Visualizing peri-urban and rurban water conditions in Pune district, Maharashtra, India
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Citation Hui, Rebecca and James L. Wescoat, Jr. "Visualizing peri-urban and ryrban water conditions in Pune district, Maharashtra, India." Geoforum 102 (June 2019): 255-266 © 2018 The Author(s)
As Published http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2018.01.008
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Citable link https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/122024
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Detailed Terms http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Geoforum 102 (2019) 255–266
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Visualizing peri-urban and rurban water conditions in Pune district, Maharashtra, India T ⁎ Rebecca Hui, James L. Wescoat Jr.
School of Architecture and Planning and MIT Tata Center for Technology and Design, USA
ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT
Keywords: Drinking water programs in India treat urban and rural areas separately, generally neglecting the special con- Peri-urban ditions of settlements referred to as peri-urban or rurban. We show how the historiography of peri-urban areas Rurban acquired negative connotations of poor water and sanitation services while rurban places have come to be Drinking water associated with positive well-disciplined conditions. Previous research on drinking water programs has taken Sanitation two paths, one of which generates rigorous qualitative case studies that criticize neoliberal policies, while the Pune other employs larger scale quantitative methods to advance neoliberal policy reforms. This paper adopts a Maharashtra India hybrid pragmatic approach to visualize strengths and weaknesses of water and sanitation services in urbanizing rural areas of Pune district, Maharashtra. We re-assess demographic definitions of the rural-urban dichotomy in India, distance-based criteria used in Maharashtra, and Census of India water and sanitation data. A combination of field research and GIS mapping identified four main peri-urban patterns in Pune district: (1) megacity fringe; (2) highway corridor development; (3) industrial zones; and (4) block town expansion. We show that while water supply has improved in some rurban areas, sanitation and drainage problems have not kept up. A second pattern of deficiency was observed in transitional towns of 5000 persons. Annually updated water and sanitation datasets at the national and state levels will make this pragmatic combination of GIS mapping and field research approaches valuable for visualizing peri-urban and rurban conditions at the district scale of water governance and planning in India.
1. Introduction acknowledge the heterogeneity and “undisciplined” or “untamed” as- pects of hybrid places, which makes them challenging to describe, vi- Many countries distinguish rural and urban settlements, and have sualize, and theorize, let alone serve (Allen et al., 2016; Woltjer et al., developed separate water supply and sanitation programs to serve 2014). In terms of theory-building, we follow Friedmann’s (2016) view them. There are large literatures on rural and urban water problems, of peri-urban research as middle level grounded theory. There is and a growing literature that is concerned with hybrid settlements that growing recognition of middle landscapes between urban and rural that are not well served by either rural or urban water programs. While are extraordinarily dynamic and only “partially disciplined” in the much lamented, the rural-urban dichotomy has deep administrative, language of this special issue. financial, and territorial roots that have constrained the development of Orthogonal to the rural-urban settlement dichotomy is a theoretical effective water programs for hybrid settlements (Allen, 2003, 2010; and methodological opposition between policies to ensure safe drinking Narain, 2016). Various concepts strive to bridge the rural-urban divide. water and sanitation. One position advocates economic and institu- Peri-urban and rurban programs have acquired salience in India and tional reforms to remedy state and local policy failures. These reforms other developing countries, as have suburban and town and country focus on devolution of water authority, responsibility, and financing planning concepts in North America and Europe. Some scholars regard from state to household levels (World Bank, 2014). They stress that these hybrid settlements as transitional sites of urbanization (cf. water is an economic good that requires effective pricing to sustain Brenner, 2014; Scott, 2013). A smaller group approaches them from a capital investment, maintenance, and asset management. An opposing more rural perspective as evolving ruralities or agropolitan landscapes group starts from the position that water is a human right and common (Friedmann, 2011). Still others regard suburbanization as the ascendant good, and that policy failures stem uneven development and unjust mode of human settlement (e.g., Berger and Kotkin, 2017). All power relations. So-called neoliberal reforms are likely to exacerbate
⁎ Corresponding author at: Aga Khan Program for Islamic Architecture, Room 10-390, 77 Massachusetts Ave, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, MA 02139, USA. E-mail address: [email protected] (J.L. Wescoat). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2018.01.008 Received 25 October 2016; Received in revised form 8 January 2018; Accepted 15 January 2018 Available online 08 February 2018 0016-7185/ © 2018 The Author(s). Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/BY-NC-ND/4.0/). R. Hui, J.L. Wescoat Geoforum 102 (2019) 255–266 these failures by further eroding and encroaching upon state and increasingly regarded in positive terms as rural places that have urban community duties (Sultana et al., 2011). The latter position employs amenities. However, the concepts of peri-urban and rurban are them- rigorous field research that yields qualitative case studies of differential selves undisciplined, with diverse and changing geographic denotations water access. The reforms literature tends to employ quantitative and and connotations that are retraced in this section to better understand graphic analysis. Interestingly, neither employs mapping methods of current usage and problems or, in pragmatic terms, “the current si- the sort presented below. tuation.” More recent water research in India and elsewhere has moved to- Peri-urban has become a widely used term worldwide for settlement ward more hybrid positions that challenge these dichotomies. Bakker beyond the boundary of a city (Woltjer et al., 2014). The earliest (2013) has critically assessed neoliberal and postneoliberal water ar- English usage that we have found dates back only to the 1930s. Several guments. Sangameswaran (2014) presents a field-based critique “com- University of Chicago economic geography dissertations and theses plicating the story of ‘reforms’ in Maharashtra.” Hutchings et al. (2017) used the concept descriptively in case studies of Negaunee, Michigan identify a range of successes in community water management in India, and Pomona, California, in each case emphasizing the heterogeneity of from neo-patrimonial low income states to developmental high income peri-urban land uses (Miller, 1933; Whitaker, 1931). Other scholars of and socialist-bureaucratic middle income states. Allen (2010) and col- that period argued for terms such as “rural-urban ecotone,”“urban leagues show how peri-urban research contributes to critical water fringe,” and “fringe belt.” Early peri-urban references in the U.S. may planning practice. On the neoliberal side, Briscoe and Malik (2006) trace back to Francophone literature introduced to the University of offer rules of “principled pragmatism” for incremental rather than ra- Chicago by visiting Swiss urban geographer Raoul Blanchard, as well as dical financial reforms. to references to problematic peri-urbain conditions in French medical This paper also adopts a hybrid pragmatist approach to drinking geography (e.g., Casenove de la Roche, 1884). water planning, but it is a pragmatism that is philosophical as well as However, the most extensive formal application of peri-urban practical. Pragmatism is problem-driven, pluralistic, empirical, and planning concepts occurred in South Africa, also during the 1930s when outcomes-oriented (Wescoat, 1992; Wood and Smith, 2008). It eschews depression and drought drove rapid migration from rural areas to the dichotomies of the spatial and theoretical sort discussed above, always boundaries of cities like Johannesburg and Pretoria urban where urban searching for integrative alternatives that expand the range of choice access was racially restricted and conditions were poor. The Thornton for water users and communities. We note that similarly hybrid theo- Committee on Peri-Urban Areas (1938–39) and Smit Committee on the retical perspectives have associated peri-urbanization with Soja’s Social, Health and Economic Condition of Urban Natives (1942) led to theory of third space and “thirding” (Vanier, 2003), though that ap- passage of a 1943 Peri-Urban Areas Health Board Ordinance in 1943. proach is less closely connected with planning than the pragmatic ap- The connection between peri-urban areas, water, and health was cen- proach adopted here (cf. Bridge, 2005; Healey, 2008)(Fig. 1). tral to the establishment of Peri-Urban Areas, as in the earlier French This paper combines historiography, field research, and village-level medical literature. An Anti-Peri-Urban movement arose in Alexandra, mapping of demographic, water and sanitation variables in the 1919 outside Johannesburg, in 1958. Census settlements of Pune District, Maharashtra. Of these, 35 are Peri-urban research diffused slowly through mid-century, initially to towns and 23 are villages that have no Census data, leaving 1861 vil- other south and east African countries with occasional studies in other lages as the domain of this study. regions. Somjee (1964) advanced the field in India through an analysis We begin by re-tracing the historiography of peri-urban and rurban of peri-urban politics, in which outlying areas were drawn into larger concepts, situating them within their evolving international contexts, scale urban politics to the neglect of local needs. The late-1960 s and noting their associations with water and sanitation conditions. We marked the development of a general definition of the peri-urban as, then demonstrate an approach that links field research with GIS map- “…a zone of transition in land use, social and demographic character- ping to help clarify peri-urban and rurban water conditions and needs istics, lying between (a) the continuously built-up urban and suburban in Pune District. areas of the central city, and (b) the rural hinterland, characterized by the almost complete absence of non-farm dwellings” (Pryor, 1968, 206). International agencies began to prepare reports on peri-urban 2. Evolution of peri-urban and rurban settlement concepts agriculture in Europe (OECD, 1970), which continues to grow (Wandl and Magoni, 2017). Important extensions occurred in East Asian and It is important to situate this study of India within the broader in- Southeast Asian studies of the extended metropolis (Ginsburg et al., ternational context and historiography of peri-urban and rurban set- 1991), which distinguished peri-urban settlements from desakota cor- tlement research. Peri-urban areas are widely perceived as amorphous ridors between urban centers (McGee, 1991). undisciplined places fraught with congestion, pollution, and water and After the early period of diffusion in sub-Saharan Africa, peri-urban sanitation problems (Allen et al., 2016). Rurban areas, by contrast, are
Theory(method)/Context Urban (town/city) Peri-urban/Rurban/Suburban Rural (village)
Neoliberal Policy Reform (quantitative; normative)
Pragmatic Inquiry (mixed Visualizing this space methods; planning)
Critique of Neoliberal Policies (qualitative; critical)
Fig. 1. Pragmatic conceptual framework for peri-urban and rurban water research.
256 R. Hui, J.L. Wescoat Geoforum 102 (2019) 255–266 studies exploded in scope and location from 2000 onwards (Google et al., 2006; cf. Kress, 2016). They are viewed as “disciplined en- NGram and Worldcat searches, 2017). Commenting on a special issue of vironments” that link urban amenities with rural locations and life- PacificAffairs on peri-urbanization in Vietnam and China, Leaf (2011, ways. This idealized definition of the rurban implies socio-spatial 525) noted that use of the terms peri-urban and suburban was more a connectivity between urban and rural places, outward-oriented rural function of the person and context in which the terms were used rather community initiatives, and adoption of technologies associated with than their meaning. The early association between peri-urban popula- urban and regional development. tion growth, water, and health in South Africa has been sustained Notwithstanding recent policy initiatives, rurban concepts remain worldwide and includes book-length guides to peri-urban water plan- vague in socio-spatial terms. Rurban villages are perceived to be ex- ning and engineering in developing countries (Deverill, 2002). Com- ceptions in their respective districts. Rurban policy design is at an early parative peri-urban water and sanitation studies have flourished stage. The Government of Gujarat’s (2016) rurban program includes an (Kurian and McCarney, 2010). They include comparative planning eclectic mix of taluka headquarters (which are already towns not vil- studies of Dar Es Salaam, Kolkata, Cochabamba, Lima, and Caracas by lages), selected villages with a minimum population of 10,000 persons, Adriana Allen and colleagues at the University College London (2003, and tribal villages with at least 7000 persons. The Government of India 2006, 2010). (GoI) expanded this approach to a national level in the Shyama Prasad India has increasingly become a focus for research on peri-urban Mukherji Rurban Mission (2017). The GoI Ministry of Rural water, sanitation, and land use (Denis and Marius-Gnanou, 2011; Development has disbursed three sets of state financial awards under Kundu and Saraswati, 2012; Pradhan, 2013; Shah, 2012; Shaw, 2005, this program to date, but it is difficult to assess how they relate to their World Bank, 2013). Writing about the Gurgaon area adjacent to New larger geographic contexts or to each other. There are related model Delhi, Narain (2016, 502) argues that the peri-urban should not simply village programs, such as the Sansad Adarsh Gram Yojana that en- be defined based on “proximity to towns” but should rather be seen as courages the uplift of one model village by each national parlia- the, “existence of both rural and urban characteristics and the linkages mentarian (http://www.saanjhi.gov.in/). Model villages in Mahar- and flows of goods and services between rural areas and urban centres.” ashtra, such as Malkapur in Satara district, Relegaon Siddhi and Hiware Peri-urban areas may have good access to regional transportation and Bazar in Ahmednagar district, and Pathoda in Aurangabad district have industrial employment, but they often lack the services, amenities, and become famous for their charismatic leaders and exceptional water and regulatory controls that urbanism ought to provide. sanitation accomplishments. Problem villages are regarded as notorious The broader literature on peri-urban settlement in South Asia con- exceptions. This exceptionalism distracts from the wider geographical centrates on population and land use studies around megacities like distribution of water and sanitation needs and improvements. Our Delhi, Chennai, Dhaka, Karachi, Kolkata, and Mumbai, followed by historiographical review sheds light on the evolving range of settlement million-plus cities like Bangalore, Hyderabad, Lahore, and Lucknow denotations and connotations that have shaped the current situation. (Ahmed and Sohail, 2003; Angueletou, 2007; Brook et al., 2003; Dahiya, 2003; Dutta, 2012; Kennedy, 2007; Prakash, 2012; Shaw, 2005; 3. Village conditions in Pune District, Maharashtra Sreeja et al., 2017). These massive peri-urban regions are some of the most difficult to visualize. Planners in the Mumbai Metropolitan Region To further clarify the situation, we undertook a study of the 1861 Development Authority (MMRDA) reported that their attempts to map populated villages of Pune District in the State of Maharashtra, India massive areas of peri-urban change from satellite imagery have been (Fig. 2). This study was an independent university-funded part of the hampered by changes in image resolution that lead to errors in time Government of Maharashtra Jalswarajya II (JS2) drinking water project series analysis of urban growth and change (Adusumilli, pers. comm., designed to strengthen district water planning capabilities (World Bank, 2015). Less attention has been directed toward small and mid-size 2014). The Jalswarajya II project focuses on scarcity-a ffected villages, census towns where much of the peri-urban growth is occurring in India water quality-affected villages, and peri-urban villages. For the latter, (Denis and Marius-Gnanou, 2011; World Bank, 2013). Additionally, the project uses an arbitrary distance of less than 10 km from a city and central to this paper, there has been little research to date on peri- boundary to select a small number of peri-urban infrastructure projects. urban patterns at the district scale, which encompasses large cities, It is a demand-driven program that selects self-nominated villages, and small towns, highways, industrial zones, and heritage centers. thus more capable, villages within the 10 km peri-urban buffer. The JS2 Before proceeding to that analysis, however, we need to consider program did not analyze water and sanitation conditions in other vil- the emerging emphasis in India and elsewhere on “rurban” settlements. lages within the 10 km peri-urban buffer zone or other urbanizing Rurban has different geographical connotations and a different histor- areas, which gave rise to this more comprehensive study of peri-urban iography. A Google N-Gram plot in 2017 indicates less frequent use of and rurban drinking water and sanitation conditions in Pune District. rurban than peri-urban, but growing usage over the past half-century. To put the district role in perspective, it is useful to outline the levels of Early definitions equated rurban with urban fringe areas (Oxford English rural water planning in India. Dictionary online citing a reference in 1915). Connotations diverged in The nodal agency at the federal level is the Ministry of Drinking the mid-20th century. Firey (1946) wrote that rurban areas had many Water and Sanitation (MoDWS), which was established as a cabinet of the problems but few of the benefits of urban areas. The rurban was ministry in 1999. Between that time and 2015, the MoDWS allocated associated with, “isolated residential areas in rural realms that were drinking water project funds directly to local governments (gram pan- opening windows of opportunity to almost any economic activity and chayats) under the National Rural Drinking Water Programme occupation that shortly relocated near the urbanized plots” (Madelano, (NRDWP), which combined neoliberal devolution with state welfare 2004, 1). A positive view based on a study of Worcester, Massachusetts spending. held that, “A rurban area has very definite advantages over a strictly Water is primarily a state responsibility under the Indian agricultural or rural area from the farmer's point of view” (Balk, 1945). Constitution, and water financing and policy reforms are also under- In the 1970s planners developed similarly positive models of agropo- taken at the state level. Maharashtra has been active in advancing rural litan development and Urban Functions in Rural Development (UFRD) drinking water reforms particularly from 2000 onwards. It undertook (reviewed by Allen, 2010; Friedmann, 2016). Use of the term rurban in the Jalswarajya I project in 2003, followed by the Jalswarajya II pro- English language books appears to have peaked in the 1980s. gram from 2014 to 2020 (World Bank, 2014). These neoliberal reforms However, rurban policies have dramatically increased since that have received detailed analysis, scholarly critique, administrative eva- time in India (Government of Gujarat, 2016; Government of India, luation, and programmatic adjustment (Prasad et al., 2014; Sakthivel 2016; Wescoat, 2016). Rurban places have largely positive connota- et al., 2015; Sangameswaran, 2014; World Bank, 2012). tions in contemporary India (Gupta, 2015; Kalam and Singh, 2011; Revi State governments comprise of districts or Zilla Parishads that are
257 R. Hui, J.L. Wescoat Geoforum 102 (2019) 255–266
Fig. 2. Map of Pune District in the State of Maharashtra. further subdivided into blocks also known as talukas or tehsils. state industrial areas; and extensive road and rail networks that connect Maharashtra, for example, has 36 districts and 358 blocks. District them. governments have a deputy CEO and Executive Engineer for drinking Pune’s identity with respect to water goes beyond these adminis- water and sanitation along with various engineering, social mobiliza- trative characteristics (Chakravarty et al., 2006). In historical terms it tion, and administrative staff. Each district also has a parastatal water was the capital of Maratha rule and culture from the late 17th to early engineering department known as the Maharashtra Jeevan Pradhikaran 19th centuries located at the junction (sangam) of two rivers. During (MJP), and a branch of the state Groundwater Survey and Development Peshwa and colonial periods it was renowned as an administrative and Agency (GSDA) that conducts detailed groundwater mapping, mon- educational center of the Bombay Presidency. From the 20th century itoring, and certification that water sources have sufficient yield for onwards Pune district has witnessed the development of irrigation proposed drinking water projects. While neoliberal reforms have ac- agricultural cooperatives, manufacturing, and information technology celerated since 1991, it should be underscored that India has had industries. These strong urbanizing processes led to its selection for this 150 years of policy debate and experimentation on the relative merits of study of peri-urban and rurban water patterns and needs. devolution to district, block, and village level governments. The core analytical methods in this study involved field research At present, block level governments compile requests for funding coupled with mapping of Census of India village data. Field research and technical support from local governments (gram panchayats), which included landscape transects along major highways in the district and they present for prioritization at the more powerful district and state interviews in thirty peri-urban villages. Census data analysis and levels. In 2016, further devolution of funding from the federal to state mapping was conducted to help visualize the seemingly undisciplined level led to increased state water financing (known as the MRDWP), peri-urban water and unpredictable rurban patterns at the district level. and a shift in authority for water project implementation from the gram We used 2011 Census datasets on population, household character- panchayats back up to the district level (cf. Birkenholtz (2015) on the istics, urban amenities, and rural amenities. dynamics of decentralization and recentralization). Several other There is a large literature on the limitations of census data analysis parastatal organizations in Maharashtra shape local drinking water and mapping (e.g., Barrier, 1981; Denis and Marius-Gnanou, 2011; Nag, management. Foremost among them is the Maharashtra Industrial De- 1984; Schwartzberg, 1992). We share these concerns about census data velopment Corporation (MIDC), which develops water supplies, infra- accuracy, omissions, and aggregation effects, while noting that those structure, and wastewater treatment for industrial sites and affected issues have been continuously scrutinized from the first colonial census villages in peri-urban areas. to the most recent one in 2011 (Barrier, 1981; Nag, 1984; Kundu, Local water governance is complex and dynamic, but it can be 2011). Thus, we also share Schwartzberg’s (1992, 230) commitment to outlined briefly as follows. In political and administrative terms, gram rigorous analysis of Census of India data. panchayats have authority over local affairs. Their local councils (gram To put this in perspective, there are two main bodies of literature on sabhas) include a village water supply committee and water operator rural water systems in India that may be described as critical social (jalswarajshak). Each gram panchayat may have more than one village, research and quantitative policy analysis. Critical social research fo- and each village may have more than one habitation, which is the cuses on differential access to water and the consequences of neoliberal smallest water community. The village is the smallest unit for Census water policy reforms, especially for vulnerable and oppressed groups. It data reporting while the gram panchayat is the most local level of examines the socio-spatial dynamics between “needs-driven” and government. The 2011 Census reported that Pune district had 1861 “policy-driven” water practices (Allen et al., 2016; Birkenholtz, 2010; populated villages. At the larger scale, Pune district has 25 towns in- Marshall, 2016; O’Reilly and Dhanju, 2014). It addresses issues of cluding Pune City and twelve block (taluka) towns; ten major MIDC governance and governmentality with ever-increasing sophistication,
258 R. Hui, J.L. Wescoat Geoforum 102 (2019) 255–266 documenting, for example, how disadvantaged groups become neo- functionally rurban. One would expect larger villages to have greater liberal subjects who accept some policy reforms in a generally wor- access to urban amenities and thus be more likely to have rurban sening situation. Failure of reform policies sometimes leads back to conditions. On the other hand, very large villages may have some of the needs-driven strategies, along with post-neoliberal policies of re-cen- disamenities associated with urbanization. With these considerations in tralization and re-regulation. These qualitative case studies are based in mind, we expect villages in the population brackets between 1000 and large measure on years of local field research. They rarely employ GIS 10,000 to include rurban villages. mapping at larger scales of analysis. The peri-urban mapping literature, Fig. 3 maps villages in this full 1000–20,000 population range that by comparison, analyzes large data sets and remote sensing imagery are expected to be rurban or peri-urban. It shows that the majority of with statistical tools and tests, e.g., principal components analysis villages in Pune District are, or could become, peri-urban or rurban. Far (Banerjee et al., 2014) and analysis of variance (Makita et al., 2010). It from being limited to villages abutting a city, peri-urban sized popu- critically assesses spatial data quality (Denis and Marius-Gnanou, 2011; lations exist in much of central and eastern Pune district. Rurban-size Jacqueminet et al., 2013). But it rarely cites critical social research. villages are even more spatially extensive. The only area of the district Here we begin to link these field-based and GIS mapping methods, that has a concentration of small villages below the rurban threshold is as part of the hybrid pragmatic strategy described above. Our approach the hilly terrain of western Pune district. is empirical, which is central to the pragmatic tradition, and which we The Census Housing and Amenities tables report water and sanita- regard as a central task in a journal issue on visualizing undisciplined tion variables at the village level. Peri-urban areas were expected to environments, though we acknowledge the need for explanatory mod- have water and sanitation problems, due in part to competition for eling in future research. In this initial phase of research, our aim was to scarce water supplies in areas of population growth, and in part to identify thresholds and intervals for mapping each variable, to consider waste disposal problems in those growing areas, while rurban settle- population intervals just above and just below those deemed rural or ments were expected to have high levels of water supply and sanitation urban, and to assess the gradient of “positive” and “negative” water and facilities and services. We began with 31 water and sanitation variables sanitation conditions (Section 4 below). Visits were made to selected in the Census, analyzed their correlation with village population size, villages designated as peri-urban or rurban in the initial mapping phase and reduced them to 10 key variables grouped under the three major in order to identified errors, omissions, interpretations, and additional categories below. These categories begin to link empirical and norma- villagers’ concerns (Section 5 below). tive aspects of water conditions in ways that become useful for water planning. 4. Village population size in relation to drinking water and Water supply amenities include drinking water within premises, sanitation services treated tap water, and tubewell water supplies. All of these amenities are positively correlated with settlement size. Historically, villages re- Peri-urban and rurban settlements can be any size, but it is inter- lied on dug wells and later on community standpipes. The movement esting to examine them in relation to settlement classifications defined toward piped water supplies within household premises has expanded by the Census of India (Table 1). The Census employs three socio-eco- rapidly during the past decade. O’Reilly and Dhanju (2014) have shown nomic variables to distinguish rural villages from urban towns: (1) that piped water from public standpipes mainly benefits the elite in population size greater than 5000; (2) more than 75% of the male northern Rajasthan. Pune district is adopting a different system of workforce engaged in non-agricultural occupations; and (3) population elevated storage reservoirs that supply distribution lines throughout a density greater than 400/km2. The density criterion is difficult to apply village. Although these pipes reach the majority of residents, they still in rural villages that have variable land areas, and it is replaced in some do not reach remote habitations or the most impoverished households. studies by a simple population size criterion greater than 10,000 (e.g., Treated tap water is also increasing, particularly in larger villages and Denis and Marius-Gnanou, 2011). those affected by fluoride, dissolved solids, and nitrates. Because dug There is a population size overlap between Class VI towns that are wells often go dry during the hot pre-monsoon period from March to less than 5000 and rural villages that are larger than 5000. Villages June, they are supplemented by tubewells that draw on deeper supplies larger than 5000 are more likely to be peri-urban while those in the for drinking water and irrigation, though these too are increasingly 2000–4,00 bracket may be peri-urbanizing. Using these population size depleted, especially in irrigated areas (Birkenholtz, 2015). criteria alone, we would expected villages that are in the 2000–20,000 Household sanitation amenities include improved pit latrines, bath- population size brackets to be peri-urban or peri-urbanizing. rooms, and septic tanks. The most basic and widespread type of safe Conversely, Class VI towns that have less than 5000 people may be sanitation is the improved pit latrine. It is also a key component of the national Swachh Bharat Mission to eliminate open defecation. Table 1 Interestingly, improved pit latrines are negatively correlated with po- Census of india urban and rural settlement classification. pulation size. They have expanded in less densely populated areas but not in larger census towns, which makes this amenity more character- Urban agglomerations istic of rurban than peri-urban areas where pit latrines are being re- ● Megacity 10,000,000 fl ● 1 million plus 1,000,000 placed by ush toilets. Bathrooms, i.e., bathing spaces, by comparison, ● City (=Class I town) 100,000 are positively correlated with settlement size and reflect increasing Census towns sanitation standards associated with both rurban and peri-urban de- ● Class I More than 100,000 velopment. The majority of peri-urban villages and a significant ● Class II 50,000–99,999 number of smaller rural villages have attached or indoor bathrooms. ● – Class III 20,000 49,999 Septic tanks are adopted when indoor water supply, toilet, and bath- ● – Class IV 10,000 19,000 fl ● Class V 5,000–9,999 room construction lead to increased water use and wastewater ows. As ● Class VI Less than 5,000 expected, peri-urban villages have a high percentage of septic tanks. However, when septic systems exceed infiltration capacity, they can Rural villages: Described but not formally classified by the following size intervals ● More than 10,000 contaminate shallow wells in high density peri-urban settlements. They ● 5,000–9,999 are thus a transitional technology in urbanizing regions. ● 2,000–4,999 Sewerage and drainage variables in the Census include night soil ● – 1,000 1,999 disposed in open drains, piped sewer coverage, wastewater connected ● 500–999 ● Less than 500 to piped sewers, and use of closed drains. The most advanced systems have piped sewers. Peri-urban villages around Pune City have high
259 R. Hui, J.L. Wescoat Geoforum 102 (2019) 255–266
Fig. 3. Population in the rurban to peri-urban size range (1000–20,000). Towns and cities outlined in red. (For interpretation of the references to color in this figure legend, the reader is referred to the web version of this article.) proportions of both open drains and piped sewers, i.e., a combination of the smallest Class VI towns (< 5000) have poorer conditions than large disciplined and undisciplined urban development. A small number of rural villages. These adverse conditions in the smallest Census towns outlying rural villages with piped sewers are good candidates for rurban may indicate a negative pattern of peri-urban conditions in transitional designation. Similarly, the most advanced sewerage amenities dis- settlements. charge wastewater into closed drains. This technology has a peri-urban spatial pattern that follows major highways and industrial areas, as well 5. Village field interviews as in major city and town peripheries. However, not all of the larger villages have closed drainage. Indeed, there is a very weak correlation While useful for visualizing aggregate conditions, Census data between open drainage and village size. Large and small villages out- analysis was complemented through village interviews. We wanted to side Pune City have open drains, as do villages near major highways know how villagers think about peri-urban and rurban conditions al- and industrial areas. This mixed spatial distribution of open drainage though, not surprisingly, neither of these settlement terms was salient exemplifies one of the major challenges in peri-urban environments. among those interviewed. We selected villages that Census data ana- When we chart selected water and sanitation variables by settle- lysis indicated were almost towns, i.e., they met the population size and ment population several patterns stand out (Fig. 4). First, water and non-agricultural employment criteria. Two of them, Dehu and Nigozhe, sanitation amenities generally increase with settlement size. Peri-urban are in the Pimpri Chinchwad municipal area. On the ground, both vil- villages appear better off than smaller more remote places. The most lages exhibited strong peri-urban conditions – a burgeoning population, widespread improvement is having drinking water within premises. unprecedented infrastructural growth, waste disposal issues, rapidly Larger settlements also tend to have treated water near the source or at changing employment profiles, and decreased cultivation of agri- point of use. There is a similar pattern with piped sewerage, though it is cultural land. When searching for Dehu village, we were brought to a much less common. Surprisingly, open wastewater drainage has a weak developed suburban neighborhood near an industrial zone, and re- correlation with settlement size. While water supplies are improving in sidents no longer referred to Dehu as rural. In this case the Census larger settlements, wastewater and stormwater drainage is not. Finally, classification was outdated.
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Fig. 4. Distribution of selected water and sanitation conditions by settlement size classification.
We interviewed a larger sample of 30 villages in the peri-urban to Third, villagers reported occupational shifts from unskilled to rurban bracket to identify local patterns, processes, and concerns. skilled labor and from farm work to urban jobs, as well as the pursuit of Selection was based either on participation in the Jalwswarajya-2 higher degree diplomas. Many of younger generation commute to block program or on our highway transect analyses conducted in 2016. We towns and cities for education and jobs. When asked, “Where does the then created a list of peri-urban concerns drawn from the literature village see itself in the next twenty years?” respondents aspired to be search and reconnaissance fieldwork. The concerns included water near high employment zones with steady jobs, English medium schools, supply problems, water quality problems, wastewater effluents, solid colleges, hospitals, and clean drinking water. These aspirations may wastes, sanitation problems, slum conditions, overcrowding, and un- reflect the bias here toward sampling peri-urban villages and limited employment. Gram Panchayat members ranked these peri-urban issues sampling of the so-called floating populations in these villages. on a scale of 1–7, the most relevant ranked as 1 and the least relevant as 7or“NA”. The interviews included open-ended and follow-up questions to explore the ranking rationale and identify additional unanticipated 6. Major types of peri-urban and rurban development in Pune topics. district By far, the greatest concern was job opportunities and unemploy- ment, which tended to render peri-urban locations favorable relative to Reconnaissance field research, Census analysis, and village inter- smaller more remote places. Next in priority were water supply relia- views led to the identification of four major processes of peri-urban bility and source water protection, as land holding farmers require growth. Traditionally, peri-urban growth is associated with the water for irrigation as well as drinking. Some peri-urban villages boundaries of very large cities, and that is certainly the case with the flagged waste dumping near water sources as a concern. A third suite of Pune Municipal Corporation, which annexed eleven villages, including priorities involved drinking water quality, wastewater, and solid waste one of our peri-urban case study villages, in July 2017. However, disposal, followed by unsafe sanitation. Overcrowding was a lower transect analysis along highways, village interviews, and mapping re- priority, and slums were not present in any of the villages interviewed. vealed that peri-urbanization can emerge far away from a primate city, While some of these village responses were anticipated, albeit not in under the influence of other local stimuli, including the driving forces the rank order presented, three additional responses altered our per- discussed below. spective on peri-urban and rurban processes. First, villagers stressed the First, we found that the Maharashtra Industrial Development large growth of migrant labor, also known as floating population, Corporation (MIDC) plays a substantial role in providing employment, sometimes as high as 30% of the village population. In addition to rural piped water supply, and water treatment near its industrial sites. to urban migrants, many come from other regions of India both for Villagers near an MIDC site were eager to be employed or provided for seasonal or permanent positions particularly near industrial estates. by MIDC. MIDC has policies on amenity provision based on proximity Floating populations are not counted by the Census, so all estimates of to the site. For instance, they offer free pipeline access for villages re- water and sanitation needs underestimate the population base. located from “deleted zones” (i.e., within the MIDC property). MIDC Second, our expectations about peri-urban overcrowding and slum may also offer villages within a 2 km and 4 km radius access to their conditions were not supported. Villagers reported that migrants gen- water supply pipeline at subsidized water rates. We used these radii to erated new opportunities for rental housing income. Some villagers map the potential peri-urban influence of MIDC properties. lease rooms to migrant workers and extended families. More prosperous Second, highway corridors extend urbanization processes to distant villagers construct rental housing blocks with water and sanitation communities. Highway gram panchayats reported that major roads af- blocks. The scale of these local processes was unexpected. fect real estate values, access to amenities, and location of commercial establishments such as hotel dhaba restaurants, markets, and retail
261 R. Hui, J.L. Wescoat Geoforum 102 (2019) 255–266 shops (e.g., fabric stores and outlets) that require improved water Fig. 5 displays these four peri-urban types and their buffer zones as supply. These highway patterns are strongest at intersections with the peri-urban catchment of Pune District. They include 196 of the 1861 secondary roads. We used 2 and 4 km buffers to assess highway influ- of the villages in Pune district (∼10.6%). The other 1654 villages are ence on peri-urban water and sanitation services. deemed rural. While distance is insufficient to fully delineate peri-urban Third, Block town (taluka) headquarters concentrate local admin- processes, it is currently used by public agencies as an official planning istrative power, transportation hubs, and market opportunities. and policy criterion. As noted, the Chief Secretary of MIDC described Proximity to block town headquarters can have positive implications policies related to villages that fall within 2 and 4 km of MIDC prop- for village access to government funding and support. Block towns are erties. We also mapped areas that fell within none of the four peri-urban important secondary nodes for peri-urban development. Following the zones in order to identify rurban villages that lie outside peri-urba- Jalswarajya II convention, we used an arbitrary ten kilometer radius to nizing areas. map water conditions in villages surrounding block towns. Finally, cities with over a million in population have transformative 7. Peri-urban and rurban water and sanitation index and planning effects on nearby settlements. Some villages seek to be annexed by the maps city, as their growth stresses cannot be accommodated by rural schemes. For example, Pharsungi village sits on the periphery of Pune The final phase of this pragmatic study returns to the Census map- city and has a staggeringly large population of over 50,000. Gram ping methods, informed by field observations and interviews. It creates panchayat members expressed a desire to be part of the Pune Municipal two indices to help visualize peri-urban and rurban conditions for Corporation (PMC) to access funds for improved infrastructure, such as planning purposes: a Drinking Water and Sanitation Index and a Dire piped water schemes, and relief from urban waste disposal. Peri-urban Conditions Index. villages like Pharsungi often become a megacity’s “dump sites”. Despite Drinking Water and Sanitation Index. The Drinking Water and having similar growth trends and settlement sizes, these peri-urban Sanitation Index combines six amenity variables that frequently surface villages experience sharp water and sanitation disparities from their as planning metrics and that were highlighted in village interviews. municipal counterparts. As with block towns, we used a ten kilometer Duplicative and closely collinear variables were deleted from the ana- radius around Pune Municipal Corporation for mapping visualization lysis. The following six amenity variables, expressed as percentages, purposes. were averaged to yield a composite score: (1) drinking water within
Fig. 5. Four major types of peri-urban driving factors buffered in GIS. Only the 2 km yellow-buffered zone along highways was ultimately included in the analysis. (For interpretation of the references to color in this figure legend, the reader is referred to the web version of this article.)
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Fig. 6. Drinking Water and Sanitation Index. Peri-urban villages are highlighted. Dark blue villages have sufficient conditions or better, while dark red ones have grave needs. (For interpretation of the references to color in this figure legend, the reader is referred to the web version of this article.) premises, (2) tap water treated, (3) bathroom facilities, (4) household Dire Situations Index. This index name may sound histrionic, but it latrines, (5) piped sewers, and (6) closed wastewater drains. Village focuses on the poorest water and sanitation conditions recorded in the scores were categorized into rough quintiles and given labels that range Census that call out for attention. The Dire Situations Index was created from Grave Needs to Basic Needs, Needs Watching, Mostly Sufficient, by averaging the percentages of households with “No Latrine,”“No and Sufficient). These normative terms were adopted to move from Bathroom,”“Drinking Water Away from Premises,” and “No descriptive analysis to planning implications. Wastewater Drainage.” Fortunately, the majority of the villages in Pune Fig. 6 shows that the majority of villages in the top two quintiles of district fall under the “sufficient” or “mostly sufficient” categories “mostly sufficient conditions” or better are peri-urban, which under- (55%). Only 22 villages district-wide are in the “grave need” category, scores the generally improving conditions in peri-urban areas. These and they warrant immediate attention. However, another 150 villages 107 blue-colored villages are good candidates for consideration as (8%) have clear “needs,” and a significant number of them lie in peri- rurban models of water and sanitation, whether in the peri-urban cor- urban areas. Fig. 7 shows that they are concentrated along highway ridors or not. It is highly feasible to follow up with interviews to as- corridors in central and eastern Pune District. certain the basis for their success, and the lessons they provide for others. At the other end of the spectrum, however, the red-colored 8. Conclusion villages with serious needs also include peri-urban settlements, which tend to be located near smaller block towns, along with a large number This study helps visualize the purportedly undisciplined environ- of remote villages in western Pune district. These 414 villages are high ments of peri-urban villages and the purportedly disciplined environ- priorities for planning support. ments of rurban villages at the district scale. Building on previous
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Fig. 7. Dire Situations Index map shows the percentage of households in villages that lack basic water and sanitation facilities. research we linked field research methods with GIS mapping to visua- India and Maharashtra. lize the relationships among population, water supply, and sanitation We identified connections between settlement size and specific conditions in peri-urbanizing regions. We showed that peri-urbaniza- water supply and sanitation variables. Large peri-urban villages tend to tion is more spatially extensive than is generally perceived. It surrounds have greater, not fewer, drinking water and sanitation amenities than small towns, highways, and industrial areas, as well as large cities like small villages, but they are no different in drainage infrastructure, and Pune. Empirically discerning these four processes of peri-urbanization thus their overall sanitation conditions will likely worsen. Census data was a major finding of the research. It was supported by field ob- indicated low levels of service in towns of around 5000. Towns that fall servation, interviews, and aggregate spatial data analysis. The buffer between urban and rural categories do not appear to be well served by zone map for these four peri-urban processes provides a useful vehicle either. for visualizing where peri-urbanization has been occurring, and for This research showed that in addition to the district Zilla Parishads, where water planning could concentrate its financial, technical, and various governing entities have responsibility for supporting village social support. This pragmatic approach may expand and improve as water and sanitation improvement. Villagers near an MIDC zone often new annual data are collected at the village level by the Governments of expressed an expectation for support from MIDC facilities. While we did
264 R. Hui, J.L. Wescoat Geoforum 102 (2019) 255–266 not interview highway departments, they too shape peri-urban growth Allen, A., Dávila, J., Hofmann, P., 2006. The peri-urban water poor: citizens or con- and conditions. The intersecting nature of these peri-urban zones will sumers? Urbanization Environ. 18 (2), 333–351. Allen, A., Lampis, A., Swilling, M., 2016. Untamed Urbanisms. Routledge, London. require higher levels of coordination among government entities in the Angueletou, A., 2007. Informal water suppliers meeting water needs in the peri-urban future. Hybrid rural and urban conditions are increasingly the norm areas of Mumbai. Laboratoire d’Economie de la Production et de l’Integration rather than the exception in districts like Pune, which makes the urban- Internationale, India. Bakker, K., 2013. Neoliberal versus Postneoliberal Water. Ann. Assoc. Am. 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