ROALD E. KRISTIANSEN
Depictions of Laestadianism 1850–1950
DOI: https://doi.org/10.30664/ar.87789 Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0)
he issue to be discussed here is how soci- country. Until 1905, Norway was united ety’s views of the Laestadian revival has with Sweden, and so what happened in changed over the course of the revival T Sweden was also important for Norway. movement’s first 100 years. The article claims that society’s emerging view of the revival is This was even the case for a fairly long time characterized by two different positions. The first after 1905, especially with regard to a reli period is typical of the last part of the nineteenth gious movement that united people from century and is characterized by the fact that three Nordic countries (Sweden, Finland the evaluation of the revival took as its point of departure the instigator of the revival, Lars Levi and Norway). Laestadius (1800–61). The characteristic of Laes- The Laestadian revival originated in tadius himself would, it was thought, be char- northern Sweden during the late 1840s, acteristic of the movement he had instigated. and was led by the parish minister of Kare During this first period, the revival was sharply criticized. This negative attitude gradually suando, Lars Levi Læstadius (1800–61). changed from the turn of the century onwards. Within a few years, the revival spread The second period is characterized by greater to the neighbouring countries Finland openness towards understanding the revival on and Norway. In Norway, most parishes its own premises. This openness showed itself were affected, from Ofoten in the south, at first in Swedish publications that treated the revival in an exotic fashion with the aim to to Varanger in the north-east. During arouse greater interest in the Swedish cultural the first two decades, the revival spread life in the north. This interest in the distinctive mostly among the Sami and Kven minor qualities of the revival was later also expressed ity groups. Norwegians tended to view the in Norway, thus contributing to a change of view in how society viewed Laestadianism. Typical revival in terms of ethnic characteristics, of the second period is that it was primarily in often using derogatory labels to convey the ecclesiastical environment that a new inter- their views (i.e., Finnetusse, ‘Sami madness’ est in the revival established itself. or Kventrua, ‘Kven faith’). Such labels can be understood in terms of what anthro The issue to be discussed in this article pologists call ‘othering’ which are under is how the public view of the Laestadian stood as attempts to create boundaries that revival changed during the revival’s first distinguish ‘ingroups’ from ‘outgroups’ (see 100 years (1850–1950). Although we shall Barth 1969). primarily focus on the Norwegian context, The views about Laestadianism dis we cannot limit ourselves strictly to this cussed in this article focus on public texts,
Approaching Religion • Vol. 10, No. 1 • May 2020 55 distributed and read mainly by an audi thought, would have been transferred to the ence outside the Laestadian movement. movement that he started and continued to The study is limited to the early phase of lead until his death. During the latter part Laestadianism, that is, prior to the time of the nineteenth century, most commenta when academic studies began to develop. tors were highly critical of the movement, Cultural essentialism is typical of this early partly due to ‘the Kautokeino event of phase. Such essentialism is based on the 1852’. 2 From the turn of the twentieth cen idea that people have inherent character tury, however, this negative view gradually istics that do not change because they are changed, and during the second period perceived as being ‘natural’ (see Shurmer- (1900–50), the views of Laestadianism Smith 2001: 57). were replaced with what we might call an An important change in the study ‘exoticizing phase’, characterized by an of Laestadianism took place in the mid- increased interest in and openness towards twentieth century as the first doctoral the revival as a phenomenon of the reli theses dealing with the Laestadian move gious and cultural north. This article sug ment were published. This change con gests that the openness first developed in tributed to a change in the common view Sweden, but was soon introduced and con of Laestadianism.1 The new perspectives tinued also in Norway. were partly derived from church history, and focused on detailed studies of available Period 1 (1850–1900): source material for how the revival began Laestadianism as deviation and developed. At the same time, new Health-related criticism: questions and perspectives were beginning Laestadianism as a spiritual infectious disease to emerge from the social sciences. Such The first period came to be strongly influ views were often based on functionalist enced by the events in Kautokeino of 1852, theories about how religion works depend when a local merchant and the sheriff were ing on their social and cultural contexts. killed. These events left a deep impression We shall not deal with this development in on the first person to write about the upris this article. ing: Fredrik W. Hvoslef (1825–1906), the The major findings of this study are parish priest of Kautokeino, who had been that society’s emerging view of the revival present and had been a target of the rebels’ is characterized by two different posi rage. At the request of his bishop, Daniel tions. During the first period (1850–1900) Juell, Hvoslef wrote an article on the event the evaluation of the revival focused on (Hvoslef 1857). This account contributed to the instigator of the revival, Lars Levi a widespread negative view of the revival. Laestadius, and interpreted the charac The issue of Laestadian followers as teristics of the revival based on perceived a group was only indirectly tackled by personal shortcomings of Laestadius him Hvoslef in the article, but he got to grips self. What was typical of Laestadius, it was with the theme in depicting how a group of
1 At first in Finland by the works of Aulis 2 I choose the word ‘event’ as neutral term. Zidbäck (1937) and Martti E. Miettinen Other words (such as uprising, riot, revolt (1942), then later on in Sweden by Per or tragedy) have also often been used, sig Boreman (1953 [1954]) and in Norway by nalling particular views of the event, cf. Dagmar Sivertsen (1955). Andresen 2007: 130.
Approaching Religion • Vol. 10, No. 1 • May 2020 56 the revival’s forms of expression. This model had been borrowed from Karesuando, where sorrow ‘was uttered by the Cry and the Sigh or the Groan, and Joy by Laughter and Dancing or by Jumping and Leaping’ (p. 12). Hvoslef asserted that the source of the revival in Kautokeino was inspired by Laestadius himself, but his criticism was also based on the Sami people’s ‘obstinate spirit’ (p. 3). After the emissaries from Karesuando left Kautokeino, the radicals took over the leadership and pursued it with obvious and scandalous excesses. Hvoslef concluded his article by re flecting on the progress of the revival in Karesuando, even though his knowl edge of the revival there was fragmentary Priest and Bishop Fredrik Waldemar Hvoslef (Hvoslef 1857: 30–7). He maintained that (1825–1906). Claus Knudsen / The National Laestadius’s theology put too much empha Archives. sis on people’s inner feelings, so that they were willing to use every possible means to preachers came to Kautokeino in the winter evoke them (p. 32). Hvoslef was also critical of 1847 and presented themselves as emis of Laestadius’s defence of believers’ visions saries from Laestadius. Hvoslef describes that were to be understood as subjective how the preachers worked on the audi religious truths. Hvoslef believed that such ence’s conversion, ‘playing on their con a view paved the way for precisely the type sciences, by remonstrating with them for of spirituality advocated by the radical the Shameful and Ungodly way they had group in Kautokeino. previously led their Lives in Drunkenness, Despite the critical remarks concerning Thievery and Fornication’ (Hvoslef 1857: the theology of Laestadius, it nonetheless 9). After exerting themselves in this way seems that Hvoslef judged the revival in for a while, the preachers returned to Karesuando in positive terms. He consid Karesuando, but came back again the fol ered the tragedy in Kautokeino to be partly lowing year. On this occasion they changed a consequence of a lack of theological guid their method. Whereas their proclamations ance by parish priests, and partly the result during their first visit were a radical exhor of the Sami people’s self-reliant nature and tation to repent, during the second visit the their tendency to exaggerate their sense of focus was on the proclamation of holiness. the spiritual. It is probably this final empha With this change there emerged a sharper sis on the character of the Sami that later distinction between those who were born led him, as Bishop of Tromsø, to criticize again and those who had only been awak the progress of Laestadian followers in his ened. The change was expressed by the fact diocese. In the bishop’s copybook for 1871, that whereas the preachers during their first he wrote that for many years there had been visit had emphasized the inner life of the an ‘eccentric religious movement’, primarily soul, the focus of their second visit was on among the Sami in the parishes of Ibestad
Approaching Religion • Vol. 10, No. 1 • May 2020 57 and Ofoten, and the revival had now prop considered such expressions of religious agated itself among the Norwegians, result emotions as a form of hysteria that had ing in unpleasant incidents both in and some form of bodily sickness as its basis. outside the church. This emphasis on perceiving the reli Laestadianism was flourishing on the gious revivals in Kautokeino from a sick Norwegian side and this led Hvoslef to ness perspective was also shared by the seek more information. He probably envis medical doctor, Ludvig Dahl (1826–90), aged the possibility of another Kautokeino who was a pioneer in the scientific study uprising and wanted to take necessary steps of mental illnesses in Norway. In the late to forestall such an event. In 1871, he asked 1850s, the government assigned Dahl the the incumbent parish priest in Kautokeino, task of investigating the occurrences and Ole A. Johannessen (1829–1913), to visit causes of mental illness in Norway (see places where the movement was having Dahl 1859). Mental illness was at the time the strongest effect, that is, in the farm considered an important medical prob ing villages in southern Troms and north lem, and Dahl’s findings contributed to a ern Nordland. His report was largely posi new understanding of mental illnesses in tive and did not overstate matters, which a time in which ‘madness’ was increasingly probably helped to set the bishop’s mind at becoming subject to medical treatment.4 rest. In his report to the ministry dated 19 In Dahl’s research, he became aware of March 1873, he states that the religious a possible connection between religion and movement had assumed quieter forms, mental illness. This connection led him to though it was not declining. The Laestadians’ interpret religious revivals from a medical jumping and leaping about in the church perspective. In 1862, Dahl wrote an art during communion did not happen as often icle that was published in two editions of as before, but the movement was growing Folkevennen (The people’s friend) maga stronger among the Norwegian population, zine. In his article, Dahl portrayed ‘mad especially among the women. Some clergy ness’ as an abnormal deviation that could men interpreted Laestadian spirituality be described and hopefully treated by med among the women as a cover for their ical science. By presenting mental illnesses sickly, nervous and hysterical behaviour.3 within the context of normal and abnor In commenting upon this, Hvoslef mal, Dahl’s view harmonizes well with that (1857: 12) says that it was among the women put forward by Hvoslef in his 1857 article that the revival made the greatest progress. in which he interpreted the madness of the It was also usually the women who caused Kautokeino rebels as a religious deviation disturbances during church worship with from ecclesiastical norms. their heartfelt expressions of joy or sorrow. Like many of his contemporaries, Hvoslef
3 A clergyman who voiced such ideas in a 4 See the historical analysis of Dahl’s med letter to the Tromsø bishop, was the ambu ical views on mental illnesses in Grene latory chaplain, Anton Chr. Hall (1841– and Lie 2018. Contributing to the ques 1911). His letter is in The State Archives tion of mental illness in connection with in Tromsø, Bishops’ archive. The visitation the Kautokeino 1852 event, the Mental Ill protocols in the Bishops’ archive contain ness Act of 1848 had established a general many other examples of emphasizing the exemption for ‘maniacs’ from punishment women’s role in the awakening. (Andresen 2007: 131).
Approaching Religion • Vol. 10, No. 1 • May 2020 58 Ludvig Dahl’s perceptions carried con siderable weight at that time. Following his medical exams in 1851, he travelled abroad to study institutions for the men tally sick and focused on this group of patients throughout his career. In 1862, he established a mental asylum in Trondheim and was in charge of the asylum until 1864 when he was appointed as an administra tor to the medical office of the Ministry of the Interior. In 1875, he was elected as the national Director of Medicine and contin ued in this post until his death. His pub lished works exemplify early empirical research texts in the field of Norwegian psychiatry. Dahl’s research view needs to be under stood in the context of his views on religion. For Dahl, Christianity and the Church were a given part of his life-view and he did not Medical doctor Ludvig Wilhelm Dahl (1836– 1890). University of Oslo anniversary book direct any criticisms against religion itself. Det Kongelige Fredriks universitet 1811–1911 (pub- At the same time he belonged, by virtue of lished in 1911). his education, to the higher class of officials who were critical of the type of religiosity that expressed itself on the outer edges of records of district physicians, but in 1858 the state church. The ordinance govern he also had the opportunity to witness ing religious assemblies was repealed in for himself religious revivals in the north. Norway in 1842, and legislation concern His first example was taken from a report ing dissent was passed three years later. by a district physician in Tranøy, Andreas Dahl was critical of many of the religious Berbom (1822–60), who in 1858 wrote that expressions this paved the way for, and in in the far north he had found a form of sick his article in Folkevennen he drew atten ness he had previously seen only in south tion to the northernmost parts of the coun ern lands. The sickness manifested itself in try and the ‘sickly expressions of life’ that convulsions arising from religious influ had arisen under religious revivals (Dahl ence, especially among women. The con 1862: 1). He gets started with observations vulsions were often of a hysterical nature, critical of Laestadianism and perceives its although their strength varied. Berbom religious dynamics in the light of similar states that itinerant preachers were adept at phenomena elsewhere. He believed that making use of people’s overwrought emo a common feature of such expressions is tional lives, so that when one person was that they can be classified as ‘sickly’; com brought to ecstasy, others soon followed pare with the article’s headline, ‘Om nogle (Dahl 1862: 4). aandelige Omgangssygdomme’ (On some Berbom’s focus on the religious reviv mental infectious diseases). als in the parish of Tranøy may have Dahl’s primary sources were the medical been influenced by the case of Cathrine
Approaching Religion • Vol. 10, No. 1 • May 2020 59 Pedersdatter (1814–63). She was a Sami Sweden and Finland. The revivals were dis woman, born in Jukkasjärvi, but who lived cussed by other district physicians, for at Reinsmoen in Sørreisa. During the early example Christoffer A. Schjelderup (1815– 1850s, she became known for her visions 87) in Trondenes. Dahl cites in detail from of the destiny of individuals’ eternal souls. this doctor’s report. These visions were written down and pub Dahl (1859: 1) believed that the lished by, amongst others, the Member of Laestadian revivals were of a similar nature Parliament Peder Andersen, a Haugian5 as revivals elsewhere, and that they were from Bardu in Troms county. This leaf often accompanied by ecstatic phenomena let aroused interest and was published in such as revelations, visions, convulsions several editions. Rumours about Cathrine and swooning. According to him, these also reached Bishop Juell in Tromsø, who were the result of overwrought and fanat asked the Tranøy priest Carl Theodor ical feelings. He was particularly concerned Schmidt (1810–92) to investigate the with revival expressions in the form of ‘agi matter. Cathrine told the priest that twice tations’ (rørelser), which manifested them she had visions in which she was told to selves both spiritually and physically. Dahl’s exhort people to turn away from sin and main perspective was the pathological: how live a spiritual life (Hanssen 1994: 217–19). a weakened mind could be overpowered by She explained that in her visions she had religious notions to such an extent that they been shown heaven and hell, and had set could not distinguish between internal and named individuals on the path to one place external reality. One’s inner spiritual world or the other. The priest told Cathrine that as would seem real and actual, something that a woman she was not allowed to preach the could easily lead to fanaticism tipping over Word of God, and that she should take care into acute mental illness. not to lead others astray with delusions she Dahl was careful about stating whether perceived as true. there was a direct connection between The visions experienced by Cathrine Laestadian revivals and mental illness. were well-known in the early years of He was well aware that religious revivals Laestadianism and, given her background occurred all over the country, though he from Jukkasjärvi, it is likely that she had stated that ‘to such an Extent … that these been influenced by Laestadianism. It is also fanatical Movements have reached the likely that Karen Nirpi from Gratangen northernmost Regions in the Land, I do experienced similar visions following not know whether they have ever done so her conversion in Jukkasjärvi in 1847. elsewhere in the Land’ (Dahl 1859: 15). He Following her return to Norway in the believed that the reason for this was that spring of 1848, her words were the source ‘the long Darkness itself is well suited to of great revivals in the parishes of southern arouse and sustain this Fanaticism’ (p. 7). Troms (Kristiansen 2004). Similar reviv In order to understand the revival’s fanat als occurred in many other places, especi ical fervour, Dahl turned to Laestadius’s ally at the hands of itinerant preachers from own words in his journal Ens ropandes röst (One’s calling voice, Laestadius 1979). Dahl was interested in this report because it 5 Haugian: an adherent of the revival move ment in the early nineteenth century, insti showed how Laestadius ‘became a Fanatic gated and led by the lay preacher, Hans and how he came to spread Fanaticism Nielsen Hauge (1771–1824). among the Lapps’ (Dahl 1859: 18). Dahl
Approaching Religion • Vol. 10, No. 1 • May 2020 60 quotes from Laestadius’s autobiography, the believers referred to themselves as which he believed showed that from his ‘snabbtroende’ (literally, believing rapidly youth onwards, Laestadius was gripped by or hastily). a spiritual confusion that helped to cause Englund calls his study an ‘impartial his inability to distinguish between internal portrayal’ and begins by describing the and external reality. revival as being ‘lost in dogmatic determin Ludvig Dahl’s research perspective is ation and drifting between different doc clearly based on his identity as a doctor, trines, as obscure as their religious views’, for whom religion had its place in his life concluding – like Dahl – that such a revival as an organizing factor. Religion was sup cannot exert ‘a healthy influence on their posed to contribute to offering people a character’ (Englund 1876). Another simi rounded view of reality and to convey cen larity with Dahl is Englund’s focus on the tral values and norms for human life in originator of the revival. Both use the depic society. Revivals, on the other hand, Dahl tion of Laestadius’s life as key to under perceived as something that caused dis standing the peculiarities of the revival; order. The revivals thus became a source of in Dahl’s case, to understand the revival’s disorder in society and were to be regarded ecstatic expressions, and in Englund’s to as a threat to the prevailing social order. understand its theology. It is the dogmatic The solution was to treat the extreme forms interest that is the focus in Englund’s work. of revivalist religion as deviations from As far as the revival’s forms of expression normal behaviour in one of sound mind. are concerned, he is content to point out how they disturb church services, refer Theological criticism: a spiritual form ring to the fact that secular authorities on of materialism several occasions had to intervene against Jacob A. Englund (1831–1914) was the first such disturbances. of the theologians of the Church to pub Englund perceives the growth of the lish a study of Lars Levi Laestadius and Laestadian revival against a background his theology (Englund 1876). In his 160- of ‘the sad state of affairs in Karasuando page article he set out to study the theo parish’, noting that even the settled popula logical peculiarities of the revival and tion was ‘poor, no extraneous belongings, was probably one of the first in a schol scattered here and there in the wilderness’ arly context to refer to Laestadius’s fol (as quoted in Boreman 1954: 9). He is, how lowers as ‘Laestadians’. Other expressions ever, more concerned with understanding were also used in Englund’s time to desig how Laestadius’s theology is expressed in nate the revival. Jakob Ahrenberg (1897) the written sources available to him. On in Finland, for example, called the the basis of his source material he con Laestadian followers hihulittes,6 whereas cludes that both Laestadius himself and his followers were characterized by a ‘defective 6 The word has a connection with the sounds harmony’ (Englund 1876: 121). (‘hi-hu’) that emerge when the awoken One important question that interested reach ecstasy, cf. Ahrenberg 1897. Englund Englund was whether Laestadius should (1876: 156) also refers to ‘hihu-believers’ be regarded as an idealist or a materialist. and asserts that the group had a particu lar connection with the northern part of He concluded that Laestadius should be Österbotten, such as Ijo (Ii) and Lillkyro regarded as a materialist because he per (Vähäkyrö). ceived the life of the soul as a product of
Approaching Religion • Vol. 10, No. 1 • May 2020 61 the material organism.7 Englund main thus not subject to the will of man, then this tained that Laestadius tried to reconcile must be a ‘feathered prisoner of passion, two different trains of thought that pre and all talk of freedom comprises empty vailed in his day, namely materialism and words as long as he [Laestadius] moves spiritualism, something which he believed on the wavering ground of his not par Laestadius had failed to do. ticularly thought-through or sharp-eyed According to Englund, Laestadius’s speculation’ (Englund 1881: 436). Instead, anthropological views were at the heart of Englund provides an analysis of how cen his philosophy. Englund was familiar with tral dogmatic themes were understood by Laestadius’s unpublished, handwritten work Laestadius and his followers to show how in five volumes, Dårhushjonet (The lunatic, these could be seen to deviate from a nor published in 1997). He calls the manuscript mative Lutheran theology. What was deci a ‘Carnatic psychology’, maintaining that sive for Englund, was to criticize what he it represents ‘the most unbridled material perceived as errors of which Laestadius and ism in association with evangelical faith, a his followers had been guilty. Christian and materialistic view of life all When Englund wrote his article in at once’ (Englund 1876: 26f.). He shows 1876, the Laestadian revival was in the pro how what is called the soul of Laestadius cess of being divided into two flanks, one is understood exclusively as ‘nerve life’ extreme and one moderate. As an example and ‘organ life’. The life of the soul is thus a of the extreme flank, he mentions a move result of physical human development. At ment that he calls the huhtari sect in north the heart of Dårhushjonet is the theme of ern Finland that he claims has degenerated passions that dominate the human heart, into a completely unrestrained hyper-evan which is the centre of life. Based on the gelism. The moderates are represented by passions of the heart, this influence flows those priests of the church who had them out to other aspects of organic and nervous selves joined the revival and who sought to life. Laestadius gained support for his views make it more acceptable by toning down its from French and German anthropologists more extreme characteristics.8 of his own time (the 1850s). For Englund, Englund’s 1876 and 1881 texts remained such a form of anthropology seemed alien for a long time standard works for theo- a mere quarter of a century later, and he labels Laestadius’s ideas as ‘anthropological speculations’, refusing to delve deeper into 8 One example of this approach was the writ his philosophy. Instead, he came to the con ings of a group of priests who focused on clusion that if the passions had their basis the penitential practice of the Laestadians, in a material organ in the human body, and which they asserted had broken with the Lutheran tradition (Hedlund 1889). Their writings built on an article written by Bishop Lars Landgren (1810–88) in Härnösand, in 7 Boreman (1954: 201) upbraids this state which he considered the Laestadian peni ment and warns against looking at Laesta tential doctrine and its ‘deviations from dius’s view of the relationship between the Evangelical Lutheran doctrine’ (p. 3). body/soul and matter/spirit in a simplistic Another Swedish bishop, Gustaf Johansson, fashion. The topic is dealt with in depth by published a book in 1892 on Laestadianism Laestadius in his Dårhushjonet writings, which depicted the revival’s many faults. but Englund says he never studied these Part of the book was later released by the writings in depth. provost A. Nyman (Johansson 1898).
Approaching Religion • Vol. 10, No. 1 • May 2020 62 Wikimedia Commons logians’ assessment of the Laestadian re vival. His influence is noticeable well into the twentieth century, for example in the work of Paul Heurgren (1864–1928) who gave a lecture for the Concordia association in which he pictured Laestadius as a reli gious fanatic (Heurgren 1916). He worked for fifteen years as district veterinarian in Kalix in Norrbotten. Meeting Tornedalen’s Laestadian followers sparked his curios ity concerning both the movement and its originator. He read Englund’s work and whatever he could find of Laestadius’s own writings, including copies of his sermons and his journal, Ens ropandes röst. Heur gren was highly critical of the Laestadians. He referred, for example, to revivalists as those who ‘not always in a charitable way made their mark on the people’s character up there’ (p. 3). Heurgren’s view of Laestadius and Laestadians shows clear continuity with Paul Gustaf Eric Heurgren (1864–1928). Det Kgl. Biblioteks picture collection. Englund’s perspectives, even though he does not examine his theological analyses. Furthermore, many of Heurgren’s points beloved by his followers and hated by his of view are strongly aligned with Ludvig opponents. Dahl’s article. Like Dahl and Englund, Heurgren tried to find the key to under Heurgren also takes Laestadius’s life story standing not just Laestadius himself but as his point of departure in order to under also the revival he founded, by means of stand the form of religion that character Laestadius’s own life and writings. In line ized his subsequent followers. with this method he called attention to Heurgren labels Laestadius a doomsday Laestadius’s words against all forms of prophet with a bitter hatred of the world, luxury and his contempt for the higher which Heurgren believed to be the result of forms of doctrine that in Laestadius’s time the poverty-stricken surroundings and lack were increasingly influencing the Church. of harmony at home during Laestadius’s This new doctrine was for Laestadius just childhood. The depiction of Laestadius as a false skin that served to cover an empty a person is entirely negative. Living condi shell of spirituality. This view became cru tions in Karesuando did little to appease cial to Laestadius’s contempt for the world, Laestadius, but the source of his new ‘spir rationalizing why his followers would sub itual spring’ was the revival that occurred sequently be characterized by the same in Karesuando in 1845, which summoned ideals. Heurgren also flavoured his depic him to entirely new and different tasks. He tion of Laestadius with quotations from his evolved to become a ‘very sober fighter and sermons to reveal their coarse form – and a spiritual speaker’ (Heurgren 1916: 8), to illustrate the fanatic doomsday prophet
Approaching Religion • Vol. 10, No. 1 • May 2020 63 (according to Heurgren) that he became. Period 2 (1900–1950): The agitations that Heurgren claims such enlightenment and apologetics a type of proclamation gave rise to are Shortly after the turn of the twentieth cen described in words such as ‘frenzy’ and tury, the first publications began to appear ‘inferno’, in which his listeners lost control in which the sternly critical approach of themselves, creating havoc. Heurgren to Laestadianism was replaced by a places the events of 1852 in Kautokeino in more sympathetic perspective. Elisabeth this context, interpreting it as an expression Curtelius (1870–1942), who was related of the logical consequences of an unculti to Laestadius,9 published a book in 1908 vated and fanatical form of religiosity – about Lars Levi Laestadius’s half-brother, Laestadius had ‘sown the wind and reaped the priest Carl-Erik, followed a year later by the whirlwind’ (Heurgren 1916: 16). a book about his brother Petrus. In 1914, Heurgren’s depiction of Laestadius and she published a book about Lars Levi him his preaching is dark. Laestadius is pre self, which was given the subtitle, ‘a fighter sented as a deviant in terms of both his for sobriety in the High North’ (Curtelius manner and his preaching. Things were 1914).10 In her introduction to the book, no better among Laestadius’s followers, Curtelius writes that she wants to depict according to Heurgren. True, alcohol prob current trends in the development of lems had lessened considerably as a conse Christian culture and raise the awareness quence of the revival, and people’s moral of such currents among Christian youth in behaviour had considerably improved, Sweden. but he doubted many of the claims that During the 1910s, several books were that things had improved because of released by Svenska kyrkans diakoni Laestadius. Heurgren claimed, endors styrelses bokförlag (Swedish Church Dea ing Englund, that Laestadian penitential conry Board publishing company), with preaching had also given rise to widespread lively depictions of Laestadianism. In hypocrisy (Heurgren 1916: 22), which con 1916, a book appeared called Ropande cealed problems rather than solving them. Röster i Ödemarken (Voices calling in Heurgren concluded that Laestadianism the wasteland) by the schoolteacher and was like ‘the trees that sprout haphazard priest Carl Edquist (1870–1948).11 In ly, sown by Laestadianism, which are his book, Edquist described ecclesias shrunken and the wood lacks marrow: they tical life in Swedish Lapland. The follow shall endure with the colourless plants that ing year, his wife Märta Edquist (1878– are surrounded only by the dry, burning 1960), who was also a teacher, published desert sand’ (p. 25, author’s translation). the novel Norrskensflammor (The flames Hvoslef, Dahl, Englund and Heurgren’s works represent the four most significant contributions in the early assessments of 9 Curtelius’s maternal grandfather was the Laestadianism. All three are characterized son of Laestadius’s half-brother, Carl-Erik by a highly critical attitude towards both Laestadius. the revival and its originator, and they pre 10 The book’s Swedish subtitle was, ‘en nykter hetskämpe i höga Norden’. sent the movement as a deviation from a 11 Carl Edquist was for a time the inspector of given concept of the ‘right’ form of religios elementary schools for the county of Gävle ity. This negative perspective was, however, borg, and later a parish priest in Kiruna soon to be challenged. (1913–20).
Approaching Religion • Vol. 10, No. 1 • May 2020 64 of the northern lights), about Lars Levi from Tornedalen, where he focused on the Laestadius’s life and works. Three years interaction between nature and northern later, she wrote a story about ‘the old Swedish culture. church village’, that is, Karesuando (Edquist The Deaconry Board’s books were sup 1921), where Laestadius had been a priest, plemented by several other publications, and a year later she published a biograph for example, a book by Valdemar Lind ical account of Lars Levi Laestadius holm (1880–1947) about the brothers (Edquist 1922). Her books took a popu Lars Levi and Petrus Laestadius, published lar form and she probably adopted a light by Svenska Missionsförbundet (Swedish approach to research and source material. Mission Association; Lindholm 1937), as Per Boreman and Gustaf Dahlbäck (1965: well as Ödemarkens apostel (The apostle of 57) maintain that her books included half- the wasteland), a book by Oscar Rönnbäck truths and rumours that in many cases had (1896–1935) in the Harrier publishing been spread to harm Laestadius and his company’s extensive ‘Bragd och hjälte followers. dåd’ (Achievement and heroism) book The Deaconry Board’s books are mostly series (Rönnbäck 1945). In the foreword concerned with the work of the Church to Rönnbäck’s book, it is mentioned that in northern Sweden, representing a form the principal aim of the book series was of ecclesiastical enlightenment that was to present in popular form a broader per meant to help make the Church’s own spective of individuals, movements and people better informed about conditions in reforms in Swedish history. It was felt that the far north. When Laestadianism is dis more historical knowledge would increase cussed, it is emphasized that the revival has understanding between different groups of a legitimate place in the Church and that people and thus reduce social conflicts in it should not be perceived as alien or dan society. gerous. Heurgren’s disparaging portrayal The book series’ publication by a com of Laestadianism may have played a part mercial publishing company underlines in this choice of ecclesiastical publishing the fact that Sweden’s northern territories strategy. Literature was required that could are important and that the religious his reveal other aspects of Laestadianism than tory of these areas should be viewed as part the many negative depictions which had of Swedish history in general.12 The pub dominated previously. lishing company admitted that, for many, One very significant publication put out Laestadius was a controversial person: by the Deaconry Board was a contribution ‘some find Lars Levi Læstadius wonder from Hjalmar Westeson (1885–1959). He ful in all his fanatical jealousy, while others served the Karesuando parish from 1915 find him less appealing’ (Rönnbäck 1945: to 1923. Based on a solid knowledge of 4). In the light of misconceptions and the Laestadian narrative tradition, he pub prejudices on the part of many people, lished in 1922 a lively depiction of signifi the book provided a nuanced depiction of cant individuals among Laestadius’s follow ers. The book became a classic account of the revival’s pioneers, seen from the move 12 It may be argued that the Swedish north ern territories became more important ment’s own perspective. Westeson followed strategically in view of the new borders up these biographical accounts in the years after Sweden lost both Finland and later that followed with other narrative material also Norway.
Approaching Religion • Vol. 10, No. 1 • May 2020 65 Laestadius. Many of the Swedish publica expansion and doctrines. This led to a close tions on Laestadius and the revival from co-operation. The parish priest often vis the first half of the twentieth century could ited Laestadian assemblies, resulting in the be placed in a context that would coun publication of a small volume of Laestadian teract prejudice and discrimination. The sermons (Astrup 1924), as well as an same openness towards Laestadian issues account of the particular features of the in Finnish literature is found, for example, Laestadians, as he characterized them, as a in books by Samuli Pauluharju, who wrote ‘Sami form of Christianity’ (Astrup 1928). about Finnish migration to north Norway. Astrup found the heart of the Sami form Bishop Johannes N. Skaar (1828– of Christianity in the ten theological beliefs 1904) of Tromsø was initially critical of that Erik Johnsen claimed were typical of Laestadianism, but gradually changed the Lyngen Laestadians, contrary to what his view. On his visiting tours he met Laestadians claimed elsewhere. Astrup Sami people who reminded him of the calls these beliefs ‘national peculiarities’, importance of receiving a religious edu in the sense that they had come into being cation in their own language. He thus within a Sami environment as ‘a response came to disagree with the official policy of by people of nature to the protection of Norwegianization. The bishop sought to their culture, and what followed in its persuade the authorities to accept the use tracks’ (Astrup 1928: 157).14 What Astrup of the Sami and the Finnish languages, at particularly latched onto as ‘Sami’ was col least for Christian teaching in church and lectivist thinking. Contrary to Norwegians’ schools. He received little in the way of a individualistic way of thinking, Astrup response from the authorities, however, believed that the Sami thought collectively: and so established the so-called ‘Finne- ‘the individual becomes himself only along Misjonen’ (later called Samemisjonen, with others’ (p. 157, author’s italics). the Sami mission), where he approved In line with the scientific understand the use of minority languages and even of ing of his time, Astrup expresses himself Laestadian preachers.13 in cultural-essentialist categories. In order This more open attitude regarding to understand a person’s way of think Laestadian followers, for whom Skaar had ing, the strategies and courses of action appointed himself spokesman, caused of the group must first be understood. It is some priests to show greater interest in the fellowship that shapes humanity, and Laestadianism. The parish priest in Lyngen, not the other way round. Astrup uses this Peter Cornelius Astrup (1887–1961), was understanding of fellowship to illustrate initially mostly concerned with school why Laestadian preachers always travelled ing and wanted to help the Sami pursue around in pairs: the individual achieves opportunities for education. Astrup’s inter nothing alone, but together they can cause est in schools led to closer contact with the the life of the soul to unfold and blossom. Laestadians. He got in touch with their local He thus found that one of the educational leader, Erik Johnsen (1844–1941), wanting to learn more about the revival’s history, its 14 Here, Astrup formulates an early version of ‘the cultural protection hypothesis’ (cf. 13 This opening for collaboration with the Bjørklund 1985), in which Laestadian Laestadians was retracted after Skaar’s ism serves as protection against unwanted death. external influences on local culture.
Approaching Religion • Vol. 10, No. 1 • May 2020 66 features of the Laestadian understand ing of salvation made great sense within a Sami cultural context: no-one can obtain salvation unless another person grants the remission of sins. The full value of an indi vidual’s religious status is something that is granted by the faith community. This understanding of salvation is expressed in a collectivistic mindset: the individual left sitting alone on the hull of a capsized boat cannot be saved because no-one can medi ate the remission of their sins. Although this way of thinking broke with a modern individualistic way of thinking, Astrup (1928: 157f.) argued that the Sami collectivistic mindset should be respected by the Norwegians for as long as the Sami people themselves sustained it within their Priest Peter Cornelius Astrup (1887–1961). Nord-Troms Museum. own culture. In line with essentialist cul tural understanding, every people’s culture had the right to be respected just as it is – Raattamaa, managed to find an effective even if it is in the process of changing, or way of mediating words of grace to the even fading away. The Sami religious cul penitent. For Astrup, Laestadianism is a ture, their Sami form of Christianity, was form of Christianity that is well suited to therefore to be shown due respect by both the Sami way of being, in that it has been society and the Church. fashioned within a Sami milieu by the Astrup’s account of Laestadianism is Sami. Even the Kautokeino uprising did not characterized by a deep sympathy for what change Astrup’s positive view of the Sami he perceived as Sami elements that have people’s Laestadianism and he refused to been given a Christian form of expres let the revival take the blame for what hap sion.15 He refers to Laestadius, but not pened in Kautokeino. Astrup also defends in the negative manner of Hvoslef, Dahl, the Laestadians’ pietism, though he is clear Englund or Heurgren before him. Astrup that even this form of Christianity may be places emphasis on Laestadius’s pietistic biased and prone to misuse. He believed influence, which made him into a great that their stern warnings against a dissol penitential preacher; his experiences of ute life are effective protection against the meeting a Sami girl called Maria, who dangers that often threaten any ‘people of made him into a great pastor; and he shows nature’, and that these warnings can also how Laestadius’s foremost disciple, Juhani be understood as a reaction against what is perceived as the harmful influence of Norwegian high culture. Between exter nal temptation and internal lust there is, 15 The priest Jens Otterbech expressed many of the same opinions in his book, Kultur unlike in Norwegian culture, no individual verdier hos Norges finner (Cultural values will, but a collective consciousness ‘that will among the Norwegian Finns [Sami], 1920). fall alone, where it would never fall when
Approaching Religion • Vol. 10, No. 1 • May 2020 67 several were gathered together, or so long (Børresen 1938). In 1966, the 1938 edition as he does not break with the common con was republished (Antonsen 1966), with sciousness’ (Astrup 1928: 162). some minor omissions, but supplemented Astrup’s publication of Lyngen Laestad with some newer letters, as well as an article ian sermons and his presentation of their by Firstborn preacher Jens Pedersen about characteristic features was later followed the spread of Laestadianism in Lofoten.16 up on the Laestadian side. Two collec His presentation was soon supplemented tions of sermons were published by the by a series of newspaper articles about the Lyngen Laestadians themselves, in 1929 Laestadian revival in Ofoten, written by the and 1931. In addition, Astrup initiated a Laestadian preacher Anton Karlsen (1880– publication of an account by the Laestadian 1954). These articles were later published as preacher Ananias Brune (1853–1942) a book (Karlsen 1986). Both Pedersen and about ‘the living Christianity in Vadsø’, Karlsen’s accounts are important examples along with Erik Johnsen’s own account of of how the Laestadians created their own the Laestadians’ faith and doctrine in the historical narratives. Norvegia Sacra yearbook of 1934 (pub Laestadius himself never published his lished in 1938). Johnsen’s text may be said sermons, but written copies were none to represent a theological ‘written pro- theless used by the revival’s many preach gramme’ for the Lyngen Laestadians. ers. The first printed sermon publication The text has been included in all the later was in 1876. This book was translated into publications of Laestadian sermons pub Norwegian by Ananias Brune in 1901 (cf. lished by Lyngen Lutheran-Laestadian Andreassen 2019). Some Finnish priests, congregations. such as Aatu Laitinen (1853–1923), Brune and Johnsen’s contributions in worked as Laestadian preachers them the Norvegia Sacra publications were the selves. In 1918, Laitinen noted down his first occasion that the Laestadians them memories of early Laestadian Christianity selves were included and presented as in Lapland. Another Finnish Laestadian Laestadian actors to the Norwegian public. priest, Leonard P. Tapaninen (1893–1982) It was, however, not the first time that the had a lecture published in 1924 on the his Laestadians had approached the public. tory of the revival in the journal Siionin From the beginning of the revival, letters Lähetyslehti (Zion’s mission magazine). had been an important means of com In Norway, the dual roles of priest and munication between the revival’s leaders Laestadian preacher were not combined as and the Laestadian congregations. Juhani they were in Finland,17 but the Laestadians Raattamaa was in contact with the con nonetheless had some talented speakers, gregations with the help of letters, also including Ananias Brune, who collected ably assisted by his co-worker, Mathilda material partly from Laestadius himself, Fogman. This correspondence literature was highly prized by the faithful and the letters circulated far and wide. They were eventually published in book form. The 16 Pedersen’s article was first published in first collection came out in Finnish in1898 . Ola Berg’s Buksnes bygdebok, vol. 1 (Bodø 1950). In Swedish the first collection of letters was 17 There is presently no research as to why published in 1938 by Johan Pietiläinen, and the two roles could not be combined in the translated into Norwegian the same year Norwegian context.
Approaching Religion • Vol. 10, No. 1 • May 2020 68 but also from Westeson and Tapaninen who could write fluently in Norwegian and (Brune 1927). had a solid competence in providing alter Ananias Brune hailed from Sunnmøre native representations of how they wished and came as a teacher to eastern Finnmark to be presented. in 1874. While in Finnmark he became As well as countering the articles’ fault- familiar with the Finnish-speaking com finding and hostile criticism of Laestadian munity and learned their language. While ism as a ‘race-based Christianity’ (Brune he was a teacher in Vadsø his conversion to 1927: 60), Brune reacted to the central Laestadianism became publicly known. As position that the articles had ascribed to a Laestadian he soon came into conflict with Laestadius as the founder of the move Pastor Gjølme in Vadsø and was suspended ment. Brune believed that Laestadius could from his post, but was later acquitted in the be better depicted with Raattamaa’s words, provost court. During the time of his sus that Laestadius was to be regarded as ‘the pension he began to translate Laestadius’s first and best worker in this Christianity’ sermons. After he moved to Hammerfest in (p. 5). Brune compared him to the famous 1921, Brune became one of the main lead Norwegian revival preacher, Hans Nielsen ers of the Alta congregation (the so-called Hauge (1771–1824). He also criticized the ‘Small Firstborns’), and was asked to write article’s author for his attempt to extrapo an account about the history of the Vadsø late Laestadius’s character from his child Læstadians for the ecclesiastical yearbook, hood experiences with an angry father and Norvegia Sacra (Brune 1938). a melancholy mother, claiming that the The occasion for Brune writing ‘Nogle author had overlooked the significance of ord om Læstadius og læstadianismen (Some Laestadius’s account of his spiritual renewal words on Laestadius and Laestadianism) in in 1844. Brune also cited Laestadius’s pres 1927 was three articles that appeared in the entation of the memories of his child Church newspaper Nidaros in Trondheim, hood and youth, and believed that such written by a former parish priest of Kauto memories provided a better impression of keino.18 Here, Laestadius was depicted as Laestadius than the bleak picture found in a coarse and unruly doomsday prophet. the article. When Brune was refused a right of reply Brune’s accounts are full of examples in the newspaper to correct this depiction, from both Laestadius’s writings and from he published his reply at his own cost. The Westeson’s accounts of how the revival’s articles in Nidaros are proof that the hostile ‘fire was lit’ in the Lapland wilderness. He depiction of Laestadianism as it had been addresses what he considers to be erro communicated by Hvoslef, Dahl, Englund neous representations in the Nidaros art and Heurgren was still significant well into icles and tries to counter them with well- the twentieth century. The difference was articulated explanations. He tries not to be that the Laestadians now had followers demagogic or malicious, but rather con structively apologetic by correcting mis apprehensions. He maintains that the 18 The author is not mentioned, but it might movement’s ecstatic forms are not unique have been Brage Høyem (b. 1874) from to Laestadianism, but expressions of inter Trondheim who served in Kautokeino just after the turn of the century, or Thorfinn nal sorrow or joy. They express the fact that Solberg (1897–1982) who served there in it is in the nature of faith to have a subjec the 1920s. tive basis and the strength of the agitations
Approaching Religion • Vol. 10, No. 1 • May 2020 69 comes from God according to an individ as religious innovations. The problem with ual’s needs, even though they do not have innovations, however, is that they often ‘sacramental value and power’ (Brune emphasize doctrinal points, systems or 1927: 52). practices that for a while have been under- Brune was a voice from within the emphasized or overlooked (Hasselberg movement itself. As such he is – though in 1935: 245), so that when they are brought a different way from Astrup – a typical rep forth again they become over-emphasized. resentative of the apologetic phase. While He acknowledges that Laestadianism has the author of the Nidaros article obvi fulfilled an important function among the ously had followed Astrup’s lead in viewing northern peoples and says that it Laestadianism as an expression of a Sami form of Christianity, Brune admits that such seems to be the form of Christianity a characteristic seems alien to him (Brune that is best suited to the spiritual tem 1927: 62). For Brune, Laestadianism is pri perament of this population, the one marily the expression of Christian faith, that with regard to its particular char regardless of whether the faithful are Sami, acteristics in terms of the people’s psy Kven or Norwegian. As a Laestadian him chology is most appropriate for bring self, he had witnessed how the movement ing Christianity into their hearts. had become a unifying and transforma This is especially true of the Lappish tive force in society – a source of what Kåre [Sami] population, who have found Svebak many years later called a ‘religious- fulfilment here of their religious ethnic fellowship’ that transcended ethnic needs. (Hasselberg 1935: 306, author’s divisions (Svebak 1983). translation) Although the critical attitude towards Laestadianism during the first period was One contrast to Hasselberg’s ‘popular gradually replaced over the course of the psychological’ approach to Laestadianism twentieth century by a more open and well- is evident in the thesis by Aulis Zidbäck disposed attitude, many of the negative atti (1900–90) from Kuopio, Finland. Zidbäck tudes were still hanging around well into (1937) tries to understand Laestadianism the century. An example of this is the book in the light of church history in gen by Carl Hasselberg (1856–1938) about the eral and relates Laestadius’s theological church history of Tornedalen (Hasselberg ideas to medieval Catholic mysticism (cf. 1935). In this book Hasselberg followed the Boreman 1954: 196, 201). Zidbäck thus older critical view of Laestadianism, focus avoids cultural essentialism and rather ing on Lars Levi Laestadius as a person as a links Laestadianism to general currents basis for understanding Laestadianism as a within European ecclesiastical traditions. revival movement. In this way Laestadianism is not under In his review of Laestadianism, Hassel stood as ‘deviation’ from something that is berg looks at conceptions of the movement ‘normal’ or ‘right’, but as an example of a in the light of Church theology. He particu tradition of piety in European ecclesiastical larly focuses on penitence, congregational history, albeit one with individual and understanding, the word of grace and agi unusual features. He thus contributes to tation. He claims that Laestadian ‘spe the legitimizing of the Laestadian inter cial meanings’ are not deviations from the pretation of Christianity. His decision to Church’s faith, but rather to be understood relate Laestadian pietistic mysticism to its
Approaching Religion • Vol. 10, No. 1 • May 2020 70 medieval counterpart was original, but was church, both in Sweden and in Norway, not always well received in the field of eccle thus took a greater interest in the cultural siastical history; his points of view were aspect of the northern culture. This interest criticized by, for example, Martti Miettinen gave writers the opportunity to highlight (1942), and later by Per Boreman (1954). those aspects of northern religious culture At the same time, it should be noted that it that were different from the mainstream was precisely researchers such as Zidbäck national culture, thus resulting in publica and Miettinen who, in different ways, led tions that focused on Laestadian religious Laestadianism research out of the cul and cultural beliefs and practices. tural essentialism epoch and into the era In Norway, the so-called ‘Norwegian of church history. In Sweden the emerging ization policy’ towards the Sami and the field of Laestadianism research was char Kven were strictly enforced throughout the acterized by scholars such as Per Boreman, latter part of the nineteenth century and for and in Norway by Dagmar Sivertsen (1955). a long time afterwards. Several members This change of direction in ecclesiastical of the clergy – and even some Norwegian history was later perpetuated by social sci bishops – were critical of this process. The entists who focused on the revival’s func Lyngen clergyman, Peter C. Astrup, even tion in relation to society, culture and eth attempted to ground his respect for the nicity, rather than viewing Laestadianism Sami in the dominant scientific view of cul in an ecclesiastical historical context. ture in his time, cultural essentialism. In his view, Laestadianism was portrayed as Conclusion the main form of Christianity, especially Early Norwegian commentators on the adapted to the Sami collectivistic mindset Laestadian revival were heavily influenced as a special form of Christianity, a ‘Sami by the 1852 events in Kautokeino. These Christianity’. events contributed to giving the religious Towards the middle of the twentieth revival a negative reputation, both within century, this more appreciative under and outside the church. In society at large, standing of Laestadianism, began to attract religious revivals were for a long time the attention especially of church histor considered not only in terms of religious ians. New research and interpretations excesses, but also as a result of madness and of Laestadianism were attempted, first insanity.19 Laestadianism as an aberration in Finland, but later also in Sweden and from ‘normal’ religious practice dominated in Norway. Social scientists and anthro the scene well into the twentieth century. pologists later followed other research An important change, however, took paradigms, focusing on ways in which place early in the twentieth century, prob Laestadianism could be interpreted to have ably for several reasons. In Sweden there had unique functions in relation to society. seems to have been a greater concern about This trend opened up much new research the northern territories, resulting in art on the Laestadian movement, especially icles and books about northern culture. from the 1960s and onwards. The more liberal minded in the national
19 Cf. Astri Andresen’s article on changing perceptions of insanity among the Sami (Andresen 2007).
Approaching Religion • Vol. 10, No. 1 • May 2020 71 Roald E. Kristiansen, is an dess förhållande till kyrkan, 2nd revised edn associate professor at the (Stockholm, Svenska kyrkans diakoni- Department of Archeology, styrelse) History, Religious Studies Boreman, Per, and Gustaf Dahlbäck (eds.), and Theology in UiT The 1965. Lars Levi Læstadius och hans gärning. Arctic University of Nor- Festskrift till hundraårsminnet av hans död way since 1997. He has an den 21 februari 1861 (Stockholm, Svenska MA from Oslo University kyrkans diakonistyrelses bokförlag) in theology (1979), and a Børresen, Andreas, 1938. Brevboken av 1938. PhD from Emory University in Atlanta, Georgia, Skrifter og brever fra kristendommens USA, in constructive theology with a thesis on eldste og predikanter m.fl. i vårt tudsrum, interfaith dialogue and theology (1987). He has samt nogen minnetaler (Bergen, Daniel been a visiting scholar at the National Council of Josefsen of Holandshamn & Jens Pedersen Churches’ study centre in Kyoto, Japan (1985/6), of Balstad) a seminary lecturer at the Methodist School of Brune, Ananias, 1927. Nogen ord om Læstadius Theology in Bergen (1980–91), and associate og læstadianismen (Hammerfest) professor at Finnmark University College (1991– ———1938. ‘Den levende kristendom i Vadsø. 7). Roald Kristiansen has published on interfaith Den såkalte læstadianske menighet i Vadsø’, theology, ecotheology, and contextual theology, in Norvegia Sacra 1934, pp. 41–85 (Oslo, as well as on Buddhism and Confucianism. Steenske forlag) Curtelius, Elisabeth, 1914. Lars Levi Læstadius: List of references en nykterhetskämpe i höga Norden (Uppsala, Ahrenberg, Jakob, 1897 (1889). Skildringar från Lindblad) Östre Finland (Stockholm, Albert Bonnier) Dahl, Ludvig. 1859. Bidrag til Kundskab om Andreassen, Bengt-Ove, 2019. ‘Taler i trykk. de Sindssyge i Norge (Christiania, Steenske Bokhistoriske perspektiver på utgivelser av Bogtrykkeri) Læstadius’ taler’, in Din. Tidsskrift for reli ———1862. ‘Om nogle aandelige Omgangssyg gion og kultur, 1, pp. 7–33 domme’, in Folkevennen, 11, pp. 1–99 Andresen, Astri, 2007. ‘In the wake of the Kau (offprint) tokeino event: changing perceptions of Edquist, Märta, 1921. Den gamla kyrkbyn. insanity and the Sámi 1852–1965’, in Acta Berättelser från Lappmarken (Stockholm, Borealia, 24(2), pp. 130–42, doi:
Approaching Religion • Vol. 10, No. 1 • May 2020 72 reformera den Læstadianska läran och ande Sivertsen, Dagmar, 1955. Læstadianismen i liga rörelsen i Norrbotten och Finland (Luleå, Norge (Oslo, Land og kirke) Luleå Boktryckeri) Svebak, Kåre, 1983. ‘Religiøs etnisitet: forbrød Heurgren, Paul, 1916. Lars Lewi Læstadius: en ning og etnisk mangfold i lestadianske religiös fanatiker i Torne Lappmark vid bör tradisjoner’, in Folk og ressurser i nord, ed. jan och midten af förra århundradet: före Jørn Sandnes et al. (Trondheim, Tapir), pp. drag i sällskapet Concordia den 17 mars 1916 259–76 (Örebro dagblads tryckeri) Tapaninen, Leonard P., 1924. ‘Peräpohjolan Hvoslef, F. W., 1857. ‘Noget om den religiøse herännäisyys’, in Siionin Lähetyslehti, 7, pp. Bevegelse i Kautokeino’, in Theologisk tids 106–11 skrift for den norske kirke, 7, pp. 1–38 Westeson, Hjalmar, 1922. Ödemarksprofetens Johansson, Gustaf, 1898. Den närvarande læsta lärjungar (Stockholm, Svenska kyrkans dia dianismens läroframställning (Luleå, Berg konistyrelses bokförlag, reprinted 1930 and mans bokhandel) 1980) Johnsen, Erik. 1938. ‘Læstadianernes tro og lære. Zidbäck, Aulis, 1937. Lars Levi Laestadiuksen En redegjørelse fra læstadianske predikanter kristillisyyden-näkemys. Erityisesti silmällä i Troms fylke, dat. Skibotn i februar 1932’, pitäen Kristuksen seuraamisen ihannetta, in Norvegia Sacra. Aarbok til kunnskap om doctoral thesis (University of Helsinki) Den norske kirke i fortid og samtid 1934, pp. 86–92 (Oslo, Steenske forlag) Karlsen, Anton, 1986. Den læstadianske be vegelses historie i Ofoten og Lofoten (Beis fjord in Ofoten, Alvin Nystad) Kristiansen, Roald E., 2004. ‘Fra noaidens dat ter til de kristnes mor. Om læstadianis mens fremvekst i Sør-Troms og Ofoten’, in Ett land, ett folk. Sápmi i historia och nutid, eds. Per Axelsson and Peter Sköld (CESAM, Umeå Universitet), pp. 85–100 Læstadius, Lars Levi, 1979. Tidskriften Ens ropandes röst i öknen: åren 1852–54 (Bromma, S.W. Wettainen) ———1997. Dårhushjonet: en blick i nådens ordning. Systematiskt framställd under form af betracktelser öfwer själens egenskaper och tillstånd (Skellefteå, Artos) Lindholm, Valdemar, 1937. Som örnar över vid derna. Några bilder från bröderna Lars Levi och Petrus Læstadii ungdomsår (Stockholm, Svenska Missionsförbundets förlag) Miettinen, Martti E., 1942. Lestadiolainen herä tysliike, vol. 1, Perustajan aika (Helsinki, Otava) Otterbech, Jens, 1920. Kulturverdier hos Norges finner (Kristiania, Aschehoug) Pietiläinen, Johan (ed.), 1938. Brevsamling av 1938 (Luleå, Johan Pietiläinen) Rönnbäck, Oscar, 1945. Ödemarkens apostel. Berättelse om Lars Levi Læstadius’ liv och gärning (Stockholm, Harrier) Shurmer-Smith, Pamela, 2001. Doing Cultural Geography (London, Sage)
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