Mao Tse-Tung's Contribution to Marxism-Leninism
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
April 28, 1969 Mao Zedong's Speech At
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified April 28, 1969 Mao Zedong’s Speech at the First Plenary Session of the CCP’s Ninth Central Committee Citation: “Mao Zedong’s Speech at the First Plenary Session of the CCP’s Ninth Central Committee,” April 28, 1969, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Jianguo yilai Mao Zedong wengao, vol. 13, pp. 35-41. Translated for CWIHP by Chen Jian. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/117145 Summary: Mao speaks about the importance of a united socialist China, remaining strong amongst international powers. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Chinese Contents: English Translation What I am going to say is what I have said before, which you all know, and I am not going to say anything new. Simply I am going to talk about unity. The purpose of unity is to pursue even greater victory. Now the Soviet revisionists attack us. Some broadcast reports by Tass, the materials prepared by Wang Ming,[i] and the lengthy essay in Kommunist all attack us, claiming that our Party is no longer one of the proletariat and calling it a “petit-bourgeois party.” They claim that what we are doing is the imposition of a monolithic order and that we have returned to the old years of the base areas. What they mean is that we have retrogressed. What is a monolithic order? According to them, it is a military-bureaucratic system. Using a Japanese term, this is a “system.” In the words used by the Soviets, this is called “military-bureaucratic dictatorship.” They look at our list of names, and find many military men, and they call it “military.”[ii] As for “bureaucratic,” probably they mean a batch of “bureaucrats,” including myself, [Zhou] Enlai, Kang Sheng, and Chen Boda.[iii] All in all, those of you who do not belong to the military belong to this “bureaucratic” system. -
1 Comrade China on the Big Screen
COMRADE CHINA ON THE BIG SCREEN: CHINESE CULTURE, HOMOSEXUAL IDENTITY, AND HOMOSEXUAL FILMS IN MAINLAND CHINA By XINGYI TANG A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN MASS COMMUNICATION UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2011 1 © 2011 Xingyi Tang 2 To my beloved parents and friends 3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First of all, I would like to thank some of my friends, for their life experiences have inspired me on studying this particular issue of homosexuality. The time I have spent with them was a special memory in my life. Secondly, I would like to express my gratitude to my chair, Dr. Churchill Roberts, who has been such a patient and supportive advisor all through the process of my thesis writing. Without his encouragement and understanding on my choice of topic, his insightful advices and modifications on the structure and arrangement, I would not have completed the thesis. Also, I want to thank my committee members, Dr. Lisa Duke, Dr. Michael Leslie, and Dr. Lu Zheng. Dr. Duke has given me helpful instructions on qualitative methods, and intrigued my interests in qualitative research. Dr. Leslie, as my first advisor, has led me into the field of intercultural communication, and gave me suggestions when I came across difficulties in cultural area. Dr. Lu Zheng is a great help for my defense preparation, and without her support and cooperation I may not be able to finish my defense on time. Last but not least, I dedicate my sincere gratitude and love to my parents. -
April 20, 1961 Memorandum of Conversation, Comrade Abdyl Kellezi with Comrade Zhou Enlai
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified April 20, 1961 Memorandum of Conversation, Comrade Abdyl Kellezi with Comrade Zhou Enlai Citation: “Memorandum of Conversation, Comrade Abdyl Kellezi with Comrade Zhou Enlai,” April 20, 1961, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Central State Archive, Tirana, AQPPSH-MPKK-V. 1961, L. 13, D. 6. Obtained by Ana Lalaj and translated by Enkel Daljani. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/111817 Summary: Zhou Enlai expressed China's opinions on the result of the meeting of the Political Consultative Committee of the Warsaw Pact, China's support of the principles of Marxism-Leninism in several Soviet-Albanian conflicts. They also discussed issues of economic and military assistance. Original Language: Albanian Contents: English Translation At the meeting there were also present: From our side, comrade Mihal Prifti, from the Chinese side the comrades Deng Xiaoping, Luo Ruiqing, Vice Premier of the State Council and Chief of Staff, and Wu Xiuquan, Deputy Director of the CCP CC International Department. In the lunch that was given after the talks there was also comrade Tan Zhenlin, member of the Political Bureau of the CCP CC and dealing with agriculture issues, as well as Comrade Li Xiannian. Comrade Zhou Enlai: We took a look at the minutes of the meeting between [Chairman of the Ministerial Council and Member of the Political Bureau of the ALP CC] Comrade Mehmet Shehu and comrade Luo Shigao that they had after the meeting of the Political Consultative Committee of the Warsaw Pact that was held in Moscow. In addition, we have also seen the minutes of your meeting with comrade Li Xiannian. -
Deng Xiaoping in the Making of Modern China
Teaching Asia’s Giants: China Crossing the River by Feeling the Stones Deng Xiaoping in the Making of Modern China Poster of Deng Xiaoping, By Bernard Z. Keo founder of the special economic zone in China in central Shenzhen, China. he 9th of September 1976: The story of Source: The World of Chinese Deng Xiaoping’s ascendancy to para- website at https://tinyurl.com/ yyqv6opv. mount leader starts, like many great sto- Tries, with a death. Nothing quite so dramatic as a murder or an assassination, just the quiet and unassuming death of Mao Zedong, the founding father of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). In the wake of his passing, factions in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) competed to establish who would rule after the Great Helmsman. Pow- er, after all, abhors a vacuum. In the first corner was Hua Guofeng, an unassuming functionary who had skyrocketed to power under the late chairman’s patronage. In the second corner, the Gang of Four, consisting of Mao’s widow, Jiang September 21, 1977. The Qing, and her entourage of radical, leftist, Shanghai-based CCP officials. In the final corner, Deng funeral of Mao Zedong, Beijing, China. Source: © Xiaoping, the great survivor who had experi- Keystone Press/Alamy Stock enced three purges and returned from the wil- Photo. derness each time.1 Within a month of Mao’s death, the Gang of Four had been imprisoned, setting up a showdown between Hua and Deng. While Hua advocated the policy of the “Two Whatev- ers”—that the party should “resolutely uphold whatever policy decisions Chairman Mao made and unswervingly follow whatever instructions Chairman Mao gave”—Deng advocated “seek- ing truth from facts.”2 At a time when China In 1978, some Beijing citizens was reexamining Mao’s legacy, Deng’s approach posted a large-character resonated more strongly with the party than Hua’s rigid dedication to Mao. -
'Socialism in One Country': Komsomol'tsy
Youthful Internationalism in the Age of ‘Socialism in One Country’: Komsomol’tsy, Pioneers and ‘World Revolution’ in the Interwar Period Matthias Neumann On the 1st of March 1927, two Komsomol members from the Chuvash Republic, located in the centre of European Russia, wrote an emotional letter to Comrade Stalin. Reflecting on the revolutionary upheavals in China, they attacked the inaction of the Komsomol and the party and expressed their sincere determination to self-mobilise and join the proletarian forces in China. ‘We do not need empty slogans such as “The Komsomol is prepared”’, ‘We must not live like this’ they wrote and boasted ‘we guarantee that we are able to mobilise thousands of Komsomol members who have the desire to go to China and fight in the army of the Guomindang.’ This was after all, they forcefully stressed, the purpose for which ‘our party and our Komsomol exist.’1 These youngsters were not alone in their views. As the coverage on the situation in China intensified in the Komsomol press in March, numerous similar individual and collective letters were received by party and Komsomol leaders.2 The young authors, all male as far as they were named, expressed their genuine enthusiasm for the revolution in China. The letters revealed not only a youthful romanticism for the revolutionary fight abroad and the idea of spreading the revolution, but often an underlying sense of disillusionment with the inertia of the revolutionary project at home. A few months earlier, in 1926 during the campaign against the so-called eseninshchina3, a fellow Komsomol member took a quite different view on the prospect of spreading the revolution around the world. -
For Whom the Bell Tolls: the Political Legacy of China's Cultural Revolution
For Whom the Bell Tolls: The Political Legacy of China’s Cultural Revolution Yuhua Wang∗ May 10, 2017 Abstract Does the use of repression undermine authoritarian rulers’ legitimacy? I argue that state repres- sion can make individuals internalize a strategy (trust or distrust) as a heuristic in situations where information acquisition is either costly or imperfect, so repression has a long-lasting negative ef- fect on people’s trust of authoritarian rulers. I test this proposition by studying one of the most tragic episodes of authoritarian repression in the modern era–state terror during China’s Cultural Revolution. I show that individuals who were exposed to more state-sponsored violence in the late 1960s are less trusting of their political leaders at all levels today. The adverse effect of vio- lence is universal irrespective of an individual’s age or class background. Evidence from a variety of identification strategies suggests that the relationship is causal. My findings contribute to our understanding of how repression affects the long-term legitimacy of authoritarian regimes. ∗Assistant Professor, Department of Government, Harvard University ([email protected]). I want to thank Andy Walder for sharing his dataset on Cultural Revolution violence, James Kung and Shuo Chen for sharing their dataset on the Great Famine, and Bruce Dickson for sharing his 2014 survey data. Iza Ding, Xiaobo Lu,¨ Jean Oi, Liz Perry, Andy Walder, Yiqing Xu, Fei Yan, and Boliang Zhu have provided helpful comments. All errors remain my own. 1 What is the long-term effect of state-sponsored violence on citizens’ trust of authoritarian rulers? Autocrats use repression to maintain political order, promote economic development, and lengthen their term in office (Haggard 1986; Davenport 1995; Bueno de Mesquita and Smith 2011; Svolik 2012; Bhasin and Gandhi 2013; Greitens 2016; Hassan 2016). -
Of Concepts and Methods "On Postisms" and Other Essays K
Of Concepts and Methods "On Postisms" and other Essays K. Murali (Ajith) Foreign Languages Press Foreign Languages Press Collection “New Roads” #9 A collection directed by Christophe Kistler Contact – [email protected] https://foreignlanguages.press Paris, 2020 First Edition ISBN: 978-2-491182-39-7 This book is under license Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ “Communism is the riddle of history solved, and it knows itself to be this solution.” Karl Marx CONTENTS Introduction Saroj Giri From the October Revolution to the Naxalbari 1 Movement: Understanding Political Subjectivity Preface 34 On Postisms’ Concepts and Methods 36 For a Materialist Ethics 66 On the Laws of History 86 The Vanguard in the 21st Century 96 The Working of the Neo-Colonial Mind 108 If Not Reservation, Then What? 124 On the Specificities of Brahmanist Hindu Fascism 146 Some Semi-Feudal Traits of the Indian Parliamentary 160 System The Maoist Party 166 Re-Reading Marx on British India 178 The Politics of Liberation 190 Appendix In Conversation with the Journalist K. P. Sethunath 220 Introduction Introduction From the October Revolution to the Nax- albari Movement: Understanding Political Subjectivity Saroj Giri1 The first decade since the October Revolution of 1917 was an extremely fertile period in Russia. So much happened in terms of con- testing approaches and divergent paths to socialism and communism that we are yet to fully appreciate the richness, intensity and complexity of the time. In particular, what is called the Soviet revolutionary avant garde (DzigaVertov, Vladimir Mayakovsky, Alexander Rodchenko, El Lissitzky, Boris Arvatov) was extremely active during the 1920s. -
Esperanto, Civility, and the Politics of Fellowship: A
ESPERANTO, CIVILITY, AND THE POLITICS OF FELLOWSHIP: A COSMOPOLITAN MOVEMENT FROM THE EASTERN EUROPEAN PERIPHERY A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Notre Dame in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Ana Velitchkova Omar Lizardo, Director Graduate Program in Peace Studies and Sociology Notre Dame, Indiana July 2014 © Copyright by ANA MILENOVA VELITCHKOVA 2014 All rights reserved ESPERANTO, CIVILITY, AND THE POLITICS OF FELLOWSHIP: A COSMOPOLITAN MOVEMENT FROM THE EASTERN EUROPEAN PERIPHERY Abstract by Ana Velitchkova This dissertation examines global, regional, state-, group-, and person-level processes involved in the growth of the movement formed around the constructed international language Esperanto. The Esperanto movement emerged in the global arena in the late nineteenth century as a response to inequalities in the nation-state field. In the course of several decades, the movement established a new global field based on the logic of equal communication through Esperanto and on the accumulation of cultural capital. While the field gained autonomy from the nation-state field, it has not been recognized as its equal. Persons endowed with cultural capital but lacking political and economic capital have been particularly drawn to Esperanto. Ironically, while attempting to overcome established unfair distinctions based on differential accumulation of political and economic capital, the Esperanto movement creates and maintains new distinctions and inequalities based on cultural capital accumulation. Ana Velitchkova At the regional level, the Esperanto movement became prominent in state- socialist Eastern Europe in the second half of the twentieth century. The movement found unexpected allies among independent states in the Eastern European periphery. -
Regime Inclusion and the Resilience of Authoritarianism: the Local People’S Political Consultative Conference in Post-Mao Chinese Politics
REGIME INCLUSION AND THE RESILIENCE OF AUTHORITARIANISM: THE LOCAL PEOPLE’S POLITICAL CONSULTATIVE CONFERENCE IN POST-MAO CHINESE POLITICS YAN Xiaojun∗ Conventional wisdom holds that authoritarian regimes are inherently fragile, due to their lack of political legitimacy and excessive reliance on state coercion. The recent unrest in Tunisia and Egypt seems to confirm such a view. However, the past decade has witnessed the stubborn persistence of authoritarian rule in a rapidly rising China. While political rebellions have challenged dictators from Central Asia to North Africa, the Communist regime in China has not only survived the political, economic and ideological crises of the 1990s but has thrived, to an extent that some outside observers began to perceive its method of operating as a fledgling “consensus” that might one day threaten the appeal of the dominant Western model of market capitalism with electoral democracy.1 Scholars who examine the persistence of regimes like China’s argue that political institutions are “essential for understanding authoritarian politics”.2 Beatriz Magaloni suggests that political institutions “shape bargaining between the dictator and his ruling coalition” and serve as “the instruments through which dictators spy, co-opt, or repress opponents”.3 Under Communist systems, many of these functions are undertaken by a specific kind of political institution, which I refer to in this article as inclusive regime institutions. Kenneth Jowitt defines regime inclusion as “attempts by the party élites to expand the internal boundaries of the regime’s ∗ For invaluable comments and suggestions, I am indebted to Elizabeth J. Perry, John P. Burns, the editors of The China Journal and two anonymous reviewers. -
The Cultural Revolution
The Cultural Revolution The “Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution,” usually known simply as the Cultural Revolution (or the Great Cultural Revolution), was a “complex social upheaval that began as a struggle between Mao Zedong and other top party leaders for dominance of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and went on to affect all of China with its call for “continuing revolution.” 1 This social upheaval lasted from 1966 to 1976 and left deep scars upon Chinese society. Background The roots of the Cultural Revolution date back to the early 1960s. After the catastrophic Great Leap Forward, in which more than 20 million people died, Chairman Mao Zedong decided to take a less active role in governing the country. More practical, moderate leaders, such as Vice-Chairman Liu Shaoqi and Premier Zhou Enlai, introduced economic reforms based on individual incentives—such as allowing families to farm their own plots of land—in an effort to revive the battered economy. Mao detested such policies, as they went against the principles of pure communism in which he so firmly believed. Nevertheless, China’s economy grew strongly from 1962 to 1965 with the more conservative economic policies in place. At the same time, Mao started to worry that local party officials were taking advantage of their positions to benefit themselves. Rather than resolving such cases internally to preserve the prestige of the CCP, Mao favored open criticism and the involvement of the people to expose and punish the members of the ruling class who disagreed with him; he framed this as a genuine socialist campaign involving the central struggle of the proletariat versus the bourgeoisie. -
GALE Program: Arabic to English Translation Guidelines
GALE Program: Arabic to English Translation Guidelines Version 2.7 September 7, 2010 Linguistic Data Consortium http://www.ldc.upenn.edu/Projects/GALE NOTE: If for any reason translators are uncomfortable working with any particular document included in their assignment, please contact LDC at [email protected] to request a replacement. 1 Introduction .............................................................................................................. 3 2 Translation Teams ................................................................................................... 3 3 File Formats ............................................................................................................. 4 3.1 Source file......................................................................................................... 4 3.2 Completed translation file ................................................................................. 5 3.3 File Naming Conventions.................................................................................. 5 4 Delivery of Completed Translations ......................................................................... 6 4.1 Email Correspondence about Translation......................................................... 6 5 Specific Rules for Translation .................................................................................. 6 5.1 General Principles............................................................................................. 6 5.2 Proper Names.................................................................................................. -
Antagonistic and Non-Antagonistic Contradictions by Ai Siqi
Antagonistic and Non-Antagonistic Contradictions by Ai Siqi This is a selection from Ai Siqi's book Lecture Outline on Dialectical Materialism, Beijing, 1957. This book was translated into a number of languages. The selection describes the concept of non‐antagonistic contradiction as expounded in several works by Mao Zedong. This translation is based Chinese text published in Ai Siqi's Complete Works [艾思奇全书], Beijing: People's publishing House, 2006, vol. 6, pp. 832‐836. [832] 5. Antagonistic and non-antagonistic forms of struggle The struggle of opposites is encountered in our work. It cannot use one absolute, but this principle does not at all fixed kind of form and tie itself to one rigid exclude diversity of struggle forms and method, and in this way, it is possible to methods of resolution. On the contrary, grasp revolution in a comparatively forms of struggle and methods of resolving successful way, and lead towards victory. contradictions must have various For example, in order to eliminate manifestations, depending on the quality of capitalism, our Chinese method is not to the contradiction and all kinds of different use a form of great force to expropriate the circumstances. One of the characteristics of means of production, but mainly to adopt formalism 1 is to grasp some one kind of the form of peaceful remolding to redeem struggle form and method of resolving them. contradictions in a one-sided way, and In the various sorts and varieties of regard it as a thing which is absolutely struggle forms, two different forms of impossible to change, thus committing struggle should be especially studied, subjectivist errors.