The Nazi Narne Decrees of the Nineteen Thirties
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Open Etoth Dissertation Corrected.Pdf
The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School The College of Arts and Architecture FROM ACTIVISM TO KIETISM: MODERIST SPACES I HUGARIA ART, 1918-1930 BUDAPEST – VIEA – BERLI A Dissertation in Art History by Edit Tóth © 2010 Edit Tóth Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 2010 The dissertation of Edit Tóth was reviewed and approved* by the following: Nancy Locke Associate Professor of Art History Dissertation Adviser Chair of Committee Sarah K. Rich Associate Professor of Art History Craig Zabel Head of the Department of Art History Michael Bernhard Associate Professor of Political Science *Signatures are on file in the Graduate School ii ABSTRACT From Activism to Kinetism: Modernist Spaces in Hungarian Art, 1918-1930. Budapest – Vienna – Berlin investigates modernist art created in Central Europe of that period, as it responded to the shock effects of modernity. In this endeavor it takes artists directly or indirectly associated with the MA (“Today,” 1916-1925) Hungarian artistic and literary circle and periodical as paradigmatic of this response. From the loose association of artists and literary men, connected more by their ideas than by a distinct style, I single out works by Lajos Kassák – writer, poet, artist, editor, and the main mover and guiding star of MA , – the painter Sándor Bortnyik, the polymath László Moholy- Nagy, and the designer Marcel Breuer. This exclusive selection is based on a particular agenda. First, it considers how the failure of a revolutionary reorganization of society during the Hungarian Soviet Republic (April 23 – August 1, 1919) at the end of World War I prompted the Hungarian Activists to reassess their lofty political ideals in exile and make compromises if they wanted to remain in the vanguard of modernity. -
Austria's Failed Denazification
Student Publications Student Scholarship Spring 2020 The Silent Reich: Austria’s Failed Denazification Henry F. Goodson Gettysburg College Follow this and additional works at: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/student_scholarship Part of the European History Commons, and the Holocaust and Genocide Studies Commons Share feedback about the accessibility of this item. Recommended Citation Goodson, Henry F., "The Silent Reich: Austria’s Failed Denazification" (2020). Student Publications. 839. https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/student_scholarship/839 This open access student research paper is brought to you by The Cupola: Scholarship at Gettysburg College. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator of The Cupola. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Silent Reich: Austria’s Failed Denazification Abstract Between 1945 and 1956, the Second Austrian Republic failed to address the large number of former Austrian Nazis. Due to Cold War tensions, the United States, Britain, and France helped to downplay Austria’s cooperation with the Nazi Reich in order to secure the state against the Soviets. In an effort to stall the spread of socialism, former fascists were even recruited by Western intelligence services to help inform on the activities of socialists and communists within Austria. Furthermore, the Austrian people were a deeply conservative society, which often supported many of the far-right’s positions, as can be seen throughout contemporary Austrian newspaper articles and editorials. Antisemitism, belief in the superiority of Austro-Germanic culture, disdain for immigrants, and desire for national sovereignty were all widely present in Austrian society before, during, and after the Nazi period. These cultural beliefs, combined with neglect from the Western powers, integrated the far-right into the political decision-making process. -
The Monita Secreta Or, As It Was Also Known As, The
James Bernauer, S.J. Boston College From European Anti-Jesuitism to German Anti-Jewishness: A Tale of Two Texts “Jews and Jesuits will move heaven and hell against you.” --Kurt Lüdecke, in conversation with Adolf Hitleri A Presentation at the Conference “Honoring Stanislaw Musial” Jagiellonian University, Krakow, Poland (March 5, 2009) The current intense debate about the significance of “political religion” as a mode of analyzing fascism leads us to the core of the crisis in understanding the Holocaust.ii Saul Friedländer has written of an “historian‟s paralysis” that “arises from the simultaneity and the interaction of entirely heterogeneous phenomena: messianic fanaticism and bureaucratic structures, pathological impulses and administrative decrees, archaic attitudes within an advanced industrial society.”iii Despite the conflicting voices in the discussion of political religion, the debate does acknowledge two relevant facts: the obvious intermingling in Nazism of religious and secular phenomena; secondly, the underestimated role exercised by Munich Catholicism in the early life of the Nazi party.iv My essay is an effort to illumine one thread in this complex territory of political religion and Nazism and my title conveys its hypotheses. First, that the centuries long polemic against the Roman Catholic religious order the Jesuits, namely, its fabrication of the Jesuit image as cynical corrupter of Christianity and European culture, provided an important template for the Nazi imagining of Jewry after its emancipation.v This claim will be exhibited in a consideration of two historically influential texts: the Monita 1 secreta which demonized the Jesuits and the Protocols of the Sages of Zion which diabolized the Jews.vi In the light of this examination, I shall claim that an intermingled rhetoric of Jesuit and Jewish wills to power operated in the imagination of some within the Nazi leadership, the most important of whom was Adolf Hitler himself. -
Hitler's American Model
Hitler’s American Model The United States and the Making of Nazi Race Law James Q. Whitman Princeton University Press Princeton and Oxford 1 Introduction This jurisprudence would suit us perfectly, with a single exception. Over there they have in mind, practically speaking, only coloreds and half-coloreds, which includes mestizos and mulattoes; but the Jews, who are also of interest to us, are not reckoned among the coloreds. —Roland Freisler, June 5, 1934 On June 5, 1934, about a year and a half after Adolf Hitler became Chancellor of the Reich, the leading lawyers of Nazi Germany gathered at a meeting to plan what would become the Nuremberg Laws, the notorious anti-Jewish legislation of the Nazi race regime. The meeting was chaired by Franz Gürtner, the Reich Minister of Justice, and attended by officials who in the coming years would play central roles in the persecution of Germany’s Jews. Among those present was Bernhard Lösener, one of the principal draftsmen of the Nuremberg Laws; and the terrifying Roland Freisler, later President of the Nazi People’s Court and a man whose name has endured as a byword for twentieth-century judicial savagery. The meeting was an important one, and a stenographer was present to record a verbatim transcript, to be preserved by the ever-diligent Nazi bureaucracy as a record of a crucial moment in the creation of the new race regime. That transcript reveals the startling fact that is my point of departure in this study: the meeting involved detailed and lengthy discussions of the law of the United States. -
From Charlemagne to Hitler: the Imperial Crown of the Holy Roman Empire and Its Symbolism
From Charlemagne to Hitler: The Imperial Crown of the Holy Roman Empire and its Symbolism Dagmar Paulus (University College London) [email protected] 2 The fabled Imperial Crown of the Holy Roman Empire is a striking visual image of political power whose symbolism influenced political discourse in the German-speaking lands over centuries. Together with other artefacts such as the Holy Lance or the Imperial Orb and Sword, the crown was part of the so-called Imperial Regalia, a collection of sacred objects that connotated royal authority and which were used at the coronations of kings and emperors during the Middle Ages and beyond. But even after the end of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806, the crown remained a powerful political symbol. In Germany, it was seen as the very embodiment of the Reichsidee, the concept or notion of the German Empire, which shaped the political landscape of Germany right up to National Socialism. In this paper, I will first present the crown itself as well as the political and religious connotations it carries. I will then move on to demonstrate how its symbolism was appropriated during the Second German Empire from 1871 onwards, and later by the Nazis in the so-called Third Reich, in order to legitimise political authority. I The crown, as part of the Regalia, had a symbolic and representational function that can be difficult for us to imagine today. On the one hand, it stood of course for royal authority. During coronations, the Regalia marked and established the transfer of authority from one ruler to his successor, ensuring continuity amidst the change that took place. -
Prinz Max Von Baden Und Houston Steward Chamberlain. Aus Dem
121 Dieser Quellenfund führt zwei historische Persönlichkeiten zusammen, die man gewöhnlich nicht miteinander in Verbindung bringt: Prinz Max von Baden und Houston Steward Chamberlain, den scheinbar liberalen Prinzen, der im Herbst 1918 den Ersten Weltkrieg zu beenden half, und den Protagonisten eines radikalen Antisemitismus', der auch zu Hitlers Ideengeber wurde. Die Korrespondenz dieser beiden unterschiedlichen Figuren eröffnet viele neue Einsichten: in einem ganz neuen Licht erscheint nicht nur der Prinz; deutlich wird auch, welch große Wirkung die Schriften Chamberlains hatten. Karina Urbach/Bernd Buchner Prinz Max von Baden und Houston Stewart Chamberlain Aus dem Briefwechsel 1909-1919 „Wie der Prinz Max steht, weiß keiner", stellte der sozialdemokratische Parteifüh rer Friedrich Ebert gegen Ende des Ersten Weltkriegs resigniert fest1. Bis heute hat sich an dieser Einschätzung wenig geändert. Das ist insofern erstaunlich, als die fünfwöchige Reichskanzlerschaft des badischen Prinzen von Anfang Oktober bis zum 9. November 1918 - mithin die Zeit zwischen Waffenstillstandsangebot und Kriegsende, zwischen Parlamentarisierung und Novemberrevolution - zu den entscheidenden Wendepunkten in der neueren deutschen Geschichte gerechnet wird. Die Regierung des Prinzen ist zwar in den 1960er Jahren von Erich Matthias und Rudolf Morsey ausführlich dokumentiert und kommentiert worden2, doch Max selbst blieb stets eine blasse historische Figur. War er der von Golo Mann hagiographisch gefeierte deutsche Whig3, ein typisch süddeutsch legerer Grandseigneur, -
1 Justiz Und Nationalsozialismus Richter Am Oberlandesgericht Dirk
Justiz und Nationalsozialismus Richter am Oberlandesgericht Dirk Frenking Auf dem rechten Auge blind? Fragt man nach den Gründen dafür, dass sich die deutsche Justiz ohne nennenswerten Widerstand dem NS-Regime unterworfen und an der Pervertierung der Rechtsordnung durch den Nationalsozialismus mitgewirkt hat, darf man nicht erst bei der „Machtergreif- ung“ ansetzen. Die Wurzeln der Willfährigkeit weiter Teile der deutschen Justiz liegen we- sentlich tiefer und sind schon im Kaiserreich mit seinem ausgeprägten Nationalismus und einem in allen gesellschaftlichen Schichten weit verbreiteten Antisemitismus zu finden. Nach dem durch die Abdankung des Kaisers gekennzeichneten Ende der Monarchie wurde Deutschland mit der Weimarer Republik zwar zur Demokratie, den Wechsel der Staatsform machten indessen große Teile der Beamtenschaft und insbesondere auch der Richterschaft nicht mit. Viele von ihnen waren noch in der Kaiserzeit in den richterlichen Dienst eingetreten und dachten national-konservativ. Den neuen Staat, an dessen Spitze als Reichspräsident ein Sozialdemokrat stand, lehnten viele von ihnen ab. Aber auch die jüngeren Juristen, die den Ersten Weltkrieg und die Not der Nachkriegszeit erlebt hatten, sahen die bestehende Gesellschaftsordnung durch die Republik als gefährdet an. Für sie ging die Gefahr in erster Linie von den Kommunisten aus und sie glaubten wie viele in den national-konservativen Kreisen nur zu gern an die „Dolchstoßlegende“, nach der der „jüdische Bolschewismus“ für den Untergang der Monarchie verantwortlich war. Die Justiz verfolgte vor allem linke Intellektuelle und Publizisten, wie zum Beispiel den späteren Friedensnobelpreisträger Carl von Ossietzky. Von Ossietzky hatte in der von ihm herausgegebenen Zeitschrift „Die Weltbühne“ unter dem Titel „Windiges aus der deut- schen Luftfahrt“ über eine geheime Aufrüstung der Reichswehr berichtet, die nach dem Versailler Vertrag verboten war. -
Inhaltsverzeichnis
Inhaltsverzeichnis Hinweis 9 Das Theater der Republik 11 Weimar und der Expressionismus 11 Die Väter und die Söhne 12 Die Zerstörung des Dramas 14 Die neuen Schauspieler 16 Die Provinz regt sich 18 Los von Berlin - Los von Reinhardt 20 Berlin und Wien 22 Zersetzter Expressionismus 24 Die große Veränderung 25 Brecht und Piscator 27 Wirklichkeit! Wirklichkeit! 30 Hitler an der Rampe 33 Der große Rest *35 Wieviel wert ist die Kritik? 37 Alte und neue Grundsätze 38 Selbstverständnis und Auseinandersetzungen 41 Die Macht und die Güte 44 *9*7 47 Rene Schickele, Hans im Schnakenloch 48 rb., Frankfurter Zeitung 48 Alfred Kerr, Der Tag, Berlin 50 Siegfried Jacobsohn, Die Schaubühne, Berlin 52 Georg Kaiser, Die Bürger von Calais 53 Kasimir Edschmid, Neue Zürcher Zeitung 54 Heinrich Simon, Frankfurter Zeitung 55 Alfred Polgar, Vossische Zeitung, Berlin 56 Georg Kaiser, Von Morgens bis Mitternachts 57 Richard Elchinger, Münchner Neueste Nachrichten 58 Richard Braungart, Münchener Zeitung 60 P. S., Frankfurter Zeitung 61 Richard Specht, Berliner Börsen-Courier 62 Oskar Kokoschka, Mörder, Hoffnung der Frauen - Hiob - Der bren nende Dornbusch 63 Robert Breuer, Die Schaubühne, Berlin 64 Bernhard Diebold, Frankfurter Zeitung 66 Alfred Kerr, Der Tag, Berlin 69 Gerhart Hauptmann, Winterballade .. 72 Siegfried Jacobsohn, Die Schaubühne, Berlin 73 Julius Hart, Der Tag, Berlin 75 Emil Faktor, Berliner Börsen-Courier 77 1248 http://d-nb.info/207309981 Georg Kaiser, Die Koralle 79 Bernhard Diebold, Frankfurter Zeitung 79 Kasimir Edschmid, Vossische Zeitung, Berlin, und Neue Zürcher Zei tung 82 Emil Faktor, Berliner Börsen-Courier 83 Alfred Kerr, Der Tag, Berlin 84 Hanns Johst, Der Einsame, ein Menschenuntergang 86 Artur Kutscher, Berliner Tageblatt . -
Hitler and Nazi Germany
HITLER AND NAZI GERMANY CHAPTER 28.3 HISTORICAL THEORIES ON HITLER Hitler did not The Germans were convince the Hitler’s first victims. Germans as much as the Germans elevated Hitler HITLER AND NAZISM • Core of Hitler’s political ideas: racism, anti-Semitism, ultranationalism • Fought in WWI, believed Jews were reason why Germany lost • After WWI, Hitler joined a right-wing ultranationalist party, the German Worker’s Party – Hitler soon controlled the party; renamed to National Socialist German Worker’s Party, or Nazi Party – Nazi Party had its own militia • Hitler writes Mein Kampf from prison after attempting to seize power of German gov’t “If we pass all the causes of the German collapse in review, the ultimate and most decisive remains the failure to recognize the racial problem and especially the Jewish menace.” Protocols of the Elders of Zion “To what an extent the whole existence of this people is based on a continuous lie is shown incomparably by the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, so infinitely hated by the Jews. They are based on a forgery, the Frankfurter Zeitung moans and screams once every week: the best proof that they are authentic ... For once this book has become the common property of a people, the Jewish menace may be considered as broken.” “All propaganda must be popular and its intellectual level must be adjusted to the most limited intelligence among those it is addressed to. Consequently, the greater the mass it is intended to reach, the lower its purely intellectual level will have to be. But if, as in propaganda for sticking out a war, the aim is to influence a whole people, we must avoid excessive intellectual demands on our public, and too much caution cannot be extended in this direction…” “…The receptivity of the great masses is very limited, their intelligence is small, but their power of forgetting is enormous. -
The Persecution of Jews in the "Greater German Reich"
Wolf Gruner, Joerg Osterloh, eds.. Das "Grossdeutsche Reich" und die Juden: Nationalsozialistische Verfolgung in den "angegliederten" Gebieten. Wissenschaftliche Reihe des Fritz Bauer Instituts. Frankfurt/New York: Campus, 2010. 330 pp. EUR 39.90, cloth, ISBN 978-3-593-39168-7. Reviewed by Catherine Epstein Published on H-German (March, 2011) Commissioned by Benita Blessing (Oregon State University) What happened to Jews in areas annexed to The volume examines each area in the order Nazi Germany between 1935 and 1941? In what in which it was annexed. Each essay then follows ways was their persecution similar or different the same three-part outline: a discussion of the from that of Jews in the old Reich? What do we situation of Jews before annexation, of Nazi poli‐ learn about the Nazi regime more generally by ex‐ cies during the initial period of annexation, and amining anti-Jewish policies in the annexed ar‐ then of antisemitic practices during the years of eas? This elegant volume explains how the unique occupation. As the contributions illustrate, each demographic, economic, and social situation in case had a unique aspect that shaped Nazi perse‐ each area annexed to the Third Reich played out cution practices and thus the Jewish experience in in antisemitic policies. For some areas, such as the given area and beyond. The peculiar situation Memel, Eupen-Malmedy, and Alsace, it offers the of each newly annexed area also gave the Nazi au‐ first overview of the persecution of Jews in a par‐ thorities in charge of the region considerable lati‐ ticular area. -
Konrad Adenauer and the Cuban Missile Crisis: West German Documents
SECTION 5: Non-Communist Europe and Israel Konrad Adenauer and the Cuban Missile Crisis: West German Documents access agency, the exchange of mutual non-aggression declara- d. Note: Much like the other NATO allies of the United tions and the establishment of FRG-GDR technical commissions. States, West Germany was not involved in either the ori- Somehow the proposals leaked to the German press, leading gins or the resolution of the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis.1 Secretary of State Dean Rusk to protest the serious breach of confi- EBut, of course, nowhere in Europe was the immediate impact of dence. Hurt by the accusation, Adenauer withdrew his longstand- Khrushchev’s nuclear missile gamble felt more acutely than in ing confidante and ambassador to Washington, Wilhelm Grewe. Berlin. Ever since the Soviet premier’s November 1958 ultima- Relations went from cool to icy when the chancellor publicly dis- tum, designed to dislodge Western allied forces from the western tanced himself from Washington’s negotiation package at a press sectors of the former German Reich’s capital, Berlin had been the conference in May. By time the missile crisis erupted in October, focus of heightened East-West tensions. Following the building Adenauer’s trust in the United States had been severely shaken.4 of the Berlin Wall in August 1961 and the October stand-off The missile crisis spurred a momentary warming in the between Soviet and American tanks at the Checkpoint Charlie uneasy Adenauer-Kennedy relationship. Unlike other European crossing, a deceptive lull had settled over the city.2 allies, Adenauer backed Kennedy’s staunch attitude during the cri- Yet the Berlin question (centering around Western rights sis wholeheartedly, a fact that did not go unnoticed in Washington. -
Teddie and Friedel: Theodor W. Adorno, Siegfried Kracauer, and the Erotics of Friendship
Teddie and Friedel: Theodor W. Adorno, Siegfried Kracauer, and the Erotics of Friendship Johannes von Moltke Criticism, Volume 51, Number 4, Fall 2010, pp. 683-694 (Article) Published by Wayne State University Press For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/crt/summary/v051/51.4.von-moltke.html Access Provided by University of Michigan @ Ann Arbor at 02/26/11 3:33PM GMT TEDDIE AND My dear Teddie, my dear friend! FRIEDEL: I arrived at noon today all THEODOR W. torn, wrapped up. Now I ADORNO, want to write straight away. SIEGFRIED During these two days, I again KRACAUER, AND felt such an agonizing love for you that it seems to me as if I THE EROTICS OF could not endure alone. Sev- FRIENDSHIP ered from you, my existence Johannes von Moltke is stale, I don’t know how this can go on.1 The letter is dated 5 April 1923 “Der Riß der Welt geht auch durch and, under the letterhead of the mich”: Briefwechsel 1923–1966 by prestigious Frankfurter Zeitung (was Theodor W. Adorno and Siegfried this written surreptitiously at the Kracauer, volume 7 of Briefe und office?!), its sender—Friedel— Briefwechsel, by Theodor W. Ador- implores Teddie to “please read no, edited by Wolfgang Schopf. alone!” (B 9, emphasis in original). Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, So tortured, so steamy is this love 2008. Pp. 772. 52.50 euros, cloth; letter that Friedel asks Teddie to 32.00 euros, paper. destroy it: “[I]n any case, no word of it, this is secret, who could be al- lowed to see me thus in my true gestalt?” (B 11).