The United States and the Persian Gulf
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Exclusion and Citizenship in the Arab Gulf States
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons CUREJ - College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal College of Arts and Sciences 5-15-2017 Crystallizing a Discourse of "Khalijiness": Exclusion and Citizenship in the Arab Gulf States Khaled A. Abdulkarim University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/curej Part of the Near Eastern Languages and Societies Commons Recommended Citation Abdulkarim, Khaled A., "Crystallizing a Discourse of "Khalijiness": Exclusion and Citizenship in the Arab Gulf States" 15 May 2017. CUREJ: College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal, University of Pennsylvania, https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/211. A senior thesis submitted to the Huntsman Program in Business and International Studies, the University of Pennsylvania, in partial fulfillment of the program degree requirements. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/211 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Crystallizing a Discourse of "Khalijiness": Exclusion and Citizenship in the Arab Gulf States Abstract For many of the Arab Gulf countries, non-national populations constitute the majority of the population, with the discrepancy between the size of the national and non-national populations continuing to grow. It is in this context that the role played by these non-national populations becomes critically important. In my paper, I argue that exclusion of non-national populations from state-sponsored national identities, as manifest through citizenship rights, plays a pivotal role in fostering imagined national identities and communities among the local Arab Gulf citizens. The study considers two cases in particular: the bidoon (stateless) of Kuwait and middle-class Indian migrants in Dubai. -
Jeannie Leavitt, MWAOHI Interview Transcript
MILITARY WOMEN AVIATORS ORAL HISTORY INITIATIVE Interview No. 14 Transcript Interviewee: Major General Jeannie Leavitt, United States Air Force Date: September 19, 2019 By: Lieutenant Colonel Monica Smith, USAF, Retired Place: National Air and Space Museum South Conference Room 901 D Street SW, Suite 700 Washington, D.C. 20024 SMITH: I’m Monica Smith at the National Air and Space Museum in Washington, D.C. Today is September 19, 2019, and I have the pleasure of speaking with Major General Jeannie Leavitt, United States Air Force. This interview is being taped as part of the Military Women Aviators Oral History Initiative. It will be archived at the Smithsonian Institution. Welcome, General Leavitt. LEAVITT: Thank you. SMITH: So let’s start by me congratulating you on your recent second star. LEAVITT: Thank you very much. SMITH: You’re welcome. You’re welcome. So you just pinned that [star] on this month. Is that right? LEAVITT: That’s correct, effective 2 September. SMITH: Great. Great. So that’s fantastic, and we’ll get to your promotions and your career later. I just have some boilerplate questions. First, let’s just start with your full name and your occupation. LEAVITT: Okay. Jeannie Marie Leavitt, and I am the Commander of Air Force Recruiting Service. SMITH: Fantastic. So when did you first enter the Air Force? LEAVITT: I was commissioned December 1990, and came on active duty January 1992. SMITH: Okay. And approximately how many total flight hours do you have? LEAVITT: Counting trainers, a little over 3,000. SMITH: And let’s list, for the record, all of the aircraft that you have piloted. -
Allied Protection of Ships in the Persian Gulf in 1987 and 1988
BURDEN SHARING Allied Protection of Ships in the Persian Gulf in 1987 and 1988 142164 United States General Accounting Office GAO Washington, D.C. 20648 National Security and International Affairs Division B-240294 September 6,199O The Honorable Pat Schroeder Chairwoman, Subcommittee on Military Installations and Facilities Committee on Armed Services House of Representatives The Honorable Andy Ireland House of Representatives This report is the unclassified version of our classified report. It summa- rizes and updates the information provided to your staffs during our April 5, 1990, briefing on the major activities of the allies and Persian Gulf states to sustain open navigation in the Persian Gulf between March 1987 and August 1988. Specifically, our objectives were to (1) identify the countries involved in sustaining open navigation and the role each played, (2) analyze the value of the contributions provided by those countries, and (3) assess the potential economic impact of the dis- ruption of Gulf oil imports on Gulf states and industrialized countries. In late 1986, Iran began attacking ships in the Persian Gulf, In the spring of 1987, the President announced that the United States would reflag and escort Kuwaiti ships. In May 1987, he extended U.S. protec- tion to neutral ships on a case-by-case basis, under an operation called Earnest Will. The United States also called upon its allies to protect shipping in the Gulf. Section 1 of this report provides a historic perspec- tive of non-Gulf countries’ presence in the region. Belgium, France, Italy, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, and the Results in Brief United States escorted and monitored their flagged ships and helped keep the Persian Gulf shipping lanes clear of mines. -
Equinor Makes It Work Globally with Synergi
SAFER, SMARTER, GREENER © xxx Equinor © Statoil - Hald Pettersen © Statoil DIGITAL SOLUTIONS – SYNERGI™ LIFE EQUINOR MAKES IT WORK GLOBALLY WITH SYNERGI Customer story – Equinor Operating in some 40 countries, Norwegian oil company Equinor has ambitious goals for further worldwide growth. Synergi Life is the group’s risk management system wherever it goes, regardless of geography and language. Equinor has always had an international orientation, but the department for analysis, monitoring and support in the group’s character of its operations has been changing. Much respected International Exploration & Production business area, and Synergi for its deepwater drilling expertise, the group has primarily been Life is part of his everyday life. a partner to other operators when it is outside the Norwegian continental shelf (NCS). “We have no exceptions in Equinor – everyone uses Synergi Life in every country,” Mr Martinsen explains. “If they don’t have PCs, Over the last few years, however, it has been acquiring operator- we must accept that they need to use paper forms. And if they ships in various countries, including the US Gulf of Mexico, Brazil can’t read and write, we’ll have to solve that as well.” and Canada. The overall quality, health, safety and environmental (QHSE) strategy thereby becomes Equinor’s responsibility and “That’s because a key criterion for success in the HSE area is a allows it to explore some new challenges. country manager who’s dedicated to HSE work and who realizes the importance of good quality reports,” he says. “One particular “We’ve been a big Synergi Life user since the beginning, and enthusiast in Iran has now been nominated for our internal HSE we get a lot of good output,” says Arne M. -
Nuclear Deterrence Model
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by OTHES DISSERTATION Titel der Dissertation „Iran’s Nuclear Program: Comparative Study of Deterrence Stability Models in South Asia and the Middle East“ Verfasser Muhammad Tehsin angestrebter akademischer Grad Doktor der Philosophie (Dr.phil.) Wien, am Februar 2009 Studienkennzahl It. Studienblatt: A 092 300 Dissertationsgebiet It. Studienblatt: Geschichte Politikwissenschaft Betreuer: Univ.-Prof. Hans-Georg Heinrich ABSTRACT The advent of nuclear weapons since the end of World War II altered threat perceptions and the Weltanschauung of policy makers and laymen alike. And, while the nuclear ‘taboo’ has matured over time, states have continued to pursue nuclear capability for its ‘equalizing capability.’ The scholars of international relations offer three general motivations behind national pursuit of nuclear capability. First, national power, second, scientific advancement and technological prowess, and the third reason put forward for nuclearization is national prestige. Given reports of an Iranian nuclear program, it is important to assess policy prescriptions to help prevent nuclear proliferation in Iran and the Middle East. In order to conceptualize the evolving strategic environment in Middle East, this study focuses on its` comparison with South Asia. It has been posited that stability of détente – i.e. conflict normalization (CBMs, resolution of political differences and economic linkages) and non-aggressive nuclear policies and doctrines – is empirical evidence of the stability of a nuclear deterrence model. An unstable deterrence model is characterized by hegemony; spiraling arms races; alliances, and bandwagoning/balancing: efforts that could lead to a general war involving nuclear weapons. -
U.S. Military Engagement in the Broader Middle East
U.S. MILITARY ENGAGEMENT IN THE BROADER MIDDLE EAST JAMES F. JEFFREY MICHAEL EISENSTADT U.S. MILITARY ENGAGEMENT IN THE BROADER MIDDLE EAST JAMES F. JEFFREY MICHAEL EISENSTADT THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY WWW.WASHINGTONINSTITUTE.ORG The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. Policy Focus 143, April 2016 All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publica- tion may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing fromthe publisher. ©2016 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1111 19th Street NW, Suite 500 Washington, DC 20036 Design: 1000colors Photo: An F-16 from the Egyptian Air Force prepares to make contact with a KC-135 from the 336th ARS during in-flight refueling training. (USAF photo by Staff Sgt. Amy Abbott) Contents Acknowledgments V I. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF U.S. MILITARY OPERATIONS 1 James F. Jeffrey 1. Introduction to Part I 3 2. Basic Principles 5 3. U.S. Strategy in the Middle East 8 4. U.S. Military Engagement 19 5. Conclusion 37 Notes, Part I 39 II. RETHINKING U.S. MILITARY STRATEGY 47 Michael Eisenstadt 6. Introduction to Part II 49 7. American Sisyphus: Impact of the Middle Eastern Operational Environment 52 8. Disjointed Strategy: Aligning Ways, Means, and Ends 58 9. -
World Oil Prices: Market Expectations, the House of Saud, and the Transient Effect of Supply Disruptions
World Oil Prices: Market Expectations, the House of Saud, and the Transient Effect of Supply Disruptions By Benjamin Zycher June 2016 KEY POINTS • The common argument that the sharp decline in oil prices during 2014–15 inevitably will lead to another steep increase is largely unsupported by the data on current and futures prices. • The House of Saud may perceive an increased need to buy internal political support, and even a rising threat of overthrow from opponents internal or external, which would increase incentives for lower prices and increased output in the near term. • The recent moderate upturn in prices is consistent with the data showing increases in supply disruptions, but both economic analysis and the historical evidence suggest that the price effects of important supply disrup- tions tend to dissipate quickly. everal observers have argued that the recent sharp of spot prices and rates of return to arbitrage activities Sdecline in oil prices is unlikely to last, largely does not support that conclusion. because pricing strategy by Saudi Arabia can be Observed Saudi production and pricing strategy is described as “dynamic profit maximization” designed consistent with a different hypothesis: the House of to drive overseas competitors out of business in the Saud’s increased fears of internal and external threats short run, and to erode investment in new competitive to its rule, and an increased possibility of some sort of production capacity over the longer term. Punishment overthrow. In addition, the more recent partial recov- of overseas competitors unquestionably is a component ery of international oil prices is consistent with an of Saudi strategy, but the ensuing conclusion that sharp observed increase in global supply disruptions, so that price increases are to be expected does not follow. -
US Military Policy in the Middle East an Appraisal US Military Policy in the Middle East: an Appraisal
Research Paper Micah Zenko US and Americas Programme | October 2018 US Military Policy in the Middle East An Appraisal US Military Policy in the Middle East: An Appraisal Contents Summary 2 1 Introduction 3 2 Domestic Academic and Political Debates 7 3 Enduring and Current Presence 11 4 Security Cooperation: Training, Advice and Weapons Sales 21 5 Military Policy Objectives in the Middle East 27 Conclusion 31 About the Author 33 Acknowledgments 34 1 | Chatham House US Military Policy in the Middle East: An Appraisal Summary • Despite significant financial expenditure and thousands of lives lost, the American military presence in the Middle East retains bipartisan US support and incurs remarkably little oversight or public debate. Key US activities in the region consist of weapons sales to allied governments, military-to-military training programmes, counterterrorism operations and long-term troop deployments. • The US military presence in the Middle East is the culmination of a common bargain with Middle Eastern governments: security cooperation and military assistance in exchange for US access to military bases in the region. As a result, the US has substantial influence in the Middle East and can project military power quickly. However, working with partners whose interests sometimes conflict with one another has occasionally harmed long-term US objectives. • Since 1980, when President Carter remarked that outside intervention in the interests of the US in the Middle East would be ‘repelled by any means necessary’, the US has maintained a permanent and significant military presence in the region. • Two main schools of thought – ‘offshore balancing’ and ‘forward engagement’ – characterize the debate over the US presence in the Middle East. -
Past U.S.-Iran Confrontations Hold Lessons for Current Crisis | The
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3145 Past U.S.-Iran Confrontations Hold Lessons for Current Crisis by Michael Eisenstadt Jun 27, 2019 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Michael Eisenstadt Michael Eisenstadt is the Kahn Fellow and director of The Washington Institute's Military and Security Studies Program. Brief Analysis Despite its measured approach thus far, Tehran may come to view the latest showdown as an existential conflict with an irresolute adversary, warranting greater risk-taking on its part. s Iran’s military ripostes to America’s “maximum pressure” campaign threaten to spark a broader conflict, A U.S. decisionmakers should bear in mind the lessons of prior military confrontations. On several occasions over the past three decades, Washington has grappled with similar challenges of escalation, coercion, and deterrence, including the naval convoy operations during the Iran-Iraq War, the lethal assistance that Tehran provided to Shia militant groups “resisting” the U.S. occupation of Iraq, and the competing pressure campaigns that preceded the 2015 nuclear deal. GULF CONVOY OPERATIONS (1987-1988) I n response to Iranian small-boat attacks on neutral shipping during the latter phases of the Iran-Iraq War, the United States initiated Operation Earnest Will in July 1987 to escort reflagged Kuwaiti oil tankers in the Persian Gulf. With the start of operations, the Reagan administration warned Iran against attacking the convoys with Silkworm missiles as they transited the Strait of Hormuz. The administration assumed that the presence of the USS Kitty Hawk carrier group would deter Iranian countermoves. Yet while the launch of convoy operations spurred the Iranians to dramatically reduce their small-boat attacks, they were quick to challenge the United States indirectly; during the very first convoy, the tanker Bridgeton struck a covertly sown mine. -
Ship Covers Relating to the Iran/Iraq Tanker War
THE IRAN/IRAQ TANKER WAR AND RENAMED TANKERS ~ Lawrence Brennan, (US Navy Ret.) SHIP COVERS RELATING TO THE IRAN/IRAQ TANKER WAR & REFLAGGED KUWAITI TANKERS, 1987-881 “The Kuwaiti fleet reads like a road map of southern New Jersey” By Captain Lawrence B. Brennan, U.S. Navy Retired2 Thirty years ago there was a New Jersey connection to the long-lasting Iran-Iraq War. That eight years of conflict was one of the longest international two-state wars of the 20th century, beginning in September 1980 and effectively concluding in a truce in August 1988. The primary and bloody land war between Iran and Iraq began during the Iranian Hostage Crisis. The Shah had left Iran and that year the USSR invaded Afghanistan. The conflict expanded to sea and involved many neutral nations whose shipping came under attack by the combatants. The parties’ intent was to damage their opponents’ oil exports and revenues and decrease world supplies. Some suggested that Iran and Iraq wanted to draw other states into the conflict. An Iranian source explained the origin of the conflict at sea. The tanker war seemed likely to precipitate a major international incident for two reasons. First, some 70 percent of Japanese, 50 percent of West European, and 7 percent of American oil imports came from the Persian Gulf in the early 1980s. Second, the assault on tankers involved neutral shipping as well as ships of the belligerent states.3 The relatively obscure first phase began in 1981, and the well-publicized second phase began in 1984. New Jersey, half a world away from the Persian (Arabian) gulf, became involved when the United States agreed to escort Kuwait tankers in an effort to support a friendly nation and keep the international waters open. -
Desert Chill
The US–Saudi marriage of convenience probably won’t end in divorce, but there is plenty of tension in the house. Desert Chill By Peter Grier AST August, Prince Bandar bin be held at all underscores the ten- Sultan—fighter pilot, Johns sions that have arisen lately in one of Hopkins University gradu- the most important of America’s for- Late, and longtime Saudi en- eign relationships. The aggravating voy in Washington—paid a personal factors range from the personal— call on George W. Bush at the Presi- disputes over international child cus- dent’s Crawford, Tex., ranch. The tody—to the global—how to live with American leader escorted Bandar and Israel and what to do about Iraq’s his wife around the 1,600-acre spread. Saddam Hussein. Later, Bush hosted the couple and Bush Administration officials, for six of their eight children at a lunch- their part, have been frustrated at time barbecue. what they view as a reluctance by It was a gesture of friendship of- Saudi Arabia’s aging leadership to fered to few heads of state, let alone recognize the degree to which its diplomats. And it had a purpose. The kingdom has become a breeding President’s hospitality was meant to ground for terrorism and intoler- signal his desire to remain on good ance. Fifteen of the 19 hijackers of terms with the Kingdom of Saudi Sept. 11 were Saudi citizens. Saudi Arabia, a key supplier of the West’s clerics remain the source of some of crude oil and a highly influential the most virulent anti–Semitic and player in Gulf and Arab politics. -
American Policy and Changing Alignments in the Middle East
American Policy and Changing Alignments in the Middle East Adam Lammon American Policy and Changing Alignments in the Middle East Geoffrey Kemp, John Allen Gay, Adam Lammon Center for the National Interest The Center for the National Interest is a nonpartisan public policy institution established by former President Richard Nixon in 1994. Its current programs focus on American defense and national security, energy and climate security, regional security in the Middle East, and U.S. relations with China, Japan, Europe, and Russia. The Center also publishes the bimonthly foreign affairs magazine The National Interest. The Center is supported by foundation, corporate and individual donors, as well as by an endowment. Copyright 2018. Center for the National Interest. All Rights Reserved. American Policy and Changing Alignments in the Middle East By Geoffrey Kemp, John Allen Gay, Adam Lammon Center for the National Interest 1025 Connecticut Ave, NW, Suite 1200 Washington, D.C. 20036 Phone: (202) 887-1000 E-mail: [email protected] www.cftni.org Cover design by Gabriella Turrisi Photographs from Reuters: From top (front to back): Yannis Behrakis, Reuters, Erik de Castro, Azad Lashkari Acknowledgments This study was supported by a grant from the Smith Richardson Foundation and with encouragement from the Center for the National Interest’s Executive Director, Paul J. Saunders. The Center for the National Interest would like to thank Henri Barkey, Fiona Hill, Dennis Ross, James Dobbins, Steven Szabo, and Charles W. Freeman for their participation in a series of seminars that were invaluable in structuring the research and argumentation, as well as the Center’s former Program Assistant, Luke Hagberg, and interns Bradley L.