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A REAPPRAISAL of MIKI KIYOSHI and the SHOWA Kenkyfj KAI By

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A REAPPRAISAL of MIKI KIYOSHI and the SHOWA Kenkyfj KAI By POLITICS AND PHILOSOPHY IN THE NEW ORDER: A REAPPRAISAL OF MIKI KIYOSHI AND THE SHOWA KENKYfJ KAI by ANDREW TERENCE DYCHE B.Hum., Carleton University, 1997 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of History) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 2003 @ Andrew Terence Dyche, 2003 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada V Date ^-$7% A J^jJt cW^3 11 Abstract This thesis is an investigation of the Japanese philosopher Miki Kiyoshi and his involvement in the controversial Showa Kenkyu Kai, an organization charged with the task of formulating an intellectual foundation for Konoe Fumimaro's "New Political Order" and the "New Order in East Asia," the former project being a domestic program of reform and the latter being concerned with foreign policy. The study aims at elucidating on the complexities of the 1930s in Japan and suggests that previous attempts to place Miki and the Showa Kenkyu Kai into oversimplified categories has not aided our understanding of the period. It calls for a reappraisal of Miki and his role in the organization, and stresses the broader continuity in Miki's thought and action that has previously been neglected. The argument comprises five chapters. The first is a look at Miki's formative period and stresses that Miki was a complex and critical thinker who was interested in political involvement from the beginning of his career. The second addresses the 1930s, and argues that they were not only a time of distress for Japanese intellectuals, but also one of opportunity. This chapter addresses some key components of Miki's thought and helps to situate him politically. The third chapter compares Miki to Konoe Fumimaro, and argues that while the two men are often portrayed as quite different, in reality their thought and aspirations had much in common. It can be said that Miki was a philosopher who wanted to be a leader, and Konoe was a leader who wanted to be a philosopher. The fourth chapter is concerned with the Showa Kenkyu Kai itself as well as Miki's role within the organization, and shows how, far from being an aberration in Miki's career, his participation in the organization can be seen as a logical step. The thesis thus stresses the continuity running through Miki's thought and action and see his role in the Showa Kenkyu Kai as reflecting this. The final chapter explains the downfall of the organization, and of Miki. Ill TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ii Table of Contents iii Acknowledgements vi Dedication vii INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER I The Seeds of a New Japanese Philosophy: Miki's Formative Period 5 1.1 Overview of Scholarship on Miki Kiyoshi 5 1.2 Miki's Early Life 7 1.3 A Disciple of Nishida and the Kyoto School 9 1.4 A Student in Europe 12 1.5 Miki's Return to Japan 14 CHAPTER II Japan in the 193 Os: The Receptacle of Becoming 16 2.1 Overview of the 1930s and Scholarship Thereupon 16 2.2 Miki's Arrest & The Tenko Controversy 21 2.3 Miki the Activist and Popular Writer 24 2.4 Not a Marxist, but a Humanist 26 2.5 Miki's Unorthodox Approach to Marxism 30 2.6 Miki's Cooperativism 31 2.7 Miki as Man of Action 34 CHAPTER III Not Quite A Union of Opposites: The Konoe Connection 35 3.1 Overview of Scholarship on Prince Konoe Fumimaro 36 iv 3.2 Philosophy and Politics, Philosophers and Politicians 39 3.3 Konoe's Way of Thinking I: Konoe the Compromiser 43 3.4 Konoe's Way of Thinking II: Konoe the Philosopher 45 3.5 Miki and Konoe's Belief in Change 47 3.6 A Philosophy of Cooperativism and A Policy of Compromise 49 3.7 A Key Difference: The Role of Politics and Philosophy 51 CHAPTER IV The Crucible of the New Order: The Showa Kenkyu Kai 52 4.1 The Formation of the Showa Kenkyu Kai 53 4.2 Overview of Scholarship on the Showa Kenkyu Kai 54 4.3 My Response to the Scholarship 58 4.4 Miki joins the Showa Kenkyu Kai 59 4.5 The Role and Purpose of the Showa Kenkyu Kai 60 4.6 The Structure of the Showa Kenkyu Kai 63 4.7 Miki as Showa Kenkyu Kai Member 64 4.8 Miki's Work in the Showa Kenkyu Kai 68 CHAPTER V The Crucible Shatters: Dissolution and Defeat 70 5.1 The Fai lure of the New Order 71 5.2 The Dissolution of the Showa Kenkyu Kai 72 5.3 Miki's Fate 73 CONCLUSION 76 Bibliography 79 Appendix I The Purpose of the Establishment of the Showa Kenkyu Kai VI Acknowledgements This thesis came to fruition through the contributions of many people. My supervisor, Professor William Wray, not only introduced me to the topic but also much of the English- language scholarship, and was a constant source of advice. I would also like to thank Professor Glen Peterson, who courageously agreed to be the second reader. Both of these scholars deserve additional thanks for their patience with me and my all-too-frequently terrible timing. I am grateful to my graduate secretary, Gloria Lees, who always found time to answer my questions and assist me at various stages through my degree. I should also mention Professor Christopher Friedrichs, who is to a large extent responsible for my having chosen UBC to pursue my graduate work, and both he and Professor Joy Dixon have my gratitude for assisting me throughout the course of my degree. The staff of UBC s Asian Library are to be commended for their patience and expertise, both of which were helpful in retrieving key materials for my thesis, notably the Miki Kiyoshi Complete Works, which were found after apparently having sat in a storage vault for decades. I am particularly indebted to the Young Scholars' Invitation Program of Japan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which enabled me to travel to Japan in early 2002 to conduct research; and UBC's own Center for Japanese Research, which provided me with a Pacific Bridge Award to purchase materials. I am also grateful to the UBC History Department as a whole for their support of my studies through a University Graduate Fellowship and the Alice H. Sorila Memorial Scholarship. My family in Ottawa have my thanks for their emotional support and sympathy as I grappled with Japanese intellectual history, and my mother, Gillian Dyche, deserves credit for proof-reading the thesis at a late stage as well. Finally, my greatest debt is to my partner, Rieko Kamei, who encouraged me from the start and stood by me during all of the ups and downs of working on a project of this magnitude. Her constant willingness to discuss my work, her assistance in finding relevant research materials, and her proof-reading of my translations, are just three of the many ways that she contributed to my thesis, and for that and her companionship throughout I am eternally grateful. For Rieko, with all my love 1 One who loves truth will not allow politics to be entrusted only to "Will to Power. " Politics also must stand in the standpoint of truth, and the mission of the philosopher is the standing of politics in the standpoint of truth. Philosophers must ask, what kind of authority does political power possess? Simple power does not possess authority. It is not until power is connected to truth that it has authority. According to Professor Spranger, "Without thinking, the attainment of truth is impossible. However, thinking which is truly deep and correct is able also to produce correct action. " Truly this is so. Nevertheless, true thinking cannot accept as is a premise which is demanded as a premise according to politics. If "inside true knowledge lies absolute power leading to true action, " then will to truth cannot be yielded to will to power} - Miki Kiyoshi Introduction The Japanese philosopher Miki Kiyoshi2 (1897-1945) has received frequent mention in scholarly works on the prewar intellectuals, yet little serious study has yet emerged in English-language scholarship.3 His involvement in the Showa Kenkyu Kai (Showa Research Association)4 has, however, been the subject of some controversy. This current paper is an attempt to investigate Miki and the nature of his role in that organization, and argues that a reappraisal is in order. The Showa Kenkyu Kai was organized to provide the intellectual foundation for Prince Konoe Fumimaro5's New Order (Shin-Taisei6), the domestic partner to the New East Asian Order (Toa Shin Chitsujo7) — the latter was to be brought about by imposition of the Greater East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere (Dai Toa Kyoeiken8), the former by the Imperial Rule Assistance Organization (Taisei Yokusan Kai9).10 The New Order was to take apart the established system at home, and the Greater East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere would then carry out a similar role with the international order; thus Japan would be put in the forefront of a new historical movement to change both itself, and the world.
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