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Violence in the History of American and Japanese Nativism

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Violence in the History of American and Japanese Nativism 2014 their twentieth-century successors, the Ku Klux Klan. Withtheexception ofsome their twentieth-century successors, theKuKluxKlan. notjustbytheKnow-Nothingsand theirilk, butalsoby hallmark ofAmerican nativism, New York somethingtowhichthe widespread successandacclaimof literature andfilm, immigrants reachedsuchlegendaryproportions soastobecelebratedinpopular whosehostilitytowardCatholic antebellum Americannativism, theKnow-Nothings, thoroughly scholarlycharacterofKokugakucontrastssharplywiththemainface solution thatemergedchieflythroughtheirdenigrationofforeigninfluences. The a need toglorifyJapan’snoblepastasthesolutionsocialproblemsofday, whosefollowersassertedthe Tokugawa intellectualinstitutionknownasKokugaku, asthehistoriographicalclassificationof commonly used, withsomeexceptions, nativismis mostlyethnicGermansandtheIrish. InJapanesehistory, immigrants, originally referredtothehostilityofAmericanProtestantsarrivalCatholic Itwasatermthat Nativism occupiesanotoriousplaceinAmericanhistory. 20–21, Hostile Natives: Violence intheHistoryofAmericanandJapaneseNativism Hostile Natives: permission March attests. Indeed, asthefilmmorethanadequately portrays, violencewasa attests. Indeed, noa, ā author's M at the Future and Hawai‘i without of University ofHawaiiatManoa quote Present, Department ofHistory not Mark McNally Mark do Past, University the and "1 at ! ! ! ! ! paper Religions: this Studies of Japanese source and Buddhist in the Nonviolence, Conference acknowledge Gangs of Gangs of Violence, Please Numata overzealous followers involved in the shinbutsu bunri 神仏分離 movement of the Meiji period, violence is not something that scholars associate with Kokugaku 国学. This conceptual gap, revolving around the issue of violence, indicates that the association between nativism and Kokugaku in Japanese studies is flawed. At the same time, one of the distinguishing features of Bakumatsu history was the movement known as sonnō-jō’i 2014 尊王攘夷, in which extreme violence, usually at the hands of the shishi 志士, was 20–21, directed at Western arrivals in Japan, and for which nativism seems a more appropriate permission March classification. By focusing on the issue of physical violence, we can begin the process of noa, ā diverting the attention of those interested in nativism away from Kokugaku and toward author's M at the sonnō-jō’i. Future and A Philadelphia newspaper editor first used the word nativism in 1844 to signify Hawai‘i without of the phenomenon of American opposition to immigration. Shortly thereafter, opponents quote Present, not of immigration were referred to as nativists, and many of them organized a secret do Past, University society, which both they and their outside observers called the Know-Nothings. The the and at Know-Nothings were dedicated to the cessation of immigration into the United States paper Religions: this Studies and the prevention of immigrants already in the country from becoming American of Japanese citizens. Since opposition to immigration was clearly at odds with the universalistic and source and Buddhist tolerant rhetoric associated with the founding of the United States, it was nearly a in the century before historians had enough temporal distance to study nativism in any Nonviolence, scholarly way, and the result was Ray Billington’s The Protestant Crusade, 1800-1860: Conference acknowledge A Study of the Origins of American Nativism of 1938. Billington argued that nativism Violence, Please Numata was not so much anti-immigrant in character as anti-Catholic, since the nativists were "2 largely unconcerned with immigrants from Great Britain and Anglophone Canada.1 Indeed, for Billington, nativism was synonymous with anti-Catholicism, of which opposition to immigration was but one of its political by-products. Five years after the appearance of Billington’s monograph, Ralph Linton published a seminal article on nativism, “Nativistic Movements,” in the journal, 2014 American Anthropologist. In this article, Linton greatly expanded on the concept of nativism by removing it from American history and applying it to any encounter 20–21, between European colonizers and indigenous peoples anywhere in the world, including, permission March interestingly enough, sixteenth-century Japan. Linton acknowledged that hostility was noa, ā author's M one possible outcome of any such intercultural encounter, but it was neither the only at the Future one, nor even the most interesting. For Linton, the adoption of European culture, chiefly and Hawai‘i without European technology, by the indigenous peoples, or “natives,” was the chief of quote characteristic of a kind of nativism that emerged from situations in which “no factors of Present, not actual dominance [were] involved…[so that] the inferior group borrows eagerly from the do Past, University the and superior one [.]”2 Consequently, this interpretation was both more expansive than at paper Religions: Billington’s and also at odds with it. Linton believed that a good place to begin this Studies examining Japanese nativism was the era of the middle and late 1500s, when the of Japanese Japanese adopted European firearms. source and Buddhist in the John Higham penned perhaps the most influential monograph on American nativism in 1955, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860-1925, a Nonviolence, Conference work he revised in 1988. Not surprisingly, Higham synthesized the insights of both acknowledge "1 Violence, Please Numata Ray Billington, The Protestant Crusade, 1800-1860: A Study of the Origins of American Nativism (New York: Rinehart, 1938), p. 33. "2 Ralph Linton, “Nativistic Movements,” American Anthropologist, vol. 45, no. 2 (1943), p. 235. "3 Billington and Linton on the phenomenon of nativism, arguing that it was neither reducible to anti-Catholicism nor strictly the result of a colonial context: Nativism was the extremely hostile reaction of the so-called natives to “an internal minority group on the ground of its foreign (i.e., ‘un-American’) connections.”3 It is with Higham that we see an emphasis on violence, both symbolic and physical, as a defining trait of nativism: 2014 “Does nativism consist only of the particular complex of attitudes dominant in the anti- foreign crusade of the mid-nineteenth century? Or does it extend to every occasion when 20–21, native inhabitants of a country turn their faces or raise their hands against strangers in permission March their midst?”4 For Higham, nativism was the domestic counterpart to jingoism, which noa, ā author's M he saw as the extension of American hostility to nations abroad; in other words, at the Future nativism signified a war against foreigners at home while jingoism signified an actual and Hawai‘i without war abroad.5 of quote When looking at these three interpretations of nativism, as well as certain Present, not variants stemming mostly from Linton’s work, it is clear that Tokugawa-era Kokugaku do Past, University the and falls short of expectations as nativism. Although its followers were opposed to all non- at paper Religions: Japanese faiths and beliefs, Christianity among them, it was not primarily anti-Christian this Studies or anti-Western during its formative period in the eighteenth century. While it would be of Japanese hard to imagine that adherents of Kokugaku ideas would have embraced the idea of source and Buddhist in the immigrant arrivals in Japan, the fact is that immigration was a non-issue until the conclusion of the Convention of Kanagawa 日米和親条約 with the Americans in 1854. By Nonviolence, Conference acknowledge "3 John Higham Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860-1925 (New Brunswick and London: Rutgers University Press, 1988), pp. 4-5. Violence, Please Numata "4 Higham 1988, p. 3. "5 Higham 1988, pp. 75-77. "4 2014 "6 thepoliticalandevengeopoliticalcontexts ofTokugawaJapan, especiallythe Indeed, promise forJapanesestudies, afactthatsome Japanologistshaverecentlyrecognized. Linton’s workholdsmore make itinclusiveofphenomenaoutsideAmerican history, indulge inthisAmericanpastime. in TokugawaJapan, asdelightedthefollowers ofKokugakumighthavebeento TherewerenopapaleffigiestobeburnedonPopeDay conceptual gapbetweenthetwo. about thehistoryofKokugakuduringTokugawaperiodrevealsaratherwide with theirfellowJapanese. A comparisonbetweenBillington’sunderstandingofnativismandwhatweknow theproblemfromtheirperspectivelaynotwithforeignersinJapanbut it. Inanycase, likeConfucianismandBuddhism, ortheywereunconcernedabout influences inJapan, were eitherunawareoftheirownignoranceregardingtheprevalenceforeigncultural inspired theirscholarlyvitriolthemostwasfactthatJapanesecontemporaries what thattheRussianshaddesignsonaconquestofJapan. Instead, nineteenth century, likemanyintheearlydecadesof in theirday, eventhoughAtsutanefeared, sincetherewasnosuchcondition opposed totheconditionoflivingamongforeigners, buttheywerenot opposition tothedominanceofforeignideasinJapantheirday, Motoori Norinaga suchasKamonoMabuchi canonical scholarsofKokugaku, Atsutane, alongwiththeother (1776-1843), hadbeendeadformorethanadecade. thelastofcanonicalfiguresKokugaku, HirataAtsutane then, 20–21, Billington 1938,pp.18-19. permission March noa, ā author's M at the 本居宣長 Future and Hawai‘i without (1730-1801), spentmuchoftheirtimevoicing of quote Present, 6 Bygreatlybroadeningtheconceptofnativism to not do Past, University the and "5 at paper Religions: this Studies of Japanese 賀茂真淵 source and Buddhist in the 平田篤胤 (1697-1769)and Nonviolence, Conference acknowledge Violence, Please Numata
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