduct in its principled is traveling, I, as Chargé, have the honour to speak on support for the need to eliminate coercive economic behalf of the Group of 77 and China. -
Liberation Theology: Problematizing the Historical Projects of Democracy and Human Rights
Revista Sociedade e Cultura | ISSN: 1980-8194 DOI: 10.5216/sec.v23.e59897 Liberation Theology: problematizing the historical projects of democracy and human rights Teologia da Libertação: problematizando os projetos históricos da democracia e dos direitos humanos Teología de la liberación: problematizando los proyectos históricos de democracia y derechos humanos Graham McGeorch Faculdade Unida, Vitória, Espírito Santo, Brasil [email protected] Abstract: Liberation Theology and Liberation Christianity continue to inspire social movements across Latin America. Following Michael Lowy’s analytical and historical distinction between Liberation Christianity (emerging in the 1950s) and Liberation Theology (emerging in the 1970s), this paper seeks to problematize the historical projects of democracy and human rights, particularly in relation to the praxis of Liberation Christianity and the reflection of Liberation Theology. Liberation Theology emerged across Latin America during a period of dictatorship and called for liberation. It had neither democracy nor human rights as its central historical project, but rather liberation. Furthermore, Liberation Christianity, which includes the legacy of Camilo Torres, now seeks to ‘defend democracy’ and ‘uphold human rights’ in its ongoing struggles despite the fact that the democratic project has clearly failed the majority of Latin Americans. Both redemocratization and ‘pink tide’ governments were not driven by liberation. At the beginning of the first Workers’ Party government in Brazil, Frei Betto – a leading liberation theologian – famously quipped ‘we have won an election, not made a revolution’. In dialogue with Ivan Petrella, this article suggests that Liberation Theology Revista Sociedade e Cultura. 2020, v. 23: e59897 Revista Sociedade e Cultura | ISSN: 1980-8194 DOI: 10.5216/sec.v23.e59897 needs to ‘go beyond’ broad narratives of democracy and human rights to re-establish a historical project of liberation linked to what the Brazilian philosopher, Roberto Mangabeira Unger, calls institutional imagination. -
Cuba: Issues for the 109Th Congress
Cuba: Issues for the 109th Congress Updated December 19, 2006 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL32730 Cuba: Issues for the 109th Congress Summary Since the early 1960s, U.S. policy toward Cuba under Fidel Castro has consisted largely of isolating the communist nation through comprehensive economic sanctions, which have been significantly tightened by the Bush Administration. Another component of U.S. policy has consisted of support measures for the Cuban people, including private humanitarian donations and U.S.-sponsored radio and television broadcasting to Cuba. While there appears to be broad agreement on the overall objective of U.S. policy toward Cuba—to help bring democracy and respect for human rights to the island—there are several schools of thought on how to achieve that objective: some advocate maximum pressure on Cuba until reforms are enacted; others argue for lifting some U.S. sanctions judged to be hurting the Cuban people; and still others call for a swift normalization of U.S.-Cuban relations. Fidel Castro’s announcement in late July 2006 that he was temporarily ceding political power to his brother Raúl in order to recover from surgery has prompted some Members to call for re-examination of U.S. policy. In the 109th Congress, legislative initiatives included the approval of five human rights resolutions: H.Con.Res. 81, H.Res. 193, H.Res. 388, S.Res. 140, and S.Res. 469. P.L. 109-102 funded Cuba democracy projects in FY2006. Action on several FY2007 appropriations measures were not completed, so action will need to be completed in 2007: House-passed H.R.