In the Recently Available Festschrift Van Lerberghe (2012), R.H

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

In the Recently Available Festschrift Van Lerberghe (2012), R.H AN EARLY OLD BABYLONIAN ARCHIVE FROM THE KINGDOM OF MALGIUM? RIENTS DE BOER In the recently available Festschrift Van Lerberghe (2012), R.H. Mayr published an extremely interesting group of clay tags in his article “Seal Impressions on Administrative Tags from the Reign of Su-Amurru”. The tags register the loss or disposal of sheep and goats. However, their main interest lies in the seal impressions and year names they contain. They introduce us to one known and two hitherto unknown early Old Babylo- nian kings: Su-Kakka (misread as il3-su-ni-ga, Mayr 2012 p. 415 seal J), his son Nabi-Enlil and Nabi-Enlil’s son Su-Amurru: three generations of kings. In this contribution I propose that these kings were in fact early Old Babylonian kings of Malgium. A YEAR NAME CONTAINING DAMKINA Nine tags are published by Mayr. They give us six year names. For one of them I propose a reading different from the one suggested by the editor. This year name is found on tag 7 (Mayr 2012 p. 421), Mayr’s reading is: mu.ús.sa iri-ddamki na-~ [x-x]? ~[mu] ús.sa.bi. Basing myself on the provided copy I read: mu.ús.sa uru ddam.ki.na, x x, [x?] x x “The year after (the year in which) (he fashioned?) the mural crown of Damkina…”. Even though I am not able to read the complete year name, the reference to the goddess Damkina provides us with an impor- tant clue to the provenance of these tags. The same year name could perhaps also be read on tag nr. 9: [it]i ezen? […], [mu.ú]s.[sa] [uru?], d[dam.k]i.na x, x x. Journal Asiatique 301.1 (2013): 19-25 doi: 10.2143/JA.301.1.2994458 996408_JA_2013/1_02_de_Boer.indd6408_JA_2013/1_02_de_Boer.indd 1919 229/10/139/10/13 008:408:40 20 R. DE BOER The sumerogram /uru/ (akkadian: alum) is sometimes used to describe a type of headgear that looks “like the crenellated wall of a city”, a “Mauerkrone” in German or “mural crown” in English (1). That this reading for /uru/ is highly likely in this year name is substan- tiated by another year name published below (I thank prof. Stol for this idea). Damkina was, together with Ea, the chief deity of Malgium (Kutscher 1987-1990 p. 303-304). A “sanga of Ea” from Malgium, called Su-Nin- mug, is mentioned in AbB 6 138. Malgium was an important city of the OB period that has not yet been located. It is likely to be found some- where along the ancient course of the Tigris upstream from Maskan- sapir. In this respect it is interesting that another year name, found on Mayr’s tags nr. 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6, states that the fortress “Dunnum” on the Tigris was destroyed. KINGS OF MALGIUM KNOWN UNTIL NOW Until now only two kings of Malgium were known to us through three royal inscriptions: Takil-ilissu son of Istaran-asû, and Ipiq-Istar, son of Apil-ilisu (Frayne 1990 RIME E4.11.1 and E4.11.2). The aforementioned Ipiq-Istar is actually known to have been king of Malgium around 1763 BC; it was this man who was probably defeated by Hammurabi in the same year as Mari (1761 BC, see Charpin 2004 p. 330 and Van Koppen 2005). Takil-ilissu and Ipiq-Istar have the divine determinative added to their names in their inscriptions, just as Su-Kakka, Nabi-Enlil and Su- Amurru: this was apparently normal practice for some royal houses right after the collapse of the Ur III state (eg. Isin, Esnunna (2) and Der (3)). Su-Kakka was already known from a seal impression published by Whiting in 1987, even though Whiting was not able to connect Su-Kakka to a city. The seal impression is undoubtedly from a so-called “servant seal”. It was found at Esnunna “in the dump of the Bilalama excava- tions” (Whiting 1987 p. 34). The seal impression shows part of an intro- duction scene. Whiting rendered the inscription as: Journal Asiatique 301.1 (2013): 19-25 996408_JA_2013/1_02_de_Boer.indd6408_JA_2013/1_02_de_Boer.indd 2020 229/10/139/10/13 008:408:40 AN EARLY OLD BABYLONIAN ARCHIVE FROM THE KINGDOM … 21 1. [d]su-kak-kà Su-Kakka 2. [lugal] kala.ga Mighty King 3. [dutu m]a.da.na Sun(god) of his land 4. […]-um ... 1’. [i-q]i4(?)-[is] presented (this seal) Basing himself on the theonym Kakka, Whiting proposed Maskan- sarrum, located somewhere along the middle Tigris, as Su-Kakka’s seat of power (on Kakka and Maskan-sarrum, see Steinkeller 1982). Whiting provides a tentative dating for Su-Kakka, based on the unpublished Esnunna tablet 1930-T745. This text records a “special (diplomatic) gift d for Su-Kakka”(Whiting 1987 p. 35: níg.su.tak4.a su- kak-kà), and it is dated to the time of Bilalama (ca.1995 BC). From the seal impressions published by Mayr we can state that this Su-Kakka was most likely the father of Nabi-Enlil, grandfather of Su-Amurru and a king of Malgium. A YEAR NAME BELONGING TO SU-KAKKA M. Sigrist wrote to me about a number of unpublished texts in Okla- homa that he studied. He kindly provided me with a provisional list of the year names found on some of those texts and the permission to quote them, for which I thank him. Many of the year names are unknown, but some of them are similar to those published by Mayr (tag 1: mu i7 e?- ki tés?-tum mu.ba.al and tags 2, 3 and 4: mu du-nu-um sà gú i7 idigna ba.hul). It is likely that Sigrist saw texts from the same archive as Mayr. Among Sigrist’s list we find year names mentioning Damkina, Dam- galnunna (another name of Damkina), Nanna, and Istaran (a god associ- ated with transtigridian Der). One year name in particular caught my eye: mu dsu-kak-kà lugal.e uru za.gìn kù.gi ddam.gal.nun.na.ra mu.na.dím. “The year: Su-Kakka, the king, fashioned a mural crown of lapis lazuli and gold for Damgalnunna”. Again I have interpreted /uru/ as a type of crown. It does not seem likely to me that Su-Kakka made a whole city of lapis lazuli and gold for Damgalnunna. An object intended for Damgalnunna’s cultic statue is more plausible. Journal Asiatique 301.1 (2013): 19-25 996408_JA_2013/1_02_de_Boer.indd6408_JA_2013/1_02_de_Boer.indd 2121 229/10/139/10/13 008:408:40 22 R. DE BOER HISTORICAL IMPLICATIONS The existence of a royal dynasty at Malgium right after the fall of the Ur III empire changes our perspective on the period. We already knew that Isin, Esnunna and presumably Der had asserted their independence towards the end of Ibbi-Sîn’s reign (Charpin 2004 p. 60-68). In the Correspondence of the Kings of Ur III, Malgium is mentioned once: in the letter sent by Puzur-Numusda to Ibbi-Sîn (Michalowski 2011 no. 23 p. 439-462). According to the events therein, Isbi-Erra had con- quered the banks of the Tigris and Euphrates and installed a man named “Iddi” at Malgium (4). It is curious that Malgium does not feature in any of the tens of thousands of Ur III texts (5) and is then suddenly men- tioned as an important strategic town (6). In any case, we cannot link Iddi to Su-Kakka, even though there could not have been more than 15-20 years between them. If Whiting’s tentative dating of the Su-Kakka seal impression is correct (ca. 1995 BC), we can state that Su-Kakka of Malgium was contempo- rary with Bilalama of Esnunna, Isbi-Erra and Su-ilisu of Isin, Ilum- mutabbil of Der and Tan-Ruhuratir, ensi of Susa and king of Simaski. The territory of Malgium is at the crossroads of all of these kingdoms and its role must have been considerable, despite the dearth of sources to proof it. It is interesting that none of the three early OB kings of Malgium carries an Amorite name: the time of kingdoms led by monarchs carrying Amorite names had not yet come. We know that Esnunna entertained diplomatic contacts with Su- Kakka, but also with Ilum-mutabbil of Der. This man boasts in his inscriptions (RIME E4.12.2) that he had defeated the armies of Ansan, Elam and Simaski. We can only guess the role of Malgium in these feats, but I suspect that Malgium and Der had a special relationship throughout the OB period. However, despite being neighboring king- doms, Der and Malgium remained independent until the time of Ham- murabi (7). Though it is not yet possible to date the reigns of Nabi-Enlil and Su- Amurru more exactly, they must be somewhere between 1995 and 1914 BC. This latter date is Gungunum 19; which commemorates his victory over Malgium. Journal Asiatique 301.1 (2013): 19-25 996408_JA_2013/1_02_de_Boer.indd6408_JA_2013/1_02_de_Boer.indd 2222 229/10/139/10/13 008:408:40 AN EARLY OLD BABYLONIAN ARCHIVE FROM THE KINGDOM … 23 All in all, it seems plausible to me that the texts published by Mayr were found somewhere in the ancient kingdom of Malgium. This makes Su-Kakka, Nabi-Enlil and Su-Amurru kings of Malgium. The usage of Ur III month names and the orthography point towards a date not long after the fall of the Ur III empire, but anterior to the kings Takil-ilissu and Ipiq-Istar.
Recommended publications
  • CHAPTER 2 What Is an Amorite?
    Cover Page The handle http://hdl.handle.net/1887/25842 holds various files of this Leiden University dissertation. Author: Boer, Rients de Title: Amorites in the Early Old Babylonian Period Issue Date: 2014-05-28 CHAPTER 2 What is an Amorite? 2.1 The Amorites from the Early Dynastic to the Old Babylonian period 2.1.1 Introduction In the cuneiform script the word for ‘Amorite’ is mostly written in Sumerian as MAR .TU and sometimes spelled syllabically in Akkadian as a-mu-ur-ru-(ú) = amurru (m). 4 These words also indicate ‘The West’ on the compass. 5 In the lit- erature the overlap of these terms is sometimes confusing, because people indicated as MAR .TU could also come from the area to the north east of Baby- lonia, the Jebel Hamrin. The word lacks a convincing etymology. 6 The study of the Amorites goes back a long time because they are already mentioned in the Bible. 7 4 For the lexical occurrences (and the ‘lexical confusion’ with the term Tidnum/Dita- nu), see Marchesi 2006:8 n. 20,:9 n. 23, the CAD A/2:93-94 and most recently Hrůša 2010:471-472. See Streck 2000:26-29 for a discussion of the term MAR .TU , with the com- ments by Charpin 2005/2006:283-284. See Michalowski 2011:106 for proof from the Ur III period that MAR .TU = a-mu-ru-um . 5 Despite this fact it is known that people with Amorite names lived in the area of the Persian Gulf thanks to the excavations at the island of Failaka of the coast of Kuwait.
    [Show full text]
  • Das Gilgamesch-Epos. Neu Übersetzt Und Kommentiert Von Stefan
    9121_BIOR_2006/2-3_02 06-10-2006 13:22 Pagina 272 309 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXIII N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2006 310 (pp. 129-30). The Assyriological reader will also pay close attention to Maul’s treatment of many difficult lines and pas- sages and enjoy numerous new proposals for restorations (Maul is less cautious in this respect than the other German translators). The Commentary noteworthy for its original and thought- provoking exegesis, despite the mass of exegesis in print on the Epic. Some of my favorite passages included Maul’s aeti- ologies, such as to Tablet III, 122-3 (adoption of foundlings) and to Tablet X, 259-65 (crying and playing of animals), as well as comments on humor, for example to Tablet X, 208 (Gilgamesh’s blessing of Utanapishtim), or irony, Tablet XI, 95 (Puzur-Enlil). Difficult explanations are well handled, such as to Tablet XI, 46-7 (the warning of the flood) and to Tablet X, 88 (the Stone Men). No one will agree, of course, with everything Maul says. For example, I still think it is more likely that the wife of the Scorpion-man relents, rather than her husband (Tablet IX, 130). I missed a comment as to why, if Gilgamesh comes out in the East, he feels a north wind in his face as he gets near the end of his run (p. 177); ASSYRIOLOGIE my own idea is that the poet was thinking of the Tigris tun- nel in Armenia. The book is beautifully designed and produced, with pen- MAUL, S. M. — Das Gilgamesch-Epos.
    [Show full text]
  • The King and I a Mari King in Changing Perceptions*
    THE KING AND I A MARI KING IN CHANGING PERCEPTIONS* JACKM. SASSON UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA This presentation reviews the ways scholars have reconstructed the life of one king of Mari, Zimri-Lim, who lived in the middle-Euphratesregion in the early eighteenth century B.C.E. THE "KING"ABOUT WHOM I SPEAKlived almost four queen came from my own birthplace,Aleppo [Halab], he thousand years ago, and he was not particularly distin- seemed so much like folks with whom I grew up that I guished. He generated no new paradigms for dominion, could not imagine him keeping any secrets from me. imposed no dynastic principles, built no enduring mon- In those days, I felt certain that my upbringing in uments, instigated no new social movements of which Aleppo and Beirut gave me a special entry into the past. we are aware, and, thank God, launched no new reli- Lexical affinities fed this allusion. Had I not preparedfor gions. No poet sang his praise posthumously, and no life as a tupsarrum,Akkadian for scribe, when as a child legend was built aroundhis deeds.' Yet, I would not call in Beirut I wrote on the board with a tabshur, a piece of him insignificant, if only because in his lifetime many chalk? Was I not instructed in 'adab, "culture,"just as thought he could be their passport to happiness. I want ancient scribes apprenticedin their edubba-schools? to tell you something about him; but I also want to use There were other, seemingly more compelling, epiph- him to comment on the drive we share as custodians of anies, such as when reading about legal proceduresfrom the past to bridge gaps and complete stories.
    [Show full text]
  • Mesopotamian Legal Traditions and the Laws of Hammurabi
    Chicago-Kent Law Review Volume 71 Issue 1 Symposium on Ancient Law, Economics and Society Part II: Ancient Rights and Wrongs / Article 3 Symposium on Ancient Law, Economics and Society Part II: Ancient Near Eastern Land Laws October 1995 Mesopotamian Legal Traditions and the Laws of Hammurabi Martha T. Roth Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Martha T. Roth, Mesopotamian Legal Traditions and the Laws of Hammurabi, 71 Chi.-Kent L. Rev. 13 (1995). Available at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview/vol71/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chicago-Kent Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. MESOPOTAMIAN LEGAL TRADITIONS AND THE LAWS OF HAMMURABI MARTHA T. ROTH* I find myself, more and more frequently in recent years, asking the questions: "What are the Mesopotamian law collections?" and more broadly, "What is Mesopotamian law?" For twenty years I have wrestled with these issues, ever since my first graduate school class with Professor Barry Eichler at the University of Pennsylvania in 1974 opened my eyes to the intrigue and the soap opera of Nuzi family law. And in the last few years, as I have worked to complete new transla- tions of all the law collections, I have found my own opinions
    [Show full text]
  • Larsa Year Names
    INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS ASSYRIOLOGICAL SERIES, VOLUME III Larsa Year Names by Marcel Sigrist ANDREWS UNIVERSITY PRESS BERRIEN SPRINGS, MICHIGAN Andrews University Press Berrien Springs, Michigan 49104 Layout and Typesetting by James K. Brower © 1990 by Andrews University Press All rights reserved. Published June 1990 Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 90-082318 ISBN 0-943872-54-5 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ................. ............... ........................................................ 1 YEAR NAMES OF THE KINGS OF LARSA ................ .......................... 5 G u n g u n u m ..................... 7 Abisare . ................... 12 Sumuel ................................... ... ............ .......................................... 15 N u r-A d ad...................... ... ................ ..................................................................... 22 Sin-iddinam .............................................................. 24 Sin-eribam 26 Sin-iqiSam . ............................................................................................................... 27 Silli-Adad .................................................................. ........................................... ... 30 Warad-Sin .................. 31 R im -S in ...................... 37 Rim-Sin II ............... 61 CHRONOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION OF THE YEAR NAME REFERENCES ........................................... 63 G u n g u n u m ............................... 65 Abisare
    [Show full text]
  • Mesopotamian Year Names
    Mesopotamian Year Names Neo-Sumerian and Old Babylonian Date Formulae prepared by Marcel Sigrist and Peter Damerow LIST OF KINGS The list of more than 2,000 year names which is made accessible here has been compiled as a tool for the dating of cuneiform tablets as well as for supporting historical studies on early bookkeeping techniques. This tool essentially consists of a collection of date formulae in administrative documents as they were used by the scribes in ancient Mesopotamia, and of computer generated indices for a quick identification of incomplete date formulae on damaged cuneiform tablets and of issues and events mentioned in these formulae. The collection covers presently the time period ● from the time of the empire of Sargon ● to the end of the dynasty of Babylon. Access is provided through ● a list of cities and kings, ● a list of words, ● a list of words of the English translation. According to the pupose of this compilation the data formulae as they are presented here do not quote specific texts but are often composite formulae based on several sources. Furthermore it was impossible to give always the numerous variants of some of the year names. In cases of doubt whether the given version adequately represents the textual evidence users should consult the references and the relevant publications on Mesopotamian year names. (A bibliography is currently in preparation and will soon be accessible here.) History of the project The preparation of this electronic tool is an outcome of an unusual and long-lasting cooperation between an assyiologist and an historian of science at intervals over a period of more than 10 years.
    [Show full text]
  • Studies in Old Babylonian History
    PIHANS • XL Studies in Old Babylonian History by Marten Stol Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul 1976 UITGA YEN VAN HET NEDERLANDS HISTORISCH-ARCHAEOLOGISCH INSTITUUT TE lSTANBUL Publications de l'Institut historique et archeologique neerlandais de Stamboul sous la direction de E. VAN DONZEL, Pauline H. E. DONCEEL-VOUTE, A. A. KAMPMAN et Machteld J. MELLINK XL STUDIES IN OLD BABYLONIAN HISTORY STUDIES IN OLD BABYLONIAN HISTORY by MARTEN STOL NEDERLANDS HISTORISCH-ARCHAEOLOGISCH INSTITUUT TE !STANBUL 1976 Copyright 1976 by Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten Noordeindsplein 4-6, Leiden All rights reserved, including the right to translate or to reproduce this book or parts thereof in any form I.S.B.N. 90 6258 040 8 Printed in Belgium CONTENTS page PREFACE . IX l. A DATE LIST CONTAINING YEAR NAMES OF WARAD-SIN AND RIM-SIN 1 1. The date list . 2. The year names of Warad-Sin 6 3. The year names of Rim-Sin . 18 4. The year names of Sin-iqi:Sam 23 5. Sabium of Baby1on in Southern Babylonia 27 6. Synchronisms of Gungunum and kings of Isin 29 7. Bur-Sin and Sumu-el . 30 Il. UNIDENTIFIED YEAR NAMES OF HAMMURABI 32 Ill. RIM-SIN Il . 44 1. The ninth year of Samsu-iluna 44 2. Two archives . 45 3. Evidence from other texts 47 4. Intercalary months and the calendar 48 5. The defeat of Rim-Sin II 50 6. The events of Samsu-iluna year 10 52 7. Rim-Sin II, years (a) and (b) 53 8. The aftermath 55 Appendixes 56 IV.
    [Show full text]
  • NABU 2020 2 Compilé 08 NZ
    ISSN 0989-5671 2020 N° 2 (juin) NOTES BRÈVES 38) A Cylinder Seal with a Spread-Wing Eagle and Two Ruminants from Baylor University’s Mayborn Museum — This study shares the (re)discovery of a cylinder seal (AR 12517) housed at Baylor University’s Mayborn Museum Complex.1) The analysis of the seal offers two contributions: First, the study offers a rare record of the business transaction of a cylinder seal by the famous orientalist Edgar J. Banks. Second, the study adds an exceptional and well-preserved example of a cylinder seal engraved with the motif of a spread-wing eagle and two ruminants to the corpus of ancient Near Eastern seals. The study of this motif reveals that the seal published here offers one of the very few examples of a single-register seal which features a spread-wing eagle flanked by a standing caprid and stag. Acquisition History The museum purchased the cylinder seal for $8 from Edgar J. Banks on April 1st, 1937. Various records indicate that Banks traveled to Texas occasionally for speaking engagements and even sold cuneiform tablets to several institutions and individuals in Texas.2) While Banks sold tens of thousands of cuneiform tablets throughout the U.S., this study adds to the comparably modest number of cylinder seals sold by Banks.3) Although Banks’ original letter no longer remains, the acquisition record transcribes Banks’ words as follow: (Seal cylinders) were used for two distinct purposes. First, they were used to roll over the soft clay of the Babylonian contract tablets after they were inscribed, to legalize the contract and to make it impossible to forge or change the contract.
    [Show full text]
  • Here My Preliminary and Sometimes Isin-Larsa Wars Is Explored
    241 NEW INSIGHTS FROM THE EARLY OLD BABYLONIAN PERIOD 242 NEW INSIGHTS useful that high-quality photos of all texts are available FROM THE EARLY OLD BABYLONIAN PERIOD, through CDLI at https://cdli.ucla.edu/. ESPECIALLY CONCERNING THE ISIN-LARSA As the author himself writes (p. xi-xii), the letters have WARS BETWEEN ERRA-IMITTĪ AND SUMU-EL archival connections with groups of texts kept at the Banca (CA. 1870-1865 BCE), d’Italia (published by Pomponio, Stol, Westenholz et alii A REVIEW ARTICLE OF CUSAS 36 2006); the Cotsen collection (partly published by Wilson 2008), and the Cornell/Rosen collection (OB texts will be Rients DE BOER published by Miller and others). This makes it currently chal- lenging to put the material into perspective. We also have to keep in mind that letters such as these must have originally Abstract been kept together with economic and administrative texts in an archival context. Future publications will no doubt enrich In this review article, the 221 Old Babylonian letters published our knowledge of the letters in this volume. Nevertheless, it by Andrew George (2018) in CUSAS 36 are discussed. They stem is safe to say that almost all of the letters come from the mostly from southern Iraq covering a period of time between ca. 1880 and 1712 BCE. The most interesting group is the Sumu- south, especially from the area of the Larsa kingdom before El correspondence dated between ca. 1870 and 1865 BCE of and after its conquest in 1762 BCE by Hammurabi of Baby- which the historical and broader geo-political context during the lon.
    [Show full text]
  • Anubanini and His Clan in the Cuthaean Legend
    GEPHYRA 11 2014 15–28 Selim F. ADALI – M. Fatih DEMİRCİ – A. Murat ÖZBAYOĞLU – Oğuz ERGİN Why the Names? Anubanini and His Clan in the Cuthaean Legend Abstract: This article is a study of the ancient Mesopotamian literary text known as the ‘Cuthaean Legend’. This Naram-Sin legend is known from several versions in the extant cuneiform corpus of texts (Westenholz 1997). The names of Anubanini and members of his clan, the main protago- nists, have remained puzzling in several respects. The present contribution seeks to establish the reading of these names, making use of conventional cuneiform collation and analysis as well as dig- itial image processing. This is followed by an onomastic discussion of these names, relating them to aspects of Mesopotamian religion, literature, ethnnology, and demonology. Keywords: Ancient Mesopotamian literature; ethnology; onomastics; Cuthaean Legend; Sargon and Naram-Sin Legends; cuneiform studies; digital image processing. The text often dubbed the ‘Cuthaean Legend,’ its ancient incipit being ṭupšenna pitēma (‘open the tablet box’),1 enjoyed a long existence in Mesopotamian literary tradition and is extant in several ver- sions.2 Earliest are the Old Babylonian copies MLC 1364 and BM 17215. A Middle Babylonian copy was discovered at Ḫattuša (KBo 19 98) as well as tablets for a Hittite translation. The Standard Baby- lonian version of the story is the best known version, with seven Neo-Assyrian copies from Nineveh, one Neo-Assyrian copy from the tablet collection at Huzirina (Sultantepe), and one Neo-Babylonian copy (from Kiš?).3 By “versions” one implies only the specific and distinguishable Akkadian or Hittite Ass.
    [Show full text]
  • The Archaeology of Elam Formation and Transformation of an Ancient Iranian State
    This page intentionally left blank The Archaeology of Elam Formation and Transformation of an Ancient Iranian State From the middle of the third millennium bc until the coming of Cyrus the Great, southwestern Iran was referred to in Mesopotamian sources as the land of Elam. A heterogenous collection of regions, Elam was home to a variety of groups, alternately the object of Mesopotamian aggres- sion, and aggressors themselves; an ethnic group seemingly swallowed up by the vast Achaemenid Persian empire, yet a force strong enough to attack Babylonia in the last centuries bc. The Elamite language is attested as late as the Medieval era, and the name Elam as late as 1300 in the records of the Nestorian church. This book examines the formation and transforma- tion of Elam’s many identities through both archaeological and written evidence, and brings to life one of the most important regions of Western Asia, re-evaluates its significance, and places it in the context of the most recent archaeological and historical scholarship. d. t. potts is Edwin Cuthbert Hall Professor in Middle Eastern Archaeology at the University of Sydney. He is the author of The Arabian Gulf in Antiquity, 2 vols. (1990), Mesopotamian Civilization (1997), and numerous articles in scholarly journals. cambridge world archaeology Series editor NORMAN YOFFEE, University of Michigan Editorial board SUSAN ALCOCK, University of Michigan TOM DILLEHAY, University of Kentucky CHRIS GOSDEN, University of Oxford CARLA SINOPOLI, University of Michigan The Cambridge World Archaeology series is addressed to students and professional archaeologists, and to academics in related disciplines. Each volume presents a survey of the archaeology of a region of the world, pro- viding an up-to-date account of research and integrating recent findings with new concerns of interpretation.
    [Show full text]
  • ISSN 0989-5671 N°4 (Décembre) NOTES BRÈVES
    ISSN 0989-5671 2016 N°4 (décembre) NOTES BRÈVES 84) Observations of the planet Venus in archaic Uruk: the problem and researches — It is well known that the three heavenly bodies – the Moon, the Sun and the Venus – were worshiped as the deities Nanna, Utu and Inanna in Ancient Mesopotamia of the IIIrd millennium BC. Their symbols on seals were, respectively, a crescent, a disc and the eight-pointed star. Encountering an image of crescent on a seal we can therefore assume that the scene depicted on it has to do with the lunar deity Nanna; and the presence of entry dNanna in a text suggests that in epoch of this draft the moon was already worshiped as a deity in Ancient Mesopotamia. Such statements, undoubtedly, are true for the second half of the IIIrd millennium BC and later on as there exist some text confirmations 1). But what can be said about earlier times? It is not known exactly whether Nanna, Utu and Inanna were originally astral deities. Thus it is natural to ask, whether Nanna, Utu and Inanna were always identified as luminaries in Ancient Mesopotamia, and if not always, then when did they acquire the astral meaning? Answering this question unambiguously now is not possible, yet we can make some assumptions. First we see, that of the three pictographic signs in proto-Sumerian texts which stand for Nanna, Utu and Inanna two, namely ŠEŠ.KI (= Nanna) and MUŠ3 (= Inanna), do not suggest astral meaning visually: they do not look as luminaries designated 2). Perhaps, initially these signs were not introduced to refer to the Moon and Venus, and only later did they acquire the astral meaning 3).
    [Show full text]