DOCSLIB.ORG

Friends Again ?

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Friends Again ? Friends again ? EU-US relations after the crisis Nicole Gnesotto, James Dobbins, Federico Romero, David Frum, William Wallace, Ronald D. Asmus, István Gyarmati, Walter B. Slocombe, Gilles Andréani, Philip H. Gordon, Werner Weidenfeld, Felix Neugart, Geoffrey Kemp, Dov Lynch, Fiona Hill, Baudoin Bollaert, Joseph Quinlan, Marcin Zaborowski Edited by Marcin Zaborowski Transatlantic Book 2006 Transatlantic Union European Institute for Security Studies In January 2002 the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) became an autonomous Paris-based agency of the European Union. Following an EU Council Joint Action of 20 July 2001, it is now an integral part of the new structures that will support the further deve- lopment of the CFSP/ESDP. The Institute’s core mission is to provide analyses and recommendations that can be of use and relevance to the formulation of the European security and defence policy. In carrying out that mission, it also acts as an interface between European experts and decision-makers at all levels. friends-text.qxp 14/02/2006 10:08 Page 1 Friends again? EU-US relations after the crisis Nicole Gnesotto, James Dobbins, Federico Romero, David Frum, William Wallace, Ronald D. Asmus, István Gyarmati, Walter B. Slocombe, Gilles Andréani, Philip H. Gordon, Werner Weidenfeld, Felix Neugart, Geoffrey Kemp, Dov Lynch, Fiona Hill, Baudoin Bollaert, Joseph Quinlan, Marcin Zaborowski Edited by Marcin Zaborowski Institute for Security Studies European Union Paris friends-text.qxp 14/02/2006 10:08 Page 2 Institute for Security Studies European Union 43 avenue du Président Wilson 75775 Paris cedex 16 tel.: +33 (0)1 56 89 19 30 fax: +33 (0)1 56 89 19 31 e-mail: [email protected] www.iss-eu.org Director: Nicole Gnesotto © EU Institute for Security Studies 2006. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the EU Institute for Security Studies. ISSN 1633-7352 ISBN 92-9198-084-6 Published by the EU Institute for Security Studies and printed in Condé-sur-Noireau (France) by Corlet Imprimeur. Graphic design by Claire Mabille (Paris). Cover design by Corlet Imprimeur. friends-text.qxp 14/02/2006 10:08 Page 3 Contents Introduction: the challenges ahead Le challenge, c’est le réel 11 Nicole Gnesotto • Trois contraintes lourdes 11 • Le renouveau et ses limites 14 • L’avenir, sous bénéfice d’inventaire 17 Friends again? 21 James Dobbins • Potential theatres of conflict 22 • The limits of unilateralism 24 • NATO and the EU 26 • Conclusion 27 What do we share? 1 What do we share? 31 Federico Romero • Growing divergence 33 • The end of the transatlantic community? 36 2 A new Europe, a new anti-Americanism 39 David Frum • How anti-Americanism became respectable 40 • A symptom of European angst 42 • Finding a way forward 44 3 A rational partnership in a post-Atlantic world 47 William Wallace • Shared values, but also distinctive values 49 • Shared interests, but also divergent interests 50 • Setting our expectations lower 53 friends-text.qxp 14/02/2006 10:08 Page 4 Contents... 4 A dissenting voice on the values and interests gap 55 Ronald D. Asmus • The values gap – fact or fiction? 56 • Do we have common interests? 58 • Conclusion 60 5 Crisis or convergence – whither the transatlantic relationship? 63 István Gyarmati • Salient discrepancies 64 • Working towards an effective partnership 65 6 The context for the transatlantic relationship in the new century 71 Walter B. Slocombe What do we do? 7 L’Europe et le problème de la puissance américaine 83 Gilles Andréani • Grand basculement et infortunes de la puissance 83 • Les transformations de la puissance 87 • La multipolarité, réponse au problème de la puissance américaine ? 91 • Un « multilatéralisme efficace » vis-à-vis des Etats-Unis 93 8 America’s role in the world: searching for balance 99 Philip H. Gordon • Bush’s foreign policy of idealism 101 • The aftermath of Iraq 104 • Soft landing or overcompensation? 108 friends-text.qxp 14/02/2006 10:08 Page 5 Contents... 9 The EU’s role in the world: efficiency and relevance in times of crisis 111 Werner Weidenfeld • The EU as an international actor 112 • Major characteristics and challenges of today’s world 113 • Challenges from within the Union 116 • Conclusion 120 Iraq and the Middle East 10 The EU, the Middle East and Iraq 125 Felix Neugart • The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership: promoting stability and reform 125 • The Israeli-Palestinian conflict: reviving the road map 128 • Iran: engaging an uneasy partner 131 • Iraq: stabilising a weak polity 134 • Conclusion: towards a European role in the Gulf? 137 11 High Noon: America’s moment in the Middle East 141 Geoffrey Kemp • Introduction 141 • The current challenges for the United States 144 • Conclusion 152 Russia 12 Same view, different realities: EU and US policy towards Russia 157 Dov Lynch • EU policy since 1999 159 • EU interaction with Russia 163 • Similarities and differences across the Atlantic 165 • Conclusion 170 friends-text.qxp 14/02/2006 10:08 Page 6 Contents... 13 Managing the Russian dilemma 171 Fiona Hill • A strong and a weak power 173 • Russian foreign policy preoccupations 175 • Drivers of United States policy towards Russia 176 • The United States, Europe and Russia 183 • Conclusion: towards a common response 184 Economics: still a glue? Lien transatlantique et solidarité économique : 14 le test de la mondialisaton 187 Baudoin Bollaert • L’effondrement du « Mur » 189 • Une nouvelle histoire 191 • Dollar et euro 194 • La première mondialisation 195 • Grand écart 197 15 The primacy of the transatlantic economy 199 Joseph Quinlan • Drifting together, not apart 200 • Commerce trumps diplomacy 203 • The transatlantic partnership – too important to fail 206 Friends reunited? Friends reunited? Recalibrating transatlantic relations in the 21st century 213 Marcin Zaborowski • Rapprochement or détente? 214 • Rapprochement and domestic malaise 222 • Friends reunited? 226 friends-text.qxp 14/02/2006 10:08 Page 7 Contents... Annexes • About the authors 233 • Abbreviations 238 friends-text.qxp 14/02/2006 10:08 Page 8 The editor would like to acknowledge the contribution of Antonio Missiroli, who provided valuable input in the early stages regarding the content and structure of this book. friends-text.qxp 14/02/2006 10:08 Page 9 Friends again? EU-US relations after the crisis ntroduction: IIthe challenges ahead 9 friends-text.qxp 14/02/2006 10:08 Page 10 friends-text.qxp 14/02/2006 10:08 Page 11 Friends again? Le challenge, c’est le réel EU-US relations after the crisis Nicole Gnesotto Apparemment, tout va bien. Depuis la visite historique du prési- dent George Bush au Conseil européen à Bruxelles, en février 2005, les dirigeants américains et européens répètent à l’envi que la page de la discorde irakienne a été tournée et qu’un partenariat euro- américain, efficace et pragmatique, est leur objectif commun. Et certes, la coopération a repris en bonne intelligence sur un certain nombre de dossiers difficiles : la préparation des négocia- tions sur le statut final du Kosovo, les pressions communes sur le gouvernement syrien, le soutien américain aux efforts et à la démarche de l’Union européenne à l’égard du problème nucléaire iranien, la collaboration euro-américaine au sein du quartet pour la stabilisation de Gaza, le travail quotidien des deux parties en matière de lutte contre les réseaux terroristes sont autant de preuves d’une dynamique positive désormais retrouvée dans les relations euro-américaines. La nouvelle administration Bush, sous l’égide de Condoleezza Rice, a même repris à son compte nombre des principes de la stratégie de sécurité élaborée par Javier Solana et solennellement adoptée par le Conseil européen de décembre 2003 : sur les vertus de la diplomatie, la nécessité de cadres de coopération multilatérale, l’importance de l’Union comme acteur global et partenaire de sécurité des Etats-Unis, la nécessité de s’attaquer aux causes profondes qui peuvent nourrir le terrorisme international. Inversement, l’Union européenne a pris acte des préoccupations américaines sur la Chine et gelé à ce stade le projet de levée de l’embargo sur les ventes d’armes à ce pays, de même qu’elle a intensifié ses contributions financières et son soutien au processus politique irakien depuis les élections de janvier 2005. Trois contraintes lourdes Il n’en demeure pas moins que cette embellie se développe sur fond de trois contraintes lourdes : 11 friends-text.qxp 14/02/2006 10:08 Page 12 Le challenge, c’est le réel Le premier paradoxe vient de ce que cette relance de la coopéra- tion euro-américaine se déroule sur fond de crise chez chacun des deux partenaires. Du côté américain, la crise est globale dans la mesure où elle affecte tant l’image et la crédibilité du leader- ship américain dans le monde que la justesse et l’efficacité des choix stratégiques américains, après trois années d’enlisement ou d’échec en Irak. Du côté européen, ce n’est pas l’action extérieure de l’Union qui est remise en cause mais sa dynamique politique intérieure, après le rejet du projet de Constitution par deux pays et la panne de confiance qui s’épanouit depuis entre les 25. Autrement dit, Européens et Américains célèbrent les ver- tus du partenariat alors que leur puissance respective est à la baisse, leur introversion croissante, et leur capacité d’influence commune forcément amoindrie. Il y a quatre ans, l’administra- tion américaine fustigeait le multilatéralisme comme le refuge des faibles et célébrait dans l’hubris la solitude d’une Amérique présumée omnipotente ; elle a redécouvert depuis les limites de sa puissance et donc les vertus d’une association plus structurée avec les Européens, alors que ceux-ci – faibles ou forts, divisés ou unis – n’ont jamais cessé de revendiquer, comme un principe de base de leur vision du monde, un partenariat fructueux avec l’Amérique.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellows Program
    “For the sake of peace and justice, let us move toward a world in which all people are at last free to determine their own destiny.” —Ronald Reagan “Like so many other things, democracy has to be nurtured. It has to be cultivated and people have to be given the opportunity to see that it is in their best interests. And so we have come to the conclusion after a long struggle that there must be ways other than with the use of military power, economic tools, and other diplomatic resources, to encourage people to help themselves to the fruits of freedom. This is what the National Endowment for Democracy is all about.” —Dante Fascell 1025 F Street, N.W., Suite 800, Washington, D.C. 20004 202.378.9700 | www.NED.org | [email protected] www.ned.org/fellowships/reagan-fascell-democracy-fellows-program 10years 2 | Leading Testimonials 4 | Programmatic Highlights 37 | Behind the Scenes Democrats at Risk | 20 Fellowship Experience | 6 The Reagan-Fascell Democ- Learning, networking, and international solidarity racy Fellows Program is an international exchange visitor program based at the National Fall 2003 Endowment for Democracy Shahin Abbasov (Azerbaijan) Zainab Bangura (Sierra Leone) (NED), a private, nonprofit Anahit Bayandur (Armenia) Anne Mugisha (Uganda) foundation dedicated to the Albino Okeny (Sudan) growth and strengthening of Tomás Pojar (Czech Republic) Aqil Shah (Pakistan) democratic institutions around Vladimir Tismaneanu (U.S.) 2003 2004 Francisco Villagrán (Guatemala) the world. Each year, NED makes more than 1,000 grants Fall 2004 Ilyas Akhmadov (Russia) to support the projects of non- Dragan Djuric (Montenegro) Abiodun Kolawole (Nigeria) governmental groups abroad Chingiz Mammadov (Azerbaijan) who are working for demo- James Ng’ombe (Malawi) Akintola Olaniyan (Nigeria) cratic goals in more than 90 Yulia Savchenko (Kyrgyzstan) Vitali Silitski (Belarus) countries.
    [Show full text]
  • The EU and Belarus – a Relationship with Reservations Dr
    BELARUS AND THE EU: FROM ISOLATION TOWARDS COOPERATION EDITED BY DR. HANS-GEORG WIECK AND STEPHAN MALERIUS VILNIUS 2011 UDK 327(476+4) Be-131 BELARUS AND THE EU: FROM ISOLATION TOWARDS COOPERATION Authors: Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck, Dr. Vitali Silitski, Dr. Kai-Olaf Lang, Dr. Martin Koopmann, Andrei Yahorau, Dr. Svetlana Matskevich, Valeri Fadeev, Dr. Andrei Kazakevich, Dr. Mikhail Pastukhou, Leonid Kalitenya, Alexander Chubrik Editors: Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck, Stephan Malerius This is a joint publication of the Centre for European Studies and the Konrad- Adenauer-Stiftung. This publication has received funding from the European Parliament. Sole responsibility for facts or opinions expressed in this publication rests with the authors. The Centre for European Studies, the Konrad-Adenauer- Stiftung and the European Parliament assume no responsibility either for the information contained in the publication or its subsequent use. ISBN 978-609-95320-1-1 © 2011, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V., Sankt Augustin / Berlin © Front cover photo: Jan Brykczynski CONTENTS 5 | Consultancy PROJECT: BELARUS AND THE EU Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck 13 | BELARUS IN AN INTERnational CONTEXT Dr. Vitali Silitski 22 | THE EU and BELARUS – A Relationship WITH RESERvations Dr. Kai-Olaf Lang, Dr. Martin Koopmann 34 | CIVIL SOCIETY: AN analysis OF THE situation AND diRECTIONS FOR REFORM Andrei Yahorau 53 | Education IN BELARUS: REFORM AND COOPERation WITH THE EU Dr. Svetlana Matskevich 70 | State bodies, CONSTITUTIONAL REALITY AND FORMS OF RULE Valeri Fadeev 79 | JudiciaRY AND law
    [Show full text]
  • Fellowship Programs
    Fellowship Programs Ilyas Akhmadov (Chechnya) Named in honor of two of NED’s principal founders, former president Ronald Rea- Chechnya’s Struggle gan and the late congressman Dante Fascell, the Reagan-Fascell Democracy for Independence Fellows Program was established in 2001 by the U.S. Congress to enable democratic October 2004–February 2005 activists, policy makers, scholars, and journalists from around the world to deepen Ilyas Akhmadov has long been an out- their understanding of democracy and enhance their ability to promote democratic spoken advocate of peace, moderation, change. Reagan-Fascell fellowships are typically five months in duration and focus on and independence for Chechnya. He the political, social, economic, legal, or cultural aspects of democratic development. was appointed foreign minister in 1999 by Aslan Maskhadov, who was demo- In 2004–2005, the Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellows Program hosted leading demo- cratically elected to the presidency of cratic activists, journalists, and scholars from every region of the globe, including Chechnya in 1997. In February 2003, Mr. Australia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Chechnya, China, Ecuador, Kyrgyzstan, Malawi, Monte- Akhmadov presented a comprehensive negro, Nigeria, South Korea, South Africa, Tajikistan, Turkey, and the United States. peace proposal, titled, The Russian–Chechen Tragedy: Conditional Independence under The Reagan-Fascell program seeks to deepen the knowledge, enrich the skills, broaden an International Administration (coau- the perspectives, and strengthen the
    [Show full text]
  • Silitski-16-4
    PREEMPTING DEMOCRACY: THE CASE OF BELARUS Vitali Silitski Vitali Silitski is a 2004–2005 Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellow at the National Endowment for Democracy. In 2003, he was forced to leave his position as associate professor at the European Humanities University in Minsk after publicly criticizing Belarus’s government. In 2001, ten years after the breakup of the Soviet Union, the prospects for democracy in its successor states (outside the Baltic) seemed in- creasingly bleak. Even countries that had begun their independence from the USSR in relatively promising fashion seemed to be sliding back toward autocracy. But then things suddenly seemed to change. A series of dramatic events—Georgia’s 2003 Rose Revolution, Ukraine’s 2004 Orange Revolution, and the Tulip Revolution that ousted Kyrgyz president Askar Akayev following rigged February 2005 parliamentary elections—created a very different set of expectations. Many thought that this new wave of change would spread democratic impulses through- out the region, leading to the ouster of autocrats in other countries. In reaction to the events in Georgia, Ukraine, and Kyrgyzstan, poli- tics is indeed changing in postcommunist Eurasia—but in many places it is changing for the worse. Several of the region’s surviving autocra- cies have tightened the reins: Kazakhstan recently outlawed its major opposition party; Tajikistan introduced new regulations restricting con- tact between foreign diplomats and local civil society groups; Azerbaijan’s opposition groups and independent press face a new round of attacks in advance of the November 2005 parliamentary elections; in Uzbekistan, a May 2005 rebellion against President Islam Karimov was violently suppressed; and Russian president Vladimir Putin recently announced an upcoming ban on civil society assistance from abroad and implemented an electoral reform that makes it impossible for par- ties independent of the presidential administration to win representation in parliament.
    [Show full text]
  • The EU's Eastern Partnership
    The EU’s Eastern Partnership Why It May Help Democracy Promotion and How the United States Can Help Move It Forward PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 70 Vitali Silitski Belarusian Institute for Strategic Studies September 2009 The European Union’s Eastern Partnership (EaP) initiative, generally welcomed on both sides of the Atlantic as a positive step toward drawing the countries of Eastern Europe and the Caucasus into the Western orbit, has also received its share of bad press. According to critics, the EU has failed to give these countries a clear European perspective, instead engaging them in a modified version of Cold War-era Ostpolitik. I argue, however, that the EaP, while modest in scope and scale, is an opportunity over the long term to encourage not only the modernization and democratization of partner states, but also transatlantic democracy promotion efforts and the advancement of U.S. interests in the region. Using the experience of Belarus, I discuss how the EaP could be further fine-tuned to indirectly promote democracy and give U.S. policy in the region a new sense of direction after its “post-orange” democracy promotion agenda has stumbled. Why Eastern Partnership Matters and Why It May Be Good for Democracy The idea for the Eastern Partnership was originally proposed by Poland and Sweden in the spring of 2008, but it was not officially approved until after the August 2008 Russia- Georgia war. The EaP was a symbolically important signal of the EU’s commitment to the future of the region. Its importance arises, first, from the EU’s assertion that its relations with the countries of Eastern Europe and the Caucasus should not be overshadowed by, or be a mere function of, EU-Russian ties.
    [Show full text]
  • Importing Orange? Prospects for Belarusian Democratization
    Importing Orange? Prospects for Belarusian Democratization By Luke Forster Abstract: Eastern Europe’s recent wave of grassroots democratic breakthroughs has removed entrenched authoritarian regimes from Serbia (2000), Georgia (2003), and Ukraine (2004). Is there hope that this trend of Color Revolutions will continue and topple Alexander Lukashenko’s oppressive dictatorship in Belarus? Luke Forster examines this question by offering a list of requirements for a Color Revolution and applying it to a case study of Ukraine’s Orange Revolution and the Belarusian presidential elections of 2006. Between Two Worlds The implosion of the Soviet Union in 1991 was widely hailed as an ideological triumph of democracy over authoritarianism. After a forty-five year long standoff, Europe finally seemed safe for democracy. However, old habits die hard, and the mid-1990s saw many Eastern European nations backsliding into autocracy. While a number of these new dictatorships persist, a second wave of pro- democracy movements has ousted authoritarian regimes in Serbia (2000), Georgia (2003), and Ukraine (2004). These “Color Revolutions” were large-scale, grassroots movements of oppressed peoples demanding an end to the repression, corruption, and fraud in their governments. But has the advance of democracy halted? Why have some ex- Soviet republics undergone bottom-up democratic breakthroughs while their neighbors still remain bogged down in repression? Although Eastern Europe may sometimes seem half a world away from America, it is nonetheless vital that American policymakers study the region’s recent democratic breakthroughs. As America has always been concerned with promoting democracy, liberty, and the rule of law, it is crucial that we examine how and when democratic breakthroughs emerge.
    [Show full text]
  • The EU's Limited Response to Belarus' Pseudo 'New Foreign Policy'
    No. 151 y February 2008 Introduction The EU’s Limited Response Relations between the European Union and Belarus have seen little change since President to Belarus’ Pseudo Alexander Lukashenko came to power in 1994. Belarus has languished in a state of self- ‘New Foreign Policy’ imposed political isolation despite the George Dura subsequent waves of enlargement – most notably, the 2004 enlargement which made speculates on how the EU can engage with the Belarus a direct neighbour of the EU – and the people of Belarus more effectively. Finally, the formulation in 2004 of the European Union’s paper puts forward a series of short-term and longer- Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). The EU’s dual-track term measures that the EU might consider, on the approach of imposing sanctions and trade condition that Belarus commits to addressing the restrictions whilst promoting democratisation in most basic requirements in the field of human rights Belarus have so far yielded minimal results. and democratisation. The EU renewed its offer in December 2006 “to the people of Belarus” of closer cooperation, in return 1. EU policy towards Belarus so far for a series of democratisation measures, put Relations between the EU and Belarus swiftly forward in the form of an unofficial document. cooled down after Alexander Lukashenko swept to Today, however, there still exists no framework for power in 1994. Relations further worsened after political dialogue at the highest level between the Lukashenko held a referendum in 1996, thereby EU and Belarus. The energy crisis between Belarus changing the constitution to extend his presidential and Russia in December 2006-January 2007 created mandate until 2001.
    [Show full text]
  • Civil Society Forum Shares Condolences with Belarus Upon Sad Death of Vitali Silitski
    A BEACON OF FREEDOM Civil Society Forum shares condolences with Belarus upon sad death of Vitali Silitski 13 June 2011 - It is with great sadness that we mourn the loss of one of the brightest thinkers in Central Europe, Vitali Silitski, Director of the Belarusian Institute for Strategic Studies (BISS), and a participant in the Eastern Partnership Civil Society Forum. Vitali, who died on 11 June 2011 at the age of 38 after a long fight against cancer, will be remembered for his unflinching independence of thought and for his persistent intelligence. As well as having authored hundreds of policy studies on issues ranging from democratisation and authoritarianism in the former USSR, to electoral revolutions and pre- emptive authoritarianism, the politics of economic reforms, EU relations with Belarus, and Belarus-Russia relations, his published works included Postponed Freedom: Post-Communist Authoritarianism in Serbia and Belarus, and A Historical Dictionary of Belarus. Vitali graduated from the Belarusian State University, going on to earn an M.A. in Politics (Central European University, Hungary) and Ph.D. in Political Science (Rutgers University, USA). In 1999- 2003, he worked as Associate Professor at the European Humanities University in Minsk, a position he lost when the university administration acted upon the orders of the state authorities to punish him for publicly criticising the government of President Alexander Lukashenko. He went on to become a Reagan-Fascell Democracy fellow at the National Endowment for Democracy (Washington
    [Show full text]
  • Anti-Revolution Strategy and Methods of the Post-Soviet
    ANTI-REVOLUTION STRATEGY AND METHODS OF THE POST-SOVIET REGIMES By Mikheil Kechaqmadze Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science Supervisor: Anton Pelinka CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2007 ABSTRACT In this thesis I explore how the post-Soviet regimes have responded to the new type of challenge to their authority - electoral revolution. The point of departure is my argument that electoral revolutions acted as “‘wake-up call’ for the post-Soviet regimes prompting them to design and implement specific anti-revolutionary strategy and measures. I analyze anti-revolutionary strategy and methods designed and implemented by the regimes of five post-Soviet countries- Azerbaijan, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Russia and Uzbekistan in the time framework of 2003-2006. The nature, forms and characteristics of ‘Soft’ and ‘hard’ power anti-revolutionary tools are explored and categorized. Their use during the elections in Azerbaijan and Belarus are examined. The conclusion is adopted that anti-revolutionary measures played a significant part in preventing electoral revolutions in the post-Soviet region for the last years- 2005-2007. These measures will be used in the future as well. The main message conveyed is- the democracy promotion forces should become aware of the existence of these measures, if they want to see the expansion of democratic values further into the post-Soviet region. CEU eTD Collection i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The completion of this thesis would have been impossible without the support of several people. First, I want to thank my family for standing by me and offering their support and encouragement.
    [Show full text]
  • Belarus by Vitali Silitski
    Belarus by Vitali Silitski Capital: Minsk Population: 9.7 million GNI/capita: US$9,700 The social data above was taken from the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development’s Transition Report 2007: People in Transition, and the economic data from the World Bank’s World Development Indicators 2008. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 1999 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 Electoral Process 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 Civil Society 6.00 6.50 6.25 6.50 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.50 6.50 Independent Media 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 Governance* 6.25 6.25 6.50 6.50 6.50 n/a n/a n/a n/a National Democratic 7.00 Governance n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a 6.75 7.00 7.00 Local Democratic 6.75 Governance n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a 6.50 6.50 6.50 Judicial Framework 6.75 and Independence 6.50 6.757 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 Corruption 5.25 5.25 5.25 5.50 5.75 6.00 6.25 6.25 6.25 Democracy Score 6.25 6.38 6.38 6.46 6.54 6.64 6.71 6.68 6.71 * With the 2005 edition, Freedom House introduced separate analysis and ratings for national democratic governance and local democratic governance to provide readers with more detailed and nuanced analysis of these two important subjects.
    [Show full text]
  • Titles of Journals / Titres Des Revues 1
    CODESRIA Documentation and Information Centre Centre de Documentation et d’Information du CODESRIA (CODICE) CODICE Current Contents Bulletin de sommaires du CODICE N°1/2, March/June–Mars/Juin 2009 Titles of Journals / Titres des revues 1. Affilia: Journal of Women and Social Work. Vol. 24, N°. 1, 2009..................................4 2. Africa Development / Afrique et développement. Vol. XXXIII, N°. 3, 2008 .................4 3. Africa Media Review / Revue africaine des médias. Vol. 16, N°. 2, 2008....................5 4. Africa Review of Books / Revue africaine des livres. Vol. 5, N°. 1, 2009....................6 5. Africa: Journal of the International African Institute / Revue de l’institut africain international. Vol. 78, N°. 4, 2008 ..........................................................................................6 6. African Affairs. Vol. 108, N° 430, 2009 .................................................................................7 7. African Journal of International Affairs / Revue africaine des relations internationales. Vol. 11, N°. 1, 2008......................................................................................7 8. Capital and Class. N°. 97, Spring 2009................................................................................8 9. Childhood. Vol. 16, N°. 1, February 2009 ............................................................................8 10. Current Sociology. Vol. 57, N°. 1, January 2009 ...............................................................9 11. European Journal of Women’s
    [Show full text]
  • CDDRL Number 66 WORKING PAPERS June 2006
    CDDRL Number 66 WORKING PAPERS June 2006 Contagion Deterred: Preemptive Authoritarianism in the Former Soviet Union (the Case of Belarus) Vitali Silitski Center on Democracy, Development, and The Rule of Law Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies This working paper was produced as part of CDDRL’s ongoing programming on economic and political development in transitional states. Additional working papers appear on CDDRL’s website: http://cddrl.stanford.edu . Center on Democracy, Development, and The Rule of Law Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Stanford University Encina Hall Stanford, CA 94305 Phone: 650-724-7197 Fax: 650-724-2996 http://cddrl.stanford.edu/ About the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL) CDDRL was founded by a generous grant from the Bill and Flora Hewlett Foundation in October in 2002 as part of the Stanford Institute for International Studies at Stanford University. The Center supports analytic studies, policy relevant research, training and outreach activities to assist developing countries in the design and implementation of policies to foster growth, democracy, and the rule of law. About the Author Vitali Silitski is a visiting scholar at the CDDRL during 2006. He received his PhD in Political Science from Rutgers University. He worked as an associate professor at the European Humanities University in Minsk, Belarus, a position he was forced to leave in 2003 after publicly criticizing the government of President Alexander Lukashenka. He is currently working on a book titled The Long Road from Tyranny: Post- Communist Authoritarianism and Struggle for Democracy in Serbia and Belarus. Dr. Silitski is also a freelance analyst for Freedom House Nations in Transit Report, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, and Oxford Analytica.
    [Show full text]