“The Seat of an Alien Tyranny” Intentionality, the Mediation of Colonial Power, and ’s Custom House.

Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

Peace and Conflict Studies Bachelor 12 ECTS Spring/Summer 2018 Supervisor: Stephen Marr Word count: 13, 449

Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 Abstract

This historical case study applies the theoretical and methodological framework of Kim Dovey, Ambe Njoh, and Liora Bigon to examine the ways in which a colonial administrative building, the Dublin Custom House, served as a mediator of colonial power over Ireland, and how this process was understood by the creators of the building. This investigation is a response to the inconsistent way that intentionality is discussed in existing academic literature on the relationships between built environments and societal power structures.

The study found that that the creators of had a clear and nuanced understanding of the ways the building could be used to extend cultural and political power over Ireland, within the existing political framework in the country. In contrast to the theoretical framework used, the study found that in this case, the mediation of economic and political power was understood as functioning within the existing political-economic structures of the country, rather than creating new structures. ´

The clarity of the findings suggest that further investigations into intentionality is likely to yield informative results, and that it would be beneficial to apply the methodological and theoretical framework used in this study to other cases in the future.

Key words: architecture, built environment, power, conflict, colonial planning Words: 13, 449

2 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 Glossary

Lord Lieutenant of Ireland – An official appointed by the English government to serve as the highest-ranked representative of the English government within Ireland. Position is similar to that of the highest-ranking governor in a colony.

Chief Secretary – The Chief Secretary of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, an administrative role that held an enormous amount of power due to its direct connection with the Lord Lieutenant.

Revenue Commissioners – Can refer to either a government department or individual members of that department within the . It was responsible for handling customs duties, taxation, and other forms of raising revenues for Government use.

Acts of Union – legislation uniting the kingdoms of Britain and Ireland into a single kingdom with one parliament and government based in London. Passed in 1800, following the passage of a similar set of acts that united the formerly separate kingdoms of Scotland and England in 1706-1707.

Church of Ireland – The Irish branch of the Protestant Church of England, following the Anglican form of Protestantism.

Irish Republican Army (IRA) – a later Irish republican revolutionary group beginning in the 19th century, supporting a Gaelic and Catholic view of .

Irish War of Independence – armed conflict fought between the IRA and the between 1919-1921, ending with an IRA victory, leading to the and the creation of the and .

Neoclassicism – a style of architecture and art inspired by classical Greek and Roman culture, first popularised in mid-18th century Europe.

Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

Palladianism – an architectural style created by the Venetian architect Andrea Palladio in the 16th century, inspired by classical Greek and Roman architecture and placing an emphasis on mimicking the proportions and dimensions of the Greco-Roman architectural style.

Pediment – the large, triangular roof structure seen on the front of many Greco-Roman buildings, normally supported by columns.

Anglo-Irish – an ethnic group within Ireland descended from settlers from England, , and Scotland. Predominantly Anglican Protestants.

Gaelic Irish – the indigenous population of Ireland, predominantly Catholic. The are part of the broader Celtic ethnolinguistic group.

Ulster Scots – the majority ethnic group in Northern Ireland, largely descended from Scottish colonists.

Anglo-British – The Kingdom of England slowly merged with the Kingdom of Scotland between 1603 and 1707 to form the . The term Anglo-British is used in this paper to refer to cases that involved the Kingdom of England both before and after this union (e.g. “Anglo-British rule over Ireland”).

Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 Table of Contents

1 Introduction ...... 1

1.1 Research Problem ...... 1 1.2 Aim and Research Question ...... 3 1.3 Relevance to Peace and Conflict Studies ...... 4 1.4 Delimitations ...... 5

2 Literature Review ...... 8

2.1 Built Environments and Conflicts ...... 8 2.2 Intentionality and Power Mediation through Built Form ...... 12

3 Background Information ...... 15

3.1 Colonialism and Ireland ...... 15 3.2 Colonial Planning ...... 18 3.3 The Dublin Custom House ...... 19

4 Analytical and Theoretical Framework ...... 21

4.1 Defining the Term ‘Mediation of Power through Built Form’ ...... 21 4.2 Forms of Power ...... 22 4.2.1 Political-Administrative ...... 23 4.2.2 Cultural ...... 24 4.2.3 Socio-Psychological ...... 24 4.2.4 Military ...... 25 4.2.5 Economic ...... 25 4.3 Dovey’s Alternative Forms of Power ...... 26 4.4 Bourdieu’s Concept of Habitus ...... 27

5 Methodology ...... 28

5.1 Choice of Methodology ...... 28 5.2 Source Materials ...... 30 5.3 Research Design ...... 31 5.4 Source Criticism ...... 33 5.5 Positionality ...... 33

6 Analysis ...... 35

6.1 Political-Administrative ...... 35

Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 6.1.1 What design features of the Custom House are associated with the mediation of political-administrative power? ...... 35 6.1.2 How do parties involved in building the Custom House appear to understand the mediation of political-administrative power? ...... 38 6.2 Cultural ...... 40 6.2.1 What design features of the Custom House are associated with the mediation of cultural power? ...... 40 6.2.2 How do parties involved in building the Custom House appear to understand the mediation of cultural power? ...... 41 6.3 Socio-Psychological ...... 44 6.3.1 What design features of the Custom House are associated with the mediation of socio-psychological power? ...... 44 6.3.2 How do parties involved in building the Custom House appear to understand the mediation of socio-psychological power? ...... 44 6.4 Military Power ...... 46 6.4.1 What design features of the Custom House are associated with the mediation of military power? ...... 46 6.4.2 How do parties involved in building the Custom House appear to understand the mediation of military power? ...... 47 6.5 Economic ...... 48 6.5.1 What design features of the Custom House are associated with the mediation of economic power? ...... 48 6.5.2 How do parties involved in building the Custom House appear to understand the mediation of economic power? ...... 49

7 Conclusions ...... 50

7.1 Answering the Research Question ...... 50 7.2 Reflections on the Wider Field and Points for Future Research ...... 52

8 Bibliography ...... 54

Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

1 Introduction

We in common with the rest of the nation regret the destruction of historical buildings. But the lives of four million people are a more cherished charge than any architectural masterpiece. The Custom House was the seat of an alien tyranny.1

1.1 Research Problem

The built environment is fundamentally political. Societal power structures shape it through state regulation of land ownership and use, and the labour and resources involved in construction and maintenance. Political structures can be seen in all landscapes, from military fortifications, to racially segregated neighbourhoods, to postcolonial nations littered with the fortresses and monuments that once served as the physical infrastructure for the exertion of foreign rule.

The urban and architectural theorist Kim Dovey refers to this relationship between power and physical spaces as the mediation of power through built form. Built forms are all landscapes, spaces and structures created or modified by human beings, from single buildings to entire settlements, from rural to urban. Mediate refers to how these structures and spaces are mediums through which the power of their creators is communicated to and exerted over a population. Power refers both to the hegemonic party exerting power over the actions and thoughts of their subject population; and the built form enhancing the hegemon’s power to achieve objectives and influence their surroundings2.

1 J. Dorney, Today in Irish History, the Burning of the Custom House, 25 May 1921 [website], 2012, http://www.theirishstory.com/2012/05/23/today-in-irish-history-the-burning-of-the-customs-house-may-25- 1921/#23, (accessed May 2nd 2018) 2 K. Dovey, Framing Places: Mediating Power in Built Form, New York, Routledge, 2008

1 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

There is a substantial body of literature on this topic from a range of academic fields. Dovey’s work is notable in its focus on the common power structures that connect topics like colonial planning3, segregation, and hostile design, which have otherwise largely been researched as separate topics. Although this literature contains a great deal of research on how power is mediated through built environments, the degree to which this mediation of power is intentional has not received as much focus. These inconsistencies regarding intentionality will be explained in the literature review.

Gaining a clearer understanding of the role of intentionality in the mediation of power through built forms is important. The intentions behind the creation of power-mediating structures can play a significant role within political disputes, as seen in the debates over the demolition of South Korea’s colonial-era Japanese General Government Building in the 1990s4, and the present-day disputes over the removal of confederate statues in the US5 Power mediation through built form can be seen in present-day conflicts such as the Chinese state’s oppression of nationalist movements in Xinjiang and Tibet6 and the Israeli government’s control of Palestinians in Gaza and Jerusalem and the construction of settlements in the West Bank7. In these ongoing conflicts, understanding the intentions driving the mediation of power will deepen understanding of the conflict as a whole and potentially open up new avenues for conflict resolution or popular resistance, as well as informing future debates over culpability and reconciliation after these conflicts end.

The Dublin Custom House has been chosen as a case to explore this topic of intentionality. The Custom House was a major administrative building for the Anglo-Irish and British governments built in the late 18th century during , serving to mediate state power during this period of colonial conflict. The accessibility of sensitive internal government documents from this period, the lack of significant language barriers, and my cultural familiarity with

3 Coordinated systems of urban and rural planning used by the colonial empires of the 16th-20th centuries. 4 S. Yea and T. R. Tangherlini, Sitings: Critical Approaches to Korean Geography, University of Hawaii Press, 2007, p. 39-58 5Southern Poverty Law Center [website], 2018, https://www.splcenter.org/20180604/whose-heritage-public- symbols-confederacy, (accessed 4th October 2018) 6 A. Zenz, The Asia Dialogue [website], 2018, https://cpianalysis.org/2018/02/14/chinas-securitization-drive-in- tibet-and-xinjiang/ , (accessed 12th June 2018) 7 United Nations Human Rights Council, 9th March 2015, https://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/RegularSessions/Session28/_layouts/15/WopiFrame.aspx?sourcedoc =/EN/HRBodies/HRC/RegularSessions/Session28/Documents/A_HRC_28_44_en.doc&action=default&Default ItemOpen=1, (accessed 3rd October 2018)

2 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

Ireland and Britain make this case well-suited for a study of how a building mediated colonial power, and to examine the degree to which that mediation was an intentional process.

1.2 Aim and Research Question

The aim of this study is to obtain a greater understanding of the intentions of politicians and architects that created Dublin’s Custom House, particularly regarding the various physical and institutional features into the building that serve, according to the theories within the academic literature, to mediate power. The study seeks to better understand how these different actors viewed the building, the extent to which they considered it to be mediating power, and how they themselves understood the process and purpose of the mediation of power.

In order to obtain this information, the study uses the following research question:

How did the individuals responsible for the creation of Dublin’s Custom House understand the ways in which the building mediated British colonial power over Ireland?

The research uses a historical case study methodology based upon a study of colonial Cameroon that uses Dovey’s theoretical and methodological approach8. The power being mediated is divided into five categories: political-administrative, cultural, socio-psychological, military, and economic. The study applies two operational questions to each form of power in order to investigate what features of the building served, according to Dovey’s theoretical framework, to mediate power, and how this mediation of power was understood by the creators of the building. What design features of the Custom House are associated with the mediation of [this form of] power? How do parties involved in building the Custom House appear to understand the mediation of [this form of] power?

8 A. Njoh and L. Bigon, ‘Germany and the deployment of urban planning to create, reinforce, and maintain power in colonial Cameroon’, Habitat International, vol. 49, 2015

3 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

1.3 Relevance to Peace and Conflict Studies

There is a precedent for research on the role of built environments in conflicts being published in PACS journals. These include Annika Björkdahl’s research on the relationship between the built environment and post-conflict politics in former Yugoslavia910, and Rajmohan Ramanathapillai’s study on physical landscapes during war11. Although PACS literature has a strong focus on present-day conflicts, there is also precedent for studies of historical conflicts being relevant to PACS. Historical conflicts are used in longitudinal datasets that reach from a historical period until the present day12. Additionally, some journals, particularly Medicine, Conflict and Survival, publish studies on historical conflicts13 14. This thesis follows the well- established trend of framing British rule in Ireland as a colonial conflict15 16 17 18, as will be discussed in a later chapter. Colonialism has appeared in PACS literature, including postcolonial research on the long-term impact of colonialism in the present day19 20, and an article on anti-colonial sentiment during the tail end of the colonial era21 published in the Journal of Conflict Resolution.

Aside from contributing to academic understandings of the period of British rule in Ireland, the main contribution this study makes to the field of PACS is in gaining a more nuanced

9 A., Björkdahl and J., Mannergren Selimovic, ‘A tale of three bridges: agency and agonism in peace building’, Third World Quarterly, vol. 37, no. 2, 2016 10 A., Björkdahl, ‘Urban peacebuilding’, Peacebuilding, vol. 1, no. 2, 2013 11 R. Ramanathapillai, ‘Modern Warfare and the Spiritual Disconnection from Land’, Peace Review, vol. 20, no. 1, 2008 12 V. Asal, J. Conrad, and N. Toronto, ‘I want you! The determinants of military conscription’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, vol. 61, no. 7, 2017 13 A. Nidecker, ‘The Swiss nuclear bomb dream’, Medicine, Conflict and Survival, Vol. 30, No. 1, 2014 14 K. Horn, ‘’History from the inside’ South African Prisoner-of-War experience in Work Camp 1169, Dreseden, 1943-1945’, War and Society, vol. 33, no. 4, 2014 15 A. Kincaid, Postcolonial Dublin, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 2006 16 B. Murray, ‘Ireland: a test case of post-colonialism/postcolonialism’, Educate, vol. 5, no. 1, 2006 17 A. Horning, Ireland in the Virginian sea: Colonialism in the British Atlantic, UNC Press Books, 2013 18 A. Murphy, But the Irish Sea Betwixt Us: Ireland, Colonialism, and Renaissance Literature, University Press of Kentucky, 1999 19 Z. S. Hepworth Clarke, ‘The “Very Good” Human Race’, Peace Review: A Journal of Social Justice, Vol. 28, 2016 20 L. Licata and O. Klein, ‘Holocaust or benevolent paternalism? Intergenerational comparisons on collective memories and emotions about Belgium's colonial past’, International Journal of Conflict and Violence, vol. 4, no. 1, 2010 21 E. Rowe, ‘The emerging anti-colonial consensus in the United Nations’, Conflict Resolution, vol. 8, no. 3, 1964

4 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 understanding of Dovey’s methodological approach, and to promote greater awareness of his methods within this field. The single-case nature of this study means that its findings will not be generalisable or broadly applicable on their own. However, on a methodological level, the study does establish that using Dovey’s methodology in a way that incorporates a comprehensive investigation of intentionality can yield substantial, informative results. Thus, whilst narrow, the successes of this study do strongly support that its methodological approach could be applied to other cases and potentially find similar success. The 2017 disputes over confederate statues and memorials in the United States provide a clear example of how an understanding of intentionality can influence a (in this case) cultural and political conflict. Many of these memorials were constructed in the early 1900s and the 1950s-1960s, and there is substantial evidence that they were erected by political groups supporting a historical revisionist viewpoint of the US Civil War. This information has become a key element in debates over the removal of these structures, as opponents argue it shows that they were constructed to propagate the political and cultural power of the white supremacist movement in the reconstruction and civil rights periods when this movement was under threat22.

1.4 Delimitations

This study has selected a narrow but in-depth approach to the subject matter. The choice of a historical case resulted in a smaller dataset than would be available in a modern case, as much information was never recorded or has since been lost. Additionally, the findings of this study are grounded in the specific historical context of colonialism in Ireland and as such, they are not always directly applicable to modern cases of power mediation through built form. Ultimately the choice of a historical case stemmed from the advantages outweighing these disadvantages. The unrestricted access to the sensitive personal documents of high-ranking politicians would not be possible in a modern case and allows for a much deeper investigation on the intentions behind planning and architecture. As I am an English researcher based in

22 Southern Poverty Law Center [website], 2018, https://www.splcenter.org/20180604/whose-heritage-public- symbols-confederacy, (accessed 4th October 2018)

5 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

Europe, colonialism in Ireland presented a case that was clearly conflict-related, geographically accessible, and was almost entirely documented in English.

The study focuses on a single building, the Dublin Custom House, from the 1781-1800 period in which the building was originally built until to the 1800 union between Britain and Ireland. This decision was made as the function of the building changed substantially after the union, from customs administration to housing a mixture of government departments. As archival records on pre and post 1800 Ireland are housed at different sites, the archival research phase of this study only had time to secure significant data on the pre-1800 period.

Furthermore, the building’s exterior was not substantially altered after 1800, and due to a major fire in 1921 the history of the building’s interior structure is unclear, meaning this study could find little meaningful data to discuss the intentions behind the interior layout and design of the building or any structural modifications made after 1800. Thus, the study exclusively looks at the original decision to create the building, rather than its entire lifespan, and focuses on the exterior structure. Gerard McCann23 and David Nally’s24 research is highly recommended for those wishing to understand the administrative systems the Custom House was involved in post- 1800, and their relationship to colonial power. Similarly, as this thesis specifically examines the power structures of colonialism, the post-independence history of the building is not covered. Andrew Kincaid’s book on Postcolonial Dublin25 and Marjaana Niemi’s research26 present good points of entrance to those interested in the power dynamics of the ’s built environments.

The study also focuses on how the creators and users of the building viewed their own actions in mediating power, rather than the process of power mediation itself. How power was mediated is discussed on a theoretical level as part of this research, but this study does not attempt to quantifiably or qualitatively determine the actual impacts the building had on the Irish population. Whilst examining the actual impacts of these built environments is important for

23 G. McCann, Ireland's Economic History: crisis and development in the north and south, Pluto Press, 2011 24 D. Nally, ‘That coming storm: the Irish poor law, colonial biopolitics, and the Great Famine’, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, vol. 98, no. 3, 2008 25 A. Kincaid, Postcolonial Dublin, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 2006 26 M. Miemi, ‘Breaking from and building on the past: Helsinki and Dublin after independence’, Irish Historical Studies, vol. 41, no. 160, 2017

6 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 academic understanding of this topic, understanding the intentions behind the mediation of power is equally important, and has been chosen as the sole focus of the study.

Although given unlimited access, space, and resources, a case study covering all aspects of power mediation relating to a case would have been ideal, a considered choice of case and methodology have resulted in a piece of research that is narrow in scope but still able to produce insightful and useful findings.

7 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

2 Literature Review

This thesis stemmed from my personal explorations of literature on the role of built environments within conflicts, with the ultimate focus of the thesis developing organically from this initial literature review. This chapter will summarise that initial review process and, in doing so, explain the two main ways in which the thesis has been directly influenced by the existing literature: through the use of Kim Dovey’s theoretical and methodological approach; and through focusing on intentionality.

Literature on relationship between built environments and societal power dynamics involves a range of studies from many academic fields, and there is a significant lack of interconnectivity in research relating to this topic. The amount of literature and the difficulties in finding relevant studies due to the lack of interconnectivity mean that this is not a comprehensive review of all potentially relevant literature. This review was, however, able to explore the narrower topic of the relationship between built environments and conflicts in depth, and it is this literature that is both most relevant to PACS and has had the greatest impact on the thesis.

2.1 Built Environments and Conflicts

The literature on the roles that physical structures played in conflicts, which prompted this research project, can be divided into several distinct topics: hostile design27 28; segregation; authoritarian, communist, and colonial planning; environmental racism; and some more conflict-focused theories of spatiality, particularly those of Michael Foucault. From a PACS

27 R. Mars, ‘Unpleasant Design & Hostile Urban Architecture’, 99% Invisible [podcast], Radiotopia, 2016, https://99percentinvisible.org/episode/unpleasant-design-hostile-urban-architecture/ (accessed 5th May 2018) 28 architecture designed to deter ‘undesirable’ groups such as the homeless.

8 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 perspective, it was apparent that all these topics could perhaps be understood as different examples of built environments being involved in systems of structural violence29. However, it was also apparent that the literature did not feature much discussion comparing these various types of conflict-associated structures and spaces or noting the connections between them. When discussions of these commonalities did appear, these connections were very rarely the focus of a paper, and they were never developed to the extent that a coherent and widely applicable set of theories and terms were developed that could discuss the relationships between the various types of conflict-associated structures and environments.

Some topics were very isolated, using specific terminology and theories and not connecting with outside research even when opportunities were present. As noted by Laura Pulido, literature on environmental racism, a theory from urban and planning studies regarding the siting of polluting facilities and infrastructure near ethnic minority communities predominantly uses a narrow view of racism as an intentional and hostile act rather than adopting the more modern understanding of racism as systemic and institutional30. This issue can also be seen in other planning literature from the same period31. The term ‘environmental racism’ has also remained heavily linked to quantifiable environmental factors like pollutants rather than becoming widely used to discuss built environments entrenching or furthering racial inequality more generally: a study of racism in the planning history of New Orleans uses the term32, but neither a study on racism in the electrification33 of rural 1930s North Carolina34, nor a study on transport infrastructure issues in Philadelphia’s ethnic minority neighbourhoods35 use it. As it specifically refers to racism, the term is also too narrow to use in discussions of built environments shaped by other forms of discrimination such as sexism36.

29 J. Galtung, ‘Cultural Violence’, Journal of Peace Research, vol. 27, no. 3, 1990 30 L. Pulido, ‘Rethinking Environmental Racism: White Privilege and Urban Development in Southern California’, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, vol. 90, no. 1, 2000, p. 12-13 31 C. Hoch, ‘Racism and Planning’, Journal of the American Planning Association, vol. 59, no. 4, 1993 32 D. BondGraham, ‘The New Orleans that Race Built: Racism, Disaster, and Urban Spatial Relationships’, Souls, Vol. 9, no. 1 33 The construction of power generation and transmission infrastructure to provide electricity to an area 34 C. Harrison, ‘Race, space, and electric power: Jim Crow and the 1934 North Carolina Rural Electrification Survey’, Annals of the American Association of Geographers, vol. 106, no. 4, 2016 35 M. Sheller, ‘Racialized mobility transitions in Philadelphia: Connecting urban sustainability and transport justice’, City & Society, vol. 27, no. 1 36 M. Flanagan, ‘Private needs, public space: public toilets provision in the Anglo-Atlantic patriarchal city: London, Dublin, Toronto and Chicago’, Urban History, vol. 41, no. 2, 2014

9 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

Carl Nightingale’s book Segregation: A Global History of Divided Cities37 uses a broad definition of segregation to encompass physical environments divided by class, race, gender, and religion. Although his analysis does encompass other interactions between societal power structures and built environments, such as mentions of Colonial Empires’ reliance upon global transport infrastructure networks, segregation remains the ultimate focus. Research on ‘hostile design’, architecture and planning approaches that seek to deter or exclude certain demographics (such as the homeless) from entering or lingering in a location, largely focuses on physical exclusion through features like barriers or anti-homeless spikes38. Other ways in which a space might be ‘hostile’ (such as the aforementioned environmental racism) are not addressed in this literature. A noteworthy paper is Sarah Schindler’s discussion of segregation and hostile design in a legal context39. Schindler argues that the legal precedents surrounding racist and segregationist zoning policies could also be applied to hostile design and proposes “architectural exclusion” as a shared term to refer to both topics.

It is in literature on colonial, authoritarian, and communist planning that broader approaches to spatial analysis can be seen. Here, researchers often discuss how individual elements of planning or architecture fit into a larger, coordinated state planning effort that furthers certain objectives: as promoting economic prosperity, maintaining state control (including through armed force), and propagating the values and culture endorsed by the state40. This comprehensive approach reflects the source material, as authoritarian, communist, and colonial planning stem from a period where large-scale state-run planning projects were the dominant planning model, as seen in Nazi plans for remodelling Berlin41 or the garden city movement of Ebenezer Howard. Colonial planning research has by far the largest body of English-language literature of these three historical planning forms, presumably as a result of the comparative prominence of colonialism in the history of Anglophone states, and the subsequent dearth of English-language primary sources on colonial planning. As an English researcher, this

37 Carl Nightingale, Segregation: A Global History of Divided Cities, university of Chicago press, 2012 38 J. Petty, ‘The London spikes controversy: homelessness, urban securitisation and the question of ‘Hostile Architecture’’, International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy, vol. 5, no. 1, 2016 39 S. Schindler, ‘Architectural Exclusion: Discrimination and Segregation Through Physical Design of the Built Environment’, Yale Law Journal, vol. 124, no. 1934, 2015 40 A. Njoh and L. Bigon, ‘Germany and the deployment of urban planning to create, reinforce, and maintain power in colonial Cameroon’, Habitat International, vol. 49, 2015, p. 13 41 S. Krumminga, ‘Constructing the Welthaupstadt Germania: spatialities of biopower and sovereign violence in the Nazi capital’, University of Colorado Graduate Thesis, 2016

10 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 linguistic accessibility and a pre-existing cultural familiarity with British colonialism informed the decision to focus on a British colonial case as a research topic.

Finally, this thesis is most heavily shaped by the work of Kim Dovey, mainly the theoretical and methodological framework established in his book Framing Places: Mediating Power in Built Form42. This work provides the theoretical and analytical structure needed to examine the connections between phenomena like colonial planning, segregation, environmental racism and hostile design. This is Dovey’s most significant contribution to academic literature, as it provides a solution to the disjointedness that has been discussed in the rest of this literature review. This framework has been adapted slightly in Ambe Njoh and Liora Bigon’s colonial planning research, and it is this framework that has used in this thesis.

Other theoretical work should also be mentioned in this literature review. Theoretical concepts such as cultural geography43 and Yi Fu-Tuan’s concepts of space and place are important for discussing the relationship between built environments and society more generally, but Michael Foucault’s theories of biopower and Bourdieu’s concept of the Habitus were the most relevant for this thesis. Foucault uses the terms ‘disciplinary power’ and ‘biopower’ to refer to the ways in which a modern nation-state uses institutional and cultural structures to regulate what behaviours are possible in order to control a population. An example relevant to discussions of built environments would be the ultimate authority claimed by a sovereign state to dictate what land within its territory is used for, exerted through legislation such as zoning. Foucaultian discussions of ‘the state’ often depict it as immaterial and omnipresent, existing within the minds of the population; it is important to recognise that a modern state requires enormous amounts of physical communication, administration, and transport infrastructure to actually function44. Bourdieu also discusses these issues to some extent but also benefits the thesis by providing a clear theoretical framework for analysing how humans interpret built forms in terms of both symbolism and cultural context.

42 K. Dovey, Framing Places: Mediating Power in Built Form, New York, Routledge, 2008 43 C. Sauer, ‘The Morphology of Landscape’, University of California Publications in Geography, vol. 2, no. 2, 1925 44 K. Dovey, Framing Places: Mediating Power in Built Form, New York, Routledge, 2008, p. 21-22

11 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

2.2 Intentionality and Power Mediation through Built Form

Whilst the theoretical and methodological framework created by Kim Dovey will be discussed in later chapters of this thesis, this section will outline the thesis’ main criticism of Dovey’s work. Dovey’s own research, and research derived from his framework such as that of Njoh and Bigon, focus their analysis on how power is mediated by a space or structure and the results of this power mediation, rather than the intentions behind the mediation of power and how it is understood by the parties creating these built environments. Whilst intentionality is sometimes brought up, it is never the focus of discussion, and is normally covered in an inconsistent manner.

Dovey’s analysis of Nazi architecture and planning provides an illustrative example of this issue. In this case, Dovey presents primary sources that indicate some of the stated objectives of the planners, such as Hitler’s well-attested desire for Nazi architecture to leave ruins that would be aesthetically desirable for political and cultural reasons. But the analysis presents analytical conclusions seemingly based on a ‘general’ idea of symbolism with the same degree of confidence, such as his argument that the underground entrance to Hitler’s rural retreat in the Swiss Alps alluded to the cultural significance Nazis ascribed to the ‘German soil’, as one would literally enter this soil to reach the seat of German authority 45. The intentionality of this design element is not attested in any cited primary sources.

The work of Njoh and Bigon, as well as other colonial planning research, does exhibit more reliance upon primary sources or reliable analytical methods when making claims about the intentions behind a particular planning feature, but the use of sources remains inconsistent. For example, in Njoh and Bigon’s paper on Cameroon, some claims appear to cite no sources at all46. Some cite high-ranking government sources but do not discuss how the same systems of colonial power mediation were understood by other parties such as lower ranking administrators, private actors, settlers, or soldiers. Some cite an individual actor, like an

45 K. Dovey, Framing Places: Mediating Power in Built Form, New York, Routledge, 2008, p. 63-65 46 A. Njoh and L. Bigon, ‘Germany and the deployment of urban planning to create, reinforce, and maintain power in colonial Cameroon’, Habitat International, vol. 49, 2015, p14-18

12 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 administrator, rather than discussing the intentions of the government as a whole. Finally, some claims are made based on citing secondary sources that do involve extensive research and multiple primary sources. This is perhaps most notable in the discussion of the manipulative and misleading aspects of colonial power, where policies relating to racial segregation are presented as “colonial authorities” intentionally misleading the native population47. The extent to which different strata of the colonial administration or other Europeans in Cameroon were cognisant of this deception is an interesting but unaddressed topic. Similarly, the question of how many of Njoh and Bigon’s stated benefits from segregation were intentional and motivated the implementation of segregationist policies is unaddressed.

This pattern repeats itself in other colonial planning literature. In Robert Home’s seminal text on British colonial planning48, different aspects of colonial planning are always discussed with a focus on how they fit into the imperial power structure, whilst the intentions behind these structures are attested by an inconsistent mixture of primary sources, secondary sources, and analyses. When the book does discuss the different objectives motivating British colonialism at different points in time49, this is used as a brief example to show the diversity of these ideologies rather than being an attempt to comprehensively study them.

Literature on colonial planning within Ireland is equally inconsistent. The first chapters of Andrew Kincaid’s book Postcolonial Dublin50 discuss the ways in which aspects of Dublin’s urban fabric served to mediate colonial power, but the intentions behind these changes to Dublin’s built environment are often unclear. Kincaid has a strongly postcolonial perspective, arguing that the British government’s development of Dublin was intended to gain the support and compliance of the Irish population51, but David Dickson’s book on the presents Dublin’s urban development as a patchwork of projects often motivated as much by profit-seeking private investment as by political objectives (e.g. discussion of railway

47 A. Njoh and L. Bigon, ‘Germany and the deployment of urban planning to create, reinforce, and maintain power in colonial Cameroon’, Habitat International, vol. 49, 2015, p. 17-18 48 R. Home, Of Planting and Planning: The Making of British Colonial Cities, New York, Routledge, 2013 49 R. Home, Of Planting and Planning: The Making of British Colonial Cities, New York, Routledge, 2013, p3-4 50 A. Kincaid, Postcolonial Dublin, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 2006 51 As above, p. xxvii

13 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 development52). Joanna Brück’s research on parks in colonial Dublin53 focuses only on aspects of colonial power dynamics relating to class, gender, and culture, ignoring the relationship that parks in the city have had with military power54.

Finally, it is worth noting that some studies do examine the intentionality of power-mediating built forms, but the body of literature is small, and does not incorporate Dovey’s theories as this thesis does. They do, however, show the interesting findings that can arise from examining this topic. Russell Burge’s study on a Japanese-era prison in postcolonial South Korea55 explores how different groups have reinterpreted and used the prison after Korean independence, and Mia Fuller’s paper on Italian colonial architecture56 examines the discourse of Italian colonial architects, although it does not cover the views of other colonial officials or politicians.

The inconsistencies and gaps discussed here do not invalidate the aforementioned pieces of research by any means. However, they do mean that these studies alone do not provide an adequate exploration of the intentionality of power mediation through built form, and that further research is needed if the intentionality of this phenomenon is to be better understood. This is the purpose of the study presented in this thesis.

52 D. Dickson, Dublin: The Making of a Capital City, London, Profile Books Ltd, 2014, p. 341-347 53 J. Brück, ‘Landscapes of Desire: Parks, Colonialism, and Identity in Victorian and Edwardian Ireland’, International Journal of Historical Archaeology, vol. 17, 2013 54 D. Dickson, Dublin: The Making of a Capital City, London, Profile Books Ltd, 2014, p.243-245, 292, 397 55 R. Burge, ‘The prison and the postcolony: contested memory and the museumification of Sodaemun Hyongmuso’, Journal of Korean Studies, vol. 22, no. 1, 2017 56 M. Fuller, ‘Building Power: Italy’s Colonial Architecture and Urbanism, 1923-1940’, Cultural Anthropology, vol. 3, no. 4, 1988

14 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

3 Background Information

To understand the case presented in this paper, it is necessary to present some contextual information on the central topics of this thesis: colonialism, colonial planing, the history of British rule in Ireland, and the Dublin Custom House.

3.1 Colonialism and Ireland

Colonialism is defined by Thomas Benjamin as the act of a polity establishing and maintaining control over outside territory. Normally used in reference to the late 15th to mid-20th century model of imperialist expansion originating in Europe, colonialism was motivated by various and often overlapping factors: to obtain natural Dublin resources; to secure strategically valuable locations; to gain access to new markets for trade and commerce; to spread their religion; and to spread their culture, values, and political practices, which they framed as the act of bringing modernity or civilisation to Map of Great Britain, Ireland, and surrounding islands, 57 more ‘primitive’ cultures and regions . with present-day political borders. Dublin is marked in red. (source: Wikimedia Commons)

57 T. Benjamin (ed.), Encyclopedia of Western Colonialism since 1450, Vol. 1, Detroit, Macmillan Reference USA, 2007, p. xiii-xv, 447-452, 456-458

15 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

The period of Irish history between 1603 and 1922 where the island was controlled by England (later the British Empire) has been widely characterised in academic and popular discourse as Anglo-British colonialism. British rule was established through conquest58 and involved the economic exploitation of the island and its indigenous population59, the systematic political and economic disenfranchisement of the Irish60, the ethnic cleansing and colonisation of Northern Ireland, the repeated use of military force to suppress dissent61, and the persistent ‘othering’ of the Irish population as primitive and in need of paternalistic Anglo-British rule and cultural change62 63. Although the territory was not legally classified as a colony during British rule, these attributes effectively made it one in practice.

Until the 11th century Ireland was divided between several small kingdoms. The island’s population was predominantly Catholic and Gaelic (an ethnolinguistic subset of Celtic). An English invasion in the 12th century AD established tenuous and indirect English authority over Ireland, and another invasion in the 16th century consolidated English rule, establishing the as a unified English vassal state. During this conquest, Scotland and England adopted Protestantism at both the state and popular levels, whilst Ireland remained Catholic. From the end of the 16th-century conquest until 1800, Ireland was a separate kingdom belonging to the British monarch, with its own parliament and legislature, although England (later Britain) also appointed a governor (the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland) with significant political power, to represent Anglo-British interests. A series of civil wars in Britain and Ireland in the 17th century replaced Ireland’s predominantly Gaelic Catholic aristocracy with a new political elite of Protestant landowners known as the , mostly British immigrants and their descendants. This Protestant Ascendancy was aided by extensive legislation restricting the economic and political opportunities of Catholics (including barring them from voting or sitting in parliament). In practice, these laws served to keep the indigenous

58 D. Dickson, Dublin: The Making of a Capital City, London, Profile Books Ltd, 2014, p. 30-34, 47, 55-57 59 G. McCann, Ireland's Economic History: crisis and development in the north and south, Pluto Press, 2011 60 P. Schaffer, University of Minnesota – Irish [website], 2000, https://www.law.umn.edu/library/irishlaw, (accessed 17th June 2018) 61 D. Dickson, Dublin: The Making of a Capital City, London, Profile Books Ltd, 2014, p. 86, 139, 271-277, 467-474 62 E. Spenser, A View of the State of Ireland (1596), n.a., 1809 63 D. Nally, ‘That coming storm: the Irish poor law, colonial biopolitics, and the Great Famine’, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, vol. 98, no. 3, 2008

16 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

Irish population impoverished and economically and politically powerless, whilst enabling the minority British settler population to monopolise power64.

During British rule in Ireland, cultural conceptions of an ‘Irish’ identity varied significantly. For the time period covered by this thesis, popular discourses differentiated the Irish population along both ethno-cultural and religious lines. From a modern perspective, at this time the population of Ireland could be understood as consisting of the predominantly Catholic Gaelic Irish (the pre-conquest indigenous population), and the predominantly Protestant English, Welsh, and Scottish settler population, normally divided into the Scots and the Anglo- Irish. The Gaelic Irish population, at all times, constituted the majority of the population of Ireland as a whole. Within the sources presented in this thesis, “Irish” is used both to refer to Anglo-Irish settlers or to the Gaelic Irish population, depending on the context, and sometimes the context is unclear.

After 1800 the British and Irish parliaments passed the Acts of Union, abolishing the Irish parliament and placing the two islands under a single government based in London. The imposition of direct British rule and the customs union with Britain both had significant, largely negative impacts on the domestic Irish economy65. Continuing Irish dissatisfaction with British rule ultimately led to the 1919-1921 Irish War of Independence, finally resulting in (outside of Northern Ireland) the establishment of an independent Irish State.

64 P. Schaffer, University of Minnesota – Irish Penal Laws [website], 2000, https://www.law.umn.edu/library/irishlaw, (accessed 17th June 2018) 65 G. McCann, Ireland's Economic History: crisis and development in the north and south, Pluto Press, 2011

17 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

3.2 Colonial Planning

Colonial planning represents a particular form of planning, land management, and architecture that was developed by the colonial empires of the 15th-20th centuries. This planning approach was fairly codified during the period in which it was in use, as evidenced by the extensive guidelines and regulations for the planning of colonial settlements found in legal systems like the Spanish Laws of the Indies and the British Grand Model66. Ambe Njoh and Liora Bigon present colonial planning as a state-run approach to spatial planning that encompassed the construction of transportation infrastructure, administrative and military facilities, and the use of legislation to dictate the physical form, appearance, and usage of land within colonies. These measures facilitated colonial administrative control, resource extraction, and military power in newly conquered territories. Their definition of colonial planning also encompasses the use of the built environment to subjugate conquered populations in colonies. The imposition of European culture through architecture and institutional systems, as well as monumental state buildings, served to demonstrate the cultural and technological superiority of the colonial conquerors67.

66 R. Jaffe (ed.), The Caribbean City, Netherlands, Kininkliik Instituut voor Taal-Land-en Volkenkunde, 2013, p. 28-32 67 A. Njoh and L. Bigon, ‘Germany and the deployment of urban planning to create, reinforce, and maintain power in colonial Cameroon’, Habitat International, vol. 49, 2015, p. 10-20

18 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

3.3 The Dublin Custom House

Original architectural drawing for the Custom House from approx. 1781 (illustration: )

The Dublin Custom House in 2008 (photograph: José Porras)

The Dublin Custom House is a typical example of colonial planning: a monumental neoclassical building constructed by the Anglo-Irish state to communicate its economic and cultural power, and to facilitate administrative control over the island and its economy. It was designed by English Architect James Gandon, who was commissioned by influential Irish politician John Beresford68. It was built between 1781 and 1791 to replace an older customs building elsewhere in the city69, and from that point onwards it has been considered one of Dublin’s most prominent landmarks70.

68 D. Dickson, Dublin: The Making of a Capital City, London, Profile Books Ltd, 2014, p. 236-245 69 As above, p. 141, 236-240 70 A. Kincaid, Postcolonial Dublin, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 2006, p. 1-6

19 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 xAfter a customs union between Britain and Ireland in the early 19th century, most of the office space within the building was repurposed for other government departments, most notably the Local Government Board, the department responsible for Ireland’s deeply resented poverty relief and social welfare systems71. In 1921 the building was burnt down by the during the Irish War of Independence72. It was rebuilt after the war and is still standing in Dublin in the present day, where it is still a state-owned building serving as offices for various government departments.

Custom House

The location of the Custom House circa. 1797 (map: W. Faden and S. J. Neele)

71 D. Nally, ‘That coming storm: the Irish poor law, colonial biopolitics, and the Great Famine’, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, vol. 98, no. 3, 2008 72 A. Kincaid, Postcolonial Dublin, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 2006, p. 5

20 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

4 Analytical and Theoretical Framework

The analytical and theoretical framework used in this study is derived from the research of Kim Dovey, Ambe Njoh, and Liora Bigon. This chapter will explain this framework in detail, covering the term ‘mediation of power through built form’, the concept of five forms of power as used by Njoh, Bigon, and Dovey, and the relevant additional theories that are incorporated into Dovey’s theoretical framework.

4.1 Defining the Term ‘Mediation of Power through Built Form’

Architectural and urban studies theorist Kim Dovey provides the term ‘the mediation of power through built form’ to explain a specific way to conceptualise the ways in which built environments interact with societal power structures.

Firstly, it is necessary to understand what Dovey means by power, mediation, and built form. Dovey’s definition of power is twofold: there is power to, the capacity of individuals and groups to act and achieve goals; and power over, where one party exerts its power over a target individual or group and forces the target to act according to the will of that party. Although his work focuses primarily on the mediation of power over others, he emphasises that the two are inherently linked: power over represents one party using their power to force another party to use their power to in the service of the first party73.

73 K. Dovey, Framing Places: Mediating Power in Built Form, New York, Routledge, 2008, p. 11-12

21 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

Dovey conceptualises built structures as mediums, objects that serve to transmit or express (or mediate) power. Using this broad term allows for a coherent, consistent way of discussing the role that structures play in a variety of contexts. Using the Custom House as an example, the monumental building is a medium through which the prowess of the Anglo-Irish regime is communicated to onlookers. However, as a medium, the structure can transmit power in other directions: when the Irish Republican Army destroyed the Custom House during the War of Irish Independence, the building became a medium through which the IRA’s desire and capability to resist the British regime was communicated to the British government and the wider public. The concept of the “mediation of power” can also encompass the legacy of a building, as the rebuilt Custom House in present-day Dublin can be understood as a medium through which the presence and power of the British State in Ireland during the 18th century is communicated to observers in the present day.

Finally, Dovey’s use of the broad term ‘built form’ reflects the fact that his analytical approach can be applied to an enormous range of structures and spaces74. ‘Built’ is the important term, as this is an analytical technique focusing on the modifications humans make to environments, and the purposes and societal power structures behind those modifications. Thus, any human- modified physical space, from a single field to an entire city, can be a subject of this form of analysis.

4.2 Forms of Power

Dovey’s methodology consists of a range of analytical and theoretical techniques that are applied to a case, resulting in multiple results which are compared and discussed in a case study methodology. Njoh and Bigon focus on one of these theories: the idea that there are multiple forms of power that influence a population in different ways, and that different forms of power are mediated through different structural and design features. Njoh and Bigon adjust the broader categories Dovey has established in order to focus specifically on colonial power structures.

74 K. Dovey, Framing Places: Mediating Power in Built Form, New York, Routledge, 2008, p. 1-2

22 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

These adjusted categories have been used in this thesis as the chosen case is also an example of colonial planning.

The five forms of power proposed by Njoh and Bigon are political-administrative, cultural, socio-psychological, military, and economic. They argue that maintaining control over a colonised territory involved the use of built space to mediate all five forms of power in concert, with individual systems or buildings mediating one or several types of power as part of a colony-wide system75. Both through physical structures and systems regulating the physical environment (e.g. land use laws) are included in Njoh and Bigon’s approach, as is also the case in Dovey’s work.

4.2.1 Political-Administrative

Political-administrative power is the power derived from the institutionalised systems of governance and administration within a society. Within a colonial context this can mean the introduction of new institutions to a colonised territory, or the takeover of existing institutions by a colonising power. These systems require substantial physical infrastructure, particularly transport and communications infrastructure and office buildings. Njoh and Bigon’s concept of political power also encompasses the ways in which such buildings communicate the political power of the state, using enormous or elaborate architecture to “dominate and intimidate the natives by unmistakably impressing upon them the inordinate power and resourcefulness of their builders”76.

75 A. Njoh and L. Bigon, ‘Germany and the deployment of urban planning to create, reinforce, and maintain power in colonial Cameroon’, Habitat International, vol. 49, 2015, p. 13 76 As above, p. 18-19

23 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

4.2.2 Cultural

Cultural power overlaps significantly with political and (as will be shown) socio-psychological power, and is similar to Galtung’s concept of cultural violence77. It is “the most conspicuous form of soft power” (p15), the imposition of the coloniser’s culture upon the colonised population and the displacement or erasure of the colonised culture. Culture is defined very broadly, encompassing artistic practices, values, ontological and scientific beliefs, and the structure of the coloniser’s political and economic systems. Previously mentioned examples of structures mediating political-administrative power can also be considered to be mediating cultural power, especially if they are introducing new institutional systems to replace the indigenous political culture. The imposition of the coloniser’s own architecture and planning practices is often multifaceted. Njoh and Bigon argue it shows the political power of the coloniser by prioritising their aesthetic culture over that of the colonised people, and it also propagates European cultural beliefs that ‘modern’ cities of neoclassical buildings and grid streets were objectively, scientifically ‘more advanced’ and facilitated a better quality of life than the ‘primitive’ architectural and planning styles used by colonised peoples78.

4.2.3 Socio-Psychological

Socio-psychological power is a distinct form of cultural power, defined by Njoh and Bigon as the ways in which European ontologies and worldviews were intentionally framed as ‘superior’ and ‘more advanced’ than those of conquered populations in order to justify the colonial project to the colonised populations in an outwardly apolitical manner. Racial segregation in German colonies serves as an illustrative example: Njoh and Bigon argue that this segregation was motivated by the practical concerns of accommodating the racism and enmity that the Germans within Cameroon felt toward the African population, to ensure that the two populations could be administered and regulated separately, and to allow for military force to be used against the African population without endangering Europeans. However, the segregation was justified to

77 J. Galtung, ‘Cultural Violence’, Journal of Peace Research, vol. 27, no. 3, 1990 78 A. Njoh and L. Bigon, ‘Germany and the deployment of urban planning to create, reinforce, and maintain power in colonial Cameroon’, Habitat International, vol. 49, 2015, p. 15-17

24 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 the African population using arguments that European science and technology had proved that segregation was rational, using ‘scientific’ justifications such as the prevention of disease transmission between the African and the European populations. Practices that serve to advantage the colonising power are thus normalised either by concealing them or presenting them as ‘objective’ truth79.

4.2.4 Military

Military power is the power to maintain control of a colony in the face of both the external threat of invasion from other polities, and from internal uprisings of slaves, colonists, and indigenous populations. Obvious forms of planning mediating military power are fortifications, barracks, or choosing a defensible site (e.g. a hilltop) for a settlement. Transport and communications infrastructure can also be considered a mediator of military power, as the movement of troops, supplies, and information are all required to coordinate and maintain a deployed military force, and colonial transport infrastructure was often built with an awareness of military applications80.

4.2.5 Economic

Obtaining wealth was a fundamental driver of colonialism, as regions were conquered or settled to enrich the metropole via the extraction and exploitation of natural resources, and to create new markets for trade. As Njoh and Bigon note, these objectives impacted the physical fabric of colonies, with land usage and ownership being shaped by colonial demands (e.g. the large- scale farming of cash crops) and the creation of transportation infrastructure to facilitate the

79 A. Njoh and L. Bigon, ‘Germany and the deployment of urban planning to create, reinforce, and maintain power in colonial Cameroon’, Habitat International, vol. 49, 2015, p. 17-18 80 As above, p. 13-14

25 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 movement of goods across interconnected colonial territories. The mediation of economic power also encompasses the use of economic forces to exert control over a population. Structural systems like tariffs or debt, or the seizure of territory to cut off access to resources or trade routes, could restrict a conquered population’s capacity to resist the colonial state81.

4.3 Dovey’s Alternative Forms of Power

The analysis in this thesis also makes reference to some Dovey’s alternative definitions of power, as they have some interesting qualities absent from Njoh and Bigon’s definitions. The four used are force, coercion, seduction, and authority. Force is the physical restriction of a target, using structures like walls and gates. Coercion is power mediated either via the threat of force, for example through an intentionally prominent military fortification; or through societal ontologies framing structures or spaces as having specific acceptable uses. In this sense, labelling a building a library coerces visitors to be silent inside it. Seduction shapes or exploits the desires of a target to control them: a colonial example would be the provision of welfare systems to colonies in the 20th century in an attempt to present colonial rule as an appealing alternative to independence. Finally, authority is the idea that hegemonic power is maintained through a popular perception of state legitimacy, and that one source of this legitimacy is through cultural symbols. In built environments, examples include the central location of national capitals and to communicate a central role in society; or the use of national crests or flags on government buildings to communicate the state-derived authority behind activities within the building82.

81 A. Njoh and L. Bigon, ‘Germany and the deployment of urban planning to create, reinforce, and maintain power in colonial Cameroon’, Habitat International, vol. 49, 2015, p. 14-15 82 K. Dovey, Framing Places: Mediating Power in Built Form, New York, Routledge, 2008, p. 12-15

26 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

4.4 Bourdieu’s Concept of Habitus

The theoretical concept of the ‘habitus’ is taken from the work of French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, as used in Dovey’s framework. The relevant aspect of this concept for this theoretical framework is the theory that growing up within a society teaches an individual certain norms that shape how they see and understand space, essentially teaching the individual a socially constructed ‘language’ that makes them ‘read’ the features of a space or structure in order to both identify its function (e.g. a road or a house) and its attributes (e.g. a wealthy area or an ethnic enclave). Bourdieu also makes the important point that this behaviour exerts control over individuals on a subconscious level, making them instinctively act in accordance to social structures and values. Structures can thus intentionally be built to exploit the language of the habitus in order to prompt people to act in certain ways83.

83 K. Dovey, Framing Places: Mediating Power in Built Form, New York, Routledge, 2008, p. 20-21

27 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

5 Methodology

This chapter explains the methodology used in this thesis to answer the following research question:

How did the individuals responsible for the creation of Dublin’s Custom House understand the ways in which the building mediated British colonial power over Ireland?

Whilst the introduction chapter has explained the choice of research question and operational questions, this chapter will provide a detailed description of the specific methodology, choice of sources, and research design used in this thesis, including a justification of their suitability and academic rigour.

5.1 Choice of Methodology

The methodology used in this research is a history, or historical case study. The historical case chosen is the Dublin Custom House, and the study exclusively focuses on the building from its original proposal in 1781 until the acts of union in 1800. Furthermore, only two aspects of the building are examined: the ways in which the physical structure and the institutions housed within the building theoretically mediated power; and the ways in which the politicians and architects who created the building understood this power mediation.

The mediation of power through built form as it is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon involving multiple interacting forms of power in a way that is heavily influenced by spatial, historical, and cultural context, as has already been explained in the theory chapter. As a historical case study involves multiple forms of data to understand a single, bounded subject in

28 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 great depth and within the context of its surroundings84, the methodology is well-suited for exploring this complex and highly context-influenced subject.

The methodology chosen for this study is based on the historical case study approach used by Ambe Njoh and Liora Bigon in their study of the German colony of Kamerun (present-day Cameroon). Their methodology draws heavily from the methodological and theoretical structure proposed by Kim Dovey for the analysis of power mediation through built form. As was discussed in the literature review, this thesis uses Kim Dovey’s theoretical and analytical framework as it provides a way in which a built environment can be analysed from multiple perspectives, producing findings that cover multiple interacting societal power structures. This solves an issue seen in previous research on the relationship between societal power structures and built environments, which would either focus on a single power dynamic (i.e. racial segregation) or focus predominantly on a single power dynamic and address other related systems of power in an inconsistent or shallow manner. The high quality of the case studies of Dovey, Njoh, and Bigon show that a case study methodology is highly suited for Dovey’s analytical and theoretical framework.

This study has chosen to adopt Njoh and Bigon’s methodology rather than directly use the one laid out by Dovey as Njoh and Bigon have adjusted Dovey’s more broadly applicable framework into one that is specifically designed to analyse colonial planning and colonial power dynamics. The five forms of power defined by Dovey are adjusted to specifically cover the power dynamics of an external, colonising power imposing control over a conquered population. Njoh and Bigon also structure the analysis by examining the mediation of each form of power in turn, rather than using Dovey’s linear, chronological structure that follows a case from its inception until the present day.

84 R. K. Yin, Case Study Research: Design and Methods, California, Sage, 2009, p. 8-10

29 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

5.2 Source Materials

This historical case study uses a variety of primary and secondary data from multiple sources. This data has been determined both reliable and relevant through processes of source criticism and an understanding of the historical context of the study.

Data on the physical structure of the Custom House as it would have existed between 1781- 1800 is drawn from primary observation, historical photographs, architectural designs, textual references in both primary and secondary sources, and historical illustrations of the building. For this data, sources that are academically rigorous have been used: academic history books and published papers, the National Archives of Ireland, and the Irish Architectural Archive. Although the building’s interior was destroyed by fire in 1921 much of the external structure (including the entire south side of the building) survived intact, and the exterior of the building was restored to its pre-1921 state, as is attested from comparisons of the present-day structure with historical photographs and architectural designs.

Historical research and the availability of data informed the choice of sources used for discussing the intentions behind the construction of the custom house, as well as to discuss the attitudes of the political elite within Ireland. Both historical research and contemporary sources argue that the construction of the Custom House was driven largely by the Irish politician John Beresford, and that architect James Gandon was able to execute his intended designs without significant alteration85 (a comparison of his original drafts with the finished structure supports this argument). The same sources argue that Irish politics in the late 18th century were dominated by a small group of politicians known as the Junto86, and the private communications of three of the Junto, John Beresford, William Eden, and John FitzGibbon, along with a biography of Gandon that extensively cites Gandon’s personal diary and contains two of his essays on architecture, form the bulk of the primary sources used in this study. Based on the aforementioned historical research, and the private nature of many of the documents, these primary sources can be considered a reliable insight into the views of individuals who were directly responsible for the creation of the Custom House.

85 D. Dickson, Dublin: The Making of a Capital City, London, Profile Books Ltd, 2014, p. 236-245 86As above, p.227-230

30 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

This data was gathered during an eleven-day period of field work and archival research in the city of Dublin. Although background research on the case had been carried out prior to this field work period, it was during this stage that the sources were identified. Exhaustive archival research was carried out on the initial 1781-1791 construction period of the building.

The opportunity to carry out such an exhaustive archival study was invaluable, as it allows this research to claim with much greater confidence that the sources used in this study represent the bulk of all publicly available primary data on the construction of the Custom House. It also provided the opportunity to make primary observations of the building and the surrounding city, providing additional context to understand other sources used. The vastly different socio- political context means that in many ways, the experience of observing the structure in the present is incomparable to the experience of observing it during the colonial period, but some observable features remain relevant to the study, particularly the scale of the building and how it is seen from a street-level, human perspective, and its size relative to other historical buildings.

As the analysis includes an exploration of how the Custom House fit into the broader colonial power structure of Ireland, the study makes use of a wide range of primary and secondary data on related topics. Historical research, both published papers and academic books, are extensively used to provide relevant historical context, particularly Postcolonial Dublin87 and Dublin: The Making of a Capital City88.

5.3 Research Design

The research design is a three-stage process. First, using the five forms of power (politico- administrative, cultural, socio-psychological, military, and economic) from Njoh and Bigon’s methodology, the study examines all available data on the building to identify the features of

87 A. Kincaid, Postcolonial Dublin, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 2006 88 D. Dickson, Dublin: The Making of a Capital City, London, Profile Books Ltd, 2014

31 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 the Custom House that according to these theories, serve to mediate colonial power. This is done using the first operational question: What features of the Custom House are associated with the mediation of [this form of] power?

These theories have been discussed in the theoretical framework chapter of this thesis, and connect certain features of a structure with the mediation of certain forms of power. As per the analyses of both Dovey and of Njoh and Bigon, ‘features’ encompasses both the physical features of the building and its institutional or societal function. As the purpose of this study is to compare the results of this theory-based analysis with the discourse of the actors who actually created the building, the purpose of this stage of the research design is not to prove whether or not the building mediated power in practice, but rather to obtain the results necessary to examine the theories themselves.

The second stage of the research examines the discourse of the actors involved in creating the Custom House (Eden, Beresford, Gandon, and FitzGibbon) using the second operational question: How do parties involved in building the Custom House appear to understand the mediation of [this form of] power? Statements regarding the Custom House, statements on other planning or construction projects, and statements broadly discussing the concepts of planning, architecture, and the built environment are identified. Alongside these, statements unrelated to built environments, but related to the forms of power (e.g. statements regarding ‘modernity’ or ‘Irish culture’), are also noted.

These statements are then examined to understand how the sentiments and ideas expressed in these statements compare to the theoretical understanding of power mediation through built form, as established by Dovey, Njoh and Bigon. This stage of the research is intentionally open- ended and all findings will be discussed, but of particular interest is the issue of intentionality. Within the literature, many features of a structure are described as producing, or being intended to produce, certain outcomes: the use of the neoclassical architectural style to prompt observers to symbolically associate the building’s owner with the prestige of the Roman Empire, for example. The analysis will address how such theoretically intentional features are discussed by the creators of the building.

32 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

Finally, in the third stage the findings of the analysis will be discussed in the conclusion chapter. These findings will be considered in the broader context of literature on the mediation of power through built form, and contradictions and correlations between the findings and the established theories will be discussed.

5.4 Source Criticism

In all stages of the research, the principles of source criticism as laid out by Tomislav Dulic89 will be clearly upheld. Sources presented in the analysis will be accompanied by a critical discussion of their accuracy, based on the context in which they were produced and how they compare to other reliable historical data. Conclusions made will include a consideration of the quality of the sources and their impact on the strength of the conclusion. The attitude toward historical truth used in this study is that whilst with enough evidence it is possible to determine truths regarding physical reality, it is impossible to state with absolute certainty what a historical figure did or did not believe. However, enough sources and a rigorous and critical methodology make it possible to make reasonable, grounded arguments on how historical figures felt or thought, and these arguments can be strong enough to become the basis for further research.

5.5 Positionality

Objectivity in research is something that can be strived towards, but, especially in social science, it is an unrealistic goal. Often it is better to plainly state the researcher’s own potential biases, so readers can include that information in their own critical assessment of the research.

I am a male UK citizen born and raised in England. Parts of my family descend from the 19th century Irish diaspora, and it has remained a significant part of my family’s identity, particularly

89 T. Dulic, ‘Peace Research and Source Criticism: Using historical methodology to improve information gathering and analysis’, in M. Oberg and K. Hoglund (ed.), ‘Understanding Peace Research’, Routledge Ltd, 2011

33 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 through Catholicism. I would consider myself English, although politically I have deep misgivings regarding nationalism and nationality. As a person raised in the UK, my perspective on Ireland and British Imperialism began with the mainstream British discourses before being further informed by postcolonial perspectives.

The dominant view of British colonialism within the UK, as I experienced it, largely ignores the violence and oppression of imperialism and depicts the Empire as an object of national pride that made positive contributions to the world. As a socialist, a critic of nationalism, and having been exposed to postcolonial viewpoints, my view of the British Empire has become very negative. This dominant view now strikes me as a deeply troubling and harmful piece of historical revisionism that continues to shape present-day English and British nationalism. The archival research carried out for this thesis was the first time I had visited Ireland. Although I had little knowledge of Irish history before I began this thesis, I have since gained a fairly substantial understanding of the topic.

34 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

6 Analysis

6.1 Political-Administrative

6.1.1 What design features of the Custom House are associated with the mediation of political-administrative power?

The original purpose of the Custom House was to serve as an administrative complex for the Irish Revenue Commissioners90, and to process customs duties for the port of Dublin. It is important to note that in doing this, the building was not facilitating the introduction of new forms of political control over Ireland, as customs duties and taxation were already established in Ireland at this time. Rather, the building replaced an older Custom House that no longer had the capacity to administer the trade passing through the port due to increases in shipping volume and the old building’s size and location91 92 . This is attested by 18th century shipping data93 and primary and secondary sources discussing the older building94 95.

On a symbolic level, the size and the architectural style and features of the building can also be interpreted as mediators of political power. This connects to Njoh and Bigon’s theory of

90 The government department responsible for taxation and raising government revenues. 91 D. Dickson, Dublin: The Making of a Capital City, London, Profile Books Ltd, 2014, p. 141, 236-240 92 W. Beresford, The Correspondence of the Right Hon. John Beresford, London, Woodfall and Kinder, 1854, p. xiv-xv 93 Duanaire [website], 2014, http://www.duanaire.ie/trade/tonnage_chart.php, (accessed 15th July 2018) 94 D. Dickson, Dublin: The Making of a Capital City, London, Profile Books Ltd, 2014, p. 236, 238, p621 95 W. Beresford, The Correspondence of the Right Hon. John Beresford, London, Woodfall and Kinder, 1854, p. xiv

35 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 monumental state architecture serving as a symbol of the state’s political and cultural power96. It also connects to Dovey’s theory of monumental architecture serving to mediate coercive power as an intimidating symbol of the state’s technological and 97 logistical capabilities , and to mediate Fig 1, Irish harp flanked by English lion and Scottish authoritative power through the symbolic unicorn, statue on roof (researcher’s own photograph) association between large, expensive, centrally located buildings and political and economic authority98. Both the scale and expense of the Custom House would qualify it as an example of this type of gargantuan state architecture: a 1797 map of Dublin (six years after the building was completed) shows it as one of the largest buildings in the city99.

Dovey also argues that monumental state buildings are often built in order to symbolically assert political power as a way of surviving a political crisis100 , and the Custom House also fits this definition. At the time, the British Empire was embroiled in the 1776-1783 American War of Independence, and in the 1770s the nationalist Irish Patriot Party had been increasingly successful in gaining greater autonomy for Ireland. Supporters of British rule, who came into power in the 1779 election, were thus in a situation where it would have been advantageous to reassert British authority101.

96 A. Njoh and L. Bigon, ‘Germany and the deployment of urban planning to create, reinforce, and maintain power in colonial Cameroon’, Habitat International, vol. 49, 2015, p. 18-19, p. 19 97 K. Dovey, Framing Places: Mediating Power in Built Form, New York, Routledge, 2008, p. 12-13 98 As above, p. 14-15 99 W. Faden and S. J. Neele, A plan of the city of Dublin, 1797, [online archival image], https://www.loc.gov/item/2004626017/, (accessed 20th June 2018). 100 K. Dovey, Framing Places: Mediating Power in Built Form, New York, Routledge, 2008, p. 16-17 101 D. Dickson, Dublin: The Making of a Capital City, London, Profile Books Ltd, 2014, p. 209-218

36 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

Beyond the scale of the building, the architectural style can be viewed as a feature mediating political power. Both Dovey’s concept of the power of authority and Bourdieu’s concept of the Habitus argue that architectural styles and features carry a symbolic association with authority102 . According to these theories, the Custom House’s neoclassical architectural style would have symbolically associated the building (and the Irish state) with other ideas and groups associated with the neoclassical movement: cultural modernity and enlightenment values, the cultural and geopolitical prestige of classical Greece and Rome, and the architecture of contemporary British government buildings and private estates.

Fig 2, figures inside pediment include Neptune (centre-left), Britannia (centre), Hibernia (centre-right), and figure holding cornucopia (right). On stonework the Irish harp and Tudor rose are visible. (researcher’s own photograph.)

The same symbolic association can also be identified in the sculptures decorating the building, which feature the repeated, prominent motif of the Irish and British coats of arms, as well as sculptures within the pediment depicting the national representations of Britain and Ireland embracing, surrounded by figures visually associated with prosperity and maritime trade (see fig 1 and 2)103. These can also specifically be associated with Dovey’s theory where the use of

102 K. Dovey, Framing Places: Mediating Power in Built Form, New York, Routledge, 2008, p. 12-15, 22 103 A. Kincaid, Postcolonial Dublin, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 2006, p. xxiv-xxv

37 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 heraldic symbols shows that the activities undertaken within the building have the support of the Irish State104. The repeated association of the symbols of Ireland and of Britain, including the pediment statues, have been interpreted by multiple analyses105 106 as communicating the political stance of the Junto: support for the monarchy, the attitude that Ireland had a satisfactory degree of political autonomy (arguably reflected in the central placement of the Irish harp on the coat of arms), and that it derived prosperity from its connection with Britain.

6.1.2 How do parties involved in building the Custom House appear to understand the mediation of political-administrative power?

There is significant evidence that the creators of the building were aware of the mediation of political-administrative power. In a letter from William Eden, the chief secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, to Lord North, the Prime Minister of Great Britain, Eden states that at the start of his term in office “every bond of Government was very loose”, and that this instability can be solved through the “guarded and steady conduct” of the new government (the Junto). Eden assures Pitt that “though it is discreet in my Lord-Lieutenant to take no part in the disputes about the New Custom House, we are well contented to carry the King’s order into execution, and our Government would suffer most essentially, if after what has passed, and after the menaces of the mobs, tumults, &c., there should be any wavering in the business”107. As a private letter between two very high-ranking politicians, the source can be considered both reliable, and to reflect the attitudes of individuals who had a great deal of control in deciding whether the building would be built. It should be noted that it is the government’s capability to accomplish its stated goals, rather than the construction of the building specifically, that Eden thinks will promote an image of political stability, but the source does still support Dovey’s argument that such buildings are often built out in order to shore up a government’s image during an unstable period.

104 K. Dovey, Framing Places: Mediating Power in Built Form, New York, Routledge, 2008, p. 14-15 105 D. Dickson, Dublin: The Making of a Capital City, London, Profile Books Ltd, 2014, p. 240 106 E. McParland, James Gandon: Hibernicus, London, A. Zwemmer Ltd, 1985, p.68-71 107 W. Beresford, The Correspondence of the Right Hon. John Beresford, London, Woodfall and Kinder, 1854, vol. 1, p.167-172

38 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

The essays on architecture written by James Gandon, the architect of the Custom House, show that the architect had a clear awareness of both how a building can mediate political power, and what purposes this mediation of power serves. Gandon argues that public buildings communicate the cultural advancement, wealth, and greatness of a country to foreign visitors and to future generations: he cites Rome and Greece as examples where “magnificent public structures” are the only remaining monuments to the cultural and political power of those societies108. In an essay on monuments and memorials, Gandon argues that such structures can promote a sense of nationalism and awaken the “dormant talents” of the population, inspiring them to work towards their country’s “fame and glory”109.

In letters between the Anglican bishop Lord and John Beresford, Bristol requests and apparently receives money to repair a church in Beresford’s parliamentary constituency. One of Bristol’s arguments is that the new steeple should “be a monument and an example to posterity how well the squire and the bishop could draw together”, making the Anglican Church of Ireland “the visible as well as the established church”. Bristol also discusses the political benefits stemming from the construction process, stating that “if we can employ the idle, they will make no riots, and if we can fill their bellies, they will no more open their mouths”110. Gandon makes the similar point that public works projects redistribute public wealth amongst the population involved in the construction, but he does not connect this with reducing social unrest111. Bristol and Beresford’s exchange, whilst not discussing the Custom House, does indicate that Beresford and some of his associates were aware of the use of built structures as political symbols. Additionally, Bristol’s remark that a public works project can quell popular unrest is notable as a means of mediating political power that is not mentioned in Njoh, Bigon, or Dovey’s own research.

108 J. Gandon and T. J. Mulvany, The Life of James Gandon, Esq., Dublin, Hodges and Smith, 1846, p. 261-262 109 As above, p. 282 110 W. Beresford, The Correspondence of the Right Hon. John Beresford, London, Woodfall and Kinder, 1854, vol. 2, p. 16-18 111 J. Gandon and T. J. Mulvany, The Life of James Gandon, Esq., Dublin, Hodges and Smith, 1846, p. 261-262

39 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

6.2 Cultural

6.2.1 What design features of the Custom House are associated with the mediation of cultural power?

The primary ways in which the building theoretically mediated cultural power were through its choice of architectural and aesthetic style, associated both with the idea of ‘modernisation’, and the displacement of Gaelic culture by that of the Anglo-British.

As discussed in the previous section, the neoclassical style has a strong association with enlightenment philosophy and 18th and 19th century ideas of modernity. In addition to becoming associated with states and political power, in a colonial context the style is also intimately connected to the cultural justification of colonialism as an effort to bring modernity to ‘uncivilised’ regions112. In Njoh and Bigon’s theories, the use of neoclassical architecture in colonial planning serves as a visible symbol contrasting the ‘modern’ colonising power with the ‘primitive’ architecture of the colonised society.

Njoh and Bigon also argue that the use of the architecture and aesthetic of the colonising culture rather than that of the colonised can be understood as an intentional statement asserting the superiority of the colonising culture and its ownership over the colonised territory113. In the case of the Custom House, the British assert their authority to frame as aesthetic of ‘modern’ Ireland, thus defining indigenous Gaelic Irish art and culture as primitive and having no place in Ireland’s future. Even the symbols used to represent Ireland in the building’s décor, the Irish Harp and the figure of ‘Hibernia’, carry a cultural legacy of Anglo-British dominance. The concept of heraldry, and the choice of the Irish harp as a heraldic symbol for Ireland, were introduced by the Normans during the 12th century invasion. The Hibernia figure is a classical goddess-inspired representation patterned after figures like Britannia, showing a

112 A. Njoh and L. Bigon, ‘Germany and the deployment of urban planning to create, reinforce, and maintain power in colonial Cameroon’, Habitat International, vol. 49, 2015, p. 16 113 As above, p. 15-17

40 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 preference by the British to invent a classical symbolic deity rather than using Ériu, the existing Gaelic goddess figure of Ireland114. These power dynamics surrounding the aesthetic of Irish modernity are especially noticeable when viewing the building in the present day, where Ireland’s Gaelic cultural heritage has become a significant part of the country’s cultural identity and the Gaelic language, typography, and knot-work are widely used in state documents and signage.

Finally, the neoclassical style’s association with modernity can also be connected to Dovey’s idea of power obtained through seduction. In this case the ‘modernisation’ of Ireland can be interpreted as a demonstration of the benefits of British rule, an interpretation supported by the sculptural details that associate symbols of British-Irish cooperation with symbols of commercial prosperity.

6.2.2 How do parties involved in building the Custom House appear to understand the mediation of cultural power?

The available data contains significant evidence for the intentions behind the neoclassical architectural style, but lacks any evidence regarding the building’s sculptural details. Gandon’s essays provide extensive primary data on how he understood culture. Gandon followed the Palladian school of architectural theory, which posited that architectural quality and beauty were objective and determined by the dimensions and proportions of a structure, with classical Greek architecture being the most perfect form of architecture115. Gandon frames culture as a universal concept, where different societies’ artistic and architectural practices existed on a linear scale from the primitive to the transcendent sophistication of classical Greece116. In his essay, Gandon presents Irish cultural history as a series of instances of invasion, immigration, and cultural transmission that brought new ideas to the island, each resulting in Ireland’s further cultural advancement117, with the British aristocracy’s growing

114 G. Keating, The General (Foras Feasa ar Éirinn) (1634), trans. D. O Connor, London, B. Creake, 1723, p.1-3 115 J. Gandon and T. J. Mulvany, The Life of James Gandon, Esq., Dublin, Hodges and Smith, 1846, p. vii-viii 116 As above, p. 257-258 117 As above, p. 241-274

41 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 interest in neoclassical architecture being the latest instance of this118. Gandon argues that public architecture is a way by which a ‘more advanced’ culture can spread by exposing the public to it119, popularising it and leading to other wealthy members of society to commission more architecture in the same style. Through these construction projects, local tradespeople gain opportunities to work in this style and learn to produce more ‘culturally advanced’ work120.

Gandon argument outlines both aesthetic and nationalist arguments for why a nation’s artistic culture should be ‘improved’. His frequent and emotional discussions of architectural beauty121 and his criticisms of certain buildings122 suggest that Gandon felt that art has inherent value, and that promoting ‘better’ art is worthwhile in and of itself. Just as frequently, however, he presents a nation’s shared artistic culture as a matter of national pride. He states that Dublin’s architecture has given “consequence, beauty, and magnificence” to the city; that a country’s public art and architecture communicate “favourable ideas of the culture and progress of the Fine Arts”; and public architecture serves “to point out to posterity [a country’s] wealth and greatness”123.

Critical analysis of Gandon’s essays as historical sources shows they are fairly reliable. Although the essays are undated, by the time he was designing the Custom House in 1781 he had already been a trained architect since 1765 and would have likely held an understanding of the philosophies behind neoclassicism124. An in-depth analysis of the building’s architecture125 supports this idea by indicating that Gandon already held a sophisticated understanding of neoclassical design when he designed the Custom House. Additionally, in journal entries dating from 1781 he complained that “the Fine Arts were little attended to” in Dublin, that few public buildings “shewed [sic] anything like an attempt at style”, that the city lacked professional architects. He blamed this on Ireland’s state of constant political unrest, arguing that it had led the wealthy to enrich themselves than patronise the arts, prompting “many of its highly-gifted natives” to seek work in England instead126. As he expresses a largely identical view of Irish

118 J. Gandon and T. J. Mulvany, The Life of James Gandon, Esq., Dublin, Hodges and Smith, 1846, p. 266-270 119 As above, p. 262 120 As above, p. 258-262 121 As above, p. 257-268, 261 122 As above, p. 265, 267-268 123 As above, p. 261-262 124 As above, p. 13-20 125 E. McParland, James Gandon: Vitruvius Hibernicus, London, A. Zwemmer Ltd, 1985, p. 45-72 126 J. Gandon and T. J. Mulvany, The Life of James Gandon, Esq., Dublin, Hodges and Smith, 1846, p. 49-51

42 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 culture in his essays, it is likely that his views on the cultural and political power and role of architecture were equally developed when he designed the Custom House.

In addition to Gandon’s essays, there are a number of sources that suggest the politicians involved in creating the Custom House considered Ireland to be culturally inferior to Britain. William Eden (Chief Secretary of the Lord Lieutenant in 1781) wrote in 1796 that he had “long thought […] diffusing prosperity, property, and instruction more equally among [the Irish]” would “attach them to Government and civilisation”127, and Beresford stated he considered most of the Irish population to be “silly and superstitious”128, arguing that because of English influence, Ireland “emerged from a state, if not of slavery, at least of obscurity, into a nation”129. Although not specifically related to the Custom House, in one letter Eden requests Beresford name a street or building after Eden. This is notable as it relates to Njoh and Bigon’s idea of colonial cultures expressing their superiority through the act of naming colonised spaces130. Without any further evidence however, the intentions behind Eden’s request cannot be discerned with any confidence131.

127 W. Beresford, The Correspondence of the Right Hon. John Beresford, London, Woodfall and Kinder, 1854, vol. 2, p. 122-124 128 As above, vol. 2, p. 127-130 129 As above, vol. 1, p197-199 130 A. Njoh and L. Bigon, ‘Germany and the deployment of urban planning to create, reinforce, and maintain power in colonial Cameroon’, Habitat International, vol. 49, 2015, p. 16 131 W. Beresford, The Correspondence of the Right Hon. John Beresford, London, Woodfall and Kinder, 1854, vol. 1, p232-234

43 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

6.3 Socio-Psychological

6.3.1 What design features of the Custom House are associated with the mediation of socio-psychological power?

For the case of the Custom House, the most relevant example of the mediation of socio- psychological power is the rhetoric of the ‘modernisation’ of Ireland being used as a politically neutral justification for the expansion of Anglo-Irish state power over the country132. In the late 18th century the Irish government of the Junto significantly extended state power through the creation and expansion of government institutions, including establishing the Central Bank of Ireland133, introducing a centralised and state-run police force to the city, the first of its kind within Britain or Ireland134, and building the Custom House as part of their ambitions to increase international trade135. The extensive state-run redevelopment of Dublin’s streets this period has also been argued by Andrew Kincaid as a prototypical form of the “modernising” colonial planning seen in 19th century Africa, Asia, and Australia. Kincaid also frames this urban planning in terms similar to Dovey’s concept of seductive power, as he argues that the redevelopment was intended to “promise more in the way of modernization and progress […] than independence ever could”, winning over dissenters through the material benefits of a ‘modern’ urban environment136.

6.3.2 How do parties involved in building the Custom House appear to understand the mediation of socio-psychological power?

This study does not have enough data to make substantial claims regarding the intentionality of the mediation of socio-psychological power as it relates to the Custom House. Gandon’s

132 A. Njoh and L. Bigon, ‘Germany and the deployment of urban planning to create, reinforce, and maintain power in colonial Cameroon’, Habitat International, vol. 49, 2015, p. 17-18 133 D. Dickson, Dublin: The Making of a Capital City, London, Profile Books Ltd, 2014, p. 228-230 134 As above, p. 230-236 135 As above, p. 239-241 136 A. Kincaid, Postcolonial Dublin, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 2006, p. x-xi

44 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 statements on cultural power and modernity do not clearly align with socio-psychological power mediation as they are not entirely deceptive: Gandon frames the ‘progression’ of Irish culture both as a way to strengthen support for the British Empire, and as a worthwhile goal in and of itself. Eden’s statement that “diffusing prosperity, property, and instruction more equally among [the Irish would] attach them to Government and civilisation”137 does relate somewhat to socio-psychological power, but a single statement made by a single influential politician is not enough to make any strong conclusions on the intentions behind the planning policies of the British in Ireland.

Ultimately, whilst it is likely that many politicians would have considered the construction of the Custom House, as part of the collection of urban development projects and new government institutions in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, to constitute some level of ‘modernisation’ of Ireland, the data available to this study does not support any argument beyond this initial point.

137 W. Beresford, The Correspondence of the Right Hon. John Beresford, London, Woodfall and Kinder, 1854, vol. 2, p. 122-124

45 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

6.4 Military Power

6.4.1 What design features of the Custom House are associated with the mediation of military power?

The mediation of military power does not appear to have been a significant factor in the design of the Custom House. A point can be made, however, regarding Dovey’s related concept of the power of force. The Custom House has bars and railings on the ground floor windows, many of the entrances of the building, the north side of the building, and its attached gardens. In the present day, the railings surrounding the garden and north side of the structure are not very high, but photographs from the 19th Custom House circa. 19th century. Railings and wall highlighted in red. (photographer: William Laurence) century138 suggest they were larger. These features serve to limit the number of access points to the building.

It is unclear whether these railings and walls were part of the original building or a later addition. The railings and bars on the building itself are absent from the original architectural 139 drawings, and they do not appear on an illustration dated between 1792 and 1799 . As other illustrations in the same series do depict gates and railings, it is possible that they were not installed on the Custom House until after the 1790s, as by the next earliest dated image (the 1840s photograph) they are present. Historical maps are, unfortunately, not drawn in sufficient

138 W. Laurence, Custom House Quay: Custom House: river front from quay, 1900s, Irish Architectural Archive, serial no. 9/63x 13tn, (researcher’s photograph of original photograph) 139 J. Malton, Dublin Custom House, 1792-1799, [archived illustration], https://www.lbrowncollection.com/dublin-views-by-malton-c1799/, (accessed 26th July 2018)

46 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 detail to communicate the extent of fencing and walls around the Custom House during different periods.

Details from illustration circa. 1792-1799. Absence of railings highlighted in red. (illustrator: )

6.4.2 How do parties involved in building the Custom House appear to understand the mediation of military power?

During this research, no sources were found explaining the reasoning for the installation of bars and walls around parts of the Custom House. It is possible that these features were added to the building to provide security against political violence, especially given the building was the target of political violence in 1795140 and the aforementioned evidence suggesting they were added after the 1790s. However, the building also contained warehouses for storing cargo, and therefore the security features of the building may just as likely have been added to prevent theft. Ultimately, no strong conclusions can be made on why these features are present.

140 D. A. Fleming and A. P. W. Malcomson, 'A volley of execrations': the letters and papers of John Fitzgibbon, earl of Clare, 1772-1802, Dublin, Irish Manuscripts Commission, 2005, p.476

47 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

6.5 Economic

6.5.1 What design features of the Custom House are associated with the mediation of economic power?

Throughout British rule in Ireland, the Irish economy contained features associated with the mediation of economic power both through the extraction of wealth and through the use of economic power to enforce colonial rule141. The aspects of this economic system relevant to this study, as it focuses on the late 18th century, are the systems of revenue collection and the regulation of international trade. Whilst the Custom House was not the only built structure involved in any of these systems, such centralised state administrations require extensive physical infrastructure and that the Custom House was an important piece of such infrastructure as a large, state-owned office building in central Dublin, close to transport and communications networks that connected Great Britain to Dublin and Dublin to the rest of Ireland.

During the time the Custom House was built, the collection of revenue through taxation and customs duties in general can be understood as the extraction of economic wealth from a colonised territory to serve the interests of a colonial state, as revenues were collected by and served to fund a government that was entirely controlled by the Protestant settler elite. As the main headquarters for the department of government responsible for revenue collection, and as the customs administration building for the port of Dublin, by far the busiest port in Ireland142, the Custom House was a significant piece of administrative infrastructure in this economic system.

141 A. Njoh and L. Bigon, ‘Germany and the deployment of urban planning to create, reinforce, and maintain power in colonial Cameroon’, Habitat International, vol. 49, 2015, p. 18-19, p. 14-15 142 Duanaire [website], 2014, http://www.duanaire.ie/trade/tonnage_chart.php, (accessed 15th July 2018)

48 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

6.5.2 How do parties involved in building the Custom House appear to understand the mediation of economic power?

Sources already discussed in the politico-administrative section of this chapter support the argument that the Custom House was built in order to allow the administration of customs duties in the port of Dublin to be carried out more easily, as the existing pre-1781 Custom House was too small and was at an inconvenient location143 144. One of the sources analysed in the study connected the economic activities of the customs house to broader systems of colonial economic power: the collection of revenue was simply presented as a necessity for the state that needed to be addressed through the construction of a new customs building.

143 D. Dickson, Dublin: The Making of a Capital City, London, Profile Books Ltd, 2014, p. 141, 236-240, 261 144 W. Beresford, The Correspondence of the Right Hon. John Beresford, London, Woodfall and Kinder, 1854, p. xiv-xv

49 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

7 Conclusions

7.1 Answering the Research Question

This research sought to answer the following question:

How did the individuals responsible for the creation of Dublin’s Custom House understand the ways in which the building mediated British colonial power over Ireland?

The results of the analysis indicate that theoretically, the building was largely a mediator of economic, political, and cultural power, and that it also participated in a system of socio- psychological power as it was involved in the ‘modernisation’ of Ireland.

For me, the most interesting findings were the results of this study and their relation to the research process. This was the first time I had carried out an archival research project, and I was surprised by how little data was accessible. Despite existing for over a century, the 1921 fire and the unclear nature of remaining blueprints prevented any meaningful analysis of the building’s interior. The published parliamentary record seems to have only begun in the later 1780s, after parliament agreed to erect the Custom House. In the compilation of Beresford’s personal papers, the man alleged to be the main supporter of the building only mentions it a handful of times. All that remains of Gandon’s personal diary from the period are the pages cited in his 19th century biography.

It was interesting and satisfying to see that despite these limitations, an informative study took shape. Given the issues with intentionality in the existing literature, a concern was that findings would be vague or only indirectly suggest an awareness of power mediation. Bourdieu’s concept of the Habitus also frames some forms of architectural meaning as subliminal,

50 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 suggesting that some elements of power mediation might simply operate at a subconscious level. However, when the intentions behind the building were discussed in the source material, they were clearly stated and very developed.

The focus of the study means that the findings should be considered a narrow insight into the politics driving changes made to the built environment in late 18th century Ireland. Within these delimitations, however, there is clear and repeated evidence that the mediation of political and cultural power were important and considered factors when constructing the Custom House, and that these considerations can also be seen in the discussion of other building projects within the sources used. Perhaps because Dublin’s planning history is more of a patchwork of individual projects (unlike the colonial planning of Cameroon), the sources do not display a coordinated understanding of colonial power mediation as outlined by Njoh and Bigon. Although the intention to project political power and shape Irish culture are clearly evident, in this specific case there is no mention of increasing the extent of state power over Ireland’s society and economy as discussed in Njoh and Bigon’s research. It should be noted that this form of state power extension is seen in other cases, such as Ireland’s 19th century economic and welfare system reforms145.

Regarding the mediation of cultural power, Njoh and Bigon frame concepts such as ‘modernising’ a government, society, or culture largely as deceptive ideologies to conceal economic exploitation. The sources examined were less clear on this topic, and ‘modernising’ Ireland often appeared as a valid goal in its own right as it did a justification for colonial exploitation. Similarly, Njoh and Bigon’s paper normally frames cultural power in national or geographic terms (i.e. “an assumed superior culture, Western culture”, “the superiority of German culture”146). Gandon’s writing serves as a useful reminder that for at least some individuals involved in colonialism, including figures with a great deal of cultural capital, there was an apparently earnest belief that ‘culture’ was an objective and universal concept, and colonialism was not seen as an imposition of colonial culture but rather an uplifting of a society’s position on a universal, objective ‘cultural scale’.

145 D. Nally, ‘That coming storm: the Irish poor law, colonial biopolitics, and the Great Famine’, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, vol. 98, no. 3, 2008 146 A. Njoh and L. Bigon, ‘Germany and the deployment of urban planning to create, reinforce, and maintain power in colonial Cameroon’, Habitat International, vol. 49, 2015, p. 18-19, p. 16

51 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

Ultimately, the research appears to corroborate Dovey’s argument that the mediation of power through built form is best understood and analysed as multifaceted, complex, and highly context-dependent.

7.2 Reflections on the Wider Field and Points for Future Research

Although the findings of the study themselves only apply to a single building within a historical conflict, this study makes an important contribution to the wider field through its methodology. Both the analysis of the building itself and the analysis of actors involved in the building provided surprisingly clear and insightful data on how these individuals understood power mediation. Additionally, the added investigation into intentionality fit in comfortably with Dovey’s existing methodological framework and did not overcomplicate or invalidate other parts of his research design. These positive results suggest that this methodology has a great deal of potential, especially if the findings are representative of normal internal discourse within planning and architectural projects.

The fact that some of the findings in this study were not in line with how Njoh and Bigon conceptualised colonial planning’s mediation of power does not invalidate their work, but it does suggest that there is more that can be learnt on this topic. There are obvious contextual differences between their case in Cameroon and this case in Ireland, especially regarding the timespan and geopolitical natures of these colonial projects.

There are two directions that I would consider promising for further research. The first is to continue building up additional studies on other aspects of the Custom House. The building during the 19th century, and its 20th century destruction, reconstruction and postcolonial uses were sadly excluded from this study, largely due to the limited resources and available space. Similarly, research on the Irish response to the building during the colonial period and its actual (rather than intended) impacts upon the population would be highly interesting. Ultimately, this

52 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199 research direction would eventually result in a comprehensive case study of the building’s entire lifespan, similar to those presented in Dovey’s book. It would also serve as a model for how to incorporate a discussion of intentionality into such a case study, hopefully in a way that could be replicated in other research on power mediation through built forms.

The second direction to take would be to attempt to apply this methodology to a present-day case. This would produce research that is obviously more relevant and directly applicable to modern conflicts, but it would also be an opportunity to further test and refine the methodology. This thesis made heavy use of sensitive private documents that would have been inaccessible to contemporary researchers, but also suffered from how much information was lost to history. Applying this methodology to a present-day case would provide significant insights into how much data on intentionality can realistically be obtained in an ongoing or more recent conflict, and what changes to the methodology obtaining such data might require. Research of modern cases would also mean that comparisons could be drawn between modern cases and historical cases, which would help understand the applicability of colonial planning research to present- day conflicts.

In conclusion, the research on the relationship between built environments and power is heading in a positive direction. Dovey’s work brings a more coherent structure for analysing the role that the built environment plays in politics, conflicts, and society in general. This is a positive step. Buildings do not readily communicate their intentions with passers-by, and it is tempting to view them as impartial simply because they appear stationary and silent. However, as this study has shown, once structures are considered critically it rapidly becomes clear that everything that is built is built for a reason, and that we stand to gain from knowing what those reasons were.

53 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

8 Bibliography

Asal, V., Conrad, J. and Toronto, N., ‘I want you! The determinants of military conscription’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, vol. 61, no. 7, 2017, pp. 1456-1481

Benjamin, T. (ed.), Encyclopedia of Western Colonialism since 1450, Vol. 1, Detroit, Macmillan Reference USA, 2007

Beresford, W., The Correspondence of the Right Hon. John Beresford, London, Woodfall and Kinder, 1854

Björkdahl, A., ‘Urban peacebuilding’, Peacebuilding, vol. 1, no. 2, 2013, pp. 207-221.

Björkdahl, A. and Mannergren Selimovic, J., ‘A tale of three bridges: agency and agonism in peace building’, Third World Quarterly, vol. 37, no. 2, 2016, pp. 321-335.

BondGraham, D., ‘The New Orleans that Race Built: Racism, Disaster, and Urban Spatial Relationships’, Souls, Vol. 9, no. 1, pp. 4-18

Brück, J., ‘Landscapes of Desire: Parks, Colonialism, and Identity in Victorian and Edwardian Ireland’, International Journal of Historical Archaeology, vol. 17, 2013, pp. 196-223

Burge, R., ‘The prison and the postcolony: contested memory and the museumification of Sodaemun Hyongmuso’, Journal of Korean Studies, vol. 22, no. 1, 2017, pp. 33-67

Dickson, D., Dublin: The Making of a Capital City, London, Profile Books Ltd, 2014

54 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

Dorney, J., Today in Irish History, the Burning of the Custom House, 25 May 1921 [website], 2012, http://www.theirishstory.com/2012/05/23/today-in-irish-history-the- burning-of-the-customs-house-may-25-1921/#23, (accessed May 2nd 2018)

Dovey, K., Framing Places: Mediating Power in Built Form, New York, Routledge, 2008

Duanaire [website], 2014, http://www.duanaire.ie/trade/tonnage_chart.php, (accessed 15th July 2018)

Dulic, T., ‘Peace Research and Source Criticism: Using historical methodology to improve information gathering and analysis’, in M. Oberg and K. Hoglund (ed.), ‘Understanding Peace Research’, Routledge Ltd, 2011

Faden, W. and Neele, S. J., A plan of the city of Dublin, 1797, [online archival image], https://www.loc.gov/item/2004626017/, (accessed 20th June 2018).

Flanagan, M., ‘Private needs, public space: public toilets provision in the Anglo- Atlantic patriarchal city: London, Dublin, Toronto and Chicago’, Urban History, vol. 41, no. 2, 2014

Fleming, D. A. and Malcomson, A. P. W., 'A volley of execrations': the letters and papers of John Fitzgibbon, earl of Clare, 1772-1802, Dublin, Irish Manuscripts Commission, 2005

Fuller, M., ‘Building Power: Italy’s Colonial Architecture and Urbanism, 1923-1940’, Cultural Anthropology, vol. 3, no. 4, 1988, pp. 455-487

Galtung, J., ‘Cultural Violence’, Journal of Peace Research, vol. 27, no. 3, 1990, pp. 291-305

55 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

Gandon, J. and Mulvany, T. J., The Life of James Gandon, Esq., Dublin, Hodges and Smith, 1846

Harrison, C., ‘Race, space, and electric power: Jim Crow and the 1934 North Carolina Rural Electrification Survey’, Annals of the American Association of Geographers, vol. 106, no. 4, 2016, pp. 909-931

Hepworth Clarke, Z. S., ‘The “Very Good” Human Race’, Peace Review: A Journal of Social Justice, Vol. 28, 2016, pp. 414-419

Hoch, C., ‘Racism and Planning’, Journal of the American Planning Association, vol. 59, no. 4, 1993, pp. 451-460

Home, R., Of Planting and Planning: The Making of British Colonial Cities, New York, Routledge, 2013

Horn, K., ‘’History from the inside’ South African Prisoner-of-War experience in Work Camp 1169, Dreseden, 1943-1945’, War and Society, vol. 33, no. 4, 2014, pp. 269-282

Horning, A., Ireland in the Virginian sea: Colonialism in the British Atlantic, UNC Press Books, 2013

Jaffe, R. (ed.), The Caribbean City, Netherlands, Kininkliik Instituut voor Taal-Land- en Volkenkunde, 2013

Keating, G., The General History of Ireland (Foras Feasa ar Éirinn) (1634), trans. D. O Connor, London, B. Creake, 1723

Kincaid, A., Postcolonial Dublin, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 2006

56 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

Krumminga, S., ‘Constructing the Welthaupstadt Germania: spatialities of biopower and sovereign violence in the Nazi capital’, University of Colorado Graduate Thesis, 2016

Licata, L. and Klein, O., ‘Holocaust or benevolent paternalism? Intergenerational comparisons on collective memories and emotions about Belgium's colonial past’, International Journal of Conflict and Violence, vol. 4, no. 1, 2010, pp. 45-57

Malton, J., Dublin Custom House, 1792-1799, [archived illustration], https://www.lbrowncollection.com/dublin-views-by-malton-c1799/, (accessed 26th July 2018)

Mars, R., ‘Unpleasant Design & Hostile Urban Architecture’, 99% Invisible [podcast], Radiotopia, 2016, https://99percentinvisible.org/episode/unpleasant-design-hostile- urban-architecture/ (accessed 5th May 2018)

McCann, G., Ireland's Economic History: crisis and development in the north and south, Pluto Press, 2011

McParland, E., James Gandon: Vitruvius Hibernicus, London, A. Zwemmer Ltd, 1985, p. 45-72

Murphy, A., But the Irish Sea Betwixt Us: Ireland, Colonialism, and Renaissance Literature, University Press of Kentucky, 1999

Nally, D., ‘That coming storm: the Irish poor law, colonial biopolitics, and the Great Famine’, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, vol. 98, no. 3, 2008, pp. 714-741

57 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

Nidecker, A., ‘The Swiss nuclear bomb dream’, Medicine, Conflict and Survival, Vol. 30, No. 1, 2014, pp. 64-70

Nightingale, C. H., Segregation: A Global History of Divided Cities, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 2012

Njoh, A., ‘Colonial philosophies, urban space, and racial segregation in British and French colonial Africa’, Journal of Black Studies, vol. 38, no. 4, 2008, pp. 579-599

Njoh, A. and Bigon, L., ‘Germany and the deployment of urban planning to create, reinforce, and maintain power in colonial Cameroon’, Habitat International, vol. 49, 2015, pp.10-20

Laurence, W., Custom House Quay: Custom House: river front from quay, 1900s, Irish Architectural Archive, serial no. 9/63x 13tn

Petty, J., ‘The London spikes controversy: homelessness, urban securitisation and the question of ‘Hostile Architecture’’, International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy, vol. 5, no. 1, 2016, pp. 67-81

Pulido, L., ‘Rethinking Environmental Racism: White Privilege and Urban Development in Southern California’, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, vol. 90, no. 1, 2000, pp. 12-40

Ramanathapillai, R., ‘Modern Warfare and the Spiritual Disconnection from Land’, Peace Review, vol. 20, no. 1, 2008, pp. 113-120

Rowe, E., ‘The emerging anti-colonial consensus in the United Nations’, Conflict Resolution, vol. 8, no. 3, 1964, pp. 209-230

58 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

Sauer, C., ‘The Morphology of Landscape’, University of California Publications in Geography, vol. 2, no. 2, 1925, pp. 19-53

Schaffer, P., University of Minnesota – Irish Penal Laws [website], 2000, https://www.law.umn.edu/library/irishlaw, (accessed 17th June 2018)

Schindler, S., ‘Architectural Exclusion: Discrimination and Segregation Through Physical Design of the Built Environment’, Yale Law Journal, vol. 124, no. 1934, 2015, pp. 1937-2023

Sheller, M., ‘Racialized mobility transitions in Philadelphia: Connecting urban sustainability and transport justice’, City & Society, vol. 27, no. 1, pp. 70-91

Southern Poverty Law Center [website], 2018, https://www.splcenter.org/20180604/whose-heritage-public-symbols-confederacy, (accessed 4th October 2018)

Spenser, E., A View of the State of Ireland (1596), n.a., 1809

United Nations Human Rights Council, 9th March 2015, https://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/RegularSessions/Session28/_layouts/15/ WopiFrame.aspx?sourcedoc=/EN/HRBodies/HRC/RegularSessions/Session28/Docum ents/A_HRC_28_44_en.doc&action=default&DefaultItemOpen=1, (accessed 3rd October 2018)

Yea S. and Tangherlini T. R., Sitings: Critical Approaches to Korean Geography, University of Hawaii Press, 2007

Yin, R. K., Case Study Research: Design and Methods, California, Sage, 2009

59 Edward Digman Student Number: 940626T199

Young H., Young H., and Muir R., Bygone Liverpool, Liverpool, Henry Young and Sons, 1913

Zenz, A., The Asia Dialogue [website], 2018, https://cpianalysis.org/2018/02/14/chinas-securitization-drive-in-tibet-and-xinjiang/ , (accessed 12th June 2018)

60