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Appendix A

Huma Naqvi ‘Dilli me chal rahe adhyatimic guru shree shree ravishankar ke dharmik aayojan me saniwar ko ek ajeb nazara dekhne ko mila. Manch per maujood thee grihmantri rajnath Singh aur unke samne hi shree shree Ravishankar ne jai Hind aur Pakistan zindabad ka udghosan kya. Ek bar ko koin heart me pad gya lekin jald hi shree shree ne mansha spasth karte hue kaha ki jai Hind aur Pakistan zindabad ka nara ek saath kue nhi lag sakta. Bhakto kanhyaha yaad hi tumko? Aur waqil babu aap hi jee jinhone Kanyaha to adalat me thok dya. News from Hindi daily, AmarUjala’.

Rajkumar Verma ‘Huma jee yaha to tasvir ulti ho gai, yaha per Pakistan zindabad ka nara lagane wale ko puri suraksha muhaya hi, balki deshbhakt Sarkar sena ko bhi inka naukar bana deti hi, aur to aur upar se deshbhakt Sarkar ko chee chee dhamki bhi dete hi ki who jurmana bhi nahi denge’.

रश्मि सिंह ‘Shree Shree ne ye bhi bola kya ‘bharat tere tukde honge insallah insallah?? Logic bhi bada ajeeb Vishay hi’ insan ka khun lal hi gadhee ka khun bhi lal hi so insan gadha hi.

Vijay Pal Singh Sangwan ‘Iss Shri Shri ko Pakistan kab bhej rahe ho sanghio?’

Dinesh Sharma ‘Sunyojit apradh aur anjane me hue apradh me antar hota hi aur uske picche chupi mansha ke bare me bhi jankari honi chayeh. Koi baat kisi bhi parasthiti me kis andaj me boli gai hi yeh bhi mayne rakhti hi. Aap to samajdhar hi ki galti ho to chama prathi jee.’

Facebook has been the undisputed behemoth of social media for years now, but a study shows that this may be changing among the youth. It is easy to come across people who can’t go through a day without accessing Facebook. But now, Twitter has entered the fray and is eating into Facebook’s user base. And importantly it is attracting the youth who form such a big mainstay of social media business. Twitter is used more as a listen exercise. Users listen in on what the target audience discussed. That way, they can stay up to date on industry trends and give users what they want. It can be a valuable tool to get almost instantaneous news updates. By the end of 2012, 21% of the global Internet population used Twitter on a regular basis. Each month, 288 million people sign in at least once. The popularity of Facebook and Twitter differs by age ranges. Just over 30% of Facebook users are younger than 34 years old. Meanwhile, 45% of users are over 45 years old. But nearly half of all Twitter users are under the age of 34 years old, and only 30% are over 45 years old. When asked, Jayanti M, a ﬁnal-year medical student who uses Twitter very regularly and has a few hundred ‘followers’ on the platform said ‘Twitter works well for people who are too lazy to sit and write entire blogs. It makes it easier to connect to like-minded people from across the globe, and also, it is easier to voice your thoughts on Twitter because all the family and relatives are yet to discover Twitter unlike Facebook’.1

1http://www.dnaindia.com/scitech/report-Twitter-becoming-more-popular-than-facebook-among- the-youth-1872226, last accessed March 21, 2016. © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 115 S. Moinuddin, The Political Twittersphere in India, Springer Geography, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11602-6 Appendix C

When the saga of Twitter started in India is not exactly known but among politicians, Congress Party member of Parliament and former Union Minister Mr. Shashi Tharoor were somehow responsible when he once twitted ‘cattle class’ in solidarity with all our ‘holy cows’.2 Of course, it became contentious issue in the politics and Congress Party had defended that he is being a new in the politics; in future, he would care of all this; no one should hurt at all. The gossips about Twitter discussed in various colour across old media and social media. In between such contentious idea, Twitter expanded its reach, and over a period of time, it established and became one of important SNSs across different sections of people including politicians as well.

2For details see, http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/tharoors-cattle-class-tweet-annoys- congress/article21179.ece, last accessed March 23, 2016. © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 117 S. Moinuddin, The Political Twittersphere in India, Springer Geography, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11602-6 Appendix D

Without knowing what he was doing, Sohaib Athar, a.k.a. @ Really Virtual, has more or less just live-tweeted the raid in which terrorist Osama bin Laden was killed on Sunday. The IT consultant resides in Abbottabad, the town where Osama bin Laden was found and killed by US military operation. Athar first posted about events surrounding the raid 10 h before the publication of this article, written, ‘Helicopter hovering above Abbottabad at 1 AM (is a rare event)’. He didn’t realize that he’d been tweeting about a top-secret attempt to kill an internationally wanted terrorist until nine hours later. Athar reported that one of the copters he’d heard had crashed and that the aircraft were not Pakistani. We now know that four helicopters had been sent to raid bin Laden’s mansion in the town, and one was hit by enemy fire from the ground. During the raid, Athar speculates that he was two or three kilometres away from the shooting that took place. Once news broke that bin Laden had been killed in Abbottabad, Athar tweeted, ‘Uh oh, now I’m the guy who live blogged the Osama raid without knowing it’. Athar further reported that traffic was shut down in some areas, and the army had cordoned off the helicopter crash site. Yet, he remains humble. ‘I am JUST a tweeter, awake at the time of the crash. Not many Twitter users in Abbottabad, these guys are more into Facebook. That’s all’.3

3For details see, http://mashable.com/2011/05/02/live-tweet-bin-laden-raid/# last accessed, March 20, 2016 (It was Sohaib Athar who ﬁrst acknowledged the incident even without the knowing what exactly going on). © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 119 S. Moinuddin, The Political Twittersphere in India, Springer Geography, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11602-6 Appendix E Aircel-Maxis Deal

April–May 2011: The Aircel-Maxis deal came under the scanner after Aircel owner C. Sivasankaran lodged a complaint with the Central Bureau of Investigation alleging that he was pressurized to sell his stakes to Maxis.

September 2011: The arbitral tribunal rejected Mr. Sivasankaran’s allegation regarding breach of obligations on the part of buyers in undertaking an IPO of Aircel. The tribunal directed him to pay Maxis’s legal costs of $7.9 million, of which at least $1.4 million was paid. The award was not challenged.

October 2011: The CBI ﬁled a case alleging that Mr. Sivasankaran, who had applied for spectrum licence, was coerced into selling his company to Maxis. It is later alleged that the Maxis Group, which bought 74% stakes in Aircel in March 2006, invested Rs. 742 crore in Sun Direct between 2007 and 2009.

May 2014: The CBI told the Supreme Court that there was difference of opinion between the CBI Director and the prosecution regarding ﬁling of the charge sheet. On reference, the Attorney General opined that there was enough prosecutable evidence.

July 2014: Maxis Communications Berhad on July 25 urged Finance Minister Arun Jaitley that it be treated in a fair manner, citing a contrary opinion by two retired Chief Justices of India.

August 2014: The CBI on August 29 ﬁled charge sheet against former Telecom Minister Dayanidhi Maran and his brother Kalanidhi Maran; T. Ananda Krishnan, owner of Malaysian company Maxis; Ralph Marshall, a senior executive of the Maxis Group, and four companies, including the Sun Direct TV Pvt. Ltd.

5 February 2015: Marans moved the Supreme Court challenging the 2G Special Court’s decision to summon them in the Aircel-Maxis case.

6 February 2015: The Supreme Court recalled its order refusing to entertain petitions of the former Telecom Minister Dayanidhi Maran and his brother, Kalanithi Maran, to quash summons in the Aircel-Maxis case issued by a special court trying the 2G spectrum scam.

9 February 2015: The Supreme Court refused to intervene with a summons order issued by the 2G Special Court to former Telecom Minister Dayanidhi Maran and his brother Kalanithi Maran in connection with the Aircel-Maxis deal case.

16 March 2015: Marans challenged the jurisdiction of the Special CBI Court over the Aircel-Maxis deal case.

1 April 2015: The Enforcement Directorate attached assets estimated at Rs. 742.58 crore held by Dayanidhi Maran and his brother Kalanithi Maran and wife Kavery Kalanithi.

3 August 2015: The CBI told a special court that Malaysian authorities were not ‘cooperating’ in the service of summons against four accused in the Aircel-Maxis deal case after which the judge issued fresh summons.

21 August 2015: Supreme Court stays ED move to attach Sun TV assets.

25 August 2015: The Enforcement Directorate summons two directors of private ﬁrm Advantage Strategic Consulting.

9 September 2015: CBI ﬁles status report.

8 January 2016:EDnames the Maran brothers, Mr. Kalanithi Maran’s wife Kavery Maran, and three others, including two companies as accused in its charge sheet.

23 January 2016:EDsummons Ralph Marshall, former Non-Executive Director of Maxis Communications Bhd in Malaysia.

1 February 2016: Dayanidhi Maran illegally generated Rs. 742.58 cr, says ED; Kavery Kalanithi participated in money laundering, says ED.

27 February 2016: Delhi court summons Maran brothers, Kavery Kalanithi as accused (http://www.thehindu.com/business/aircelmaxis-case-a-timeline/article 6401708.ece). Appendix F

The National Herald case is pending on Delhi High Court by Subramanian Swamy against Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi, their companies, and associated persons [1]. As per the complaint filed in the court of the Metropolitan Magistrate, Indian National Congress granted an interest-free loan of Rs. 90.25 crore (US$13 million) to Associated Journals Limited (AJL), owner of the National Herald newspaper which was established by Jawaharlal Nehru and other freedom fighters in 1938. It was alleged that the loan was either not repaid or repaid in cash, which is in violation of Section 269T of the Income Tax Act, 1961 [2]. A closely held company, Young Indian, was incorporated in November 2010 with a capital of Rs. 50 lakh (US $74,000), and it acquired almost all the shareholding of AJL and all its properties [alleged to be worth Rs. 5000 crore (US$740 million)] [3]. Swamy alleged criminal misappropriation by both Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi. The courts have determined that a prima facie case has been established in the matter. Associated Journals Limited Associated Journals Limited (AJL) is an unlisted public company limited by shares, incorporated on 20 November 1937, with its registered office at Herald House, 5-A, Bahadur Shah Zafar Marg, New Delhi. It was the brainchild of Jawaharlal Nehru, but it was never his personal property as it was started with the support of about 5000 freedom fighters who became shareholders of AJL. The company’s capital was Rs. 5 lakh (US$7400) divided into 2000 preferential shares worth Rs. 100 (US $1.50) each and 30,000 ordinary (equity) shares worth Rs. 10 (15¢ US) each. Apart from Nehru, AJL’s Memorandum of Association was signed by stalwarts such as Purushottam Das Tandon, Acharya Narendra Dev, Kailash Nath Katju, Rafi Ahmad Kidwai, Krishna Dutt Paliwal, and Govind Ballabh Pant. The company did not belong to any particular person, nor did it want to be associated with any business except news. AJL had 1057 shareholders as of 29 September 2010 as per the annual return filed by the company with the Registrar of Companies.

Motilal Vora has been Chairman and Managing Director of AJL since 22 March 2002. The company had incurred losses [4] before its holdings were transferred to Young India in 2011. AJL published the National Herald newspaper in English, Qaumi Awaz in Urdu, and Navjeevan in Hindi until 2008. AJL also owns real estate property in various cities including New Delhi, Lucknow, Bhopal, Mumbai, Indore, Patna, and Panchkula. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Herald_scam-cite_note-The_ Hindu-3 The value of the real estate owned by AJL is estimated to be at Rs. 50 billion (US$740 million). The properties of AJL include Herald House, a six-storey building with around 10,000 m2 office space. Young Indian Young Indian is a private company limited by guarantee, incorporated on 23 November 2010 with a capital of Rs. 5 lakh (US$7400) [3] and its registered office at 5A, Herald House, Bahadur Shah Zafar Marg, Delhi. On 13 December 2010, Rahul Gandhi was appointed Director of Young Indian while Sonia Gandhi joined the board of directors on 22 January 2011. The company’s 76% shares are held by Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi equally, and the rest are held by Congress leaders Motilal Vora and Oscar Fernandes (12% each). It is described by Rahul Gandhi’s office as a ‘not-for-profit company’ which does have commercial operations. Case On 1 November 2012, Subramanian Swamy filed a private complaint in a court in Delhi alleging that both Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi have committed fraud and land grabbing worth Rs. 16 billion (US$240 million) by acquiring a publicly limited company called Associated Journals Limited (AJL) through their owned private company, Young Indian. He also claimed that, through this fraud, they had got the publication rights of the National Herald and Quami Awaz newspapers, with real estate properties in Delhi and Uttar Pradesh. He alleged that the acquired place was given by the Government only for newspaper purposes, but was used for running a passport office with rental income amounting to millions of rupees. His complaint in the court further alleges that, on 26 February 2011, AJL approved the transfer of an unsecured loan of Rs. 90 crore (US$13 million) from the All India Congress Committee at zero interest [citation needed] with company’s all ninety million (9 crore) shares of Rs. 10 (15¢ US) each to Young Indian. Swamy argued that it is illegal for a political party to lend money for commercial purposes as per Section 29A to C of the Representation of the People Act, 1951, and Section 13A of Income Tax Act, 1961, and demanded investigation by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and the de-recognition of the Indian National Congress party for using public money. On 2 November 2012, the party responded that the loan was given only for reviving the National Herald newspaper with no commercial interest. The hearing of the criminal proceedings case was taken up by the magistrate on various dates, while the defendants opposed the petition and asked the magistrate to dismiss it. The court finally observed that prima facie evidence against all the Appendix F 125 accused was found. The court issued summons to the defendants to appear in the court to defend themselves against all the allegations made in Swamy’s complaint. On 26 June 2014, Metropolitan Magistrate Ms. Gomati Manocha summoned Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi, Motilal Vora, Oscar Fernandes, Suman Dubey, and Satyan Pitroda to appear in the court on 7 August 2014. She said that according to the evidence so far, ‘it appears that YIL was in fact created as a sham or a cloak to convert public money to personal use’ to acquire control over Rs. 20 billion (US $300 million) worth of AJL assets. The court noted that all accused persons had allegedly acted ‘in consortium with each other to achieve the said nefarious purpose/design’. Appeal in Delhi High Court and Supreme Court The defendants appealed in the Delhi High Court against the summons issued by the magistrate. The court issued a temporary injunction against the summons for a week. On 1 August 2014, Swamy was served notice to file reply in the High Court. On 28 August 2014, the metropolitan court fixed 9 December 2014 for the next hearing of the case. On 12 January 2015, the judge of the Delhi High Court recused himself from hearing the case stating that schedule of cases has been changed and directed that the petitions be directed before an appropriate bench. Swamy appealed to the Supreme Court of India for a speedy trial of the case in the trial court. On 27 January 2015, the Supreme Court asked Swamy to make out a case for the speedy trial in the Delhi High Court which was hearing the appeal of Sonia Gandhi and others against the summons issued to them by the trial court. The case was assigned to Justice Sunil Gaur. In October 2015, the roster changed and the case was assigned to another judge. Sonia Gandhi and others requested the Chief Justice to assign the case to Justice Sunil Gaur again. Justice Gaur then again started hearing the case. On 1 August 2014, the Enforcement Directorate initiated a probe to discover if there was any money laundering in the case. On 18 September 2015, it was reported that the Enforcement Directorate had reopened the investigation. On 7 December 2015, the Delhi High Court dismissed the appeals of Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi and five others which included Motilal Vora, Oscar Fernandes, Suman Dubey, and Satyan Pitroda, and ordered them to appear in person before the trial court on 9 December. The Delhi High Court said in its 7 December 2015 judgment ‘After having considered the entire case in its proper perspective, this Court finds no hesitation to put it on record that the modus operandi adopted by petitioners in taking control of AJL via Special Purpose Vehicle, i.e., Y.I., particularly, when the main persons in Congress Party, AJL and Y.I. are the same, evidences a criminal intent. Whether it is cheating, criminal misappropriation or criminal breach of trust is not required to be spelt out at this nascent stage. In any case, by no stretch of imagination, it can be said that no case for summoning petitioners as accused in the complaint in question is made out. Questionable conduct of petitioners needs to be properly examined at the charge stage to find out the truth and so, these criminal proceedings cannot be thwarted at this initial stage’. 126 Appendix F

On 12 February 2016, the Supreme Court granted exemption to all the five accused in the case from personal appearances while refusing to quash proceedings against them. Trial in the Magistrate’s Court On 7 December 2015, the Delhi High Court ordered Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi, and five others to appear in person before the trial court on 9 December. They did not appear in the court, and, on their lawyers’ request, the trial court ordered them to appear before him in person on 19 December. He disallowed their request for exemption from personal appearance. On 19 December 2015, the Patiala House court granted bail to all but one and ordered them to appear in the court on the date of next hearing 20 February 2016. Other Shareholders Allege their Shares Usurped After the Delhi High Court dismissed the appeal of Sonia Gandhi and others against the summons issued by the trial court, many shareholders of AJL have alleged that no notice was served on them by AJL for any meeting of the shareholders and that the shares held by their fathers have been transferred by AJL to Young Indian fraudulently without their consent. These include people such as the former Law Minister Shanti Bhushan, whose father had purchased shares of AJL in 1937, and Markandey Katju, former chief justice of Allahabad and Madras High Courts and former judge of Supreme Court, whose grandfather Kailash Nath Katju was one of the original seven subscribers to the Memorandum of Association of AJL in 1937. Some other shareholders have also alleged criminal conspiracy by AJL and its directors. A number of shareholders of AJL have claimed that the company’s Chairman, Motilal Vora, and its directors did not inform them or obtain their approval while deciding to transfer its entire equity to Young Indian in December 2010. At least 10 shareholders that the Indian Express newspaper spoke to said that their approval had not been sought by the management. Vora is also the treasurer of the Congress party. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Herald_scam-cite_note- shareholders-46. Shanti Bhushan said, ‘Jawaharlal Nehru had three preferential shares worth Rs. 300, my father had five preferential shares worth Rs. 500 and Kailash Nath Katju had seven preferential shares and 131 ordinary shares worth Rs. 2000. But we (shareholders) have to get the heirs substituted before we can start legal proceedings which will take a couple of months… we will go to the company law’ (https://en. wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Herald_scam, last accessed March 25, 2016). Appendix G

India’s Muslim leadership (political, social, religious) seems caught in a bind— even a time warp—making it akin to a species bound towards extinction. Fascinated by self-created narratives of victimhood and marginalization, the community leadership is rarely able to empathize with other similarly marginalised groups— dalits, tribals, women, the poor of all castes, and faith communities that make up a distinct category in themselves. One remembers the great Urdu poet Ghalib’s couplet: Rakhio Ghalib mujhe is talkh nawai me ma’af/aaj kuchh dard mere dil mein sawa hota hai (Pardon me for this unpleasant talk, Ghalib/today I have severe pain in my heart). The ‘severe pain in my heart’ is caused by the cold indifference of the faith community’s leaders over the death of Rohith Vemula, a bright dalit scholar at the University of Hyderabad. His avoidable death was planned in a Machiavellian fashion by some ghoulish minds. Only technically was it a suicide. By talking about the lukewarm response of the Muslim leadership one is not denying that a very small segment of it has shown solidarity with people protesting Rohith’s death. But the general perception among common Muslims is that they are the most discriminated against marginalised and oppressed group in the country. Sociologist Imtiaz Ahmed recently said—during a talk in Jamia Nagar, Delhi—that this was not the whole truth and several other groups share these difﬁculties with Muslims. The silence of Muslim leaders from mainstream political parties on this issue is understandable as they generally are bound to follow the party line. But what is stopping Muslim organizations, community/ religious leaders, activists, intellectu- als from taking a position on issues of national importance? Why don’t they get involved in the struggle for larger causes? Former Foreign Minister Salman Khurshid writes, in his book At Home in India: The Muslim Saga, ‘I have always strongly believed that political leaders from the minority communities need to speak on issues that concern the majority community or on those at least that can be described to be of relevance beyond their own communities. It is important for our democracy that in theory and in practical terms Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 127 S. Moinuddin, The Political Twittersphere in India, Springer Geography, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11602-6 128 Appendix G or others be seen as leaders of the country and not of their communities alone’. This is not to deny that the Muslim community suffers from illiteracy, unemployment, poverty, systemic discrimination, and institutionalized prejudice. But there are other groups also which face similar, if not the same problems. Muslims expect and get support from other social groups, including upper class, privileged Hindus. Other groups too expect, rightly, that the Muslim community speak on matters affecting them. Despite periodic pogroms against Muslims, they still remain one of the biggest beneﬁciaries of democracy in India. Nowhere in the world has such a large population of Muslims enjoyed 68 years of uninterrupted democracy. It reﬂects the vision of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad who was asked, after Partition, how he saw the future of Muslims in a divided India. Azad said they would thrive if democracy thrived. However, Muslims do not seem to be participating in the process of strength- ening democracy. They need to internalize the processes and norms of democracy. They must participate in major discourses in the country and stand up for the marginalised, whether they are LGBT, dalits, Sikhs, Christians, tribals, women, or working classes. Outrage over intolerance has been a major political development in the country. But seldom has a prominent Muslim organization or community leader participated in programmes organized against it. Muslims of India should keep in mind that the country is enveloped by a single political and moral ecology. We cannot survive outside this complex web of social concerns, struggles, and relationships. Our national life is, and has got to be, run according to the lofty standards set by the constitution. We must take care to protect democracy and human rights. It’s only then that the Indian political ecology will be protected. That we have failed Rohith should always remind us not to fail other Indians.4

4http://blogs.timesoﬁndia.indiatimes.com/toi-edit-page/rohith-vemulas-death-was-an-opportunity- for-indian-muslims-to-express-solidarity-with-other-underprivileged-groups/. Appendix H

At the time of Independence should the country have become the United States of India, administered by a President? Should we have adopted the American model of Government instead of the Westminster model which we borrowed from the British? Every now and then, it has been suggested that we need to jettison the current system of Government—plagued as it is with corruption, instability, dynastic rule, and an inbuilt inability or unwillingness to tackle entrenched poverty and social and economic backwardness—and replace it with a presidential structure based on the lines of the American constitution. But seldom, if ever, has the case for such a systemic change been more cogently and persuasively made as it has by Bhanu Dhamija in his recently published book Why India Needs the Presidential System.5 Indeed, as the author points out in his exhaustively researched narrative, the country almost did adopt a presidential form of Government—as was advocated by Sardar Patel, among others—except for the adamancy of Jawaharlal Nehru who wanted the Westminster model. Dhamija suggests that Nehru’s choice was osten- sibly dictated by the fact that, through interaction, India’s political class was familiar with the British system and felt it could be successfully replicated here, despite the serious doubts raised by British political observers. The author implies that Nehru’s choice might have been inﬂuenced by the perception that behind the guise of a democracy the British system was in fact an oligarchy in which all power was centralized and vested in the prime minister’s cabinet, an arrangement in keeping with Nehru’s patrician nature. While such a system can work in a homogenous society as Britain’s was at the time, it is bound to fail in a country as diverse as India in terms of culture and creed. Moreover, with the proliferation of political parties since Independence, the winner-takes-all polling system routinely results in the formation of Governments

5http://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/jugglebandhi/a-president-for-the-united-states-of-india/# (last accessed March 23, 2016). © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 129 S. Moinuddin, The Political Twittersphere in India, Springer Geography, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11602-6 130 Appendix H which have as little as 20% or 30% of the total votes, and as such are not all representative of the people’s will. This in turn creates political instability with Governments coming and going as on a carnival merry-go-round. The result is too much Government—or too many Governments—and no governance. The US presidential system, based on a complex process of direct election of senators and congressmen who act as checks and balances to presidential power, is both stable and representative of the people’s will. Dhamija attributes America’s global pre-eminence to its form of Government which empowers citizens and enables them to realize their full potential, unlike in India where enterprise and initiative are all too often thwarted by a system that thrives on vote bank politics, nepotism and corruption. Dhamija cites Narendra Modi’s successful prime ministerial campaign which was run along lines similar to those of American presidential candidates as an indication that such a system could well work in India. However, as the author himself says, one man cannot make a system, and the expectations raised by Modi’s victory have been belied by lack of progress on the ground which remains a political quagmire. Dhamija exhorts us, the people, to effect the change and rebuild our political edifice from the foundations upwards. But as he himself admits, this is much simpler said than done. In order to affect such a fundamental constitutional change, Parliament would in effect have to vote itself out of existence to pave the way for a new entity. Which power-hungry politician would be willing to do that? Don’t hold your breath waiting for the first volunteer.6

6http://blogs.timesoﬁndia.indiatimes.com/jugglebandhi/a-president-for-the-united-states-of-india/# (last accessed March 23, 2016). Appendix I

On Tuesday, the Rajya Sabha decided not to pass the controversial Enemy Property Bill, which the BJP had pushed through the Lok Sabha over my objections, pre- ferring to bring it to a select committee for closer scrutiny. The principled stub- bornness of the opposition has once again saved the nation from a bad law. The Indo-Pakistani War of 1965—and its thousands of casualties—left both sides with unhealable wounds. Three years after the War, the Indian and Pakistani Governments each instituted legal provisions to account for ‘enemy’ property—that is, land, firms, and other assets abandoned by nationals who had left one country for the other. The Enemy Property Act, passed by our parliament in 1968, created a legal framework for the Indian Government to seize the assets of Indian nationals who fled to Pakistan in the wake of the 1965 War. In 2005, forty years (and two more Indo-Pakistani wars) later, the Supreme Court affirmed the rights of legal heirs who are Indian citizens to re-acquire the property that belonged to their ancestors and their families. Yet, last week, the Lok Sabha passed an amendment which denies these legal heirs—legal residents and citizens of India—the right to the seized property that belonged to their ancestors.7 Hence, with reference Pakistan, ST tweets more in comparison with other politicians. ‘Our Govt needs to take the nation into confidence on its currently incoherent Pakistan policy. Asserting that the grand old party had absolutely no objections with regard to the proposed meeting with Pakistani leadership, Congress leader Shashi Tharoor on Wednesday called for a coherent policy while stating that it was crucial for the Bharatiya Janata Party-led Government to take the nation into confidence and reveal their vision and policy towards the Asian neighbour’. “We have seen a lot of confusion on the Pakistan policy and the Government has not taken the nation into confidence as to what is their vision into which they are pursuing this policy. Why are they meeting Pakistan? What is the objective? Have

7http://www.thequint.com/opinion/2016/03/16/rajya-sabha-was-right-to-defer-the-enemy-property- bill, (Last accessed March 24, 2016). © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 131 S. Moinuddin, The Political Twittersphere in India, Springer Geography, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11602-6 132 Appendix I they given up the conditions that Pakistan must not meet Hurriyat, that Pakistan must take concrete action on punishing the perpetrators of 26/11? Which we know they have not done as Zaki-ur-Rehman Lakhvi is out of prison enjoying his life,” Tharoor told ANI here. Further questioning the Government for agreeing to have talks with Pakistan, the former minister of state of external affairs asked if India was satisﬁed with the recent information provided by Islamabad on Pathankot and asked whether this development was a reward for the same. ‘It is important that the nation be taken into conﬁdence. The public must be told what New Delhi’s policy on Pakistan is,’ Tharoor added.8

8http://www.deepclass.org/shashi-tharoor-asks-confused-govt-to-share-pakistan-policy-with- nation/, (Last accessed March 24, 2016). Appendix J

Congress Vice-President Rahul Gandhi is capturing social media traction, evident from the high volume of retweets that the Twitter latecomer is getting for his punchy posts of late. According to a Hindustan Times analysis of nearly three years’ of tweets by three powerful rivals, people retweeted Gandhi in recent weeks more than Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal, the ﬁrst and second most-followed Indian politicians on the micro-blogging site. The 47-year-old Gandhi’s upswing points to a shift in his online communication strategy. ‘We became more timely in terms of reactions, speaking on issues that were hot topics at the moment, and getting more of our members online’, said Divya Spandana, the Congress’s social media head since this July.

Reports say Gandhi gained more than one million followers between July and September. Recent tweets underscore the renewed social media vigour of a leader once ridiculed and reviled with negative tweets, jokes, memes, and videos.

‘Modi ji quick; looks like President Trump needs another hug’, posted his Twitter handle, @OfficeOfRG, on October 15. It was retweeted more than 19,700 times. The tweet carried a screenshot of US President Donald Trump’s post about mending relations with Pakistan, a country he criticized after Modi met and hugged him this summer in Washington. An analysis of tweets since 2015 till the first fortnight of this October shows how the Twitter battlefield has transformed over the past three years. The first quarter of 2015 belonged to Kejriwal, riding on his Aam Aadmi Party’s victory in the Delhi assembly elections. He got 1665 retweets on an average for every tweet he posted, compared to 1342 for Modi. In May 2015, Gandhi posted his first tweet and in the next 12 months, Modi raced ahead of Kejriwal. By next summer, the Congress leader upped his game but the Prime Minister was still way ahead. Gandhi surpassed his rivals this September, averaging 2784 retweets as against 2506 for Modi and 1722 for Kejriwal. His average retweets spiked to 3812 till mid-October, approaching Modi’s two best months since 2015. The Prime Minister averaged 4074 retweets last November, the month he announced scrapping the 500- and 1000-rupee notes in a shock demonetization drive, and 4055 this July when Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar rejoined the BJP-led NDA. Congress social media head Spandana attributed the success to Gandhi’s tweeting style and efforts of the party’s grassroots workers, who got trained at workshops in the past months. According to Joyojeet Pal, Professor at the University of Michigan’s School of Information, the Congress leader’s clever and witty phrases, combined with an increased use of Hindi, have made his tweets more retweetable. A higher retweet rate is often associated with the followers’ desire to consciously spread a politician’s message, he said. The BJP played down Gandhi’s Twitter rise. The party’s IT cell head, Amit Malviya, said the Congress leader’s performance should be compared with that of Union Minister Smriti Irani and not the Prime Minister, whose ‘account has a dignified presence’ The Aam Aadmi Party doubted if the retweets were real. Ankit Lal, who leads the AAP’s social media team, alleged tweets of Modi and Gandhi were retweeted through fake profiles and automated bots. The Congress dismissed the allegation.9

9See for details, https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/one-chart-that-shows-how-rahul- gandhi-is-challenging-narendra-modi-on-twitter/story-0ybIrE0J9ZrD7CnDdwfEFO.html. Last accessed January 15, 2019. Appendix K

Narendra Modi joined Twitter on January 10, 2009 and since then has successfully used the medium to connect with his followers and also helped in increasing the party’s base over the last eight years. Rahul Gandhi joined Twitter only in April 2015, but it is only in 2017 when he has used the medium to interact with his followers directly and target the BJP. While Modi continues to be a very prolific Tweeter with an average of 11.6 tweets per day as compared to Rahul Gandhi’s 3.6 tweets per day, the Congress Vice-President has vastly improved his engagement with his audience through retweets, replies, and usage of hashtags. Congress Vice-President Rahul Gandhi’s Twitter handle has been in the news in recent times after resurgence in engagement with his followers. Wires news agency ANI reported on Saturday that several followers who retweeted one of Gandhi’s tweets were found to be suspect as their origin was traced to countries such as Kazakhstan and Russia. Many of those handles are now suspended. Sunday also seems to be the most favourite day of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s week with 615 tweets(19%) of his last 3200 tweets (vs. 260 for Gandhi) coming on that day and the least on Thursdays (12%). In contrast, Saturday has been the busiest day for Rahul Gandhi with 555 (17%) of his last 3200 tweets (vs. 399 for Modi) coming on that day and the least on Sundays (8%). Also, Modi has kept a low presence on Twitter in the first half of the day with a large number of his tweets coming in between 7 and 9 pm. Rahul Gandhi has kept a more consistent schedule on Twitter between 12 and 5 pm with a peak at 1 pm. In the absence of data from Twitter itself, it is difficult to correctly pinpoint the addition of bots to a particular account. This is further complicated as and when bot handles that are exposed are deleted by their creators or suspended by Twitter. However, it appears that the Congress has woken up to many of the grey social media strategies that the BJP has long been accused of deploying.10

10For details see, https://www.newslaundry.com/2017/10/28/narendra-modi-rahul-gandhi-twitter. © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 135 S. Moinuddin, The Political Twittersphere in India, Springer Geography, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11602-6 Appendix L

Tweets (5 January 2016) S.No. Name of Tweets Retweets politicians 1 Narendra Make in India (shale Gas, – Modi coal-bed methane), Meeting with oil and gas experts 2 Arvind – AAP in news Kejriwal 3 Shashi –– Tharoor 4 Subramanian Ethics Committee Rahul Gandhi British Swamy Citizenship, Asaram Bapu Jee, Pathankot Attack 5 Sushma –– Swaraj Source After Twitter Account

Tweets (28 January 2016) S.No. Name of Tweets Retweet politicians 1 Narendra Statue Cleaning, My Clean India, – Modi NCC Rally, Smart City Challenge, Birth Anniversary of Swami Vivekanada, National Youth Festival, Dr. Ali Tayyebnia (Iran) 2 Arvind MCD Dissolved BJP-AAP Political Kejriwal allegation, Adarsh Gram Yojna 3 Shashi Silence of Muslims on Rohit Make in India Week Tharoor Vehmula’s Death, Community Policing, International Youth Summit 4 Subramnium Being Finance Minister Aircel-Maxis case, Swami Seeking Prosecution against Kejriwal-Sisodia 5 Sushma –– Swaraj Source After Twitter Account

Tweets (11 February 2016) S.No. Name of Tweets Retweet politicians 1 Narendra NDMA, Swami Dayananda, Basant – Modi Panchami, Advance Gravitational Wave Detector, Rural Electriﬁcation, 5279 Villages Electriﬁed, HH Mohammad bin Zayed Al Nahayan (India–UAE) 2 Arvind – Tribute to Kejriwal Hanumanthappa, One Year of AAP govt., odd– even issue 3 Shashi Haji Ali dargah, Tribute to Lance – Tharoor Naik Hanumanthappa 4 Subramanian National Herald Case, Ishrat Jahan JNU aka Jehadi Naxal Swamy Encounter University 5 Sushma –– Swaraj Source After Twitter Account Appendix L 139

Tweets (27 February 2016) S.No. Name of Tweet Retweet politicians 1 Narendra Mann Ki Baat Mann ki Baat Modi 2 Arvind Mann Ki Baat Mann Ki Baat, Changing Schools-Changing Kejriwal Lives 3 Shashi Mk Gandhi credo, Smriti-Irani issue Tharoor Constituency Politics 4 Subramanian Unruly Behaviour UP Karyakartas (Ram Mandi ofﬁcials)- Swamy of Congi Goons Lucknow, Contempt Petition Against P Chadambram,, Budget 2016, Tomato-Egg 5 Sushma – Poland Embassy, Oman Embassy Swaraj Source After Twitter Account

Tweets (5 March 2016) S.No. Name of Tweet Retweet politicians 1 Narendra AMU-VC meeting, – Modi Infrastructure issue, Rural Housing scheme, Rural Mobile connectivity, Rural Electriﬁcation. 2 Arvind Against English Media Fee hiked in IP University Kejriwal issue, AMU Issue, Smriti-Aethi Issue, National Anthem (Madras HC), Sarafah association, Amir Khan-intolerance issue, JNU issue-Kanahya, Smriti Irani accident case, Anupam Kher speech 3 Shashi – Donald Trump (USA-Election), Tharoor President for USA (Bhanu Dhamajia) 4 Subramnium Indore meeting (Uniform Civil UCC (Chintan Yogya), JNU Swami Code) issue, Lucknow meeting with BJP 5 Sushma Camp ofﬁce of djibuti, – Swaraj Operation RAHAT end in Yemen Source After Twitter Account 140 Appendix L

Tweets (18 March 2016) S.No. Name of Tweet Retweet politicians 1 Narendra Going Pokhran (Iron Fist, – Modi 2016), Copy of Gita received from ISKON chief, John Chambers of Cisco, Dr. K P Yohannan, World Suﬁ Forum 2 Arvind AAP Water Revolution, CBI JNU-PDP Issue, Politics on Kejriwal Interference, Criticized PM Nationalism, Excise duty for CBI Jewellers, Refund excess fee, Hate Speech 3 Shashi Enemy Property Bill, Muslim League in Kerala Tharoor Incoherent Pakistan policy, Uninterruptable Talks with Pakistan, Sec 377, RSS on Homo-sexuality 4 Subramanian Fisherman demands, SIT-Black Jarnail Singh Bhindrawale, Swamy Money, Congress new Swamy as Donald Trump, nightmare Church seek clariﬁcation, Sonia-Rahul feeling uneasy with Swamy 5 Sushma Mr. Sartaj Aziz, Ms. Dunya – Swaraj Maumoon Source After Twitter Account Appendix M Facets of Twitter

S.No. Facets of Twitter Yes (%) No (%) 1 Twitter for political purposes 96 4 2 Like and followers do matter 53 47 3 Politicians on Twitter 83 17 Source During survey, 2016

S.No. Facets of social media Yes (%) No (%) 1 Familiarity of social media 98 2 2 Social media for political actions. 66 34 3 Social media for shaping politics 98 2 5 Like and follower as attributes 74 26 6 Political afﬁliations/ideology 59 41 Source After survey, 2016

Politicians used social media To share views 27% Political reason 17% Use social media as platform 31% Others (personal) purposes 25% Source After survey, 2016

Popular social media sites Facebook 59% Twitter 2% Whatsapp 35% Others (WeChat, 4% Instagram…) Source After survey, 2016

Contents on social media? Political 69% Cultural 9% Religious 0% Others (personal) 22% Source After survey, 2016

Purposes of social media Political purpose 17% Knowledge 39% Peer groups 37% Others (personal) 5% Source After survey, 2016

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019 151 S. Moinuddin, The Political Twittersphere in India, Springer Geography, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11602-6 Appendix S Political Patterns of Social Media

Political patterns of social media Party stand 23% Personal views 17% Political reason 54% Others 6% Source After survey, 2016

Time…………. Dated…………

Mapping Political Tweets: The Digital Political Revolution in India

Survey is a part of funded research project by Kalindi College, University of Delhi. The name of the respondents interviewed in this survey will be kept strictly conﬁdential. Findings of this research will publish as project report, book, article in journal and newspapers. Interviewer must brief about the research to respondent that why this research is conducting. Mark 9 for ‘yes’ and 7 for ‘no’.

1. Name………………………………………… 2. Age………………………………………… 3. Gender………………………………………… 4. Qualiﬁcation………………………………………… 5. Address………………………………………… 6. Mobile No……………………E-mail…………………… 7. Do you use social media Yes…….No…….

8. Which social media frequently you are using? I. Facebook…….

II. Twitter……. III. Whatsapp……. IV. Others…….

9. Do you think that now day’s role of social media increased? Yes…….No…….

10. What kinds of subject mostly available on social media? I. Political……. II. Cultural……. III. Religious……. IV. Others…….

11. What is inspiring you to remain on social media? I. For political information……. II. For knowledge……. III. For friends and cultural information……. IV. Others…….

12. You ever found that every politician has an account on social media. Yes…….No…….

13. Why politicians joining social media? I. To share views……. II. Political reason……. III. Use social media platform……. IV. Others…….

14. At what they (Politicians) doing on social media I. Party stand……. II. Personal views……. III. Political reason……. IV. Others…….

15. Social media runs on the formula of likes and followers. Do you know? Yes…….No…….

16. Are these like and followers somehow shaping the stature of politics and politicians as well. Yes…….No…….

17. Do these likes and followers shaping the voting pattern during election as well? Yes…….. No……. Appendix T: Questionnaire 157

18. Can u believe that likes and followers are only restricted to the issue discussed on the social media or it is considered as political afﬁliation of that person therefore he/she likes or becomes followers? Yes…….. No……..

19. Do you believe that the future course of action of politicians and political parties is somehow deciding by social media or role of social media increased in totality in order to shape politics and politicians? Yes…….. No……..

20. You believed that most of politicians are on Twitter Yes…….. No……..

21. Twitter becomes a platform to share views and shaping politics as well. Yes…….. No……..

Interviewer’s Signature Appendix U

According to Cisco report, India, the second largest smart phone market globally, is expected to witness a many-fold growth in the number of smart phone to over 650 million in the next four years. India emerged as one of the world’s fastest growing Internet market is expected to see the number of tablets hit more than 18 million by 2019, according to the US-based firm’s Visual Networking Index (VNI) global mobile data traffic forecast for 2014 to 2019. According to the report: ‘In India, the number of smart phones grew 54% during 2014, reaching 140 million in number and the number of smart phones will grow 4.7-fold between 2014 and 2019, reaching 651 million in number’. The number of tablets grew 1.7-fold during 2014, reaching 2 million in number and is expected to grow 9.2-fold between 2014 and 2019, reaching 18.7 million, it added. Further, speaking about the VNI report, Cisco Managing Director Service Provider Sales (India and SAARC) Sanjay Kaul told PTI; ‘Apart from smart connections driven by the IoE (Internet of Everything), the trend of low-cost smart phones will also bring critical mass to the sector and further drive user growth and data traffic in India’. Cisco’s latest VNI report gives us an insight into the exponential growth of mobile data in India as a result of increasing adoption of smart mobile devices and machine-to-machine (M2M) connections as the IoE takes shape in the country, he added. According to estimation, the business of smart phones will increase across the worlds and India as well. The use of online features increased among peoples. ‘We will see a tremendous increase in mobile video in India, which along with increasing speeds and faster wireless networks will fuel the creation of the data business over the next few years’, Globally, the report forecasts that by 2019 there will be 5.2 billion mobile users (up from 4.3 billion in 2014). In 2014, nearly 59% of the world’s population (7.2 billion people) was comprised of mobile users. By 2019, more than 69% of the world’s population (7.6 billion people) will be mobile users. Further, the report put forward the estimation of high forecast growth in India. ‘In India, there were 590.3 million (47% of India’s population) mobile users in 2014, up 18% from 500 million (40% of India’s population) in 2013’, the VNI report said.

There will be 895.6 million (67% of India’s population) mobile users by 2019, up from 590.3 million in 2014, a CAGR of 8.7%, Cisco forecasted. By 2019, there will be around 11.5 billion mobile-ready devices/connections, including 8.3 billion personal mobile devices and 3.2 billion M2M (machine 2 machine) connections (up from 7.4 billion total mobile-ready devices and M2M connections in 2014), it said. ‘The ongoing adoption of more powerful mobile devices and wider deployments of emerging M2M applications, combined with broader access to faster wireless networks, will be key contributors to significant mobile traffic growth in the coming years’, Cisco VP Products and Solutions Marketing Doug Webster said. According to Ericsson Mobility Report, 2015 was as; India continues to lead in adding new mobile subscriptions globally. It added 13 million new connections in the third quarter of 2015. This was followed by China, which added seven million mobile subscribers, the US (6 million), Myanmar (5 million) and Nigeria (4 million). Overall, there were 87 million new mobile subscriptions in the third quarter of 2015. Of the 7.4-billion mobile phone subscriptions globally during the period under review, 3.4 billion were mobile broadband subscribers. There will be 9.1 billion mobile subscribers in 2021. Globally, smart phone subscriptions are set to increase from 3.4 billion in 2015 to 6.4 billion by 2021. Against the global average of 99%, mobile phone penetration in India is pegged at 77%, leaving room for further uptake in numbers in the coming years. However, the study put emphasis on the global increase of mobile data traffic and every year new customers supposed to add. Globally, mobile data traffic growth is expected to increase at a compounded annual growth rate of 45% between 2015 and 2021, the report said. There has been a 65% growth in data traffic between the third quarter of 2014 and the same period in 2015, driven by an increase in smart phone usage. Around 90% of mobile data traffic will be from smart phones by the end of 2021, the report said. The Asia-Pacific region will account for 40% of total smart phone traffic by the end of 2021.

In 2015, around 15% of mobile data traffic came from social networking. Videos accounted for around 50% of the traffic. The report forecast that by 2021, nearly 70% of all mobile data traffic will be driven by video. According to Peter Jonsson, Project Manager for the Ericsson Mobility Report, the continued rise in mobile data traffic around the world—including India—is due to attractive data plans, and the Appendix U 161 increased availability of affordable smart phones and tablets. ‘Another key driver to rising mobile data usage among consumers is the growth of video consumption on mobile devices, at home and on-the-go’, Jonsson said. Citing Ericsson ConsumerLab studies carried out in 2014, Jonsson said on an average, Indian smart phone users spend three hours a day on their smart phones, and 25% of them check their phones around 100 times a day. One-third of the time spent on smart phones is used for apps—primarily chat, social media, and gaming, he added. Studies by Ericsson ConsumerLab showed that between 2012 and 2014, there has been an increase of 20% in the overall time spent on smart phones, and a 65% rise in app usage. The emerging trend of viewing videos on mobile devices has led to consumers spending more time on their smart phones than watching TV. ‘Indian smart phone users now spend 191 minutes a day on smart phones compared with 128 minutes in front of TVs’, Jonsson said. Around 65% of mobile broadband smart phone users in India prefer video streaming to downloading videos on handsets. Monthly mobile data consumption in India is expected to increase 18-fold by 2020 over the current levels, Jonsson said.11 The report published by m-Powering India—India Telecom, 201112 has found some feature that India supposed to achieve by the year 2015. The vitality of the telecom sector to the country is implicit from its ever-increasing contribution to India’s GDP (increased to 3% in 2010 from 1.6% in 2006). The last decade can be rightly called the decade of the voice revolution. The total telecom subscriber base, including wireless and wireline subscribers, reached 899.8 million in August 2011 from 41 million in 2000. The total teledensity in India reached 74.9% in August 2011—a growth of 15.3 percentage points over the preceding year. Even after this strong rise in teledensity, the Indian telecom market is far from saturated. A large part of the country’s population base, primarily in the rural areas, still does not have access to quality telecommunications services, and therefore present significant opportunities for growth. The Indian mobile market is still largely a voice market. Data revenue accounted for about 15% of the total mobile revenue in March 2011, as against close to 30% in China and the UK. However, data is undeniably going to be the key driver of the Indian mobile market in the years to come. The year 2010 was a landmark year in the history of the Indian telecom sector with the auction and allocation of 3G and broadband wireless access (BWA) spectrum blocks. With the advent of better networks, India now stands at the cusp of another revolution—the information revolution. Mobile value-added services (MVAS) is becoming an integral and indispensible part of the telecom industry value chain. The MVAS market is expected to increase from INR 122 billion in 2010 to INR 482 billion by 2015, driven by the uptake of 3G services in urban as well as in rural areas. It is expected to change the dynamics of the Indian telecom sector by empowering users on the one hand and providing significant commercial opportunities for all service

11See, http://www.business-standard.com/article/current-affairs/india-adds-13-mn-mobile-phone- users-in-july-sep-115111701224_1.html. [Last access, January 25, 2016]. 12For full report, http://ﬁcci.in/publication-page.asp?spid=20341. [Last access, January 26, 2016]. 162 Appendix U providers across the value chain, on the other. Some of the services expected to make an impact on the Indian telecom. However, as per Tele, 2013 Indian telecom industry has summarized the high growth rate. Indian telecom has experienced unprecedented growth over the past decade, driven largely by the wireless segment. As of September 2013, 97% of all subscribers are wireless compared to 14% in 2002. The sector today is poised for the next round of growth, spurred on by increasing network coverage, favourable telecom policy and competition-induced decline in tariffs. In order for the sector to transition to the next stage of evolution, we need to capture the future drivers of growth: The rural teledensity stands at approximately 41%. The National Telecom Policy (NTP) 2012 has set a rural teledensity target of 70% by 2017 and 100% by 2020. However, broadband connectivity is also expected to grow rapidly, in alignment with global trends. Next-generation broadband connectivity in India is expected to clock 450 million in 2017 putting India among the top two data markets globally. The ubiquitous connectivity would result in the proliferation of applications and services embedded not just in personal and social interactions, but also in conducting business, running enterprises, and buying and selling of product offerings. From the Internet of People to the Internet of Things: The Future of Communications Internet of People to Internet of Things/M2M implies a fundamental shift in communication services. M2M enables seamless. Appendix V

Broadband Highways This covers three subcomponents, namely Broadband for All-Rural, Broadband for All-Urban, and National Information Infrastructure (NII). 2,50,000 village Panchayats would be covered under the National Optical Fibre Network (NOFN) by December 2016. Department of Telecommunications (DoT) is the nodal department for this project. Virtual network operators would be leveraged for service delivery and communication infrastructure in new urban developments and buildings would be mandated. NII would integrate the network and cloud infrastructure in the country to provide high speed connectivity and cloud platform to various Government departments up to the Panchayat level. These infrastructure components include networks such as State Wide Area Network (SWAN), National Knowledge Network (NKN), National Optical Fibre Network (NOFN), Government User Network (GUN), and the MeghRaj Cloud. NII aims at integrating all ICT infrastructure components such as SWANs, NKN, NOFN, GUN, and GI Cloud. It will have provision for horizontal connectivity to 100, 50, 20, and 5 Government ofﬁces/ service outlets at state, district, block, and Panchayat levels, respectively. DeitY will be the nodal Department for this project.13

Universal Access to Mobile Connectivity This initiative focuses on network penetration and ﬁlling the gaps in connectivity in the country. There are around 55,619 villages in the country that do not have mobile coverage. As part of the comprehensive development plan for North East, providing mobile coverage to uncovered villages has been initiated. Mobile coverage to remaining uncovered villages would be provided in a phased manner. The

13See, [http://www.digitalindia.gov.in/content/broadband-highways, accessed May 20, 2016].

Department of Telecommunications will be the nodal department, and project cost will be around ‘16,000 Cr during 2014–18’.14 Public Internet Access Programme The two subcomponents of Public Internet Access Programme are Common Services Centres (CSCs) and post offices as multi-service centres. CSCs would be strengthened and its number would be increased to 250,000 i.e. one CSC in each Gram Panchayat. CSCs would be made viable and multi-functional end-points for delivery of Government and business services. DeitY would be the nodal department to implement the scheme.15 E-Governance—Reforming Government through Technology Government Process Re-engineering using IT to simplify and make the Government processes more efficient is critical for transformation to make the delivery of Government services more effective across various Government domains and therefore needs to be implemented by all ministries/departments. Form simplification and field reduction—Forms should be made simple and user-friendly and only minimum and necessary information should be collected.16

The guiding principles for reforming Government through technology are17: • Online applications and tracking—Online applications and tracking of their status should be provided. • Online repositories—Use of online repositories, e.g. for certiﬁcates, educational degrees, identity documents, etc., should be mandated so that citizens are not required to submit these documents in physical form. • Integration of services and platforms—Integration of services and platforms, e.g. Aadhaar platform of Unique Identity Authority of India (UIDAI), payment gateway, Mobile Seva platform, sharing of data through open Application Programming Interfaces (API) and middleware such as National and State Service Delivery Gateways (NSDG/SSDG), should be mandated to facilitate integrated and interoperable service delivery to citizens and businesses.

E-Kranti—Electronic Delivery of Services The National e-Governance Plan (NeGP) takes a holistic view of e-Governance initiatives across the country, integrating them into a collective vision, a shared

14See, [http://www.digitalindia.gov.in/content/universal-access-mobile-connectivity, accessed May 20, 2016]. 15See, [http://www.digitalindia.gov.in/content/public-internet-access-programme, accessed May 19, 2016]. 16See, [http://www.digitalindia.gov.in/content/e-governance-%E2%80%93-reforming-government- through-technology, accessed may 20, 2016]. 17See, [http://www.digitalindia.gov.in/content/e-governance-%E2%80%93-reforming-government- through-technology, accessed may 20, 2016]. Appendix V 165

cause. Around this idea, a massive countrywide infrastructure reaching down to the remotest of villages is evolving, and large-scale digitization of records is taking place to enable easy, reliable access over the Internet. The ultimate objective is to bring public services closer home to citizens, as articulated in the Vision Statement of NeGP.18 Information for All Government shall proactively engage through social media and Web-based platforms to inform and interact with citizens. MyGov.in, a platform for citizen engagement in governance, has been launched by the Honourable Prime Minister on 26th July, 2014, as a medium to exchange ideas/ suggestions with Government. It will facilitate 2-way communication between citizens and Government to bring in good governance.19 Electronics Manufacturing This pillar focuses on promoting electronics manufacturing in the country with the target of NET ZERO Imports by 2020 as a striking demonstration of intent. This ambitious goal requires coordinated action on many fronts, such as20: 1. Taxation, incentives 2. Economies of scale, eliminating cost disadvantages 3. Focus areas—Big Ticket Items FABS, fabless design, set-top boxes, VSATs, mobiles, consumer and medical electronics, smart energy meters, smart cards, micro-ATMs 4. Incubators, clusters 5. Skill development, enhancing PhDs 6. Government procurement 7. Safety standards—compulsory registration, support for laboratories and MSMEs 8. National Award, marketing, brand building 9. National centres—ﬂexible electronics, security forces 10. R&D in electronics.

IT for Jobs This pillar focuses on providing training to the youth in the skills required for availing employment opportunities in the IT/ITES sector. There are eight components with speciﬁc scope of activities under this pillar.21

18See, [http://www.digitalindia.gov.in/content/ekranti-electronic-delivery-services, accessed May 21, 2016]. 19See, [http://www.digitalindia.gov.in/content/information-all, accessed May 20, 2016]. 20See,[ http://www.digitalindia.gov.in/content/electronics-manufacturing, accessed May 19, 2016]. 21See, [http://www.digitalindia.gov.in/content/it-jobs, accessed May 20, 2016]. 166 Appendix V

1. IT Trainings to people in smaller towns and villages 2. The target of this component is to train one crore students from smaller towns and villages for IT sector jobs over 5 years. DeitY is the nodal department for this scheme. 3. IT/ITES in north-eastern states 4. This component focuses on setting up BPOs in every north-eastern state to facilitate ICT enabled growth in these states. DeitY is the nodal department for this scheme. 5. Training service delivery agents 6. The focus is on training three lakh service delivery agents as part of skill development to run viable businesses delivering IT services. DeitY is the nodal department for this scheme. 7. Training rural workforce on telecom and telecom-related services 8. This component focuses on training of ﬁve lakh rural workforce the telecom service providers (TSPs) to cater to their own needs. Department of Telecommunications (DoT) is the nodal department for this scheme.

Early Harvest Programmes Early Harvest Programme basically consists of those projects which are to be implemented within short timeline. The projects under the Early Harvest Programme are as follows22: 1. IT platform for messages 2. Government greetings to be e-Greetings 3. Biometric attendance 4. Wi-ﬁ in All universities 5. Secure e-mail within Government 6. Standardize Government e-mail design 7. Public Wi-ﬁ hot spots 8. School books to be e-books 9. SMS-based weather information, disaster alerts 10. National Portal for Lost & Found children.

22See, [http://www.digitalindia.gov.in/content/early-harvest-programmes, accessed may 20, 2016]. Bibliography

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A Command, Control, and Communication (C3), Active, 6, 22, 28, 61, 69, 74, 79, 82, 86, 106, 31 111 Communal clashes, 37, 38 Adarsh Gram Yojana, 67 Communalisation of politics, 37 Aesthetic, 23 Communal politics, 36, 37, 77 Aircel maxis, 76 Communication, 1–3, 5–7, 10, 12, 18, 20–22, Alliance, 36–39, 41, 42, 44, 46, 48 24, 27, 31, 50, 52, 61, 64, 65, 81–83, 89, America, 32, 33, 36 93, 101, 109 Anna Hazare, 62, 93 Communication system, 5, 7, 50, 52, 82 Anti-Romeo Dals, 43 Community policing, 71 Apps, 3, 4, 27, 82, 85, 96, 109 Conceived, 2, 18, 64, 107 Area, 19, 63, 64, 73, 97, 101 Consumeristic, 17 The Art of Living (AOL), 54 Content, 2, 3, 14, 23, 25, 31, 50, 52, 57, 62, 68, Arvind Kejriwal, 7, 13, 57, 62, 67, 70, 104, 109 80, 85, 86, 88, 112 Asaram bapuji, 75 Content analysis, 40 Asia Human Rights, 106 Contour, 23 Atmosphere, 1, 2, 91 Conversation, 1, 2, 6, 49, 55, 109 Criminal, 42, 43, 107 B Crooked Hillary, 33, 34 Babri Masjid–Ram Mandir issue, 36, 38 Cultural, 2, 4, 19, 22, 29, 53, 56, 69, 86, 91, 93, Bahujan Samaj Party, 36 94, 96 Black lives matter, 32 Cultural contexts, 93, 95 Blogosphere, 93 Cultural geographers, 20 Blogs, 11, 93 Cultural studies, 4 Culture, 2–4, 10, 17, 18, 22, 28, 30, 52, 53, 89, C 91–94, 96, 98, 100, 108, 111 Cartography, 5 Caste politics, 36 D Cell phone, 21, 103 Dalit ideology, 36 Census of India, 36, 100 Dalit politics, 36, 37 Central Monitoring System, 103 Dalit revolution, 36 Clean the statue, 35, 64 Decalcomania, 5 Cognitive dissonance, 7 Deconstructed, 95 Colonial, 35, 40, 74 Dehumanizing, 20

Democratic reforms, 43 Flood, 11, 103 Democratization, 41 Flow, 5, 9, 20, 53, 93, 111 Demographics, 11 Form, 4, 10, 19, 41 Developed, 102 Freebies, 43 Developing countries, 21, 23, 29, 102 Digital, 2, 4, 6, 12, 14, 28, 34, 86, 91, 93–95, G 97, 111 Gadget, 2–4, 14, 18, 24, 27, 29, 56, 86, 92–95, Digital activism, 93 98, 102, 109, 111, 112 Digital age, 107 Gaps, 49, 51, 107 Digital culture, 4, 31, 56, 89, 91, 93, 94, 96, 98, Gender, 2, 6, 27, 53, 92, 107 111, 112 Geographical, 2, 14, 18, 19, 29, 100, 109 Digital dimension, 4 Geographical attributes, 29 Digital divide, 81, 107, 112 Geographical indication, 101 Digital gadgets, 13, 89, 94, 96, 111, 112 Geographical location, 29, 100 Digital identity, 94–96 Globalization, 93, 95 Digital India, 66, 96–98 Google+, 12, 92 Digitalization, 13, 56 Governmentality, 30 Digital mapping, 86 Guattari, 4, 95 Digital media, 28, 93, 95 Digital movement, 3 H Digital political, 13, 14, 80, 89, 98, 108 Haji ali, 71, 73 Digital political revolution, 5, 6, 13, 14, 108 Hashtag, 8, 11, 24, 25, 27, 28, 30–35, 68 Digital revolution, 81, 109 Hashtag politics, 31, 32, 34, 50, 111 Digital space, 23 Heartland, 35, 36, 38–40, 49, 77 Digital stage, 23 Heterogeneity, 3, 5 Digitextuality, 28 Heterotopology, 19 Digitized political, 89 Hierarchical structure, 4 Diplomacy live, 54 Hike, 10, 68 Disaster Management, 100 Hindu, 35, 38, 41, 47, 76, 78, 94, 101 Disembodied, 95 Hinglish, 91 Diwali, 47, 49 Hinterland, 35 Homogenous, 129 E Horizontal network, 4 Earthquake, 11, 54, 100 Hydrosphere, 2 Economical, 2, 18 Election Commission of India, 42, 57 I Election period, 30 Idealistic sense, 2, 18 Electoral advantage, 6, 82 Ideology, 2, 4, 23, 64, 70, 76, 84, 85, 88, 106, Electoral alliance, 41 111 Electoral forecasting, 4 Ideoscapes, 53 Electoral politics, 36, 49 Image, 18, 21, 23, 27–30, 35, 40, 46, 48, 49, E-mail, 21, 51 61, 88, 111 Embodied identity, 95 Image politics, 27, 28, 30, 35, 36, 39, 40, 49 Empiricism, 106, 107, 112 Imagination, 18, 21–23, 28, 92, 98, 100 Encoding-decoding, 22 Inclusive approach, 6 Entertainment, 4, 5, 12, 14, 18, 27, 52, 53 Indigenous live style, 106 Ethics committee, 75 Information, 2–5, 7, 9–13, 17, 23–25, 29, 35, 50, 53, 55, 81, 83, 88, 92, 105, 109, 110 F Information technology, 29, 81, 109 Facebook, 3, 7–10, 12, 54, 55, 57, 86 Inhabitants, 22 Feel the bern, 33 International youth summit, 71 Fields of care, 19 Internet in India, 3, 50 First space, 18 Interpretation, 1, 14, 17, 20, 35, 37, 40, 48, 67 Index 175

Intertextuality, 27, 28, 31 Mobile phone, 2, 11, 17, 18, 22, 43, 56, 83, 85, Iron ﬁst, 66 89, 92, 95, 96, 103, 109 Moinuddin, 39, 47, 77, 91 J Multiplicity, 5, 8 Jawaharlal Nehru University, 76 Mushar, 42 Jawaharlal Nehru University Student’s Union, Muslim, 9, 35, 37, 38, 41, 42, 46, 47, 66, 70, 54 76, 94

K N Kabristan (graveyard), 47, 49 Narendra Modi, 7, 13, 35, 44, 45, 62–64, 76, Karma bhoomi, 48 77, 97, 102, 109, 110 Kashyap, 42 National Disaster Management Authority Kisan bazaar, 47 (NDMA), 65, 100 Kisan yatra, 44, 49 National Intelligence Grid, 103 Nationalist, 35 L Natural space, 24 Landscape, 6, 19, 29, 40, 49, 53 Network ﬂow, 4, 111 Latitude, 19, 21 Networking sites, 3, 6, 8, 10, 11, 21, 23, 27, 30, Liberalization, 95 51, 53, 54, 56, 57, 82, 84, 109–112 Like, 1, 2, 10, 13, 110 Network society, 19, 20, 29, 50, 92, 93, 96, 98 LinkedIn, 11, 12 New media, 10, 12, 22, 86 LinkedIn network, 12 Nirbhaya episode, 93 Lived, 2, 19, 21–23, 84 Nishad, 42 Lived space, 2, 18, 107 NITI Aayog, 63 Lock her up, 34 Non places, 20 Longitude, 19 Nonymous, 96

M O Mahagathbandhan, 41 Occupy wall street, 8 Mahatma Gandhi, 64 Offline, 3, 92, 95, 96, 111 Make in India, 34, 63, 64, 71 Offline protestors, 3 Mann ki baat, 48, 49, 65, 68 Offshore, 35 Manufacturing consent, 22 Old media, 86 Marginal spaces, 93 Online, 3, 4, 6, 9, 11, 18, 54, 82, 92, 94–96, Marxist, 19, 22 103 Marxist geographers, 19 Online identities, 95 Mass communication, 6 Operation RAHAT, 79 Materialism, 18, 19 Optical fibre, 97 Media industry, 29 Osama Bin Laden, 61 Media scape, 19 Outlying, 35 Mediated, 1, 4, 6, 12, 13, 21, 24, 29, 43, 52, 55, 56, 84, 86, 93, 98, 109–111 P Mediated manifesto, 38, 43, 44, 104 Parliament, 7, 38, 39, 49, 63, 75, 82, 111 Mediated society, 4, 21 Passive, 86, 111 Mediated spaces, 25 Passive audience, 6 Medium, 6, 10, 14, 17, 18, 22, 23, 29, 30, 44, Perceived space, 2, 18 49, 53, 61, 63, 82–85, 111 Pictorial, 2, 21, 23, 24, 35, 50, 54, 55, 63, 84, Mental life, 95 93 Metaphor, 4, 36, 37, 49, 53 Pictotextuality, 25, 27, 28, 30 Micro-blogging, 8, 12 Place, 12, 14, 17, 19, 20, 25, 41, 84, 104 Micro-blogging sites, 5, 8, 14, 31, 133 Place as locale, 20 Million cities in India, 100 Placelessness, 20 Mind, 2, 20, 48, 69, 93, 95 Political approach, 7 Mitron, 45 Political campaign, 6, 7, 28, 82 176 Index

Political discourse, 6, 35, 36, 39, 40, 49, 61, 63, Security, 43, 98–108 70, 81, 85, 89, 93, 112 Self, 3, 95, 96 Political economy, 89, 102, 103 Semiotic, 28 Political industry, 7 Semiotic analysis, 14, 40 Political mapping of twitter, 83 Sense of domination, 19 Political rhetoric, 7, 108 Sense of place, 19, 20 Politics, 1, 14, 42, 47, 53 Sentiment analysis, 10, 13 Politics of alliance, 41 Shabab-al-Facebook (Facebook youth), 8 Politics of communalism, 46 Shamshaan (cremation ground), 47 Politics of development, 47 Shashi Tharoor, 13, 57, 62, 70, 72, 74, 75, 110, Politics of heartland, 40 111 Politics of money, 42 Shopping malls, 20, 101 Politics of sarcasm, 44 Signs, 22–24 Polyphony, 28 Simulacra and simulation, 22 Postmodern bloodlines, 21 Smart cities, 99–102, 104, 106, 107, 112 Private, 2, 12, 22, 29, 56, 74, 91, 92, 96, 99, Smart city project, 67 103, 104 Social capital, 84 Privatization, 95 Social engineering, 36, 37 Production of space, 21 Social media, 3–12, 14, 17, 24, 30, 31, 34, 37, Progressive sense, 20 53, 55–57, 62, 67, 70, 76, 81–86, 88, 89, Public opinion, 4, 9 93, 95, 109, 110 Public private, 22, 97 Social micro blogging, 112 Public sphere, 2, 4, 18, 22, 40, 93 Social network, 3, 6, 10, 11, 23, 27, 31, 57, 82, Pure forms, 95 96, 109, 110 Social network sites, 3, 56, 57, 61, 67, 83, 84, Q 89 Quantitative, 13, 82, 100, 107 Social space, 21, 23–25 Questionnaire, 13 Society, 8, 12–14, 17, 21, 23, 28, 30, 50, 91, 93, 94, 107 R Space, 1–3, 18–24, 29, 50, 52, 57, 85, 93, 99, Race, 2, 105 106 Rahul Gandhi, 7, 41, 45, 46, 49, 70, 75–77, Space of ﬂows, 20, 50 110, 111 Spaces of Twitter, 2, 18 Ram Mandir, 36, 38, 76, 77 Spatial, 2, 19, 21, 23, 30, 36, 40, 49, 93, 95, 99, Real, 10, 11, 21, 22, 28, 30, 53, 93, 103 102, 105, 107 Region, 9, 19, 29, 30, 42, 94, 101, 105, 106 Spatiality, 1, 2, 14, 18, 28, 29, 40, 49, 111 Representation, 1, 14, 17, 18, 27, 39, 48, 67, Spatial science, 19 96, 112 Spatial turn, 3, 30 Representational symbols, 23 Spatio-temporal, 23, 35, 36, 81, 95 Representation of space, 106 Supermarkets, 10 Resistance, 19 Surveillance, 98–107, 111 Retweet, 1, 2, 8, 12, 13, 19, 25, 36, 57, 66–68, Surveillance technology, 102, 105, 107 74, 75, 79, 83, 108 Sushma Swaraj, 13, 62, 79, 109, 110 Rhizome, 4, 5 Symbolic, 8, 22, 23, 37 Rohih Vehmula, 68, 70 Root systems, 4 T Taj Mahal, 20 S Talk privately, 2 Samajwadi Party, 41, 44, 46, 47 Technoburb, 101 Scale, 10, 19, 20, 35, 107 Techno-city, 101 Scapes, 52 Technology, 2, 4, 6, 11, 12, 17, 25, 28, 35, 82, School teachers, 10 86, 93, 96, 100, 101, 105–107, 109 Screen, 7, 53 Television, 6, 17, 81–83, 91 Second space, 18 Temple Run, 92 Index 177

Territoriality, 100 Users, 1–4, 11, 12, 14, 23, 27, 33, 51, 55, 56, Territory, 21 76, 84, 85, 110 Text interpretations, 40 Uttar Pradesh, 20, 35, 36, 38, 40, 76, 94 Textual, 2, 21, 24, 54, 63 Third space, 2, 18, 99 V Time-space, 20 Verbal, 23, 45 Topophilia, 19 Video games, 91, 92 Topophobia, 20 Virtual space, 2, 21, 23, 24, 50, 52 Triple talaq, 38, 43 Virtual stage, 14 Tsunami, 11 Visual medium, 81–83 Tweet, 1–3, 5, 11, 13, 31, 34, 52, 62, 64–69, 71, 73, 79, 108, 112 W Twitter, 1–12, 18, 23, 24, 27, 31, 34, 40, 57, Walled Garden, 12 61, 63, 70, 75, 80, 82–84, 109–112 Wechat, 86, 92 Twitter account, 5, 40, 84, 111, 112 Whatsapp, 53–56, 86 Twitter data, 4, 9, 11 World, 2, 9, 11, 18, 28, 29, 32, 36, 53, 54, 63, Twitter pashas, 8 81, 96, 102, 111, 112 Twittersphere, 1, 2, 4, 13, 14, 17, 23–25, 35, World Suﬁ Forum, 66 50, 57, 80, 108 World Trade Centre, 102

U Y Unimagined identities, 19 Yamuna expressway, 69, 73 Unique identiﬁcation, 103 Youtube, 3, 10, 54 United States of America, 32, 34 Urbanization process, 29