DOCSLIB.ORG

Popular Frontr War and Fourth Republic Politics in Senegal From

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Popular Frontr War and Fourth Republic Politics in Senegal From Popular Frontr War and Fourth Republic Politics in Senegal From Galandou Diouf to L.S. Senghor 1936-1952 Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Daphne N. Topouzis School of Oriental and African Studies London University 1989 ProQuest Number: 10752702 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10752702 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Table of Contents Acknowledgments.....................................................i Abbreviations...................................................... ii Introduction........................................................ 1 Chapter I: Popular Front Ideology, Policy-Making and Reforms: The de Coppet Era (1936-1939).............. 11 The Popular Front in Power.................................... 14 The Colonial Doctrines of the Popular Front.................. 18 a) The Radical Socialists................................. 18 b) The SFIO................................................ 19 c) The PCF ...........................................23 d) The Comite de Vigilance des Intellectuels Antifascistes...........................................24 Leon Blum's Colonial Cabinet.................................. 25 Marius Moutet, Minister of Overseas France............... ...27 Marcel de Coppet, Governor-General of AOF 3 0 The Conference of Governors-General, 193 6 3 2 The Inquiry Commission........................................ 35 Political Reforms.............................................. 38 Economic Policy................................................ 41 Labour Reforms................................................. 4 5 The Popular Front and Islam........................ 50 The indigenat and prestations 5 2 Education....................................................... 55 Conclusions.....................................................56 Chapter II: Citizen Politics in the Three Communes: The Galandou Diouf Era, 1936-1940.................60 The 1930-34 Economic Depression.............................. 63 The Political Arena After Blaise Diagne......................66 a) Galandou Diouf and the RNP ............................. 67 b) Lamine Gueye and the PSS................................7 3 The 1936 Legislative Elections....................... 78 The Political Impact of the Popular Front................... 81 a) The Creation of Popular Front committees......... 81 b) The Foundation of the PCF-Section Senegalaise... 83 c) Moutet's Trip to Senegal................................8 3 d) The SFIO................................................ 85 The PSS - SFIO Fusion........................................ 89 Diouf-de Coppet Relations..................................... 94 The Thies Strike of September 1938......................... 100 a) The Background to the Strike.......................... 100 b) The Setting of the Strike............................. 106 c) The Aftermath and Implications of the Thies Crisis..110 Conclusions....................................................113 Chapter III: The War, Vichy and the Boisson regime, 1939-1942............... 116 African Military Contribution in the Second World War....119 a) Conscription......................... 120 b) Prisoners of War ..................................... 125 c) Demobilization....................................... 128 The Myth of the Loyal African: Part 1 ...................... 129 The Armistice in French West Africa....................... 132 Pierre Boisson, High Commissioner of Black Africa....... 137 The Pursuit of Neutrality in the War....................... 143 The Battle of Dakar ................................... 145 'Operation Menace'.......................................... 14 6 Conclusions.................................................. 153 Chapter IV: The Impact of Vichy Rule, 1940-1942.............. 157 The Suspension of African Political Activity.............. 159 Boisson's 'Politique d'Action et d'Autorite'.............. 160 a) Policy Changes within the Colonial Administration.160 b) Political and Administrative Reconstruction....... 163 c) Trade Union Activity................................. 168 d) Indigenat and Prestations........................... 169 e) The Press............................................. 171 Economic Repercussions of the War.......................... 173 a) Vichy Economic Planning..............................173 b) The Decline of the Peanut Economy................. 176 c) The Foundations of Industrialization.............. 179 The Impact of Vichy Ideology and Propaganda.............. 18 3 a) The Legion Francaise des Anciens Combattants .... 187 b) African Resistance................................... 194 Conclusions...................................................196 Chapter V: Free France in Senegal, 1943-1945.................. 199 The 'Return' of AOF in the War............................. 2 01 a) Mobilization.......................................... 208 b) The 'Restoration' of Republican Liberties.......... 209 c) The Impact of American Anti-Colonialism............ 217 d) Soviet Ideology and the Formation of the GEC ...... 220 The Revival of Political Life: Patriotic Associations.... 222 The Battle for Groundnuts.................................. 2 28 The Myth of the Loyal African: Part Two The Return of the Soldiers and the Thiaroye Mutiny.... 234 Conclusions..................................................244 Chapter VI: Senegal in French Postwar Colonial Policy-Making 1944-1952.......................... 247 Senegalese Aspirations after the Second World War ........ 248 The Brazzaville Conference, 1944........................... 251 The Constituent Assemblies of 1945-1946................... 256 a) The Debate on Colonial Representation................257 b) The 1945 ANC Elections................................ 260 c) Gueye and Senghor in the Constituent Assemblies.... 264 d) The Lamine Gueye Law of 1946...... ....274 e) The Intearoupe des Elus d'Outre Mer and the Etats Generaux de la Colonisation Francaise........ 279 The Constitution of the IV Republic........................ 284 The Bamako Congress of 1946 and the Birth of the RDA..... 286 The IOM and the Revival of the Intercrroupe ............... 290 The Legislative Elections of 1951.......................... 297 Conclusions.................................................. 300 Chapter VII: Citizen Politics of the Lamine Gueye Era: 1945-1948............................. 303 Patriotic Associations and Political Parties.............. 305 Lamine Gueye and the Bloc Africain......................... 3 07 The SFIO Reaches its Apogy, 194 6 ........................... 314 The Decline of the Bloc Africain........................... 319 The SFIO Political Machine.................................. 322 An Opposition in Flux....................................... 323 a) The Mouvement Autonomiste Africain.................. 325 b) The Mouvement Nationaliste Africain................. 325 c) The Communist Groups (MUR. PPS, PTI. PODT, CEFA)...326 The Groupements d'Etudes Communistes....................... 33 0 The Rassemblement Democratiaue Africain................... 332 Opposition Politics in the Protectorate................... 337 The Dakar-Niger Strike of 1947-48......................... 339 Conclusions.................................................. 350 Chapter VIII: The Rise to Power of Leopold Sedar Senghor 1948-1952 .......................353 'Citizens,' 'Sujects' and the SFIO......................... 355 The Gueye-Senghor Rift and the Foundation of the BPS 3 59 BPS Membership, Doctrine and Tactics.......................3 67 BDS-RDA Relations and the ' Desapparentement'.............. 3 78 The Legislative Elections of June 1951.....................383 Islam as a Political Force..................................391 The Aftermath of the Legislative Elections................ 397 Conclusions.................................................. 399 Conclusions....................................................... 402 Appendixes........................................................ 412 Bibl iography......................................................417 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS There are many I would like to thank for their support during this project. The London University SSRC scholarship enabled me to spend six months in Senegal and nine months in Paris. My supervisor, Dr. Donal B. Cruise O'Brien never failed to inspire, help and encourage me throughout the difficult moments of this undertaking. His patience and guidance far exceeded what I deserved and I can hardly express the gratitude I feel for his,continued support. Professor Martin Klein of the University of Toronto helped me generously in many ways. He introduced me to the faculty of the History Department of the University of Dakar and read my first draft upon which he made valuable comments. My parents, Yanni and Troll, deserve a special mention for their love and encouragement. I would also like to thank Brenda McComb, a very close friend whose hospitality, personal stamina and emotional
Load more

Recommended publications
  • “Dangerous Vagabonds”: Resistance to Slave
    “DANGEROUS VAGABONDS”: RESISTANCE TO SLAVE EMANCIPATION AND THE COLONY OF SENEGAL by Robin Aspasia Hardy A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History MONTANA STATE UNIVERSITY Bozeman, Montana April 2016 ©COPYRIGHT by Robin Aspasia Hardy 2016 All Rights Reserved ii DEDICATION PAGE For my dear parents. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................... 1 Historiography and Methodology .............................................................................. 4 Sources ..................................................................................................................... 18 Chapter Overview .................................................................................................... 20 2. SENEGAL ON THE FRINGE OF EMPIRE.......................................................... 23 Senegal, Early French Presence, and Slavery ......................................................... 24 The Role of Slavery in the French Conquest of Senegal’s Interior ......................... 39 Conclusion ............................................................................................................... 51 3. RACE, RESISTANCE, AND PUISSANCE ........................................................... 54 Sex, Trade and Race in Senegal ............................................................................... 55 Slave Emancipation and the Perpetuation of a Mixed-Race
    [Show full text]
  • An Historical Approach of the Interaction Between Natural Resources and Democracy Building in French Speaking Central Africa States
    Sociology International Journal Review Article Open Access Interests first, democracy later: an historical approach of the interaction between natural resources and democracy building in french speaking central Africa states Abstract Volume 2 Issue 3 - 2018 During the 1990s, many sub-Sahara African states started the process of regime Moluh Yacouba change so as to join what was referred to as the third wave of democratization. Department of political science, University of Yaoundé, Almost three decades after, apart from South Africa, very few if not none of them Cameroon have consolidated democracy. The dominant discourses in explaining sub-Sahara Correspondence: Moluh Yacouba, Department of political African states’ ‘resistance’ to liberal democracy emphasize the inadequacy of their science, University of Yaoundé, Cameroon, Tel 00237-677880033, social structures, their low economic development, and the grab of ‘big men’ in power. Email [email protected] Drawing evidence from history, this article contends that foreign interests can also be an impending factor to democratic development. The study concerns the relationships Received: April 01, 2018 | Published: June 27, 2018 between France and her former colonies in Central Africa. The data used is obtained mainly through documents analysis. Introduction noise can be defined as a noise coming from the people through a kind of revolution because they feel very uncomfortable with a “Africa remains a key territory on the global map. Rich in natural specific ruling order, the later conceptual category refers to troubles resources especially oil, the continent holds a strategic position. It purportedly constructed by multinational firms or super powers in a is the world’s fastest-growing region for foreign direct investment view to gaining, controlling, or maintaining part of natural resources.
    [Show full text]
  • Gaston Monnerville : Escale a Toulouse
    GASTON MONNERVILLE : ESCALE A TOULOUSE (1913 – 1921) Il n’y a qu’un pas de l’Oyapock à la Garonne. Il n’y a qu’un pas de la terre rouge de Guyane aux galets ronds des rues de Toulouse. Il n’y a qu’un pas des cathédrales de verdure à l’Eglise des Jacobins mais c’est un pas de géant… quand on a 15 ans ! Le pas qu’a accompli Gaston MONNERVILLE est comparable à celui d’ARMSTRONG sur la lune : ô, certes pas dans sa dimension technologique ou philosophique de suprématie de l’Homme sur le monde, mais dans sa dimension symbolique. Il s’agit pour lui et ce sera le début d’un long combat, de dépasser des frontières du connu : connaissances culturelles, sociales et tout simplement humaines. Ses origines antillaises, sa prime jeunesse dans le grand département français, malheureusement plus réputé à l’époque pour son bagne que pour sa beauté sauvage et son exubérance végétale, auraient pu constituer très tôt les limites de son existence : il n’en sera rien. Bien au contraire, il n’aura de cesse de démontrer que tout Homme n’est pas prédestiné par sa naissance, son milieu social ou sa culture. Le pas que franchit Gaston MONNERVILLE est de ceux qui brisent les préjugés et ouvrent l’espace infini du développement personnel, donnant ainsi à la dignité ses lettres de noblesse. Ce pas le conduira à TOULOUSE, ville où il reconnaîtra l’écho des valeurs qu’il porte déjà en germe. Elles fleuriront harmonieusement tout au long de son séjour grâce à l’accueil, à la tolérance et à la solidarité des habitants de cette ville qui laissera en lui une empreinte indélébile.
    [Show full text]
  • Practical Information – Dakar
    Practical information – Dakar Dakar Dakar, capital of Senegal and one of the chief seaports on the western African coast. It is located midway between the mouths of the Gambia and Sénégal rivers on the south-eastern side of the Cape Verde Peninsula, close to Africa’s most westerly point. Dakar’s harbour is one of the best in Western Africa, being protected by the limestone cliffs of the cape and by a system of breakwaters. The city’s name comes from dakhar, a Wolof name for the tamarind tree, as well as the name of a coastal Lebu village that was located south of what is now the first pier. King Fahd Conference Centre The meetings will be held at the King Fahd Conference Centre which also houses the King Fahd Hotel. Those of you staying at the King Fahd Hotel can move from the lobby to the Conference Centre without leaving the building. The Yaas Hotel is the closest recommended hotel to the venue and is only 5 minutes away. Attached is a map of the King Fahd Conference Centre for reference. The Airport The main airport in Dakar is the Blaise Diagne International (DSS). Blaise Diagne International Airport is located on the east of the downtown of Dakar near the town of Diass. It is linked to the city via taxis, busses and shuttles. Travel to and from the Airport The Government of Senegal has kindly offered shuttle busses between the airport and the hotels recommended to the Secretariat. Please send Leah Krogsund ([email protected]) your arrival and departure dates and times should you require the use of these services.
    [Show full text]
  • A Word of Welcome from the Conference Organizer
    A word of welcome from the conference organizer Dear conference delegates, Welcome to the Nordic Africa Days 2014 in Uppsala! The Nordic Africa Days (NAD) is the biennial conference which for the past six years has been organized rotatively in each of the Nordic countries. Already since 1969 the Nordic Africa Institute has organised this regular gathering of Nordic scholars studying African issues, and the event has for the past 15 years been formalized under the name of the Nordic Africa Days. The theme of this year’s conference is Misbehaving States and Behaving Citizens? Questions of Governance in African States. We are proud to host two distinguished keynote speakers, Dr Mo Ibrahim and Associate Professor Morten Jerven, addressing the theme from different angles in their speeches entitled “Why Governance Matters” and “Africa by Numbers: Knowledge & Governance”. The conference is funded by long-standing and committed support from the Swedish, Finnish, Norwegian and Icelandic governments. This year, we are also particularly pleased to be able to facilitate participation of about 25 researchers based on the African continent through a generous contribution from Sida (The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency). Providing a platform for Nordic and African researchers to meet and cooperate at NAD is becoming ever more important, in addition to creating a prime meeting place for researchers on Africa within the Nordic region. The main conference venue is Blåsenhus, one of the newest campuses within Uppsala University, situated opposite the Uppsala Castle and surrounded by the Uppsala Botanical Gardens. This particular area of Uppsala has a historical past that goes back 350 years in time and offers many interesting places to visit.
    [Show full text]
  • Montana Kaimin, May 29, 1958 Associated Students of Montana State University
    University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Associated Students of the University of Montana Montana Kaimin, 1898-present (ASUM) 5-29-1958 Montana Kaimin, May 29, 1958 Associated Students of Montana State University Let us know how access to this document benefits ouy . Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/studentnewspaper Recommended Citation Associated Students of Montana State University, "Montana Kaimin, May 29, 1958" (1958). Montana Kaimin, 1898-present. 3456. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/studentnewspaper/3456 This Newspaper is brought to you for free and open access by the Associated Students of the University of Montana (ASUM) at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Montana Kaimin, 1898-present by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. M O N T A N A KAIMIX AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER imp L V n Z400 No. 108 Montana State University, Missoula, Montana Thursday, May 29, 1958 resident Coty Venture to Feature 15 Are Chosen Open House for New Pool Teenage Fiction sks de Gaulle The Spring issue of ‘“Venture” As Sponsors will be distributed in campus Is Scheduled for Tonight buildings next week, H. V. Larom For Next Year There wil be an “open house” lie swimming hours, the pool 0 Take Over of the English department an­ this evening at the University’s should prove a tourist attraction ARIS, (UPI)—President Coty nounced yesterday. Fifteen junior sponsors for next new $250,000 swimming pool. Ev­ for Missoula, especially when in­ ed on Gen.
    [Show full text]
  • Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya
    Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 8 | Issue 2 Article 1 Spring 2010 Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Edwin Odhiambo Abuya, Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections?, 8 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 122 (2010). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol8/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2010 by Northwestern University School of Law Volume 8, Issue 2 (Spring 2010) Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya* Asiyekubali kushindwa si msihindani.1 I. INTRODUCTION ¶1 Can African States hold free and fair elections? To put it another way, is it possible to conduct presidential elections in Africa that meet internationally recognized standards? These questions can be answered in the affirmative. However, in order to safeguard voting rights, specific reforms must be adopted and implemented on the ground. In keeping with international legal standards on democracy,2 the constitutions of many African states recognize the right to vote.3 This right is reflected in the fact that these states hold regular elections. The right to vote is fundamental in any democratic state, but an entitlement does not guarantee that right simply by providing for elections.
    [Show full text]
  • Re-Thinking Pan-Africanism: Dilemmas and Efforts Towards African Integration
    RE-THINKING PAN-AFRICANISM: DILEMMAS AND EFFORTS TOWARDS AFRICAN INTEGRATION ABSTRACT The history of Pan-Africanism is a subject that has attracted considerable interest among scholars and practitioners in African development issues. Pan-Africanism is associated with the quest for political independence by the early African leaders and freedom fighters alike. Soon after his country, Ghana, obtained independence in 1958(the third country to do so after the Second World War),Kwame Nkrumah warned the African continent that without serious commitment to a people-centered development process and mutual reliance, and without political unity at the continental level, neocolonialism would continue to balkanize Africa and poverty will be perpetuated. The focus of this article is not simply to give coherence to a shared ideology of Nkrumah and other frontline African leaders, but also to critique the Pan-Africanist ideology, revealing its myths, falsifications and lacunae, reinforcing its strong points and identifying its new sources of energy and new challenges facing the African continent in dealing with integration and other common issues. Links were made between the notions of nationalism; ethnicity and other related issues that could impact on Africa’s efforts towards achieving its much-needed economic integration. Conclusions were drawn on the premises of the new Pan-Africanist ideology, and its quest for African socio-economic growth and development. This article argued that the African Union/NEPAD strategies, if well applied, would result in the realisation of the Pan-African ideological goals and objectives in the new millennium. INTRODUCTION In its original form Pan-Africanism was naturally borne by non-state actors and deeply influenced by the African Diaspora and by the racism that pushed Africans together.
    [Show full text]
  • An Ambiguous Partnership: Great Britain and the Free French Navy, 1940-19421
    An Ambiguous Partnership: Great Britain and the Free French Navy, 1940-19421 Hugues Canuel On se souvient aujourd’hui des forces de la France libre en raison de faits d’armes tels que leur courageuse résistance à Bir Hakeim en 1942 et la participation du général Leclerc à la libération de Paris en 1944. Par contre, la contribution antérieure de la marine de la France libre est moins bien connue : elle a donné à de Gaulle, dont l’espoir était alors bien mince, les moyens de mobiliser des appuis politiques au sein de l’empire colonial français et d’apporter une contribution militaire précoce à la cause des Alliés. Cette capacité s’est développée à la suite de l’appui modeste mais tout de même essentiel du Royaume-Uni, un allié qui se méfiait de fournir les ressources absolument nécessaires à une flotte qu’il ne contrôlait pas complètement mais dont les actions pourraient aider la Grande- Bretagne qui se trouvait alors presque seule contre les puissances de l’Axe. Friday 27 November 1942 marked the nadir of French sea power in the twentieth century. Forewarned that German troops arrayed around the Mediterranean base of Toulon were intent on seizing the fleet at dawn, Admiral Jean de Laborde – Commander of the Force de Haute Mer, the High Seas Force – and the local Maritime Prefect, Vice Admiral André Marquis, ordered the immediate scuttling of all ships and submarines at their berths. Some 248,800 tons of capital ships, escorts, auxiliaries and submarines was scuttled as the Wehrmacht closed in on the dockyard.2 The French “Vichy navy” virtually ceased to exist that day.
    [Show full text]
  • Musée De La Résistance Bretonne – Saint-Marcel
    VERS UN NOUVEAU MUSÉE DE LA RÉSISTANCE EN BRETAGNE PROJET SCIENTIFIQUE ET CULTUREL Partie II – PROSPECTIVE RAPPELS – MISE EN PERSPECTIVE Situé à une vingtaine de kilomètres de Ploërmel et à 30 minutes de Vannes, Saint-Marcel est l'un des hauts-lieux de la Résistance Française. C'est aux abords de cette petite commune du Morbihan intérieur que s'est constitué, au printemps 1944, un maquis mobilisateur sans équivalent où plusieurs milliers de jeunes résistants bretons ont été armés et entraînés en vue de reprendre la lutte pour la libération de notre territoire. C'est là qu'eut lieu le 18 juin 1944 l’un des tout premiers combats livrés par des combattants Français contre l'occupant allemand après le débarquement allié en Normandie. Victoire des âmes plus encore que des armes, la « bataille de Saint-Marcel », livrée contre l’occupant à la date anniversaire de l’appel lancé quatre ans plus tôt par le général de Gaulle, a valeur de symbole. Elle a été rendue possible par la mobilisation des « enfants du pays » rassemblés au sein d’un centre mobilisateur clandestin sans équivalent. Elle n’aurait pas pu avoir lieu sans le soutien des parachutistes SAS de la France Libre dont les premiers furent largués en Bretagne dans la nuit du 5 au 6 juin 1944. Eléments précurseurs de l’opération Overlord en Normandie, ils étaient chargés d’armer et d’encadrer la Résistance et de harceler l’ennemi afin de le fixer en Bretagne. Leur présence, et le constat qu’ils feront dès leur arrivée d’une Résistance structurée et prête à prendre les armes, va justifier le parachutage par les Alliés d’une quantité exceptionnelle d’armes et de matériels sur Saint-Marcel.
    [Show full text]
  • Crime, Punishment, and Colonization: a History of the Prison of Saint-Louis and the Development of the Penitentiary System in Senegal, Ca
    CRIME, PUNISHMENT, AND COLONIZATION: A HISTORY OF THE PRISON OF SAINT-LOUIS AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE PENITENTIARY SYSTEM IN SENEGAL, CA. 1830-CA. 1940 By Ibra Sene A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY HISTORY 2010 ABSTRACT CRIME, PUNISHMENT, AND COLONIZATION: A HISTORY OF THE PRISON OF SAINT-LOUIS AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE PENITENTIARY SYSTEM IN SENEGAL, CA. 1830-CA. 1940 By Ibra Sene My thesis explores the relationships between the prison of Saint-Louis (Senegal), the development of the penitentiary institution, and colonization in Senegal, between ca. 1830 and ca. 1940 . Beyond the institutional frame, I focus on how the colonial society influenced the implementation of, and the mission assigned to, imprisonment. Conversely, I explore the extent to which the situation in the prison impacted the relationships between the colonizers and the colonized populations. First, I look at the evolution of the Prison of Saint-Louis by focusing on the preoccupations of the colonial authorities and the legislation that helped implement the establishment and organize its operation. I examine the facilities in comparison with the other prisons in the colony. Second, I analyze the internal operation of the prison in relation to the French colonial agenda and policies. Third and lastly, I focus on the ‘prison society’. I look at the contentions, negotiations and accommodations that occurred within the carceral space, between the colonizer and the colonized people. I show that imprisonment played an important role in French colonization in Senegal, and that the prison of Saint-Louis was not just a model for, but also the nodal center of, the development of the penitentiary.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Spontaneity and Senegalese New Social Movements, Y'en a Marre and M23: a Re-Reading of Frantz Fanon 'The Wretched of the Earth"
    POLITICAL SPONTANEITY AND SENEGALESE NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, Y'EN A MARRE AND M23: A RE-READING OF FRANTZ FANON 'THE WRETCHED OF THE EARTH" Babacar Faye A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS December 2012 Committee: Radhika Gajjala, Advisor Dalton Anthony Jones © 2012 Babacar Faye All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Radhika Gajjala, Advisor This project analyzes the social uprisings in Senegal following President Abdoulaye Wade's bid for a third term on power. From a perspectivist reading of Frantz Fanon's The Wretched of the Earth and the revolutionary strategies of the Algerian war of independence, the project engages in re-reading Fanon's text in close relation to Senegalese new social movements, Y'en A Marre and M23. The overall analysis addresses many questions related to Fanonian political thought. The first attempt of the project is to read Frantz Fanon's The Wretched from within The Cultural Studies. Theoretically, Fanon's "new humanism," as this project contends, can be located between transcendence and immanence, and somewhat intersects with the political potentialities of the 'multitude.' Second. I foreground the sociogeny of Senegalese social movements in neoliberal era of which President Wade's regime was but a local phase. Recalling Frantz Fanon's critique of the bourgeoisie and traditional intellectuals in newly postindependent African countries, I draw a historical continuity with the power structures in the postcolonial condition. Therefore, the main argument of this project deals with the critique of African political leaders, their relationship with hegemonic global forces in infringing upon the basic rights of the downtrodden.
    [Show full text]