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(pp. 129-30). The Assyriological reader will also pay close attention to Maul’s treatment of many difficult lines and pas- sages and enjoy numerous new proposals for restorations (Maul is less cautious in this respect than the other German translators). The Commentary noteworthy for its original and thought- provoking exegesis, despite the mass of exegesis in print on the Epic. Some of my favorite passages included Maul’s aeti- ologies, such as to Tablet III, 122-3 (adoption of foundlings) and to Tablet X, 259-65 (crying and playing of animals), as well as comments on humor, for example to Tablet X, 208 (Gilgamesh’s blessing of Utanapishtim), or irony, Tablet XI, 95 (Puzur-Enlil). Difficult explanations are well handled, such as to Tablet XI, 46-7 (the warning of the flood) and to Tablet X, 88 (the Stone Men). No one will agree, of course, with everything Maul says. For example, I still think it is more likely that the wife of the Scorpion-man relents, rather than her husband (Tablet IX, 130). I missed a comment as to why, if Gilgamesh comes out in the East, he feels a north wind in his face as he gets near the end of his run (p. 177); ASSYRIOLOGIE my own idea is that the poet was thinking of the Tigris tun- nel in Armenia. The book is beautifully designed and produced, with pen- MAUL, S. M. — Das Gilgamesch-Epos. Neu übersetzt und and-ink drawings of a choice of Mesopotamian objects, keyed kommentiert von Stefan M. Maul. Verlag C.H. Beck, to the tablets, though this necessitated having both facing München, 2005. (20,7 cm, 192). ISBN 3-406-52870-8. page numbers on the left page. So far as visibility is con- / 20,50. cerned, I would have advocated having the line numbers to Stefan Maul’s brilliant new treatment of the Gilgamesh the right rather than to the left, so as to be a little less obtru- Epic is the latest in a series of important German translations sive. The usual convention, of using italics for conjectural of that work. Three of these, by Jensen (Keilschrift Biblio- restorations, is followed here, and seems vastly preferable to thek 6/I [1901]), Ungnad (Das Gilgamesch-Epos [1911]), and the heavy use of square brackets and explanatory parenthe- Hecker (Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments III/4 ses in some modern treatments. [2001]), were primarily scholarly in their intent. One, Schott- Maul’s Gilgamesch-Epos is a striking success; I felt, as a von Soden, Das Gilgamesch-Epos (Reclam Universal-Bib- non-German speaker, that the translation was beautiful and liothek, revised 1958, 1969, 1981, 1988), was intended pri- compelling and that it was also honest and made sense. The marily for a general audience. Maul directs his book to the German-speaking community has here an expert and elegant general reading public, so there is no philology, brackets, treatment of a great work of world literature. The Assyriolo- dots, or comments on manuscripts. Unlike Schott-von Soden, gist will learn much from this book as well, and admire the Maul’s does not combine different versions into one running learning and sensitive craftsmanship that went into it. text but confines itself to Tablets I-XI of the Standard ver- sion. The material is carefully organized, with a general intro- New Haven, CT, USA, Benjamin R. FOSTER duction, a tablet-by-tablet synopsis, a translation without foot- February 2006 notes, and a commentary at the back. There is no indication in the translation of which lines are commented on, so the ** reader may find himself reading a tablet then the entire com- * mentary on it. There is also a short list of characters and sug- gestions for further reading. The translation has a strongly MARTIN, H.P., F. POMPONIO, G. VISICATO, A. WES- metrical feel and is arranged in four-line stanzas. To a non- TENHOLZ — The Fara Tablets in the Univ. of Penn- German reader it feels modern and straightforward rather than sylvania Museum of A. A CDL Press, Bethesda, 2001. biblical, oriental, or archaizing. There is little editorial mat- (28 cm, XXVII, 162, XVI pls.). ISBN 1-883053-66-8. ter in the translation beyond remarks on gaps in the text. $ 60.00. This work is an outstanding example of how the finest scholarship can be combined with a good sense of what a Le sujet du livre dont je fais cette recension1) est la publi- general reader will want to know. The book reads so cation de 110 tablettes inédites provenant de la ville de Fara smoothly that only a specialist will be aware of the author’s et que l’on peut dater de la période EDIIIa. care and self-discipline, both in the translation and in the L’étude de ces textes donne sans doute un nouveau et sti- comments. mulant apport aux connaissances concernant l’organisation The professional Assyriologist will be astonished to de l’ancienne ville mésopotamienne de Suruppak. encounter here, for the first time, important new fragments of C’est un livre en trois chapitres ayant au début une liste the Epic, including, among others, more of the physical des textes publiés qui nous indique le numéro de l’inventaire, description of Gilgamesh in Tablet I (p. 48), a new piece of Enkidu’s curse of Shamhat in Tablet VII (p. 104), and an addi- 1) Je remercie Gianluca Montanelli pour l’aide apportée à la traduction tion to Tablet X restoring Gilgamesh’s assault on Ur-shanabi en français. 9121_BIOR_2006/2-3_02 06-10-2006 13:22 Pagina 273

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les dimensions ainsi que les caractéristiques et l’argument des the methodology followed in the book. The main study is tablettes. arranged in two parts. Au premier chapitre on traite la translittération et la tra- In Part One the author classifies the texts from Ur in var- duction, réalisées par F. Pomponio et G. Visicato, de 97 ious ways. The first classification (pp. 11-36) sorts the mate- tablettes qui ont été découvertes par E. Schmidt pendant les rial following different criteria, such as keywords, contents fouilles organisées par l’Université de Pennsylvanie. A pré- or the administrative function of the texts. Thus we find, for sent elles se trouvent dans le musée de cette Université. G. example, in sequential order, “Merchants and Messengers”, Visicato s’est occupé aussi de la réalisation des copies. “mu-tum2 Deliveries”, “Oaths”, and “Oil, Sesame and Les tablettes traitent plusieurs sujets, mais la plupart nous Lard”. There is no attempt to find an archival coherence in renseignent à propos de l’attribution des denrées alimentaires the documents, as was done, for example, for an important ou bien des listes du personnel. Il s’agit souvent de textes group of tablets by D. Loding (A Craft Archive from Ur, Ph. assez courts et concis. Cette édition est néammoins très soi- D. Diss., University of Pennsylvania 1974), but one has to gnée et on peut facilement consulter le matériel. En outre on recognize that this would have been a very complicated, and remarque quelques intéressantes comparaisons lexicales avec probably controversial, initiative. The variety of the mater- les textes de la ville d’Ebla. ial, and especially the difficulty in understanding the place of Dans le même chapitre, précisement de la page n. 3 à la many documents in their administrative context, often per- page n. 15, H. P. Martin nous offre un récit archéologique suade Sumerologists (the reviewer amongst them) to avoid intéressant et très détaillé à propos de la découverte des this kind of classification when dealing with a large number tablettes. Tout cela est enrichi de graphiques et de tableaux. of Ur III tablets. In any case, we must thank M. Widell for Au deuxième chapitre on trouve la translittération et la tra- the clear and very useful classification he has made, particu- duction réalisées par G. Visicato et A. Westenholz (ce der- larly if we keep in mind that no complete indexes of UET 9 nier est aussi l’auteur des copies) d’une quinzaine de tablettes were provided by its editor D. Loding. qui appartiennent au musée de l’Université de Pennsylvanie. Besides this classification, a complementary one is offered Cette petite collection de textes comprend des contrats, des (pp. 37-90) with the texts arranged according to their publi- attributions de denrées alimentaires (blé et fromages) ainsi cation number, together with the date of the text, and the que des textes lexicaux. number of the excavation campaign in which the tablet was Au troisième chapitre, en faisant une comparaison avec les discovered. This aspect is developed in the following inter- nouvelles données et ce qui était déjà connu, F. Pomponio et esting chapter (pp. 91-101). The author provides here some G. Visicato nous offrent une image complète relative au pan- very useful tables and graphs regarding the assignment of théon et au critère des offrandes ainsi qu’aux caractéristiques texts to the archaeological campaigns, as well as the chrono- de la gestion administrative de Fara en mettant en relation logical distribution of tablets for each campaign. cette ville avec d’autres organisations de la Mésopotamie et Part Two (pp. 103-176) is devoted to the cataloguing and de la Syrie de la même époque. On parle aussi du système transliteration of 105 texts identified by the author as com- pondéral relatif aux boissons. ing from Ur and not published in UET 3 or 9. In my opinion, Tout cela apporte des idées nouvelles et originales bien que this is the most problematic part of the book. l’étude des différentes divinités ait pu probablement être plus Apart from a few words in pp. 5-6, and a number of brief détaillée et profonde. observations after some of the transliterations, nothing is De la page n. 131 à la page n. 135 le lecteur a à sa dispo- clearly stated on the criteria adopted to ascribe a given text sition un index comprenant les noms propres, les théonymes, to the city of Ur. Such identifications seem to rely mainly on les lieux du culte, les professions, les toponymes, les centres the following kinds of data: administratifs ainsi que les mois, mais malheureusement on a) The provenance of Ur proposed by the editor of the n’y trouve pas la liste des termes du lexique, qui aurait été text: even if Widell regards with caution this sort of attri- sûrement très utile. butions (p. 5), it seems that most of the texts identified as A la fin du livre on trouve une appendice de G. Visicato coming from Ur were in fact assigned to that city by their concernant une étude prosopographique importante qui editors. se fonde sur l’analyse de tous les contrats de la ville de b) The use of the Reichskalender: although the author is Fara. no doubt aware of the fact that the Reichskalender was also En conclusion, grâce à ce volume, les études qui intéressent sporadically used at Umma, Girsu or Nippur, one has the la ville de Fara sont enrichies d’un ouvrage de bonne qualité. impression that in certain occasions the calendrical datings have (mis)guided the proposed provenance of Ur. ki Florence, février 2006 Jacopo PASQUALI c) The use of the expression sa3 Uri5 -ma, which in fact indicates that the tablet records a transaction that took place at Ur. Nevertheless, it also denotes that the tablet ** does not belong to the Ur archives, precisely the reason why the scribe * ki found necessary to write sa3 Uri5 -ma. d) Prosopographical and toponymical links with other texts WIDELL, M. — The Administrative and Economic Ur III from Ur. Texts from the City of Ur. Gorgias Press LLC, Piscat- e) A late date of the text, which after IS7 virtually excludes away, 2003. (23 cm, XVII, 206). ISBN 1-59333-065-0. a provenance different from Ur. The book under review intends to provide a useful tool for I have checked the provenance of all texts presented by research on Neo-Sumerian tablets from the city of Ur. It Widell and dated before IS7. In my personal view, such doc- begins with a brief Introduction (pp. 1-7), where M. Widell uments could be indeed assigned in many cases to the city of makes a state of the art of Ur III studies and then describes Ur, but not in others: 9121_BIOR_2006/2-3_02 06-10-2006 13:22 Pagina 274

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Adab: Ur?: – 4 (MVN 13 26) [Adab?]: the PN of line 4 could be well 11 (TPTS 1 128); 25 (MVN 3 317); 38 (MVN 3 331) [see W. integrated as [Su]-Ma-ma dub-sar, so the text might be proso- Sallaberger, Kult. Kalender (Berlin 1993), p. 178]; 60 (SAT pographically linked to MVN 3 204, 205, and 209. 3 2009); 105 (YOS 4 289). – 6 (MVN 13 14): the PN AN-zu-a and the contents link this text to MVN 3 205. Ur: 1, 18, 26, 27, 29, 31, 33-37, 39-45, 47-59, 61-70, 71-93 [IS7 Drehem: to IS22], 94-97, 103. – 9 (NYPL 104): cf. JCS 24 150 6; Torino 2 606; OIP 115 470; Montserrat 152. Provenance uncertain: – 19 (AUCT 1 967): see M. Hilgert, OIP 115 (Chicago 1998), 3 (SAT 2 192) [correct month and year name according to the p. 15. text edition]; 7 (MVN 13 21); 8 (MVN 13 600); 20 (NYPL – 24 (MVN 13 369): cf. MVN 13 667, 724, 732, and see W. 381), 21 (NYPL 264), 22 (MVN 3 305), and 30 (NYPL 263) Sallaberger, Kult. Kalender (Berlin 1993), pp. 58-59. [for these four texts, see P. Steinkeller, JAOS 102 (1982), pp. – 104 (AfO 40-41 60 6) [Drehem?]: see W. Sallaberger, AfO 640-642]; 28 (MVN 13 564) [cf. perhaps SET 290]; 99 (MVN 40-41 (1993-94), p. 60. 2 267) [cf. perhaps SNAT 132, Girsu]; 102 (ZA 55 83 4).

Girsu: After the publication of Widell’s book, F. D’Agostino and – 5 (RA 73 27 8): the occurrence of the ugula A-hu-um-ilum F. Pomponio catalogued in Nisaba 5 (Messina 2004) 919 Ur points to Girsu as the provenance of the text. Widell writes III texts and fragments from Ur kept at the British Museum that ezem-mah is only used in Ur and Drehem documents, (there remains a number of uncatalogued and badly preserved but there are also texts from Girsu with such a month name fragments: see Nisaba 5, p. 10, n. 5). One should also add to (ex. g. ITT 2 3483, SNAT 23, MVN 15 132, SAT 1 169, MVN this corpus about 500 uncatalogued fragments housed at the 22 203). University of Pennsylvania Museum (courtesy R. L. Zettler: ? – 10 (ASJ 11 328 26) [Girsu ]: e2-hal-bi (better read e2-hal- see M. Molina, “The Corpus of Neo-Sumerian Tablets: an + + + + bi- ta , instead of e2-hal-bi lugal ) is attested in four texts Overview”, ed. S. Garfinkle and C. Johnson, Studies on the from Girsu (TUT 173, HLC 286 pl. 127, STA 30, MCS 3 11 Administration of the Ur III State, in press). M. Sigrist, in HSM 6396). turn, assigned the provenance of Ur to 28 unpublished tablets – 32 (Berens 69) [Girsu?]: read Ur-dSuen sabra-ta in line 3, in his catalogue of the Nies Babylonian Collection (CBCY 3, and cf. perhaps ITT 5 6864. Bethesda 2001). – 46 (TUT 276): cf. BRM 3 147 and RA 58 108 117. Finally, some minor bibliographical remarks: nos. 95, 96, and 97, published by D. Loding in Studies Jones Nippur: (Neukirchen-Vluyn 1979), pp. 38 3, 39 4, and 39 5, were – 2 (RA 57 94 1 UP 9159): this text was also published by inadvertently catalogued as unpublished in Nisaba 5 (140 U D. I. Owen as NATN 60 (CBS 8159X). According to this new 30091, 120 U 30071, 141 U 30092); no. 91 (Collezione al edition, the second line should be read (a-sa3) dal -ba-na-ta, Michail 57) is not in my opinion a duplicate of UET 3 567, Nippur being thus the most probable provenance of the text. but the same tablet; for no. 2 (RA 57 94 1 UP 9159), repub- – 17 (TMH-NF 1-2 131): cf. TMH-NF 1-2 149. lished in NATN 60, see above. M. Widell has thus presented a very useful material, which Umma: will make more accessible the corpus of Neo-Sumerian texts – 12 (MVN 1 117) [Umma?]: cf. MVN 13 759. from Ur to Sumerologists and scholars in other fields. We must –14(SNAT 346), 101 (SNAT 534): these tablets belong to a be very grateful to him for such an important contribution. group of texts from Umma studied by W. Heimpel, CDLJ 2004:1. Instituto de Filología - CSIC Madrid Manuel MOLINA – 15 (MAOG 4 188 2-2a) [Umma?]: see P. Steinkeller, Sale March 2006 Documents (Stuttgart 1989), commentary to nos. 121 and 122. ( 47-49 145) [Umma?]: cf. Lu -ama-na di-ku , – 16 OrSP 2 5 ** attested in 10 217, 541, and 635. MVN SNAT Montserrat * – 23 (SNAT 528): text with similar contents as nos. 14 and 101 (see above). CHARPIN, D.; D.O. EDZARD and M. STOL — ( 245): first line of the seal impression is most prob- – 98 SET Mesopotamien. Die altbabylonische Zeit. (Orbis Bibli- ably Ur-[dSara ]. 2 cus et Orientalis 160/4), 2004. (23.5 cm, 1027). ISBN 3- ( 541): this text belongs to the archives of Umma, – 100 SNAT 7278-1488-8; 3-525-53063-3. ISSN 1015-1850. even if it records a judgement held at Ur. See W. Heimpel, NABU 1994: 82, and M. Molina, La ley más antigua (Madrid This book of 1027 pages with two maps is an encyclopedia 2000), p. 138. of the Old Babylonian Period of the ancient Mesopotamian civilization, created by three outstanding European Assyriolo- Umma or Girsu: gists: Charpin of France, Edzard of Germany and Stol of Hol- – 13 (TPTS 1 8): cf. Farmer’s Instructions 8.2.1. land. Since Assyriology was established in 1854, there has been no book like this, which presents us with up-to-date Ur or Girsu: knowledge of the research, information and cuneiform sources, – 11 (TPTS 1 128): cf. perhaps UET 3 20 (Ur), or Métal 287 contributed by international scholars, during the last 150 years 16 (Girsu). about the Old Babylonian period (2000-1500 B.C.), a revolu- 9121_BIOR_2006/2-3_02 06-10-2006 13:22 Pagina 275

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tionary and best-documented period of Mesopotamian history. of nomads, death of Shamshi-Adad and Mari’s independence This wonderful work is in fact three individual books. Detailed under Zimri-Lim (1776-1775). Many events of the Shamshi- political history is described by Charpin, the exhaustive liter- Adad period, which were first and exhaustively re-established ature and religious history by the late Prof. Edzard, which is in my Political History in 1994 according to all the material possibly the last one of his great and rich contributions to inter- available to me in that time, are unfortunately not criticized, national Assyriology, and economic history by Prof. Stol. commented or mentioned by Charpin. For example, for the Unfortunately the book is written in French and German, order of the eponyms of this period, Charpin in MARI 4 which is inconvenient to English readers. Here, Charpin pre- (1985) 256ff. suggested the order of Adad-bani → Nimer-Sin, sents for the academic readers, the best research references which I have accepted with some doubt and criticism, and I among all relevant international publications in three Annexes showed the possibility of Nimer-Sin → Adad-bani according of 100 pages (385-480): A. King Lists with a synchronic List to the texts of Baltu-kasid and others in Chagar Bazar texts of Isin, Larsa and Ur; B. Index of kings of Amorite Period in (my book 156ff). In this book of 2004, he presents a new order RIME 4 (Frayne), FM 5 pp 263-271; and in this book, C. of Nimer-Sin → Adad-bani, the reason for which is unknown Research References for the Old Babylonian Period. Edzard to me, perhaps because I transferred my field from Old Baby- has his references in the end of his part but Stol put them in lonian texts to Sumerian texts in 1995. his notes. The abbreviations and indices are at the end of the The 7th and 8th chapters are about the unstable balance of book. Unfortunately, I am not able, with authority, to comment the powers for twelve years after the decline of Shamshi- on the excellent works of Edzard and Stol since my German Adad’s Assyria (1775-1764) and the political life of the Near and my knowledge of OB literature and economics are not East before 1765. Hammurabi of Babylon, Rim-Sin of Larsa, good enough to do so. Also, the extensive contents and rich Zimri-Lim of Mari, Ibal-pi-El of Eshnunna, the sukkal-mah sources of the work of Charpin give me little time to refer to of Elam and the kings of Yamhad were the six strong pow- every dynasty of this period. Hence I concentrate my review ers that tried to achieve supremacy in political and military on a few points of Charpin’s political history. fields. Many small states were allied around them in order to Charpin titles his history “Political History of the Amorite keep their independence and fend off attacks from neighbor- Near East”, and abandons the traditional naming of the Isin- ing states. Ishme-Dagan of Assyria seemed to become the Larsa and Old Babylonian Period, which covers the 1st half of second rank of powers according to the Mari texts, or he still the second millennium. In my book, Political History of Esh- played an important role, the details of which are missing for nunna, Mari and Assyria, I prefer to name the Isin-Larsa- us because no texts have come to light from Assur and Babylon-Eshnunna-Mari-Assyria period after the fall of the Ur Ekallatu. The 9th and 10th chapters concern the Babylonian Dynasty and before the unity of Hammurabi, as the Early Old empire of Hammurabi and Samsu-iluna (1764-1712) and the Babylonian Period, and the period after the unity of Ham- Late Old Babylonian Period. murabi as the Late Old Babylonian Period, since if we use Since 1985 in MARI 4, Charpin and Durand have renamed names of nation or race to label all the periods we will lose the kingdom of Shamshi-Adad in Assyria as the Kingdom of the periods of Babylon, the symbol and synonym of the High Mesopotamia, which rejects the traditional concept that Mesopotamian civilization: Old Sumerian, Akkadian, New he was the king of Assur/Assyria and that Assur was the most Sumerian, Amorite, Kassite, Assyrian and Chaldean periods. important capital of his state. Shamshi-Adad’s normal title In this period, cuneiform writing was easier to learn than was “the governor-king of the god Enlil and ensi-king of the at other period since only 82 syllabic signs and 110 logograms god Assur” (sakin Enlil, énsi Assur), which was found in were used in most texts. After introducing geography, Assur, Nineveh (adding “beloved of Istar” for the local god- chronology and historical resources, Charpin describes the his- dess), Mari and Terqa (adding the worshipper of Dagan, for tories of three great Amorite dynasties in Babylonia and the the local god) (RIMA 1, A.O.39. 2-8), and his basic title was three great powers in North Mesopotamia/Assyria, as well as the ensi-king of the god Assur (RIMA 1, A.O.39.9), which those of small ones, in the following order. 1) Isin Period was the normal title of rulers of Assur since the god Assur (2002-1895 BC.) including early Eshnunna (where the earli- was titled “King of the city of Assur”. In his royal sealing, est syllabics, the Akkadian ones were written), with the Amor- found in Mari and Acem Höyük, his title was just “beloved ite city-states in the Diyala region and Elam, and early Larsa of Assur, ensi-king of Assur” (RIMA 1, A.O.39.10). He and Kisurra; 2) the Divisions of Powers (1894-1865): Isin, called himself king of the world (Kish) in three inscriptions Larsa, the early Babylon with the twin cities of Kazallu and (RIMA 1, A.O.39.1, 2, 8) and in only one of them did not Marad, Kish, Damrum and Sippar and Eshnunna with the give his title as ensi of Assur but emphasized himself as states in the Diyala region: 3) hegemony of Larsa (1865-1763) “builder of temple of Assur”. The title of the king of the and its ending the Isin Dynasty, with Uruk and Babylon; 4) world (Kish/kissâti) was also the supreme title of the two North Mesopotamia (1900-1792): the city-state of Assur and kings of Eshnunna of this period and the royal title of all the the new power of Shamshi-Adad based in Assur and Ekallatu, powerful kings of Assyria. Although he was called by rise of Eshnunna and of Mari; 5) hegemony of Assyria and Dadusha as king of Ekallatu and he often stayed in Shubat- that of Eshnunna (1792-1755): conquest of Mari by Assyria Enlil for military purposes, he spread the eponym year sys- (1792), conquest of Suhu by Eshnunna, marriage with Qatna tem of Assur to all his cities, and made Assur, a district to against Halab (Yamhad) of Syria (1782), conquests of which Ekallatu was probably attached, his religious capital, Arrapha, Ninive, Qabra, Nurrugum, Ahazum, and Zalmaqum just as the late Assyrian kings who lived in Niniveh, Kalah (1780-1779) and rescueng Qatna and the pacification of the and Dur-sharrukin did, and he was recognized as the first rebellious tribes of Turukku in the Habur Triangle and that of great king of Assyria by all the late Assyrians although the the Ben-Yamin tribes on the Euphrates (1779), alliance of political rivals of his offspring condemned him as an usurper. Babylon and Eshnunna for destroying Malgium and the great All these facts confirm that he was indeed the king of the population census of the whole of Assyria (1777), rebellions kingdom of Assur/Assyria, the political and religious capital 9121_BIOR_2006/2-3_02 06-10-2006 13:22 Pagina 276

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of North Mesopotamia, just as Babylon was that of South MIEROOP, M. Van De — King Hammurabi of Babylon. A Mesopotamia/Babylonia. Note that although the kings of the Biography. Blackwell Publishing, Oxford, 2005. (21,5 Kassite dynasty often called themselves king of Kar- cm, XII, 171). ISBN 1-4051-2659-0 (hbk); 1-4051- Duniyash, ancient and modern people, for the same reason 2660-4 (pbk). £ 45,- (hbk); £ 14,99 (pbk). as we mentioned above, still generally called them kings of Plutôt qu’une biographie comme l’indique son sous-titre, Babylon. The term Kingdom of High Mesopotamia will con- l’ouvrage sous recension présente une histoire du règne de fuse the readers of the general Mesopotamian history. Hammurabi de Babylone. Il paraît sept ans après le livre de Apart from disallowing Shamshi-Adad as king of Assyria, Horst Klengel sur le même sujet ( Charpin also doubts that Sumu-abum was the first king of the König Hammurapi und der , Zurich, 1999) et deux ans après celui de Babylonian dynasty, saying (p 85-86): “It seems to me that the Alltag Babylons Dominique Charpin ( , Paris, PUF, prestigious memory left by Sumu-abum caused some scribes Hammu-rabi de Babylone 2003), que M. Van De Mieroop n’a pas pu consulter avant to place him artificially to the origin of the first dynasty. … la remise son manuscrit à l’éditeur. His pseudo-years of reign should not be counted: the history Les six premiers chapitres, qui occupent une moitié de of the first dynasty may only have started from 1880 with l’ouvrage, présentent la trame chronologique des 43 années Sumu-la-el…. If it is correct, all the political history of 1894- de règne du souverain, aussi précisément que les sources le 1868 should be rewritten. The year name 13 of Sumu-abum permettent. Le premier évoque rapidement les débuts du commemorates the taking of Kazallu and the year name of règne, mal documentés, de 1792 à 1765 environ, et situe le Sumu-la-el 20, the destruction of the walls of this city. It royaume de Babylone dans son environnement géopolitique. might be understood that in fact Sumu-abum and Sumu-la-el Les cinq suivants détaillent les quinze dernières années, beau- had jointly taken the city, and so fix the event in 1862 (Sumu- coup mieux connues, en particulier grâce aux sources de la-el 19), not in 1883 (Sumu-abum 12)”. However, that defeat- Mari. C’est durant cette période que le royaume de Babylone ing a city and destroying its city wall could be two different s’affirme véritablement comme une puissance de premier events in two or more years is proved by year names 13 and rang, en résistant à l’invasion élamite (chap. 2), puis en 19 of Sumu-la-el himself for Kish and the year names of Ham- annexant le royaume de Larsa en 1763 (chap. 3), victoire murabi 33 and 35 for Mari and Malgu, and 32 and 38 for Esh- décisive qui permet à Hammurabi de s’emparer de l’ancien nunna (RlA 2, 180). Year 13 is mu Kiski ba-hul and 19 is mu pays de Sumer, jusqu’au Golfe Arabo-Persique, et de réunir bàd an-né Kiski ba-hul. Year 33 of Hammurabi is ugnim Ma- sous son autorité toute la plaine de Basse Mésopotamie. ríki ù Ma-al-giki mè-ta bí-íb-sub-bé, “He defeated the troops of Durant les années suivantes, les armées babyloniennes s’en Mari and Malgu in battle”, and 35 is bàd Má-ríki ù bàd Mà-al- prennent à Esnunna (chap. 4) et interviennent aussi en Haute gi -aki mu-un-gul-la “he destroyed the city wall of Mari and 4 Mésopotamie (chap. 5), ce qui constitue certainement l’une the city wall of Malgu”. Year 32 is ugnim erén Ès-nun-naki Su- des causes de la rupture avec le roi de Mari Zimrî-Lîm, qui bir ki Gu-ti-umki gistukul kalag-ga-na mè-ta bí-ib-sub-ba, “He 4 considérait la Djézireh comme relevant de sa zone d’in- defeated in battle the hordes and troops of Eshnunna, Subir and fluence. L’étape suivante est la conquête de Mari en 1761 et Quti with the mighty weapon”, and 38 is Bàd Ès-nun-naki a la destruction de la ville deux ans plus tard (chap. 6), der- gal-gal-la mu-un-gul-la, “He destroyed the city wall of Esh- nière grande conquête qui permet à Hammurabi d’étendre sa nunna”. Apart from the year names of Sumu-abum 13 and domination jusqu’au Moyen-Euphrate. Seuls demeurent à Sumu-la-El 20 mentioning the defeat of Kazallu, the year name l’abri de ses ambitions les grands royaumes d’Alep et 12 of Sabium was also about the city wall of Kazallu destroyed d’Elam. (or rebuilt?): mu bàd Ka-zal-luki [ba-hul?]. Quatre chapitres offrent ensuite des synthèses thématiques. Since the history of the Manana dynasty of Kish/Damru (?) Hammurabi règne sur une construction politique qui ras- covered 14 years of the reigns of Sumu-abum and then 36 semble des populations diverses, aux modes de vies variés. years of Sumu-la-El, we confirm that Sumu-abum was indeed L’un des éléments de cohérence de cet ensemble est sans the first king of Babylon and his successor was Sumu-la-El doute l’idéologie royale, qui définit les devoirs du souverain although Sumu-abum was also the head of the Amorite envers les dieux et envers son peuple, ainsi que l’organisation Alliance in North Babylonia. From the year name of Haliyum mise en place pour gouverner ce grand royaume; celle-ci est (1895 B.C.), when Ur-Ninurta was killed, we learn that the connue en particulier par la correspondance de Samas-hazir first ruler of the Manana dynasty was the contemporary of (chap. 7). Hammurabi a laissé le recueil de lois le plus célèbre Sumu-abum (1894-1879). From the year names of Sumu-la- de l’antiquité orientale (chap. 8), que l’auteur préfère ne pas el 31-33 used by Manium, the last one of the Manana dynasty, appeler «code», car les lois sont loin d’envisager tous les cas we learn that they were contemporaries. From Haliyum to possibles et l’organisation de la justice n’y est pas définie; en Manium, we have 55 year names: Halium 13, Abdi-Erah 2, outre, les documents de la pratique, comme les lettres et les Manana 17, Naqimum 6, Ahi-maras 5, Sumu-Yamutabal 7, comptes rendus de procès, ne font que très rarement référence Manium 5, which means that before Sumu-la-el became king aux lois royales, mais éclairent l’organisation et le fonction- of Babylon, Sumu-abum had ruled the city for 14 years and nement de la justice. La personnalité du souverain (chap. 9) before that he had based himself in a city, nearby Babylon, or demeure difficile à cerner: le recours aux scribes de la chan- in other cities as the leader of the Amorite Alliance at least for cellerie et les usages codifiés de la correspondance constituent 5-10 years, just as Shamshi-Adad did in Assur. autant de filtres qui nous masquent le véritable visage du monarque. Des informations précieuses figurent cependant Northeast Normal University, Wu YUHANG dans les lettres: aux atermoiements de Hammurabi, répétés January 2006 chaque fois que Zimrî-Lîm lui réclame une aide militaire, s’oppose le ton autoritaire des missives à Samas-hazir, dans ** lesquelles le roi exige d’être obéi rapidement: selon les termes * 9121_BIOR_2006/2-3_02 06-10-2006 13:22 Pagina 277

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de l’auteur, «Hammurabi was more eager to receive than to l’une des conséquences principales en est l’absence totale give»! L’idéologie développée dans le prologue du recueil de d’archives palatiales, un silence presque complet sur la lois, dans les hymnes au souverain et dans ses inscriptions met famille royale, et l’obligation de reconstruire l’histoire de en valeur trois images royales: le guerrier victorieux, le paci- Babylone et de ses rois avec des sources trouvées sur d’autres ficateur, le dispensateur de justice; c’est surtout ce dernier sites. Cela permet de mieux évaluer l’importance des archives aspect qui a été retenu par la postérité (chap. 10), et les scribes de Mari, dont l’auteur souligne à plusieurs reprises qu’elles ont copié les lois de Hammurabi jusqu’au Ve s. av. J.-C. constituent «our main source of information on international Le dernier chapitre expose les difficultés méthodologiques affairs» et que, lorsqu’elles s’interrompent, il devient plus auxquelles est confronté l’historien qui tente d’écrire une difficile de suivre l’histoire du règne de Hammurabi et en «biographie» de Hammurabi (l’ouvrage est en effet le pre- particulier sa politique extérieure (p. 52, ainsi que p. 61). Les mier d’une collection consacrée aux biographies de grandes archives de Mari sont présentées un peu plus loin, p. 64. Mais figures de l’antiquité, et l’éditeur annonce des volumes sur il aurait été plus clair d’expliquer dès le départ que notre Cléopâtre, Jules César, etc.). Marc Van De Mieroop, qui s’est dépendance obligée par rapport aux archives de Mari a pour par ailleurs intéressé au statut des sources antiques et à l’écri- conséquence une vision très déséquilibrée du règne de Ham- ture de l’histoire (Cuneiform Texts and the Writing of His- murabi; la plus grande partie en demeure très mal connue tory, London and New York, Routledge, 1999), présente clai- parce que les archives de Mari ne documentent que quelques rement les données du problème. Contrairement aux années, celles où les relations diplomatiques entre les deux historiens de l’époque contemporaine qui doivent choisir cours sont intenses; d’où, dans le livre, un premier chapitre leurs sources et se trouvent souvent embarrassés par leur sur- intitulé «The Early Years», qui survole en fait presque les abondance, les épigraphistes travaillant sur les tablettes méso- deux tiers du règne, faute de sources, alors que cinq chapitres potamiennes sont rarement gênés par une telle profusion. Les sont consacrés au dernier tiers. De même les textes de Larsa niveaux de Babylone contemporains du règne de Hammurabi ne fournissent d’informations pertinentes pour le règne de n’ont pu être fouillés. Les sources proviennent donc d’autres Hammurabi qu’une fois la ville prise, en 1763, ce qui vient villes ayant fait partie de son royaume, comme les lettres renforcer le corpus documentant la fin du règne. trouvées par des fouilleurs clandestins, probablement à Larsa, Quelques compléments à la bibliographie des p. xi-xii et ou les inscriptions royales. Les noms d’années permettant de 159-163: dater les tablettes administratives et les contrats contiennent – J.-R. Kupper, Lettres royales du temps de Zimri-Lim, également des informations sur les réalisations royales. Le ARM XXVIII, Paris, 1998, contient neuf lettres envoyées par «code» a été exhumé lors des fouilles Suse, où les Elamites Hammurabi de Babylone; certaines sont en très mauvais état, l’avaient emporté, au XIIe s. Enfin les royaumes voisins entre- mais d’autres, bien conservées, traitent de la guerre contre tenaient des relations diplomatiques avec Babylone; les abon- l’Elam. dantes archives de Mari, qui sont la principale source pour – Une empreinte du sceau de Hammurabi a été trouvé à reconstruire les relations internationales de cette époque, rela- Mari sur une étiquette: D. Charpin, «L’archivage des tent parfois de façon très précise les entrevues des envoyés tablettes dans le palais de Mari: nouvelles données», dans mariotes avec Hammurabi. Néanmoins, il reste impossible W. H. van Soldt et al. (éd.), Veenhof Anniversary Volume, d’écrire une biographie complète de Hammurabi: nous igno- Leiden, 2001, p. 13-30 (sceau p. 26-28). rons par exemple à peu près tout de sa famille, ainsi que sa – La synthèse de B. Lafont, «Relations internationales, date de naissance et donc son âge à son avènement, etc. L’au- alliances et diplomatie au temps des royaumes amorrites», teur a reconstruit une image aussi précise que possible, mais dans J.-M. Durand et D. Charpin (éd.), Amurru 2, Paris, 2001, admet que celle-ci demeure fragmentaire. p. 213-328, utilise surtout les données de Mari, de loin les M. Van De Mieroop utilise la chronologie moyenne, choix plus abondantes sur la question pour l’époque paléo-babylo- qu’il justifie p. x; celle-ci, remise en question à plusieurs nienne, mais contient aussi de nombreuses informations à reprises ces dernières années, demeure cependant une réfé- valeur générale, ainsi que des références précises aux activi- rence tant qu’un consensus sur la question n’a pas été trouvé. tés diplomatiques de Hammurabi (réception de messagers à L’ouvrage est complété par une carte p. ix, une dizaine Babylone, prestations de serments, p. ex.). d’illustrations réparties dans les différents chapitres, et un Enfin on ajoutera désormais à la bibliographie le gros glossaire (p. 146-152) qui donne surtout les noms propres de volume de D. Charpin, D. O. Edzard et M. Stol, Mesopota- personnes et de lieux mentionnés dans l’ouvrage. Les notes, mien: Die altbabylonische Zeit, OBO 160/4, Fribourg, 2004, regroupées en fin de volume, n’offrent pas un appareil cri- paru après la remise du manuscrit de M. Van De Mieroop à tique complet (ce qui n’est pas dans l’esprit de l’ouvrage ni son éditeur. Avec la parution de ce dernier livre, de l’ouvrage de la collection) mais indiquent précisément les références sous recension et de celui de D. Charpin sur le même sujet, des textes cités. on se réjouit de constater qu’en l’espace de deux ans, les syn- L’ensemble est très clair, fort bien informé et agréable à thèses et instruments de travail sur l’époque paléo-babylo- lire. L’auteur cite fréquemment les sources antiques, ce qui nienne se sont multipliés. rend la lecture très vivante, surtout lorsqu’il s’agit de lettres. Les sources paléo-babyloniennes sont de natures très diverses Quelques remarques de détail: (lois, contrats, procès, correspondance, etc.) et le choix des – p. 4: l’auteur souligne que Samsi-Adad et Hammurabi sont citations rend perceptibles cette richesse et cette variété. tous deux d’origine amorrite. Ils pensent même descendre Le dernier chapitre, qui contient une présentation synthé- d’ancêtres communs, comme l’indique la comparaison entre tique des sources et une réflexion méthodologique, aurait me la liste royale assyrienne, qui a intégré les ancêtres de Samsi- semble-t-il été mieux placé au début de l’ouvrage. En effet, Adad, et le rituel funéraire des rois de Babylone qui énumère il faut attendre la p. 137 pour lire que les niveaux paléo-baby- les ancêtres de la dynastie: J. J. Finkelstein, «The Genealogy loniens de la capitale n’ont pu être atteints lors des fouilles; of the Hammurapi Dynasty», JCS 20, 1966, p. 95-118 et D. 9121_BIOR_2006/2-3_02 06-10-2006 13:22 Pagina 278

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Charpin et J.-M. Durand, «Fils de Sim’al», RA 80, 1986, p. par J. J. Finkelstein dans ANET, mais on peut rappeler les tra- 141-183, en particulier p. 159-170. vaux fondateurs de F. R. Kraus, Ein Edikt des Königs Ammi- – p. 5, erreur typographique: comme l’indique l’auteur, c’est Òaduqa von Babylon, Leiden, 1958, et Königliche Verfügun- bien trois ans après la mort de Yahdun-Lîm que Samsi-Adad gen in Altbabylonischer Zeit, Leiden, 1984. s’empare de Mari, donc en 1792 (et non 1796). – p. 153, n. 1 au chap. 2: ce ne sont pas les «Babylonian – p. 11: il existe peut-être des indices de l’abolition des dettes sources» mais les sources mariotes qui appellent le sukkal au moyen d’édits royaux au-delà des «late third and early d’Elam «Seplarpak»: voir J.-M. Durand, «Fragments rejoints second millenia»: B. Lion, «L’anduraru à l’époque médio- pour une histoire élamite», dans L. de Meyer, H. Gasche et babylonienne, d’après les documents de Terqa, Nuzi et Arra- F. Vallat (éd.), Fragmenta Historiae Elamicae, Mélanges pha», SCCNH 10, 1999, p. 313-327. offerts à M. J. Stève, Paris, 1986, p. 111-128, spécialement – p. 76: outre le tri des tablettes par les Babyloniens, l’une p. 114 n. 1. Le seul texte où le nom du sukkal soir correcte- des preuves du pillage du palais de Mari provient de Baby- ment écrit «∑iwapalarhuhpak» est le projet de traité que doit lone même: deux statues y ont été découvertes par R. Kol- jurer Hammurabi, mis en forme par la chancellerie mariote, dewey, dans le palais de Nabuchodonosor et de ses succes- que J.-M. Durand a publié dans cet article et que M. Van De seurs du Hauptburg. L’une d’elles portait une inscription qui Mieroop cite p. 21. a permis de l’identifier comme Puzur-Estar, sakkanakku de Mari (voir R. Koldewey, Das wieder erstehende Babylon, Paris, février 2006 Brigitte LION Neu herausgegeben von Barthel Hrouda, München, 1990, p. 167-169, photographies 105 a, b et c; et F. Wetzel dans R. ** Koldewey, Die Königsburgen von Babylon, II. Teil. die * Hauptburg und der Sommerpalast Nebukadnezars im Hügel Babili, Osnabrück, 1969, p. 20 et pl. 21-23). Les deux sta- DIETER VIEL, H. — The Complete Code of Hammurabi. tues acéphales sont maintenant à Istanbul; la tête de Puzur- Lincom Europa, München, 2005. 24 cm, 1-354 (vol. I) Estar, trouvée par des pillards avant le début des fouilles + 358-799 (vol. II). ISBN 3-89586-860-4. / 104.00, régulières, est exposée au Musée de Berlin. $ 124.80. – p. 109: le fait que des cas particuliers jugés par le roi aient servi de base à l’élaboration du droit est désormais démon- Until recently it has been valid to complain that the would- tré par les quatre copies d’un même texte, dont l’original date be student of Akkadian is poorly served so far as the text of de Samsu-iluna, trouvées à Tell ed-Der dans la maison d’Ur- Codex Hammurabi is concerned. But today there is less to Utu: C. Janssen, «Samsu-iluna and the Hungry Naditums», complain about, since so many of the laws are taken as appo- NAPR 5, 1991, p. 1-39. Le roi répond à une lettre des auto- site citations and explained in the modern teaching grammar rités de Sippar, qui l’interrogent sur deux points de droit of John Huehnergard, A Grammar of Akkadian (Atlanta: concernant les biens des naditum de Samas; ces cas ne sont Scholars Press.1997), and a full lexical index is to be found pas évoqués par le code de Hammurabi et le rescrit de in M.E.J. Richardson, Hammurabi’s Laws (Sheffield: Samsu-iluna vient combler ce que nous appellerions aujour- Sheffield Academic Press [now London: Continuum], 2000). d’hui un «vide juridique». What is still lacking is a comprehensive description of those – p. 140: Hammurabi avait recours aux services de scribes points of Akkadian grammar which are illustrated in CH, professionnels, mais l’affirmation selon laquelle «Hammu- including the cruces interpretationis and cross references to rabi and his royal colleagues more likely were illiterate» ne some different grammatical constructions in variant manu- va peut-être pas de soi. L’accès à l’écrit à l’époque paléo- scripts. Despite the excellence of E. Bergmann’s hand-copy, babylonienne semble important, même si l’on ne sait rien de it would also be helpful to have more convenient access to précis à ce sujet pour Hammurabi et son entourage (voir, the original photographs of the Stele. These were originally entre autres, J. N. Postgate, Early Mesopotamia, London & published by V. Scheil in 1902 but now can be found only New York, 1992, p. 69; C. Wilcke, Wer las und schrieb in in very well established academic libraries. Babylonien und Assyrien: Überlegungen zur Litteralität im Viel has attempted to fill all the gaps, first in German (Der Alten Zweistromland, München, 2000; D. Charpin, «Esquisse Codex Hammurapi. Göttingen: Duehrkohp & Radicke. 2002. d’une diplomatique des documents mésopotamiens», Biblio- [pp.750]. ISBN: 389744206X. / 336.00, according to thèque de l’Ecole des Chartes, 160, 2002, p. 503). A la cour www.amazon.de), and now in English. He reproduces the de Mari, plusieurs membres de l’élite savaient lire et écrire; signs of the Stele (apparently from a computer font of his il est possible que la princesse Kirû, privée de scribe, ait elle- own design) which are based not on Scheil’s photographs but même rédigé les tablettes qu’elle envoyait à son père (J.-M. on a plaster-cast of the monument belonging to a museum a Durand, MARI 3, p. 167-168 et n. 41). Les travaux récents few miles south-east of Würzburg. He provides his cuneiform sur l’écriture et la lecture semblent remettre en cause l’idée text with an interlinear transliteration, systematically followed que ces pratiques étaient réservées à une élite très étroite; à with an essentially literal translation; from time to time he une minorité, certes, mais moins infime qu’on ne l’a cru pen- has found it necessary to adopt more idiomatic expressions, dant longtemps. Par ailleurs, Samsi-Adad, roi de Haute Méso- for otherwise literalness would have become meaningless. On potamie, et la reine Sibtu, épouse de Zimrî-Lîm, semblent each page there is a parallel column where rather monoto- avoir été capables de comprendre précisément les rapports nously the same material is repeated using a Neo-Assyrian d’extispicine (J.-M. Durand, ARMT 26/1, Paris, 1988, p. 53- cuneiform font (for which he is indebted to R. Borger). A 54); or cette technique présente des analogies avec l’écriture consecutive idiomatic translation of the individual sections (voir sur ce sujet les études de Jean-Jacques Glassner). of CH is interleaved sporadically, and a complete consecu- – p. 153, n. 9 et 10 au chap. 1: il est logique de renvoyer le tive phonetic transcription of the whole text follows the Epi- lecteur anglophone à la traduction de l’édit d’Ammi-Òaduqa logue. These two items are copied from Richardson’s book 9121_BIOR_2006/2-3_02 06-10-2006 13:22 Pagina 279

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in extenso (without having made any request for formal per- enthält einen einleitenden Artikel der Herausgeberin, drei mission). All this occupies most of Vol. II (pp. 357-782), with Aufsätze in englischer und deutscher Sprache und Auszüge a chronological chart, some tables of scripts (cuneiform and aus den sich an die Vorträge des workshops anschließenden alphabetic) and metrological equivalents, a bibliography and Diskussionen. some personal biographical details filling the last pages. Die Einführung von B. Nevling Porter, „Interactions of Vol. I is mainly (pp. 73-346) taken up with tabulations of Ritual and Politics in Mesopotamia“, beschäftigt sich mit cuneiform signs. Every sign occurring in CH, having been einer Definition des Begriffes „Ritual“, eine Problematik, die assigned a number from 1 (as) to 905 (gar8), is then listed, auch in der am Ende des Werkes wiedergegebenen Diskus- first in a numeric and then in an alphabetic sequence. A third sion eine wichtige Stelle einnimmt. Tatsächlich wird der table lists the signs according to their format in Old Baby- Begriff letztlich sehr weit gefaßt, etwa als „human actions lonian script. Signs functioning as determinatives or Sumero- (…) embedded in a religiously determined cosmic order“ grams and those that occur less than five times are treated (Sallaberger S. 98). separately. As if this were not enough to digest, we are then Zur Definition von „Ritual“ und zur Typologisierung von faced with tabulations of the corresponding Neo-Assyrian Ritualen existiert mittlerweile eine umfassende und kaum signs in numerical and alphabetical order, as well as a short mehr überschaubare Fachliteratur, die in dem zu bespre- list of signs which have retained their format through the chenden Band nur ganz knapp gestreift wird (S. 5f.).1) ages. The rest of this volume is occupied with some basic, In seinem Aufsatz „Religious Ritual in Assyrian Sculpture“ cursory, descriptive information. beschäftigt sich Julian Reade mit der Darstellung von rituel- The author’s English style consistently demonstrates an len Handlungen auf neuassyrischen Reliefs. Reade erstellt inexplicable preference for bald statements which call out for eine Typologie von rituellen Handlungen: Prozessionen, further discussion. And he has adopted an atrocious attitude Opfer im Tempel in Assyrien und vor Felsreliefs in Feindes- to his reponsibility for proof-reading, which a reader is likely land, Rituale während des Kriegszuges im Feldlager, Trium- to find similarly frustrating. The simple reproduction of nom- phrituale nach Abschluß des Feldzuges, die rituelle Jagd und inal and verbal paradigms from R. Caplice, Introduction to die triumphale Rückkehr mit der erlegten Beute und schließ- Akkadian (Rome: PIB, 1988), which deliberately included lich Feste wie beispielsweise die berühmte Feier Assurbani- some forms not attested in CH, is a poor attempt to explain pals in der Gartenlaube. Dem Artikel sind 32 Abbildungen the relevant grammar. He has ducked the issue of drawing beigegeben. attention to particular points of grammatical interest in par- Reade widmet sich zu Anfang seines Artikels (S. 7f.) kurz ticular sentences and this is detrimental to his cause. Until der Frage, ob wir die Darstellungen auf den Reliefs immer such time as a comprehensive grammatical analysis is avail- „ernst“ zu nehmen haben oder ob sich nicht hin und wieder able, simple references to Huehnergard in footnotes to his in bestimmten Details ein gewisser Sinn für das Scherzhafte text would not have been too much to expect. (jocularity) in ihnen äußere. Ergänzend wäre hier zu verwei- Since the principal aim of this author has been to satisfy sen auf den Aufsatz von E. Frahm, Humor in assyrischen the needs of the student it is hard to understand why he has Königsinschriften, in: J. Prosecky (ed.), Intellectual Life of failed to include even a very simple vocabulary list, which is the Ancient Near East, CRRA 43, Prague 1998: 147-162. surely sine qua non in any study of this text. All in all he Mit der Herrscherideologie des 3. und 2. Jahrtausends setzt seems to have lost his way in meeting the needs of the sich der Beitrag von Walther Sallaberger „Von politischem teacher, for it is far better to learn to read cuneiform prop- Handeln zu rituellem Königtum. Wie im Frühen Mesopota- erly when the transliteration and translation are easily hidden mien ein Herrscher seine Taten darstellt“ auseinander. Dem from view, in a separate column or on a separate page. It is in deutscher Sprache abgefaßten Artikel ist eine Zusammen- harder to achieve when they are given, as they are here, as fassung in englischer Sprache beigefügt. interlinear information. A page design like this may have Ziel des Artikels ist es, den Wandel herrscherlicher Selbst- been considered acceptable in times gone by, as for example darstellung in offiziellen Texten wie Königsinschriften, in L.W. King, First Steps in Assyrian (London: Kegan Paul, Königshymnen und Jahresnamen aufzuzeigen. So ist es etwa 1898), but today it is outmoded. Furthermore, while inele- das Anliegen hethitischer Annalen oder assyrischer Königs- gant English from the mouths of non-native speakers can be inschriften, die Heldentaten und Kriegszüge des Herrschers excused, when it reaches the point of incomprehensibility for und seine jeweiligen Gegner genau in Zeit und Raum zu ver- a native speaker, something serious has evidently gone orten (und nicht zuletzt aus diesem Grunde bilden diese aus- wrong. führlichen Feldzugsberichte eine zentrale Quelle für unsere Kenntnis der Geschichte dieser Epochen). Für den vorausge- Leiden University, April 2006 M.E.J. RICHARDSON henden Zeitraum von der Dynastie von Akkade bis hin zur Isin-Larsa-Zeit läßt sich jedoch ein gegenläufiger Prozeß beobachten: Aus den ausgewerteten Textquellen wird deut- ** lich, daß sich eine Entwicklung von der Darstellung konkre- * ter historischer Fakten hin zu einer zeitlosen, dem mensch- lich-politischen Umfeld entrückten Präsentation der PORTER, B.N. (Ed.) — Ritual and Politics in Ancient Mes- herrscherlichen Taten abzeichnet. Sind die Inschriften der opotamia. (American Oriental Series Vol. 88). Eisen- frühdynastischen Herrscher von Lagas oder diejenigen der brauns, Winona Lake, 2005. (26 cm, XII, 120). ISBN 0- 940490-19-6. $ 42.-. Das Buch geht auf einen von B. Nevling Porter im Jahre 1) Ein guter Überblick über die relevante Literatur findet sich in der im 2001 während der Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale Internet vorliegenden Ritualbibliographie der Abteilung Klassische Indolo- gie des Südasien-Instituts der Universität Heidelberg (www.sai.uni-heidel- in Helsinki abgehaltenen workshop zurück. Der Sammelband berg.de/abt/IND/publikation/bibritual/bibritual.htm). 9121_BIOR_2006/2-3_02 06-10-2006 13:22 Pagina 280

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Dynastie von Akkade für die politische Geschichte noch sehr PORTER, B.N. — Trees, Kings, and Politics. Studies in informativ, legen die offiziellen Texte der II. Dynastie von Assyrian Iconography. (Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis, Lagas, der III. Dynastie von Ur oder der Könige der Isin- 197). Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen, 2003. (23,5 Larsa-Zeit keinen Wert mehr auf eine (wie auch immer den cm, XVI, 124). ISBN 3-7278-1449-7 (Academic Press); Tatsachen entsprechende) historisch-politische Einbettung 3-525-53054-4 (Vandenhoeck&Ruprecht). Fr. 55,-. ihrer Taten zugunsten eher vager Anspielungen auf Kriegs- The various articles collected in the book form a unique züge und militärische Erfolge in stereotypen Wendungen. discourse which unfolds and develops in the course of some Auch Jahresnamen mit ihrer Bezugnahme auf wichtige poli- years of research. The result is a varying perspective on some tische oder kultische Ereignisse nehmen an dieser Entwicklung crucial themes of Assyrian ideology. The main subjects are teil. Dies ergibt sich aus der zunehmenden Dominanz wieder- the iconography of the sacred tree and some peculiarities in kehrender ritueller Ereignisse des kultischen Kalenders für die the visual representation, mostly connected with control of Verwendung von Jahresnamen gegenüber unerwarteten und and propaganda in the conquered areas. Reviewing a book nicht vorhersehbaren politisch-militärischen Ereignissen. that gathers a thirteen years work and maintains details on Die Königsinschriften der Herrscher der I. Dynastie von which the author herself has changed her mind in the course Babylon lösen sich schließlich wieder aus der zeitlosen of time (see p. XVI) offers the opportunity of participating Erstarrung durch Angabe politisch-historischer Ereignisse, in an ongoing discussion, underlining the most stimulating während sich für die Jahresnamen der ersten beiden Regie- contributions that the book brings to it. rungsjahre der Könige eine regelrechte Kanonisierung beob- In the the author rightly stresses the funda- achten läßt. Introduction mental function that the visual apparatus had in Assyrian times Philippe Talon untersucht in seinem Artikel „Cases of in transmitting the message of dominance and in defining the Deviation in Neo-Assyrian Annals and Foundation Docu- figure of the king in the eyes of his subjects. She remarks as ments“ den sogenannten „Fluch der Sargoniden“, d.h. ver- well that “Assyrian texts are largely silent about the purpose räterisches und für einen Herrscher nicht angemessenes Ver- of these carvings” (p. XI), and that the passage from Esarhad- halten neuassyrischer Könige, und seinen Niederschlag in don’s inscriptions she quotes is an exception. However, the Texten. Herangezogen werden Königsinschriften, Gottes- term i , “awed gaze”, with which Esarhaddon describes briefe und Texte wie die „Sünde Sargons“ oder die „Apolo- tabr tu the effect of the monument on its beholders, and to which gie Asarhaddons“. Porter adds bibliographical references in the footnotes, shows Die Geschichte der Sargoniden bietet zahlreiche Beispiele perhaps not only, as she rightly notes, the “impact of the für nicht dem Herrscherideal folgende Verhaltensmuster assy- stele’s striking visual image”, but also the explicit connection rischer Könige — so etwa zahlreiche gebrochene Verträge und with an ancient and always alive Mesopotamian tradition, Abkommen, die hemmungslose Zerstörung feindlicher Städte since it corresponds to the Sumerian u -di, employed in vari- (die Zerstörung Babylons durch Sanherib und die Zerstörung 6 ous Old Babylonian inscriptions commemorating in particu- Shubrias durch Asarhaddon) oder Königsmord und Bruder- lar the erection of temples, and connects with the definition krieg (die Ermordung Sanheribs und der sich daran ansch- chosen by Sennacherib in celebrating the construction of the ließende Krieg zwischen seinen Söhnen). Es ist das Anliegen “Palace without a rival” (see Russel, AJA 102 (1998), 663 von Propagandatexten, für dieses Verhalten eine Rechtferti- with previous bibliography). To this tradition expressions may gung zu finden und es als dem Willen der Götter entsprechend be connected which describe temples ( s , darzustellen. Talon zieht weiterhin verschiedene literarische parakkum ra bum “fearful dais”, in Samsi-Adad, RIMA 1 A.0.39.1, or Texte aus dem Bereich der Weisheitsliteratur und das Erra- atmanu s in Shalmaneser I, A.0.77.1, 135; Tukulti-Ninurta I, Epos in seine Diskussion mit ein und zieht einige sehr speku- ra ubbu A.0.78, 44s.; 13, 46-47; 23, 112, etc.) and the, admittedly lative Schlußfolgerungen daraus. Das Schicksal Babylons unter scanty, references to the different sensations that imposing Sanherib, Asarhaddon und Assurbanipal ist Talon zufolge im architectures or other monuments inspire in the observer (see Erra-Epos widergespiegelt, so daß eine völlig neue, sehr späte e.g. the sentence: e si [ a ] i Òi u s Datierung dieses Werkes anzunehmen sei.2) Auch sei Asar- kallu ana nan m r ma lk u r ti a a e s, in Assurnasirpal II, RIMA 2 A.0.101.32, 10s.). haddon nicht einfach physisch krank, sondern offenbar vom dar te pu The original trait in Esarhaddon’s text is perhaps the use of Bewußtsein eines „Fluchs der Sargoniden“ befallen gewesen. this terminology for a stele instead of a palace (but cf. the Der Sammelband ist für Assyriologen, Archäologen und peculiar text of Assur-bel-kala, A.0.89.10, 4s.: alamgate Religionswissenschaftler gleichermaßen informativ und bie- a aÌ a a u ÌÌ Ò aÌ e s tet interessante Einblicke in wichtige Aspekte mesopotami- ann te qereb p utu l ni u ubr te ina mu i i i tapa referring to the sculptures as artistic objects, and see also the scher Herrscherideologie aus drei Jahrtausenden. reference to the aesthetic features and political value of the statues of the king in S.W. Holloway, Assur is King! Assur is Heidelberg, Februar 2006 Claus AMBOS king!, Leiden 2002, 276). In Esarhaddon’s monument how- ever, as we will se below, the tradition has a peculiar actual- ** ization: it depicts an innovative organization of kingship, * which, according to the court scholar Adad-sumu-uÒur (LAS 129), verily inspired wonder in the subjects. 2) Datierungsvorschläge für das Erra-Epos reichen vom 11. bis ins 7. The first paper “Assyrian Bas-reliefs at Bowdoin Col- Jahrhundert, siehe zusammenfassend G. Müller, Ischum und Erra, in: O. lege”, which was delivered at the particular occasion of the Kaiser et al. (ed.), Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments III/4: Mythen inauguration of the display of sculptured reliefs at the Bow- und Epen II. Gütersloh 1994: 781f. Beachte den Hinweis von J.A. Brink- man, Prelude to Empire. Babylonian Society and Politics, 747-626 B.C. doin Museum, offers a well depicted synthesis of Assur- Philadelphia 1984: 49 Anm. 230 auf eine Mitteilung von K.R. Veenhof, nasirpal’s reign and of its importance in the elaboration of a derzufolge Zeile V 35 des Erra-Epos in Zeile 34 des Zylinders von Mar- figurative and propaganda program, including the inaugural duk-apla-iddina II. zitiert werde. 9121_BIOR_2006/2-3_02 06-10-2006 13:22 Pagina 281

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banquet for the new capital KalÌu. It adds moreover a tile to in its complex, i.e. the historical development of symbols and the complex picture of the history of discovery and collec- their differentiated meanings through different periods. tion of Mesopotamian artefacts. This perspective might be considered also for the figures The book concentrates on symbolism relevant not only in treated in the last article devoted to the theme, “Seasonal time the communication of a message, but mostly in the con- and eternity in ancient Assyria”. Here an additional aspect is struction of Assyrian imperial ideology. Assurnasirpal II investigated, starting again from the fundamental assumption appears to have played a fundamental role in this process, that the Assyrian tree is symbol of fertility. It is considered and to have developed in particular the perhaps most strik- in relation to time flowing and to the preoccupation of the ing and most discussed of the symbols employed in the rep- kings of assuring immortality at least to the memory of their resentation of kingship: the sacred tree. glorious deeds. The palm is in fact represented in connection An ampler discussion of this symbol is the subject of the with the royal persona, and with a series of different mythi- second article, “Sacred Trees and Date Palms”, in which the cal beings, bird-headed winged figures, or human-headed fig- fundamental identification of this symbol with a stylized palm ures, representing the apkallus, which played the role of pro- is proposed, and where the gesture of the king and of the var- tectors and guaranteed, as ante-diluvian divine figures, ious genies represented in the same reliefs is interpreted as a longevity and the preservation of the memory of the king’s ritualized depiction of the pollination act actually performed achievements forever. Fertility is apparently connected with by farmers. To the basic question: “What made the Assyrians eternity: it is the fuel of duration and therefore strictly com- decide to adopt this obscure Babylonian artistic motif as the bined with the perpetuation of the king’s memory. To this dominant theme of Assurnasirpal’s palace (…)?” (p. 17), framework of past-future relationships of which kingship is Porter answers suggesting that it is a fertility symbol, which the fundamental knot, another subject which Porter rightly acquired a particular meaning in the political phase of Assur- points out and that deserves further attention, may now be nasirpal’s reign. Its choice is also related to the image of Istar added, as stimulating for the discussion, the study by S. and her role in this phase. As noted by Russel, AJA 102 Richardson, “An Assyrian garden of ancestors”, SAAB XIII (1998), 689, however, Istar is apparently scarcely connected (1999-2001), who connects the representation of the sacred with agricultural fertility; in the Assurbanipal’s Hymn, more- tree in Assurnasirpal’s palace with the memory of the king’s over, quoted by Porter to corroborate her thesis, the metaphoric dead predecessors. epithet of the palm, with which Istar is addressed, appears The other articles in the volume focus on a different theme, inserted in the ample celebration of the goddess, represented i.e. more specifically on the modes of communication of the as magnificent, shining, wonderfully beautiful, etc., while Assyrian message of power, examining individual monu- abundance is referred to in the next session of the hymn as ments and cases bearing on different periods and reverting in tribute from all the lands, i.e. as result of political dominion. the end, with the last article included, to the figurative appa- As again indicated by Russel, the figurative apparatus to ratus created by Assurnasirpal II. which the palm iconography belongs ought to be compared “Conquest or Kudurrus” is devoted to the important and with the Babylonian, Mitannian, and Middle-Assyrian tradi- delicate question of the relationship of the Assyrian king with tions, although functioning as repertoires of figurative the conquered Babylonian citizens. The Black Stone carved motives, while their meaning was adapted in the new ideo- by Esarhaddon with the symbolic writing of his name is logical construction created by Assurnasirpal and the other defined by Porter as “a hybrid of traditional Assyrian and Assyrian monarchs. To the evidence quoted by Russel (p. Babylonian forms”, combining the pattern of the Babylonian 693), add moreover that the pollination act is apparently kudurrus granting privileges with that of the Assyrian cele- attested in a relief from Tell Halaf dated to the ninth cen. (see brative inscriptions, exalting the name of the king that in this ANEP no. 96 and Lipinski, The Arameans, (OLA 100) Leu- case substitutes the symbols of the deities. If the monument ven 2000, 518), which suggests again the complexity of the has a multilayered symbolic meaning, as recently clarified by relationships of Assyria with neighbouring areas as far as Roaf and Zgoll in their article “Assyrian Astroglyphs”, ZA symbolism is concerned. 91 (2001), 264-95, the point insisted upon by Porter is a cru- The discussion on this subject continues in the third essay, cial one. As she demonstrated in her book on Esarhaddon’s “The Meaning of the Assyrian Tree Image”, written after policy in Babylonia (Images, Power, Politics, Philadelphia Parpola’s seminal article (JNES 52 (1993), 161-208) in which 1993), the communicative means implemented by Esarhad- the Assyrian tree is interpreted according to mystical and eso- don are innovative but involve at the same time a thorough teric criteria. In criticizing Parpola’s view Porter concentrates utilization of specific aspects of both the Assyrian and the on an interesting point already singled out in the preceding Babylonian traditions. article: the representation of the tree disappears almost com- In “Image as error” the authmor considers the fundamen- pletely in the Sargonid period, the phase of most intense the- tal problem of the double kingship, established by Esarhad- ological elaboration. In the visual message of the growing don with the choice of two heirs for Assyria and Babylonia, empire the fertility meaning of the palm tree was superseded combining two perspectives: the level of the figurative rep- by different images. For a thorough commentary on this inter- resentation and the institutional one. The article pinpoints the pretation we refer again to Russel 1998, who, quoting a study fundamental ambiguity in the presentation of the Assyrian by B. Parker Mallowan and studying the relationships monarch according to the old scheme of the Babylonian king between the different symbols and their disposition in the carrying the workman’s basket, at that time apparently palace, considers the sacred tree “rather as a powerful unusual both in Assyria and in Babylonia, attested by steles apotropaic agency in its own right.” representing Assurbanipal and Samas-sumu-ukin. The ambi- Whatever the solution may be, Porter touches anyway a guity inherent in this problematic institutional order comes to question which has a general relevance and deserves a com- the fore, according to Porter, when we consider that the iden- prehensive re-consideration extended to the Assyrian imagery tical attitude in which the two kings are represented suggested 9121_BIOR_2006/2-3_02 06-10-2006 13:22 Pagina 282

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that they also had the same rank. The ensuing message of developed through these different means of expression. The brotherly cooperation might in fact have been misunderstood steles of Samˆal and Nahr el-Kelb, while differing in their as image of the increasing competition between the two kings, figurative representation, both focus, in the written message, and suggested to the Babylonians that a choice between them on the defeat of Tarqu of Egypt and on the assumption of the was perfectly legitimate. kingship of that land by Esarhaddon. In the titulary section The article offers therefore an extremely interesting insight of both texts (the inscription from Til Barsip is fragmentary), into the concept of Assyrian kingship which may be better the universal kingship of Esarhaddon is clearly defined and commented upon after considering the subsequent study on derives from the acquisition of the crown of Assyria as well “Assyrian Propaganda for the West”. It analyses in details as Babylonia (defined in its historical development by the the meaningful differences in three of Esarhaddon’s monu- mention of Sumer, Akkad, Kardunias), and of the kings of ments representing the same subject and scene, but displayed Egypt, Patros, and Kus. At a visual level, this message is in sites with different local traditions and relationships with equally represented at Samˆal and Til Barsip with the image the Assyrian power: Til Barsip, where Aramaic and Neo-Hit- of a new institutional order formed by: the king, his heirs tite cultural elements melted in a centre absorbed into the destined to the Assyrian and Babylonian thrones, and the sub- Assyrian state and long since transformed as an outpost for jugated kings, whose kingship is now subsumed in Esarhad- trade, and for political and military control of the west; don’s hands. As recognized by Porter, this message is Sam}al which, on the contrary, due to the geographical posi- nuanced with different artistic details and is accompanied by tion and historical events “remained much less Assyrianized” different texts depicting the double destiny of the faithful and and was the target of a military attack in a date difficult to unfaithful rulers in the fully Assyrianized Til Barsip, and of determine but possibly connected with the erection of the the conquered at Sam}al. The principal message remains any- stele or, in any case, not long after it. Thoroughly analysing way the new architecture of kingship, which all the lands the iconographic features of the monuments Porter concludes ought to know and respect. A message that, as seen in the that the steles “addressed the different political and cultural previous article, has to be expressed also in the subsequent circumstances of these audiences” with different aims and period with the necessary adaptations. effects, encouraging in particular the Sam}alians, who had These two articles suggest the necessity of a deeper con- possibly recently revolted and had their citadel destroyed sideration of Assyrian monarchy and of the attitude of the (problems discussed at pp. 67-70), “to resist any future Assyrian kings to adapt institutional traditions to the chang- enticements to revolt”, so revealing the “sophistication and ing reality of the empire. We should consider in particular flexibility of Assyrian propaganda”. This analysis may be the other images and documents relating to a “split” kingship, starting point for additional reflection. deriving perhaps from the assumption of the Mitannian crown As well illustrated by Porter, Samˆal occupied a delicate (see S. Dalley, “Shamshi-ilu, Language and Power in the position in the western sector, on the itinerary from Cilicia Western Assyrian Empire”, in G. Bunnens (ed.), Essays on to the Orontes, to the Phoenician areas, and as far as Egypt. Syria on the Iron Age, ANES Suppl. 7 (2000), 79-88), or It functioned as crossroad between Anatolia and the Levant, images of brotherly cooperation like that drawn by Shal- on an itinerary parallel to that passing through Que, but closer maneser III on the throne base from Kalhu, where Marduk- to the Euphratic system headed by Til Barsip. This situation zakir-sumi of Babylon is depicted in the act of taking the is shown by its mixed Aramaic-Luwian traditions, as well as hand of the Assyrian king who had helped him to maintain by the use of Phoenician in the local inscriptions, and the his throne. Was Esarhaddon recovering a more ancient importance of the site is made clear also by the victory stele model, displaying it in that same Til Barsib which had been erected by Shalmaneser III in the vicinity of sources of the the seat of the powerful Samsi-ilu, and was he adapting this Saluara river. The dynastic stability and the record of local model to the necessities of a growing reality, in need of polit- inscriptions reveal on the other hand that the relationships ical elasticity? The subject surely demands further inquiry. with Assyria were long-lasting and that the ability of the local In the last article of the volume, “Intimidation and friendly rulers was to take advantage from them, assuring to the persuasion”, the author reverts to Assurnasirpal II and to the Sam}alians the enjoyment of the profits deriving from the taste for gruesome details shown by his reliefs and inscrip- traffics along important trade routes controlled mostly by tions, considering anew the problem of identifying the audi- independent rulers (see now Lipinski, The Arameans, (OLA tors of the Assyrian royal message. Starting point is a mon- 100) Leuven 2000, 238-247 for the history of the kingdom). ument destined to public display: the Kukh monolith. In the With the progression of Assyrian conquest the balance of the written account intimidation is only one of the tones of the region changed, but with Esarhaddon’s victorious campaigns discourse, while in the sculpture the image of the king reveals in the west and the conquest of Egypt there is an alteration a pious attitude and makes manifest the royal role of link also from the institutional point of view. between mankind and the gods. The analysis proceeds to a To the monuments analyzed by Porter the relief of Nahr guided tour of the palace and of the throne room. The idea el-Kelb (R. Borger, Asarhaddon, 1956, 101-102; Börker- of considering the monuments as a whole, as an organically Klähn, Bildstelen, 1982, 211-212) might be added. It is meaningful system of messages, is certainly a fruitful one and engraved along the via maris leading to Egypt, not far from leads the author to conclude that calculated frightfulness “is the other key point of Sidon, and therefore along the itiner- only a part of a complex propaganda combining intimidation ary of which Samˆal represents the northern knot and Til Bar- and friendly persuasion in proportions carefully calculated sip the eastern one. for different audiences.” If, as Porter underlines, the Til Barsip and Samˆal inscrip- These conclusions of Porter [which may now be compared tions narrate different episodes of Esarhaddon’s conquests, in particular with Russel’s analysis of Assurnasirpal’s and Sen- and if the reliefs are intended for different audiences, there nacherib’s palaces (in AJA 102 (1998), 655-715; Sennacherib’s is also a common fundamental political message which is Palace without a Rival at Nineveh, Chicago-London 1991] 9121_BIOR_2006/2-3_02 06-10-2006 13:22 Pagina 283

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should, moreover, be reconsidered also in the institutional and chain in the prebendal duties’ sub-letting system. Prebendary economic perspectives. Provinces and tributary areas had to income and obligations are summed up in two tables and an show dependence and compliance to Assyrian orders and alphabetic register of individuals attested in the prebendary demands, but new possibilities of acquiring or maintaining context is included. political power by the local élites or of economic gains may be The family is urban properties are presented in Chapter 5. have been fostered by the Assyrian presence or alliance (see We see that the NappaÌus purchased a number of modest- G.B. Lanfranchi, “Consensus to Empire: Some Aspects of Sar- size houses that they immediately leased out. The rents pro- gon II’s Foreign Policy”, in Waetzoldt - Hauptmann (eds.), vided a constant flow of money and must have been a con- C.R.R.A.I. XXXIX, Heidelberg 1997, 81-87 and Holloway siderable element of the family income (see also p. 84). The 2002, 217- 319). author puts the NappaÌus’ houses in context by comparing Summing up, the collection of articles the book presents them with other Neo-Babylonian urban properties. She gath- offers extremely interesting insights into Assyrian history and ers extensive data on the plots’ dimensions from both pub- shows that the ideological perspective in the study of the lished and unpublished documents (table 5.3, pp. 58-9), as Neo-Assyrian empire is still a very fruitful one. well as those from so-called Late Babylonian Field Plans (table 5.5, p. 61), and demonstrates that the actual house area University of Verona, March 2006 Simonetta PONCHIA was even smaller than previously believed and measured below 150 m2. The discrepancy between the textual and the archaeological data Baker explains by the nature of housing ** — the houses were shared within the families and the divi- * sion did not affect the groundplans. Chapter 6 presents a dossier of fIna-Esagil-ramat’s BAKER, H.D. — The Archive of the NappaÌu Family. orchards. Other than the Egibis (see also p. 85), the Nap- (Archiv für Orientforschung, Beiheft 30 (2004)). Insti- paÌus were not big land owners; they probably possessed tut für Orientalistik, Wien, 2004). (30 cm, X, 412). ISBN land in three localizations in the vicinity of Babylon only. 3-900345-10-4. ISSN 1015-3403. / 110,-. The date groves were exploited jointly with those belong- The book is a comprehensive presentation of the NappaÌu ing to the other family members. The tenants — many of family (attested in Babylon between 544 and 485 BC) which have been working for the family for a number of archive, one of the largest private family archives of the Neo- years — are presented in alphabetic registers, arranged and Late-Babylonian periods. It comprises 291 texts ranging according to the localizations. from the family, property and business documents to the Chapter 7 deals with the slave ownership. All of the slaves deeds showing the prebendal activity of the members of the attested in the archive (not only those, who belonged to the family. Babylon, unlike Uruk and Sippar, did not yield up till family, but also those hired, taken as security etc.) are now any large institutional archive, the private documents, arranged in an alphabetic register. The NappaÌus themselves, like those of the NappaÌus, are therefore of particular value again unlike the Egibis, owned a few slaves only. for our knowledge on the temple administration and person- Other business documents, mostly dealing with the Nap- nel of Babylon. paÌus’ institutional connections, are treated in Chapter 8. The book is divided into two major parts: Discussion and Some of Iddin-Nabû’s receipts show him as a payer of ilku Text Editions. in charge of a group of five people; his function could have Part I: Discussion (pp. 1-85) is opened with an introduc- been similar to that of rab eserti known from the Bel-remanni tory Chapter 1, describing the place of the archive among archive. All the silver transactions of members of the family other Neo-Babylonian private and institutional texts, as well (including those, in which they act as witnesses or guaran- as its importance for the knowledge of economy and society tors) are gathered in a table. of the period. The summary of the major points may be found in Chap- Chapter 2: “The Archive” gives a general description of ter 9 “Synthesis”. the archive: its history, typology of the material, the practice Part II: Text Editions (pp. 87-303) contains both published of sealing, archival markings (drawing and numerical signs), und unpublished documents. The transliteration of all the as well as drawing up of duplicates. A characteristic feature documents except for those recently edited is given. Each text of the archive is that an unexpectedly large number of the is provided with bibliography and references to the relevant archive’s “u’iltu format” tablets have been sealed. The rea- chapters of Part I: The Discussion, as well as a detailed com- son thereof remains, unfortunately, obscure. The author pre- mentary. The great majority of the tablets have been collated. sents also a short dossier of the scribes who wrote the docu- The edition is extremely scrupulous and detailed. ments. The Bibliography (pp. 305-310) is followed by the index In Chapter 3: “The NappaÌu Family and Related Fami- of personal names (pp. 311-376). It is an important prosopo- lies” the family relations of the NappaÌus, including their graphical tool, as it covers a large part of hitherto unsystem- connections with other important families of the period ized VS corpus. Baker has produced also other extensive (mainly Egibis and Rab-banês) are presented. indices: of selected Akkadian words and phrases, geograph- Chapter 4 deals with the prebendal activity of the family. ical and topographical names (place-names, watercourses, The author presents the history of prebends’ acquisition and streets, gates, shrines), deities, as well as the text concordance their administration. The NappaÌus were active mostly in the (pp. 376-388). service of the lesser deities: IsÌara, Karibu, Bel-aliya-sa- The study concludes with copies of hitherto unpublished Sar(ra)banu. Their texts give an excellent picture of how small NappaÌu tablets and fragments, including copies of drawings sanctuaries and chapels were organized within the adminis- and markings not included in the previous editions of the trative system of Esagila. They also show the NappaÌus as a tablets (pp. 389-412). 9121_BIOR_2006/2-3_02 06-10-2006 13:22 Pagina 284

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Some remarks: 131, 132). The basic meaning of dariku is “ein Behalter für p. 17 Suzubu (father of the scribes Qisti-Marduk, Bel- Dattelprodukte” (AHw 163b), “a container” (CAD D 112), aÌÌe-iddin, Iddin-Nabû and Musallim-Marduk) is not a therefore the translation “container (of pressed dates)” seems descendant of Rab-banê, but of Kanik-babi. more accurate. p. 17ff. The slash (/) is a conventional symbol of filiation (see p. IX) and using it for name side-forms (Qisti-Mar- H.D. Baker has provided us with an excellent study of one duk/Qistiya, f∑iraya/fSidatu) instead of generally accepted of the most interesting Neo-Babylonian family archives. New Qisti-Marduk (=Qistiya) may be misleading. tablets, joins and collations have thrown a new light onto the p. 25 Bala†u is first attested in 540 BC (and not 539; see hitherto known texts, the systematic analysis and numerous the date of No. 13, the first document of Bala†u). Amat-Ninlil tables and registers have made the material much more acces- received her dowry in 538 BC (as given in the edition of No. sible and clear. The book is yet another important step in the 16), not in 528 BC (p. 25). 529 BC is given as the date of study of the First Millennium economy and society. Bala†u’s latest attestation. The author probably refers to No. 19 (VS 43//44), fKassaya’s land endowment to her daughters. March 2006 Malgorzata SANDOWICZ However, Bala†u himself was not present while drawing this document, his attestation dates should be therefore emended to 540-538 BC. p. 38. According to the author, No. 57 (Dar 487) should be considered payment for an extra witness. There is no indi- cation that the witnesses were actually paid for their being present at drawing documents. In this case, it is more prob- able that some former obligation turned up (e.g. Eriba-Mar- duk had had some rights to the prebend, he was paid by Mar- duk-remanni with extra silver of Sellebi, and finally he expressed his consent that the transaction would be closed by being present at drawing the tablet). p. 49: No. 87 (a “receipt of takpustu” rather than “exchange of houses”, as the author herself puts on p. 49) has not been drawn in 560 BC (p. 49), but in 559 BC (text edition on p.167). p. 65: No. 131 (VS 3 75) is dated to 4 Camb, not Cyr (cf. text edition on p. 202). p. 78: add 1/8 shekel to the amount of silver in No. 223 (VS 4 120). p. 81: the author’s assumption that the boat lease No. 257 (VS 5 98) is connected to date harvest is strengthened by the fact, that one of the witnesses is Sellebi’s tenant from Kar- Tasmetu, Iddin-Nabû/Zababa-iddin. No. 26: 8: read: dumu-sú instead of dumu-sá. No. 39: 20(23): read ia instead of iá. No. 48: 2: Ungnad’s copy reads: pa-pa!(Ìa)-a-Ìi (unless collated). No. 74: Eribaya’s filiation (“son of Nabû-aplu-iddin”) is missing from the translation. No. 108: 4: the name of the month looks more like SU rather than DU6. No. 147 is a transfer of debt rather than a promissory note for imittu. No 151:1: read: zú.lum.ma zag.lu! buru14 “the dates, imittu of the harvest” (cf. Nos. 131: 1, 132: 1-2, 153: 1, 158: 1, 161: 1), rather than “imittu and the harvest”. The author is definitely right, that the year number in l. 1 should be emended to 12. No. 182: 6: sim ÌariÒ is “fixed price” (a price including the obligations of the seller towards the buyer; see NRBVGl p.64) rather than “full price”. No. 228: the witness in l. 12 is not Iddin-Bel, but Iddinaya. The translation of asurrû is not consistent: we find “wall footing” (No. 109) next to “drain” (Nos. 101, 102, 103). The same goes for dariku: “(container of) pressed dates” (No. 128, 139, 142, 146, 150, 154, 156, 157, 159 and 161), “con- tainer of pressed dates” (No. 133, 149, 153, 162, 165), “pressed dates” (No. 151), “vessel of pressed dates” (Nos.