Austria's Failed Denazification
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DOCUMENTS on GERMAN FOREIGN POLICY ' 1918-1945 from Tbe Brcbt"Es of Tbe ~Erman Jforeign .Ministtl2
DOCUMENTS ON GERMAN FOREIGN POLICY ' 1918-1945 from tbe Brcbt"es of tbe ~erman jforeign .Ministtl2 Series D Volume I FROM NEURATH TO RIBBENTROP September 1 9 3 7 • September 19 3 8 LONDON HIS MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE In June 1946 the British Foreign Office and the United States Department of State agreed jointly to publish documents from captured archives of the German Foreign Ministry and the Reich Chancellery. Although the main body of the captured archives goes back to the year 1867, it was decided· to limit the present publication to papers relating to the years after 1918, since the object of the publication was" to establish the record of German foreign policy preceding and du:ing World War II". The editorial work was to be performed " on the basis of the highest scholarly objectivity". The editors were to have complete freedom in the selection of the documents to be published. Publication was to begin and be concluded as soon as possible. In April1947 the French Government, having requested the right to participate in the project, accepted the terms of this agree ment. The documents covering the period from July 1936 to the outbreak of War in September 1939 have now been selected jointly by the three Allied Editorial Staffs. They comprise six volumes, and form the first and larger portion of Series D, which will carry the history of German foreign relations to the end of the Second World War. Volume I, the present volume, deals with Germany's foreign policy from the end of September 1937 to September 1938, covering particularly the seizure of Austria in March 1938. -
From Charlemagne to Hitler: the Imperial Crown of the Holy Roman Empire and Its Symbolism
From Charlemagne to Hitler: The Imperial Crown of the Holy Roman Empire and its Symbolism Dagmar Paulus (University College London) [email protected] 2 The fabled Imperial Crown of the Holy Roman Empire is a striking visual image of political power whose symbolism influenced political discourse in the German-speaking lands over centuries. Together with other artefacts such as the Holy Lance or the Imperial Orb and Sword, the crown was part of the so-called Imperial Regalia, a collection of sacred objects that connotated royal authority and which were used at the coronations of kings and emperors during the Middle Ages and beyond. But even after the end of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806, the crown remained a powerful political symbol. In Germany, it was seen as the very embodiment of the Reichsidee, the concept or notion of the German Empire, which shaped the political landscape of Germany right up to National Socialism. In this paper, I will first present the crown itself as well as the political and religious connotations it carries. I will then move on to demonstrate how its symbolism was appropriated during the Second German Empire from 1871 onwards, and later by the Nazis in the so-called Third Reich, in order to legitimise political authority. I The crown, as part of the Regalia, had a symbolic and representational function that can be difficult for us to imagine today. On the one hand, it stood of course for royal authority. During coronations, the Regalia marked and established the transfer of authority from one ruler to his successor, ensuring continuity amidst the change that took place. -
Building an Unwanted Nation: the Anglo-American Partnership and Austrian Proponents of a Separate Nationhood, 1918-1934
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Carolina Digital Repository BUILDING AN UNWANTED NATION: THE ANGLO-AMERICAN PARTNERSHIP AND AUSTRIAN PROPONENTS OF A SEPARATE NATIONHOOD, 1918-1934 Kevin Mason A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of PhD in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2007 Approved by: Advisor: Dr. Christopher Browning Reader: Dr. Konrad Jarausch Reader: Dr. Lloyd Kramer Reader: Dr. Michael Hunt Reader: Dr. Terence McIntosh ©2007 Kevin Mason ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Kevin Mason: Building an Unwanted Nation: The Anglo-American Partnership and Austrian Proponents of a Separate Nationhood, 1918-1934 (Under the direction of Dr. Christopher Browning) This project focuses on American and British economic, diplomatic, and cultural ties with Austria, and particularly with internal proponents of Austrian independence. Primarily through loans to build up the economy and diplomatic pressure, the United States and Great Britain helped to maintain an independent Austrian state and prevent an Anschluss or union with Germany from 1918 to 1934. In addition, this study examines the minority of Austrians who opposed an Anschluss . The three main groups of Austrians that supported independence were the Christian Social Party, monarchists, and some industries and industrialists. These Austrian nationalists cooperated with the Americans and British in sustaining an unwilling Austrian nation. Ultimately, the global depression weakened American and British capacity to practice dollar and pound diplomacy, and the popular appeal of Hitler combined with Nazi Germany’s aggression led to the realization of the Anschluss . -
The Failed Post-War Experiment: How Contemporary Scholars Address the Impact of Allied Denazification on Post-World War Ii Germany
John Carroll University Carroll Collected Masters Essays Master's Theses and Essays 2019 THE FAILED POST-WAR EXPERIMENT: HOW CONTEMPORARY SCHOLARS ADDRESS THE IMPACT OF ALLIED DENAZIFICATION ON POST-WORLD WAR II GERMANY Alicia Mayer Follow this and additional works at: https://collected.jcu.edu/mastersessays Part of the History Commons THE FAILED POST-WAR EXPERIMENT: HOW CONTEMPORARY SCHOLARS ADDRESS THE IMPACT OF ALLIED DENAZIFICATION ON POST-WORLD WAR II GERMANY An Essay Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies College of Arts & Sciences of John Carroll University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts By Alicia Mayer 2020 As the tide changed during World War II in the European theater from favoring an Axis victory to an Allied one, the British, American, and Soviet governments created a plan to purge Germany of its Nazi ideology. Furthermore, the Allies agreed to reconstruct Germany so a regime like the Nazis could never come to power again. The Allied Powers met at three major summits at Teheran (November 28-December 1,1943), Yalta (February 4-11, 1945), and Potsdam (July 17-August 2, 1945) to discuss the occupation period and reconstruction of all aspects of German society. The policy of denazification was agreed upon by the Big Three, but due to their political differences, denazification took different forms in each occupation zone. Within all four Allied zones, there was a balancing act between denazification and the urgency to help a war-stricken population in Germany. This literature review focuses specifically on how scholars conceptualize the policy of denazification and its legacy on German society. -
The Juggler of Notre Dame and the Medievalizing of Modernity. Volume 6: War and Peace, Sex and Violence
The Juggler of Notre Dame and the Medievalizing of Modernity. Volume 6: War and Peace, Sex and Violence The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Ziolkowski, Jan M. The Juggler of Notre Dame and the Medievalizing of Modernity. Volume 6: War and Peace, Sex and Violence. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2018. Published Version https://www.openbookpublishers.com/product/822 Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:40880864 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA The Juggler of Notre Dame and the Medievalizing of Modernity VOLUME 6: WAR AND PEACE, SEX AND VIOLENCE JAN M. ZIOLKOWSKI THE JUGGLER OF NOTRE DAME VOLUME 6 The Juggler of Notre Dame and the Medievalizing of Modernity Vol. 6: War and Peace, Sex and Violence Jan M. Ziolkowski https://www.openbookpublishers.com © 2018 Jan M. Ziolkowski This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license (CC BY 4.0). This license allows you to share, copy, distribute and transmit the work; to adapt the work and to make commercial use of the work providing attribution is made to the author (but not in any way that suggests that he endorses you or your use of the work). Attribution should include the following information: Jan M. Ziolkowski, The Juggler of Notre Dame and the Medievalizing of Modernity. -
ABSTRACT Title of Document: the FURTHEST
ABSTRACT Title of Document: THE FURTHEST WATCH OF THE REICH: NATIONAL SOCIALISM, ETHNIC GERMANS, AND THE OCCUPATION OF THE SERBIAN BANAT, 1941-1944 Mirna Zakic, Ph.D., 2011 Directed by: Professor Jeffrey Herf, Department of History This dissertation examines the Volksdeutsche (ethnic Germans) of the Serbian Banat (northeastern Serbia) during World War II, with a focus on their collaboration with the invading Germans from the Third Reich, and their participation in the occupation of their home region. It focuses on the occupation period (April 1941-October 1944) so as to illuminate three major themes: the mutual perceptions held by ethnic and Reich Germans and how these shaped policy; the motivation behind ethnic German collaboration; and the events which drew ethnic Germans ever deeper into complicity with the Third Reich. The Banat ethnic Germans profited from a fortuitous meeting of diplomatic, military, ideological and economic reasons, which prompted the Third Reich to occupy their home region in April 1941. They played a leading role in the administration and policing of the Serbian Banat until October 1944, when the Red Army invaded the Banat. The ethnic Germans collaborated with the Nazi regime in many ways: they accepted its worldview as their own, supplied it with food, administrative services and eventually soldiers. They acted as enforcers and executors of its policies, which benefited them as perceived racial and ideological kin to Reich Germans. These policies did so at the expense of the multiethnic Banat‟s other residents, especially Jews and Serbs. In this, the Third Reich replicated general policy guidelines already implemented inside Germany and elsewhere in German-occupied Europe. -
The Juggler of Notre Dame and the Medievalizing of Modernity VOLUME 6: WAR and PEACE, SEX and VIOLENCE
The Juggler of Notre Dame and the Medievalizing of Modernity VOLUME 6: WAR AND PEACE, SEX AND VIOLENCE JAN M. ZIOLKOWSKI To access digital resources including: blog posts videos online appendices and to purchase copies of this book in: hardback paperback ebook editions Go to: https://www.openbookpublishers.com/product/822 Open Book Publishers is a non-profit independent initiative. We rely on sales and donations to continue publishing high-quality academic works. THE JUGGLER OF NOTRE DAME VOLUME 6 The Juggler of Notre Dame and the Medievalizing of Modernity Vol. 6: War and Peace, Sex and Violence Jan M. Ziolkowski https://www.openbookpublishers.com © 2018 Jan M. Ziolkowski This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license (CC BY 4.0). This license allows you to share, copy, distribute and transmit the work; to adapt the work and to make commercial use of the work providing attribution is made to the author (but not in any way that suggests that he endorses you or your use of the work). Attribution should include the following information: Jan M. Ziolkowski, The Juggler of Notre Dame and the Medievalizing of Modernity. Vol. 6: War and Peace, Sex and Violence. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2018, https://doi.org/10.11647/OBP.0149 Copyright and permissions for the reuse of many of the images included in this publication differ from the above. Copyright and permissions information for images is provided separately in the List of Illustrations. Every effort has been made to identify and contact copyright holders and any omission or error will be corrected if notification is made to the publisher. -
The Marshall Plan in Austria 69
CAS XXV CONTEMPORARY AUSTRIANAUSTRIAN STUDIES STUDIES | VOLUME VOLUME 25 25 This volume celebrates the study of Austria in the twentieth century by historians, political scientists and social scientists produced in the previous twenty-four volumes of Contemporary Austrian Studies. One contributor from each of the previous volumes has been asked to update the state of scholarship in the field addressed in the respective volume. The title “Austrian Studies Today,” then, attempts to reflect the state of the art of historical and social science related Bischof, Karlhofer (Eds.) • Austrian Studies Today studies of Austria over the past century, without claiming to be comprehensive. The volume thus covers many important themes of Austrian contemporary history and politics since the collapse of the Habsburg Monarchy in 1918—from World War I and its legacies, to the rise of authoritarian regimes in the 1930s and 1940s, to the reconstruction of republican Austria after World War II, the years of Grand Coalition governments and the Kreisky era, all the way to Austria joining the European Union in 1995 and its impact on Austria’s international status and domestic politics. EUROPE USA Austrian Studies Studies Today Today GünterGünter Bischof,Bischof, Ferdinand Ferdinand Karlhofer Karlhofer (Eds.) (Eds.) UNO UNO PRESS innsbruck university press UNO PRESS UNO PRESS innsbruck university press Austrian Studies Today Günter Bischof, Ferdinand Karlhofer (Eds.) CONTEMPORARY AUSTRIAN STUDIES | VOLUME 25 UNO PRESS innsbruck university press Copyright © 2016 by University of New Orleans Press All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form, or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage nd retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. -
Comparative Study of Fascist Groups from Brazil and Argentina on the Internet (1996-2007) Revista Tempo E Argumento, Vol
Revista Tempo e Argumento E-ISSN: 2175-1803 [email protected] Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina Brasil Santos Maynard, Dilton Cândido Intolerance South of America: comparative study of fascist groups from Brazil and Argentina on the Internet (1996-2007) Revista Tempo e Argumento, vol. 6, núm. 12, mayo-agosto, 2014, pp. 276-307 Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina Florianópolis, Brasil Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=338132153015 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative e ‐ ISSN 2175 ‐ 1803 Intolerance South of America: comparative study of fascist groups from Brazil and Argentina on the Internet (1996‐2007) Abstract This article investigates the uses of the Internet made by Dilton Cândido Santos Maynard fascist groups from Brazil and Argentina. We use as main Universidade Federal de Sergipe ‐ UFS. sources professedly fascist websites created shortly after the Brasil popularization of the Internet. From the perspective offered [email protected] by the comparative methodology advocated by Marc Bloch, the text examines the relation between Brazilian homepages and the best known South American far‐right website, Ciudad Libertad Opinión, created in 1999 with the primary purpose of spreading fascist ideas and providing support to other extremist groups. We point out the strategic role played by the web portal Libre Opinión as articulator between fascist groups in South America, this is a key contributor in the diffusion of Brazilian web pages marked to convey on a regular basis xenophobic, racist, anti‐Semitic, and homophobic messages. -
Militarism As a Theme in Nazi Education and Youth Organizations Matthew .J Smith Elizabethtown College, [email protected]
Elizabethtown College JayScholar History: Student Scholarship & Creative Work History Spring 2018 Militarism as a Theme in Nazi Education and Youth Organizations Matthew .J Smith Elizabethtown College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://jayscholar.etown.edu/hisstu Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Smith, Matthew J., "Militarism as a Theme in Nazi Education and Youth Organizations" (2018). History: Student Scholarship & Creative Work. 2. https://jayscholar.etown.edu/hisstu/2 This Student Research Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the History at JayScholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in History: Student Scholarship & Creative Work by an authorized administrator of JayScholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Smith 1 Matthew J. Smith Militarism as a Theme in Nazi Education and Youth Organizations Italian fascist Achille Starace stated, “Fascist education must be an education for battle.”1 This idea of militarism as a core concept of education was integral not only to Fascism in Italy, but also to Europe’s other rising fascist movement, Nazism. The Nazis reinforced their militaristic education by creating mandatory youth organizations that promoted militarism to young German boys and girls. The twin pillars of a militaristic education system and para- military youth organizations helped Nazi officials achieve their goals by creating a generation of ready servants of the state. Many scholars have researched the militarism that was infused into the German state education system. Lisa Pine, a scholar at London South Bank University, examined the educational system and youth groups that socialized German children with Nazi ideology and militaristic practices. -
Denazification
Denazification Process instituted by the Allies after World War II to remove all traces of Nazism from Germany. Even before the war ended, the Allied leaders met at the Yalta Conference where they agreed to wipe out the Nazi Party and its influence. This view was restated in the Potsdam Agreement of August 1945. By that time, the Allies had created a list of 178,000 suspected Nazis who were put under "mandatory arrest," while the Soviets arrested 67,000 people. Their aim was to remove all Nazi officials from public life. After the war, the United States, Great Britain, France, and the Soviet Union each occupied a part of Germany–and each occupier went about "denazifying" its zone differently. The Americans were very strict about allowing former Nazis to fill any public posts. They wanted to help the Germans learn to function in a democratic society, but they also distrusted them and considered them to be guilty of terrible crimes. The British were more moderate about allowing former Nazis to hold important positions; to rebuild their zone's destroyed economy, they decided to let anyone familiar with the area, even Nazis, take on public responsibilities. The main goal of the French was to weaken their former enemy (Germany) and use the resources in their zone to rebuild France's destroyed economy, so they allowed Nazis from other zones to work in their area. The Soviets aimed to make their zone into a Communist society; those former Nazis who were willing to conform to Communism were not removed from public life. -
3. Germany in the 1920S
3. Germany in the 1920s The shadowy figures that look out at us from the tarnished mirror of history are – in the final analysis – ourselves. DETLEV J. K. PEUKERT OVERVIEW Few events in history are inevitable. Most are determined by real people making real decisions. At the time, those choices may not seem important. Yet together, little by little, they shape a period in history and define an age. Those decisions also have consequences that may affect generations to come. Chapter 2 looked at the way three nations – the United States, France, and Germany – decided who belonged in the nineteenth century and who did not. It also considered the outcomes of those choices. This chapter marks the beginning of a case study that examines the choices people made after World War I. It highlights Germany’s efforts to build a democracy after the humiliation of defeat and explores the values, myths, and fears that threatened those efforts. It focuses in particular on the choices that led to the destruction of the republic and the rise of the Nazis. The 1920s were a time of change everywhere in the world. Many of those changes began much earlier and were speeded up by the war. Others were linked to innovations in science that altered the way people saw the world. In 1905, Albert Einstein, a German physicist, published his theory of relativity. By 1920, other scientists had proved that time and space are indeed relative and not absolute. The theory quickly became a part of the way ordinary people viewed the world.