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Brock on Curran, 'Soldiers of Peace: Civil War Pacifism and the Postwar Radical Peace Movement'
H-Peace Brock on Curran, 'Soldiers of Peace: Civil War Pacifism and the Postwar Radical Peace Movement' Review published on Monday, March 1, 2004 Thomas F. Curran. Soldiers of Peace: Civil War Pacifism and the Postwar Radical Peace Movement. New York: Fordham University Press, 2003. xv + 228 pp. $45.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8232-2210-0. Reviewed by Peter Brock (Professor Emeritus of History, University of Toronto)Published on H- Peace (March, 2004) Dilemmas of a Perfectionist Dilemmas of a Perfectionist Thomas Curran's monograph originated in a Ph.D. dissertation at the University of Notre Dame but it has been much revised since. The book's clearly written and well-constructed narrative revolves around the person of an obscure package woolen commission merchant from Philadelphia named Alfred Henry Love (1830-1913), a radical pacifist activist who was also a Quaker in all but formal membership. Love is the key figure in the book, binding Curran's chapters together into a cohesive whole. And Love's papers, and particularly his unpublished "Journal," which are located at the Swarthmore College Peace Collection, form the author's most important primary source: in fact, he uses no other manuscript collections, although, as the endnotes and bibliography show, he is well read in the published primary and secondary materials, including work on the general background of both the Civil War era and nineteenth-century pacifism. Curran has indeed rescued Love himself from near oblivion; there is little else on him apart from an unpublished Ph.D. dissertation by Robert W. Doherty (University of Pennsylvania, 1962). -
An Ahimsa Crisis: You Decide
AN AHIMSA CRISIS: YOU DECIDE An Ahimsa Crisis: You Decide 1 2Prakrit Bharati academy,An Ahimsa Crisis: Jai YouP Decideur Prakrit Bharati Pushpa - 356 AN AHIMSA CRISIS: YOU DECIDE Sulekh C. Jain An Ahimsa Crisis: You Decide 3 Publisher: * D.R. Mehta Founder & Chief Patron Prakrit Bharati Academy, 13-A, Main Malviya Nagar, Jaipur - 302017 Phone: 0141 - 2524827, 2520230 E-mail : [email protected] * First Edition 2016 * ISBN No. 978-93-81571-62-0 * © Author * Price : 700/- 10 $ * Computerisation: Prakrit Bharati Academy, Jaipur * Printed at: Sankhla Printers Vinayak Shikhar Shivbadi Road, Bikaner 334003 An Ahimsa Crisis: You Decide 4by Sulekh C. Jain An Ahimsa Crisis: You Decide Contents Dedication 11 Publishers Note 12 Preface 14 Acknowledgement 18 About the Author 19 Apologies 22 I am honored 23 Foreword by Glenn D. Paige 24 Foreword by Gary Francione 26 Foreword by Philip Clayton 37 Meanings of Some Hindi & Prakrit Words Used Here 42 Why this book? 45 An overview of ahimsa 54 Jainism: a living tradition 55 The connection between ahimsa and Jainism 58 What differentiates a Jain from a non-Jain? 60 Four stages of karmas 62 History of ahimsa 69 The basis of ahimsa in Jainism 73 The two types of ahimsa 76 The three ways to commit himsa 77 The classifications of himsa 80 The intensity, degrees, and level of inflow of karmas due 82 to himsa The broad landscape of himsa 86 The minimum Jain code of conduct 90 Traits of an ahimsak 90 The net benefits of observing ahimsa 91 Who am I? 91 Jain scriptures on ahimsa 91 Jain prayers and thoughts 93 -
Appeasement – Peace Or War?
Appeasement – Peace or War? NSWHTA Stage 6 History Teachers’ Day 25 March 2017 Dr Michael Molkentin Shellharbour Anglican College & University of New South Wales Canberra www.michaelmolkentin.com/resources [email protected] 1 The People, Events and Geography of Appeasement Prime Foreign Event Minister Secretary Marquess of 14 September 1930 The Nazis secure second largest vote in German Reading August-November 1931 elections 18 September 1931 Japan invades Manchuria 30 January 1933 Hitler is appointed Chancellor of Germany Ramsay 14 October 1933 Germany quits the Conference for the Reduction MacDonald Sir John and Limitation of Armaments and a week later leaves the League of Simon Nations June 1929- Nov. 1931- 16 March 1935 Hitler publically announces he intended to rearm June 1935 June 1935 Germany in contrivance of the Treaty of Versailles April 1935 Italy, Britain and France sign the Stresa Front to oppose the re-emergence of Germany Sir Samuel Hoare June-December 1935 June 1935 Britain and Germany sign the Anglo-German Naval Stanley Agreement Baldwin 3 October 1935 Italy invades Abyssinia June 1935- May 1937 Anthony 7 March 1936 German troops re-occupy the demilitarised Rhineland region Eden Dec. 1935- July 1936 German and Italian forces go to Spain to fight support the February 1938 Nationalists in the Spanish Civil War against a left-wing Republican government. 12 March 1938 Germany annexes Austria (‘the Anschluss’) 30 September 1938 The ‘Munich Agreement’ is signed by Germany, Neville Italy, France and Britain, permitting Germany to annex the Sudeten Chamberlain region of Czechoslovakia The 15 March 1939 Germany occupies the remainder of Czechoslovakia May 1937- Viscount May 1940 Halifax 31 March 1939 Britain and France guarantee that they will protect Feb. -
The International Peace Movement 1815-1914: an Outline
The international peace movement 1815-1914: an outline Script of an online lecture given by Guido Grünewald on 9 June 2020* I will try to give an outline of the emergence and development of an international peace movement during its first 100 years. Since English is not my mother tongue and I haven’t spoken it for a longer time I will follow a written guideline in order to finish the job in the short time I have. The first peace organisations emerged in America and in Britain. This was no coincidence; while on the European continent after the end of the Napoleonic Wars restoration took over there were evolving democracies in the anglo-Saxon countries and a kind of peace tradition as for example carried by the quakers who renounced any kind of war. For those early societies the question if a war could be defensive and therefore justified was from the beginning a thorny issue. The New York Peace Sciety founded by merchant David Low Dodge followed a fundamental pacifism rejecting all kind of wars while the Massachussets Peace Society (its founder was unitarian minister Noah Worcester) gathered both fundamental pacifists and those who accepted strictly defensive wars. With about 50 other groups both organisations merged to become the American Peace Society in 1828. The London Peace Society had an interesting top-tier approach: its leadership had to pursue a fundamental pacifist course while ordinary members were allowed to have different ideas about defensive wars. On the European continent some short-lived peace organisations emerged only later. The formation of those first societies occured under the influence of Quakers (one of the 3 historic peace churches which renounced violence) and of Christians who were convinced that war was murderous and incompatible with Christian values. -
A Preliminary Profile of the Nineteenth-Century US Peace Advocacy Press
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 361 717 CS 214 011 AUTHOR Roberts, Nancy L. TITLE A Preliminary Profile of theNineteenth-Century U.S. Peace Advocacy Press. PUB DATE Oct 93 NOTE 63p.; Paper presented at theAnnual Meeting of the American Journalism Historians Association(Salt Lake City, UT, October 6-9, 1993).Some of the material in the appendixes may not reproduce clearlydue to broken print or toner streaks. PUB TYPE Information Analyses (070) Speeches/Conference Papers (150) -- Historical Materials (060) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC03 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Discourse Analysis; *Freedom of Speech;*Journalism History; Literary History; LiteratureReviews; *Peace; Periodicals; PersuasiveDiscourse; Press Opinion; Profiles; United StatesHistory IDENTIFIERS *Alternative Press; *NineteenthCentury; Rhetorical Strategies ABSTRACT Noting that throughout U.S. historymost viewpoints not expressed in the mainstreampress have found an outlet among alternative publications, thispaper presents a profile of the 19th century peace advocacypress. The paper also notes that most studies of peace history have beenproduced by scholars of diplomatic, military, and political history, who have viewed the field withinthe framework of their respective disciplines. Analyzing the field froma communication perspective, the firstpaper presents a review of the literature on peace history andthe history of the peace advocacy press. The paper then traces the 19thcentury peace advocacy movement and its presses; and after thatpresents an analysis of a sample of peace advocacy periodicals, examiningmethod, purpose and audience, overview of content, view ofreform and journalism,concern with other media, coverage of otherreform efforts, andsome journalistic strategies. The paper concludesthat the moral and ideological exclusion experienced 'bypeace advocates may have significantly shaped their communication. Twoappendixes provide: (1)a taxonomy of 19th century peace advocacy and its publications, and (2)selected examples of 19th centurypeace advocacy publications. -
The Cultural Roots of Isolationism and Internationalism in American Foreign Policy Lane Crothers*
Journal of Transatlantic Studies Vol. 9, No. 1, March 2011, 21Á34 The cultural roots of isolationism and internationalism in American foreign policy Lane Crothers* Department of Politics and Government, Illinois State University, Normal, IL, USA This article examines the question: why have Americans supported both internationalist and isolationist foreign policies at various points in history? It argues that part of the answer to this question can be found in the structure and nature of American political culture. American political culture frames the terms in which the programmes and plans debated by political leaders ‘make sense’ to the ordinary people whose consent is fundamental to the making of a democratic foreign policy. The article offers an account of the central components of American political culture that are shown to frame four core cultural orientations towards foreign affairs: Liberal Internationalism, America-as-Model, Nativism and Triumphalism. Two dimensions, Liberal Internationalism and America-as- Model, are illustrated through a discussion of contemporary arguments in favour of and opposed to the 1848 MexicanÁAmerican War. The article then offers suggestions of how the four categories of American foreign policy orientations can be applied in cases beyond the MexicanÁAmerican conflict. Both isolationism and internationalism are shown to be core components of American political culture. They are, as a consequence, eternal features of American foreign policy. Keywords: isolationism; internationalism; American political culture; MexicanÁ American War Introduction This article examines the question: why have Americans supported both inter- nationalist and isolationist foreign policies at various points in history? Why do they agree to send their troops to war (or not), to allow their money to be used to subsidise foreign nations (or not), or to intervene as foreign peoples face immeasurable suffering (or not)? Part of the answer to this question can be found in the structure and nature of American political culture. -
Generations in World Politics : Cycles in Us
GENERATIONS IN WORLD POLITICS : CYCLES IN U.S. FOREIGN POLICY, THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE “WEST,” AND INTERNATIONAL SYSTEMS CHANGE 1900-2008 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Tim Luecke, A.B. Graduate Program in Political Science The Ohio State University 2013 Dissertation Committee: Alexander Wendt, Advisor Richard Herrmann Randall Schweller © Copyright by Tim Luecke 2013 ABSTRACT In this dissertation, I examine the explanatory value of the concept of “generations” and the role of political generations in foreign policy and international politics. In the wake of the attacks on September 11, 2001, the economic recession of 2008, the “Arab Spring,” and the “Occupy Wall Street” movement, debates over the emergence and possible effects of new generations have increased dramatically. Yet, despite the fact that several scholars in the field of International Relations have either pointed towards the potential importance of generational processes or even used the notion of generations in their own research the concept has not been conceptualized in a systematic manner. The dissertation fills this gap in the literature in two steps. First, I resolve the definitional problems surrounding the concept of generations by arguing that a generation in its most abstract form constitutes a temporal unit of analysis that locates individuals or groups in the process of time. This temporal location is constituted by the nexus of individual life stage (i.e. age) and collective history and it fundamentally shapes the political worldviews of those who occupy it. Based on the concept of generations, I ii develop a theory of political generations, which I define as cohorts in the age of youth that develop a generational consciousness and distinct political worldview in response to a set of formative experiences. -
Losurdo, Domenico. Non-Violence: a History Beyond the Myth Lanham: Lexington Books, 2015
The Philosophical Journal of Conflict and Violence Vol. I, Issue 2/2017 © The Authors, 2017 Available online at http://trivent-publishing.eu/ Losurdo, Domenico. Non-Violence: A History beyond the Myth Lanham: Lexington Books, 2015. vii + 246 pp. Domenico Losurdo, in his book Non-Violence: A History Beyond the Myth, aims to demonstrate the historical contradictions of non-violent action. This book embraces two centuries of the history of non-violence, reconstructing the great historical crises that this movement has faced from its inception. In his analysis, Losurdo does not limit himself to a history of the ideas, but instead investigates theories, political opinions, contradictions, moral dilemmas, and concrete behaviors in the context of central historical crises and transformations. Losurdo affirms that the popularity of non-violence movements is in part based on frustration with wars and revolutions that promised to achieve a state of perpetual peace by implementing their different methods. In other words, violence was used to guarantee the eradication of the scourge of violence once and for all. The First World War was greeted by mass enthusiasm to enlist in “the war to end all wars.” Similarly, the revolution in Russia was expected to overcome the brutality of capitalist exploitation and war. Therefore, we are familiar with the blood and tears that have dirtied projects to change the world through war or revolution, but what do we know of the dilemmas, “betrayals,” disappointments, and veritable tragedies that have befallen the movement inspired by the ideal of non-violence (5)? The author recognises that the first group committed to build a socio-political order characterized by non-violence was the Christian abolitionists in the United States in the nineteenth century. -
Beyond Marginalization of Pacifism and Nonviolence by Ingvar Rönnbäck
1 Beyond Marginalization of Pacifism and Nonviolence By Ingvar Rönnbäck Abstract In the call for papers for this conference - Rethinking Pacifism for Revolution, Security and Politics – the entry point is an acknowledgment of the fact that pacifism has occupied a marginal place in international relations scholarship, politics, activism, media, and the wider society. This is well-known for all of those who have tried to counter this marginalization through different means. Nevertheless, it is necessary to think on and investigate why such marginalization has taken place, and how this marginalization can be replaced with a support for nonviolent cultures and civilizations. This paper is divided in three chapters. First, a personal chapter on why and how nonviolence and Another Development Approach became a part of my life, and why I think this approach is intertwined with nonviolence. Second, a chapter on structural and cultural causes to the marginalization of pacifism and nonviolence. In that chapter I also discuss democracy in relation to violence and nonviolence as well as challenges for pacifism and nonviolence. Third, and finally, a chapter on how pacifism and nonviolence can be moved from a marginalized place in various discourses to a place where more people, organizations and states consider pacifism and nonviolence to be foundational for a fair and sustainable international order. The paper concludes that there is a global normalization of violence due to structural and cultural reasons, and that this normalization need to be challenged by pacifism and nonviolence if peace and sustainable development will be a reality. Besides of nonviolent action, research and collaboration, the paper also discusses opportunities in the field of education and communication. -
Apathy and Foreign Policy: What We Can Learn from the Vietnam War
Messiah University Mosaic Honors Projects and Presentations: Undergraduate Fall 12-2018 Apathy and Foreign Policy: What We Can Learn from the Vietnam War Pascal Spronk Follow this and additional works at: https://mosaic.messiah.edu/honors Part of the Asian Studies Commons, Defense and Security Studies Commons, and the International Relations Commons Permanent URL: https://mosaic.messiah.edu/honors/35 Recommended Citation Spronk, Pascal, "Apathy and Foreign Policy: What We Can Learn from the Vietnam War" (2018). Honors Projects and Presentations: Undergraduate. 35. https://mosaic.messiah.edu/honors/35 Sharpening Intellect | Deepening Christian Faith | Inspiring Action Messiah University is a Christian university of the liberal and applied arts and sciences. Our mission is to educate men and women toward maturity of intellect, character and Christian faith in preparation for lives of service, leadership and reconciliation in church and society. www.Messiah.edu One University Ave. | Mechanicsburg PA 17055 Apathy and Foreign Policy What We Can Learn from the Vietnam War Pascal Spronk Senior Honors Thesis Dr. Harles December 19, 2018 2 Chapter 1: Public Opinion Americans as Indifferent to Foreign Affairs “To speak with precision of public opinion is a task not unlike coming to grips with the Holy Ghost,” said V. O. Key, Junior.1 Nebulous and variable, public opinion invites description by cliché. Social scientists can’t help but dwell on it, discussing its characteristics and effects. To politicians, especially, public opinion is of particular interest, given the high profile of its relationship to government. Although the nature and sense of this relationship have been questioned, it has always remained a subject of discussion, particularly with the spread of democracy. -
The Holy See
The Holy See MESSAGE OF HIS HOLINESS POPE JOHN PAUL II FOR THE CELEBRATION OF THE WORLD DAY OF PEACE 1 JANUARY 2003 PACEM IN TERRIS: A PERMANENT COMMITMENT 1. Almost forty years ago, on Holy Thursday, 11 April 1963, Pope John XXIII published his epic Encyclical Letter Pacem in Terris. Addressing himself to “all men of good will”, my venerable predecessor, who would die just two months later, summed up his message of “peace on earth” in the first sentence of the Encyclical: “Peace on earth, which all men of every era have most eagerly yearned for, can be firmly established and sustained only if the order laid down by God be dutifully observed” (Introduction: AAS, 55 [1963], 257). Speaking peace to a divided world 2. The world to which John XXIII wrote was then in a profound state of disorder. The twentieth century had begun with great expectations for progress. Yet within sixty years, that same century had produced two World Wars, devastating totalitarian systems, untold human suffering, and the greatest persecution of the Church in history. Only two years before Pacem in Terris, in 1961, the Berlin Wall had been erected in order to divide 2 and set against each other not only two parts of that City but two ways of understanding and building the earthly city. On one side and the other of the Wall, life was to follow different patterns, dictated by antithetical rules, in a climate of mutual suspicion and mistrust. Both as a world-view and in real life, that Wall traversed the whole of humanity and penetrated people's hearts and minds, creating divisions that seemed destined to last indefinitely. -
A History of Peace Education in the United States of America
1 A History of Peace Education in the United States of America Aline M. Stomfay-Stitz, Ed.D. University of North Florida INTRODUCTION Peace education has been studied at various times by scholars, activists, and reformers in the United States as a way to bring about greater harmony among groups of people, primarily through schools and classrooms. However, the history of peace education in America is largely hidden, and the legitimacy of the field has always been questioned in terms of its goals for research and advocacy. While there have been many definitions of peace education, the field is generally considered multi-disciplinary and includes a focus on peace studies, social justice, economic well-being (meeting basic needs), political participation (citizenship), nonviolence, conflict resolution, disarmament, human rights and concern for the environment (Stomfay-Stitz, 1993). Peace educators at various times have engaged with additional areas of inquiry including feminism, global education, and cultural diversity. One important rationale for American peace education has existed for decades, namely the escalation of the nuclear arms race during the second half of the twentieth century. Through research and advocacy, peace education in the United States has depended on hope rather than despair. Americans involved in peace education have long advocated for the recognition of the worth of others who may be different, who may speak other languages, and yet share the fate of this fragile planet, Earth. Through the research and advocacy of groups such as the U.S. Institute of Peace, numerous academic departments in peace studies and peace education including the International Institute for Peace Education at Teachers College, Columbia University, private organizations, and community-based Peace Centers, all have come together to create a cohort of believers, working with a collective motivation of attaining peace in the world.