01-070 Hans Globke
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Randauszaehlung1939band5.Pdf (3.830Mb)
Gefördert durch: Randauszählungen zu Elitestudien des Fachgebiets Public Management der Universität Kassel Band 5 Die Politisch-Administrative Elite im Nationalsozialismus am 1. September 1939 Bastian Strobel Simon Scholz-Paulus Stefanie Vedder Sylvia Veit Die Datenerhebung erfolgte im Rahmen des von der Bundesbeauftragten für Kultur und Medien geförderten Forschungsprojektes „Neue Eliten – etabliertes Personal? (Dis-)Kontinuitäten deut- scher Ministerien in Systemtransformationen“. Zitation: Strobel, Bastian/Scholz-Paulus, Simon/Vedder, Stefanie/Veit, Sylvia (2021): Die Poli- tisch-Administrative Elite im Nationalsozialismus am 1. September 1939. Randauszählungen zu Elitestudien des Fachgebiets Public Management der Universität Kassel, Band 5. Kassel. DOI: 10.17170/kobra-202102183283. Inhaltsverzeichnis 1 Einleitung ...................................................................................................................................... 1 2 Personenliste ................................................................................................................................ 4 3 Sozialstruktur ................................................................................................................................ 7 4 Bildung ........................................................................................................................................ 11 5 Karriere ....................................................................................................................................... 16 -
Hitler's American Model
Hitler’s American Model The United States and the Making of Nazi Race Law James Q. Whitman Princeton University Press Princeton and Oxford 1 Introduction This jurisprudence would suit us perfectly, with a single exception. Over there they have in mind, practically speaking, only coloreds and half-coloreds, which includes mestizos and mulattoes; but the Jews, who are also of interest to us, are not reckoned among the coloreds. —Roland Freisler, June 5, 1934 On June 5, 1934, about a year and a half after Adolf Hitler became Chancellor of the Reich, the leading lawyers of Nazi Germany gathered at a meeting to plan what would become the Nuremberg Laws, the notorious anti-Jewish legislation of the Nazi race regime. The meeting was chaired by Franz Gürtner, the Reich Minister of Justice, and attended by officials who in the coming years would play central roles in the persecution of Germany’s Jews. Among those present was Bernhard Lösener, one of the principal draftsmen of the Nuremberg Laws; and the terrifying Roland Freisler, later President of the Nazi People’s Court and a man whose name has endured as a byword for twentieth-century judicial savagery. The meeting was an important one, and a stenographer was present to record a verbatim transcript, to be preserved by the ever-diligent Nazi bureaucracy as a record of a crucial moment in the creation of the new race regime. That transcript reveals the startling fact that is my point of departure in this study: the meeting involved detailed and lengthy discussions of the law of the United States. -
1 Justiz Und Nationalsozialismus Richter Am Oberlandesgericht Dirk
Justiz und Nationalsozialismus Richter am Oberlandesgericht Dirk Frenking Auf dem rechten Auge blind? Fragt man nach den Gründen dafür, dass sich die deutsche Justiz ohne nennenswerten Widerstand dem NS-Regime unterworfen und an der Pervertierung der Rechtsordnung durch den Nationalsozialismus mitgewirkt hat, darf man nicht erst bei der „Machtergreif- ung“ ansetzen. Die Wurzeln der Willfährigkeit weiter Teile der deutschen Justiz liegen we- sentlich tiefer und sind schon im Kaiserreich mit seinem ausgeprägten Nationalismus und einem in allen gesellschaftlichen Schichten weit verbreiteten Antisemitismus zu finden. Nach dem durch die Abdankung des Kaisers gekennzeichneten Ende der Monarchie wurde Deutschland mit der Weimarer Republik zwar zur Demokratie, den Wechsel der Staatsform machten indessen große Teile der Beamtenschaft und insbesondere auch der Richterschaft nicht mit. Viele von ihnen waren noch in der Kaiserzeit in den richterlichen Dienst eingetreten und dachten national-konservativ. Den neuen Staat, an dessen Spitze als Reichspräsident ein Sozialdemokrat stand, lehnten viele von ihnen ab. Aber auch die jüngeren Juristen, die den Ersten Weltkrieg und die Not der Nachkriegszeit erlebt hatten, sahen die bestehende Gesellschaftsordnung durch die Republik als gefährdet an. Für sie ging die Gefahr in erster Linie von den Kommunisten aus und sie glaubten wie viele in den national-konservativen Kreisen nur zu gern an die „Dolchstoßlegende“, nach der der „jüdische Bolschewismus“ für den Untergang der Monarchie verantwortlich war. Die Justiz verfolgte vor allem linke Intellektuelle und Publizisten, wie zum Beispiel den späteren Friedensnobelpreisträger Carl von Ossietzky. Von Ossietzky hatte in der von ihm herausgegebenen Zeitschrift „Die Weltbühne“ unter dem Titel „Windiges aus der deut- schen Luftfahrt“ über eine geheime Aufrüstung der Reichswehr berichtet, die nach dem Versailler Vertrag verboten war. -
Konrad Adenauer and the Cuban Missile Crisis: West German Documents
SECTION 5: Non-Communist Europe and Israel Konrad Adenauer and the Cuban Missile Crisis: West German Documents access agency, the exchange of mutual non-aggression declara- d. Note: Much like the other NATO allies of the United tions and the establishment of FRG-GDR technical commissions. States, West Germany was not involved in either the ori- Somehow the proposals leaked to the German press, leading gins or the resolution of the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis.1 Secretary of State Dean Rusk to protest the serious breach of confi- EBut, of course, nowhere in Europe was the immediate impact of dence. Hurt by the accusation, Adenauer withdrew his longstand- Khrushchev’s nuclear missile gamble felt more acutely than in ing confidante and ambassador to Washington, Wilhelm Grewe. Berlin. Ever since the Soviet premier’s November 1958 ultima- Relations went from cool to icy when the chancellor publicly dis- tum, designed to dislodge Western allied forces from the western tanced himself from Washington’s negotiation package at a press sectors of the former German Reich’s capital, Berlin had been the conference in May. By time the missile crisis erupted in October, focus of heightened East-West tensions. Following the building Adenauer’s trust in the United States had been severely shaken.4 of the Berlin Wall in August 1961 and the October stand-off The missile crisis spurred a momentary warming in the between Soviet and American tanks at the Checkpoint Charlie uneasy Adenauer-Kennedy relationship. Unlike other European crossing, a deceptive lull had settled over the city.2 allies, Adenauer backed Kennedy’s staunch attitude during the cri- Yet the Berlin question (centering around Western rights sis wholeheartedly, a fact that did not go unnoticed in Washington. -
United States District Court for the District of Columbia
Case 1:15-cv-00266 Document 1 Filed 02/23/15 Page 1 of 71 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA ) Alan PHILIPP, ) 5 Raeburn Close ) London NW11 6UG, United Kingdom, ) ) and ) ) Gerald G. STIEBEL, ) 3716 Old Santa Fe Trail ) Santa Fe, NM 87505, ) ) Plaintiffs, ) ) v. ) Case No. ) FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY, a foreign ) state, ) ) and ) ) STIFTUNG PREUSSISCHER KULTURBESITZ, ) ) Von-der-Heydt-Str. 16-18 ) 10785 Berlin, Germany, ) ) Defendants. ) COMPLAINT This is a civil action by plaintiffs Alan Philipp (“Philipp”), and Gerald G. Stiebel (“Stiebel,” together with Philipp, the “plaintiffs”), for the restitution of a collection of medieval relics known as the “Welfenschatz” or the “Guelph Treasure” now wrongfully in the possession of the defendant Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, a/k/a the Prussian Cultural Heritage Foundation (the “SPK”). The SPK is an instrumentality of the defendant Federal Republic of Germany (“Germany,” together with the SPK, the “defendants”). Case 1:15-cv-00266 Document 1 Filed 02/23/15 Page 2 of 71 INTRODUCTORY STATEMENT 1. This is an action to recover the Welfenschatz, a unique collection of medieval relics and devotional art that was sold by victims of persecution of the Nazi regime under duress, and far below actual market value. Those owners were a consortium of three art dealer firms in Frankfurt: J.&S. Goldschmidt, I. Rosenbaum, and Z.M. Hackenbroch (together, the “Consortium”). Zacharias Max Hackenbroch (“Hackenbroch”), Isaak Rosenbaum (“Rosenbaum”), Saemy Rosenberg (“Rosenberg”), and Julius Falk Goldschmidt (“Goldschmidt”) were the owners of those firms, together with plaintiffs’ ancestors and/or predecessors-in-interest in this action. -
At Zero Hour: the Government of Karl Dönitz, with Reflections As Seen in German Literature
AT ZERO HOUR: THE GOVERNMENT OF KARL DÖNITZ, WITH REFLECTIONS AS SEEN IN GERMAN LITERATURE Jonathan Edward Klein A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS May 2006 Committee: Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor, History Theodore Rippey, Advisor, German Douglas Forsyth Kristie Foell ii ABSTRACT Drs. Beth Griech-Polelle and Theodore Rippey, Advisors With the suicide of Adolf Hitler at the end of April 1945, leadership of the Third Reich was passed, as per Hitler’s Testament, to Karl Dönitz. Dönitz had, up to that point, served as head of the U-boat or submarine fleet, and then as Grand Admiral of the entire German Navy, or Kriegsmarine. Very little analysis has been offered in current literature regarding the impact of the Dönitz government. Indeed, history texts rarely mention it. This thesis set out to do just that, using both historically oriented works and insights as provided by German literature of the period such as Heimkehrerliteratur and Trümmerliteratur. By investigating the works of Dönitz himself and those of various other personalities associated with his government, primary documents of the period, and secondary works on the period as well as the aforementioned literature genres, several conclusions were reached. The activities of the Dönitz government can be broken up into pre-surrender and post- surrender activities. Pre-surrender activities included the negotiations of surrender itself, which insofar as it was conducted in several stages, was not unconditional, as is often claimed. The other major pre-surrender activity was the decision to continue the war in the East while seeking peace with the West to allow evacuation of Germans from East Prussia. -
Hans Globke Und Der Nationalsozialismus. Eine Skizze
Böhlau, Fr. Fichtner, Historisch-Politische-Mitteilungen, 1. AK, MS Hans Globke und der Nationalsozialismus. Eine Skizze Von Erik Lommatzsch Über mangelndes Interesse an seiner Tätigkeit während der Zeit der national- sozialistischen Herrschaft konnte sich Hans Globke nie beklagen, seit er 1949 in das Bundeskanzleramt eingetreten war. Mit seiner Ernennung zum Staats- sekretär 1953 nahmen die Angriffe zu, vor allem im Umfeld von Bundestags- wahlen und politisch besonders umstrittenen Entscheidungen Adenauers. Erst mit seinem altersbedingten Ausscheiden 1963 ebbten die öffentlichen Diskus- sionen langsam ab. Die moralischen Urteile, die über den ehemaligen Beamten des Reichsin- nenministeriums und Kommentator der Nürnberger Gesetze gefällt wurden, sind zahlreich; viel seltener hingegen sind Versuche, die Tätigkeit Hans Glob- kes unter dem NS-Regime über das Schlagwort des Kommentators hinaus zu erhellen und so eine differenziertere Bewertung zu ermöglichen.1 Die folgende Skizze soll einen Überblick über die Thematik vermit- teln2: Zunächst werden die berufliche Laufbahn Globkes als Ministerial- 1 Von den Studien, die Globkes Wirken im Dritten Reich partiell Aufmerksamkeit widmen, seien genannt: Ulrich von HEHL, Hans Globke 1898–1973, in: Zeitgeschichte in Lebens- bildern. Aus dem deutschen Katholizismus des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts, Bd. 3, hg. v. Jürgen ARETZ/Rudolf MORSEY/Anton RAUSCHER, Mainz 1979, S. 247–259; um zumeist persönliche Erinnerungen handelt es sich bei: Klaus GOTTO (Hg.), Der Staatssekretär Adenauers. Persönlichkeit und politisches Wirken Hans Globkes, Stuttgart 1980; publi- zistisch: Stephan REINHARDT, Der Fall Globke, in: Die Neue Gesellschaft/Frankfurter Hefte 42 (1995), S. 437–447; zur Rezeption und Diskussion siehe u. a. Norbert JACOBS, Der Streit um Dr. Hans Globke in der öffentlichen Meinung der Bundesrepublik Deutsch- land 1949–1963. -
Die Schrecklichen Kinder: German Artists Confronting the Legacy of Nazism
Die Schrecklichen Kinder: German Artists Confronting the Legacy of Nazism A Division III by A. Elizabeth Berg May 2013 Chair: Sura Levine Members: Jim Wald and Karen Koehler 2 Table of Contents Introduction . 3 Heroic Symbols: Anselm Kiefer and the Nazi Salute . 13 And You Were Victorious After All: Hans Haacke and the Remnants of Nazism . 31 “The Right Thing to the Wrong People”: The Red Army Faction and Gerhard Richter’s 18. Oktober 1977 . 49 Conclusion . 79 Bibliography . 85 3 Introduction After the end of World War II, they were known as the Fatherless Generation. The children of postwar Germany—the children of Nazis—had lost their fathers in the war, though not always as a result of their death. For many members of this generation, even if their fathers did survive the war and perhaps even years in POW camps, they often returned irreparably physically and psychologically damaged. Once these children reached adolescence, many began to question their parents’ involvement with Nazism and their role during the war. Those who had participated in the atrocities of the war and those whose silence betrayed their guilt were problematic role models for their children, unable to fulfill their roles as parents with any moral authority.1 When these children came of age in the 1960s and entered universities, there was a major shift in the conversation about the war and the process of coming to terms with the past. The members of the postwar generation made themselves heard through large-scale protest and, eventually, violence. In this series of essays, I will look at the ways in which artists of this generation created work in response to their troubled history and the generational politics of the 1960s and 70s. -
The Catholic Church and the Holocaust, 1930–1965 Ii Introduction Introduction Iii
Introduction i The Catholic Church and the Holocaust, 1930–1965 ii Introduction Introduction iii The Catholic Church and the Holocaust, 1930 –1965 Michael Phayer INDIANA UNIVERSITY PRESS Bloomington and Indianapolis iv Introduction This book is a publication of Indiana University Press 601 North Morton Street Bloomington, IN 47404-3797 USA http://www.indiana.edu/~iupress Telephone orders 800-842-6796 Fax orders 812-855-7931 Orders by e-mail [email protected] © 2000 by John Michael Phayer All rights reserved No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and re- cording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. The Association of Ameri- can University Presses’ Resolution on Permissions constitutes the only exception to this prohibition. The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Perma- nence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. Manufactured in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Phayer, Michael, date. The Catholic Church and the Holocaust, 1930–1965 / Michael Phayer. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-253-33725-9 (alk. paper) 1. Pius XII, Pope, 1876–1958—Relations with Jews. 2. Judaism —Relations—Catholic Church. 3. Catholic Church—Relations— Judaism. 4. Holocaust, Jewish (1939–1945) 5. World War, 1939– 1945—Religious aspects—Catholic Church. 6. Christianity and an- tisemitism—History—20th century. I. Title. BX1378 .P49 2000 282'.09'044—dc21 99-087415 ISBN 0-253-21471-8 (pbk.) 2 3 4 5 6 05 04 03 02 01 Introduction v C O N T E N T S Acknowledgments ix Introduction xi 1. -
Mommsen, Hans, Germans Against Hitler
GERMANS AGAINST HITLER HANS MOMMSEN GERMANSGERMANSGERMANS AGAINSTAGAINST HITLERHITLER THE STAUFFENBERG PLOT AND RESISTANCE UNDER THE THIRD REICH Translated and annotated by Angus McGeoch Introduction by Jeremy Noakes New paperback edition published in 2009 by I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd 6 Salem Road, London W2 4BU 175 Fifth Avenue, New York NY 10010 www.ibtauris.com First published in hardback in 2003 by I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd as Alternatives to Hitler. Originally published in 2000 as Alternative zu Hitler – Studien zur Geschichte des deutschen Widerstandes. Copyright © Verlag C.H. Beck oHG, Munchen, 2000 Translation copyright © I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd, 2003, 2009 The translation of this work has been supported by Inter Nationes, Bonn. The right of Hans Mommsen to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyrights, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or any part thereof, may not be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. ISBN 978 1 84511 852 5 A full CIP record for this book is available from the British Library Project management by Steve Tribe, Andover Printed and bound in India by Thomson Press India Ltd ContentsContentsContents Preface by Hans Mommsen vii Introduction by Jeremy Noakes 1 1. Carl von Ossietzky and the concept of a right to resist in Germany 9 2. German society and resistance to Hitler 23 3. -
Frank Bösch, Andreas Wirsching (Hg.), Hüter Der Ordnung. Die
2019 | 3 Frank Bösch, Andreas Wirsching (Hg.), Hüter der 19./20. Jahrhundert – Histoire Ordnung. Die Innenministerien in Bonn und Ost- contemporaine Berlin nach dem Nationalsozialismus, Göttingen DOI: (Wallstein) 2018, 837 S., 69 Abb. (Veröffentlichung zur 10.11588/frrec.2019.3.66574 Geschichte der deutschen Innenministerien nach Seite | page 1 1945, 1), ISBN 978-3-8353-3206-5, EUR 34,90. rezensiert von | compte rendu rédigé par Hans-Christian Jasch, Berlin In einer Traditionslinie mit Heinrich Himmler? Im letzten Jahr erschien eine über 800 Seiten umfassende Studie zum Bundesministerium des Innern – einem der wichtigsten Quer- schnittsressorts auf Bundesebene – und seinem Pendant in der DDR. Ziel dieser Studie, deren Untersuchungszeitraum 1969/1970 endet, war es, Kontinuitäten sachlicher und personeller Natur »nach dem Nationalsozialismus« in den Innenministerien der bei- den deutschen Teilstaaten zu erforschen. Damit ist – aus öffentli- chen Mitteln finanziert und in einem politischen Vorgaben folgen- den Forschungsdesign – eine weitere voluminöse Studie zur Minis- terialverwaltung der Nachkriegszeit entstanden. Den Anfang einer langen Reihe von Projekten der Auftrags- forschung zu NS-Geschichte und NS-Belastung hatten seit den 1980er Jahren deutsche (und auch Schweizer) Wirtschaftsunter- nehmen, Banken und Versicherungen gemacht, die ihre eigene Unternehmensgeschichte und die Verstrickung in die NS-Verbre- chenskomplexe, insbesondere den Holocaust untersuchen ließen1. Dies geschah zumeist jedoch erst unter dem Druck von Sammel- klagen in den USA. Erst unter diesem Druck wurden die Inhaber herrenloser Konten und Versicherungspolicen entschädigt. Später folgte die Entschädigung der Zwangs- und Sklavenarbeiter/-innen der NS-Wirtschaft. Beides machte eine Erforschung der Unterneh- mensgeschichten notwendig. Kritiker konnten nicht umhin, in die- ser Forschung einen vom Shareholder-Value nicht unbeeinfluss- ten Wunsch nach »Reinwaschung« zu sehen, einer Katharsis, durch 1 Vgl. -
Central and Eastern Europe
Central and EasternEurope Germany National Affairs GERMANY'SGOVERNMENT, a "grandcoalition" of the conser- vative Christian Democratic Union(CDU) and the center-left SocialDe- mocratic Party (SPD), entered itsfirst full year in 2006, headedby Chancellor Angela Merkel (CDU). Apoll taken in mid-February gave high ratings to Merkel and herforeign minister, Frank-WalterSteinmeier (SPD). But major domestic challengesloomed: stimulating the economy, revamping the health-care system, andeducational reform. In mid-January, Merkel,committed to mending the damagedU.S.- German relationship, made herinaugural visit as chancellor to W ington, where she discussed anumber of controversial issues i American preemp Americanofficials: multilateralism, the perceived military approach to internationalconflicts, the Middle East, gb warming, and human rights. While in the U.S., Merkel criticizedthe detention center at Uuan namo Bay. In doing soshe was giving voice to Germanpublic opini about America's war-related policies.Germans reacted sharply to rei that their country might havesecretly assisted the U.S. duringthe war—even though formerchancellor Gerhard Schröder hadpledgei to do so—and that it might evenhave given clandestine help in se up and running anetwork of secret prisons in EasternEurope fo rorism suspects under the so-called"extraordinary rendition progr As a case in point, a U.S. FederalDistrict Court judge, in May missed a lawsuit by Khaled al-Masri, aGerman citizen who had leased in 2004 after a year of imprisonment.The judge said that trial might compromise nationalsecurity. At the same time, he rul if Masri's allegations of wrongfulimprisonment were true he shoi ceive compensation. In June, theBND (Germany's intelligence 442 GERMANY /443 admittedknowing of al-Masri's seizure much earlier than first acknowl- edged, and the American Civil Liberties Union said it would appeal the dismissal of his suit.