John Vaizey Papers
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The Attlee Governments
Vic07 10/15/03 2:11 PM Page 159 Chapter 7 The Attlee governments The election of a majority Labour government in 1945 generated great excitement on the left. Hugh Dalton described how ‘That first sensa- tion, tingling and triumphant, was of a new society to be built. There was exhilaration among us, joy and hope, determination and confi- dence. We felt exalted, dedication, walking on air, walking with destiny.’1 Dalton followed this by aiding Herbert Morrison in an attempt to replace Attlee as leader of the PLP.2 This was foiled by the bulky protection of Bevin, outraged at their plotting and disloyalty. Bevin apparently hated Morrison, and thought of him as ‘a scheming little bastard’.3 Certainly he thought Morrison’s conduct in the past had been ‘devious and unreliable’.4 It was to be particularly irksome for Bevin that it was Morrison who eventually replaced him as Foreign Secretary in 1951. The Attlee government not only generated great excitement on the left at the time, but since has also attracted more attention from academics than any other period of Labour history. Foreign policy is a case in point. The foreign policy of the Attlee government is attractive to study because it spans so many politically and historically significant issues. To start with, this period was unique in that it was the first time that there was a majority Labour government in British political history, with a clear mandate and programme of reform. Whereas the two minority Labour governments of the inter-war period had had to rely on support from the Liberals to pass legislation, this time Labour had power as well as office. -
'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath. -
Martill Paper
Challenging the ‘Postwar Consensus’: The Hidden Politics of Anglo-American Relations during the Cold War Benjamin Martill University of Oxford Abstract It is frequently claimed that there existed a 'postwar consensus' between the Labour and Conservative parties in British foreign policy. Nowhere is this claim clearer than in the party politics of Britain's relationship with the United States. As a result, the dominant understanding of British foreign policy in the postwar period tends towards a realist explanation based on the necessities of maintaining British prestige and power in the bipolar Cold War environment. In this paper I present an alternative explanation based on the domestic politics of alliance and the interaction between political ideology and legislative constraint. I argue that when the governing parties in two states are more ideologically proximate than their respective political oppositions, low levels of legislative constraint promote international cooperation whereas high levels undermine it. Conversely, when the governing parties are less ideologically proximate than the opposition, high levels of legislative constraint serve to promote cooperation and low levels of constraint work against it. This approach helps us to explain both variation in the level of cooperation and why this does not follow strict party lines. More broadly it highlights the importance of modeling complex interactions in order to understand how domestic politics impacts on foreign policy. Paper presented at the PSA Annual Conference, Manchester, Monday 14 th April 2014 1 Introduction This article assesses the ‘postwar consensus’ between British political parties on the question of Anglo-American relations. Proponents of the ‘postwar consensus’ argue that party politics have had little impact on Anglo-American relations because of the strong material, economic and social forces pushing any government towards cooperation. -
Renationalisation of Steel
May 8, 1965 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY pointed in February 1955); Nag- 1960. Government of India, Mini ture II, page 34. pur. Hyderabad and Coimbatore stry of Labour and Employment. 14 Sub-section XI, of Section 28 says; (appointed in December 1955); r- Employees' State Insurance (Gen The E S I fund may be expended Calcutta and Howrah, Assam, eral) Regulations notification No for "defraying expenditure within Madras, Madurai and Bangalore R S 5/48, New Delhi, October 17 the limits prescribed, on measures (appointed in July 1959). All issued 1950. for the improvement of the health by the Director General, Emplo 13 Questionnaire on the Employees and welfare of insured persons and yees' State Insurance Corporation, State Insurance Scheme. Govern for the rehabilitation of and re New Delhi. ment of India Ministry of Labour employment of insured persons 11 "Report on Employees State In and Employment. ESI Scheme who have been disabled or injure- surance Scheme" by A L Mudaliar Review committee 1964. Annex- ed". FROM THE LONDON END Renationalisation of Steel THE publication of the Steel Nation- of the relevant holding companies will share of the industry, producing 90 per alisation White Paper (which will be vested in a new National Steel Cor cent of British steel. They own or con be fiercely debated in Parliament) is a poration. Remembering the speed with trol all the 22 integrated iron and steel clear indication that despite its slender which the Tories denationalised steel works in the United Kingdom, and 42 majority of four, the Labour Govern when they were returned to power, the other iron and steel works; they con ment has the courage and determination present Bill proposes a public steel cor trol about 60 per cent of known reser to push ahead with one of the most poration which would have its own ves of iron ore in the U K and they controversial items in the Labour mani single marketing organisation and pow employ about. -
Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell
Copyrights sought (Albert) Basil (Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell) Filson Young (Alexander) Forbes Hendry (Alexander) Frederick Whyte (Alfred Hubert) Roy Fedden (Alfred) Alistair Cooke (Alfred) Guy Garrod (Alfred) James Hawkey (Archibald) Berkeley Milne (Archibald) David Stirling (Archibald) Havergal Downes-Shaw (Arthur) Berriedale Keith (Arthur) Beverley Baxter (Arthur) Cecil Tyrrell Beck (Arthur) Clive Morrison-Bell (Arthur) Hugh (Elsdale) Molson (Arthur) Mervyn Stockwood (Arthur) Paul Boissier, Harrow Heraldry Committee & Harrow School (Arthur) Trevor Dawson (Arwyn) Lynn Ungoed-Thomas (Basil Arthur) John Peto (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin & New Statesman (Borlasse Elward) Wyndham Childs (Cecil Frederick) Nevil Macready (Cecil George) Graham Hayman (Charles Edward) Howard Vincent (Charles Henry) Collins Baker (Charles) Alexander Harris (Charles) Cyril Clarke (Charles) Edgar Wood (Charles) Edward Troup (Charles) Frederick (Howard) Gough (Charles) Michael Duff (Charles) Philip Fothergill (Charles) Philip Fothergill, Liberal National Organisation, N-E Warwickshire Liberal Association & Rt Hon Charles Albert McCurdy (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett & World Review of Reviews (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Colin) Mark Patrick (Crwfurd) Wilfrid Griffin Eady (Cyril) Berkeley Ormerod (Cyril) Desmond Keeling (Cyril) George Toogood (Cyril) Kenneth Bird (David) Euan Wallace (Davies) Evan Bedford (Denis Duncan) -
Trade-Union Policy Between the Wars the Case of Holidays with Pay in Britain*
STEPHEN G. JONES TRADE-UNION POLICY BETWEEN THE WARS THE CASE OF HOLIDAYS WITH PAY IN BRITAIN* Most standard histories of Britain between the wars refer to the develop- ment of holidays with pay, albeit briefly. It is widely acknowledged that by the end of the 1930's the majority of the British working population benefited from a paid holiday. The crucial initiative, so it is claimed, was the Holidays with Pay Act of 1938, which gave Parliamentary approval to the principle of payment of wages during holidays.1 Clearly the growth of paid holidays is seen as yet another instance of a more affluent Britain, an integral element of the growth of leisure.2 However, there has been very little detailed discussion of the paid-holiday-policy option and the precise reasons for the formulation and implementation of that policy. This neglect is rather surprising given the popular support for this "fringe benefit", which was perceived as providing a certain degree of financial security during the annual break from the rigours of work. It is true that there has been more specialised treatment, but even this is of a general nature, with little reference to the industrial and political struggle for holidays with pay.3 * I would like to thank Dr M. E. Rose, Professor A. E. Musson and members of the Editorial Board for their helpful comments. 1 See C. L. Mowat, Britain Between the Wars 1918-1940 (London, 1955), p. 501; D. H. Aldcroft, The Inter-War Economy: Britain, 1919-1939 (London, 1970), p. 366; N. Branson and M. -
The Rhodesian Crisis in British and International Politics, 1964
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository THE RHODESIAN CRISIS IN BRITISH AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICS, 1964-1965 by CARL PETER WATTS A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham For the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY School of Historical Studies The University of Birmingham April 2006 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract This thesis uses evidence from British and international archives to examine the events leading up to Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) on 11 November 1965 from the perspectives of Britain, the Old Commonwealth (Canada, Australia, and New Zealand), and the United States. Two underlying themes run throughout the thesis. First, it argues that although the problem of Rhodesian independence was highly complex, a UDI was by no means inevitable. There were courses of action that were dismissed or remained under explored (especially in Britain, but also in the Old Commonwealth, and the United States), which could have been pursued further and may have prevented a UDI. -
Economists' Papers 1750-2000
ECONOMISTS’PAPERS 1750 - 2000 A Guide to Archive and other Manuscript Sources for the History of British and Irish Economic Thought. ELECTRONIC EDITION ….the ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed the“ world is ruled by little else. “Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual influences, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist.’ John Maynard Keynes’s General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money (1936) ECONOMISTS’ PAPERS 1750-2000 THE COMMITTEE OF THE GUIDE TO ARCHIVE SOURCES IN THE HISTORY OF ECONOMIC THOUGHT IN 1975 R.D. COLLISON BLACK Professor of Economics The Queen’s University of Belfast A.W. COATS Professor of Economic and Social History University of Nottingham B.A. CORRY Professor of Economics Queen Mary College, London (now deceased) R.H. ELLIS formerly Secretary of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts LORD ROBBINS formerly Professor of Economics University of London (now deceased) D.N. WINCH Professor of Economics University of Sussex ECONOMISTS' PAPERS 1750-2000 A Guide to Archive and other Manuscript Sources for the History of British and Irish Economic Thought Originally compiled by R. P. STURGES for the Committee of the Guide to Archive Sources in the History of Economic Thought, and now revised and expanded by SUSAN K. HOWSON, DONALD E. MOGGRIDGE, AND DONALD WINCH with the assistance of AZHAR HUSSAIN and the support of the ROYAL ECONOMIC SOCIETY © Royal Economic Society 1975 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without permission. -
The British Council of Industrial Design Lesley Whitworth
Inscribing Design on the Nation: The Creators of the British Council of Industrial Design Lesley Whitworth This article is derived from a larger study of the consumer education work of the Council of Industrial Design, founded in Britain in 1944. My particular aim is to develop a convincing account of the personal interactions that propelled the Council into existence following decades of relative inertia around the issue of industrial design, which was viewed as significant, but had so far failed to achieve the prominence associated with a dedicated state-aided body. In so doing, I stress the importance of the presence of individuals drawn from the worlds of business into the administration of the wartime state. The introduction to the 2005 Business History Conference in Minneapolis referred to the way in which, “Throughout history, firms, industries, regions, and nations have demonstrated remarkable capacities to transform prevailing business practices and reorient economic activities.”1 The achievements of wartime states are a case in point, and those of the British state under duress have attracted a considerable body of commentary. In response to the theme of “Reinvention and Renewal,” however, in this article I bring forward material related to the creation of a seldom-referenced body intended to have a pronounced effect on material conditions and prevailing industrial practices in the post-1945 world. Brought into being in the waning moments of World War II by Britain’s I acknowledge the award (RES-143-25-0037-R0536) made by the Economic and Social Research Council with the Arts and Humanities Research Council, which underpins my project in the “Cultures of Consumption” research program (see http://www.consume.bbk.ac.uk). -
Oxford, 1984); H
Notes Notes to the Introduction I. K. O. Morgan, Labour in Power, 194~1951 (Oxford, 1984); H. Pelling, The Labour Governments, 194~51 (London, 1984); A. Cairncross, Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy, 194~51 (London, 1985); P. Hen nessy, Never Again: Britain, 194~1951 (London, 1992). 2. J. Saville, The Labour Movement in Britain (London, 1988); J. Fyrth (ed.), Labour's High Noon: The Government and the Economy, 194~51 (London, 1993). 3. C. Barnett, The Audit oj War: The Illusion and Reality of Britain as a Great Nation (London, 1986); The Lost Victory: British Dreams, British Realities, 194~1950 (London, 1995). 4. Symposium, 'Britain's Postwar Industrial Decline', Contemporary Record, 1: 2 (1987), pp. 11-19; N. Tiratsoo (ed.), The Altlee Years (London, 1991). 5. J. Tomlinson, 'Welfare and the Economy: The Economic Impact of the Welfare State, 1945-1951', Twentieth-Century British History, 6: 2 (1995), pp. 194--219. 6. Hennessy, Never Again, p. 453. See also M. Francis, 'Economics and Ethics: the Nature of Labour's Socialism, 1945-1951', Twentieth Century British History, 6: 2 (1995), pp. 220--43. 7. S. Fielding, P. Thompson and N. Tiratsoo, 'England Arise!' The Labour Party and Popular Politics in 1940s Britain (Manchester, 1995), pp. 209- 18. 8. P. Kellner, 'It Wasn't All Right,Jack', Sunday Times, 4 April 1993. See also The Guardian, 9 September 1993. 9. For a summary of the claims made by the political parties, see J. Barnes and A. Seldon, '1951-64: 13 W asted Years?', Contemporary Record, 1: 2 (1987). 10. V. Bogdanor and R. -
Winston Churchill's "Crazy Broadcast": Party, Nation, and the 1945 Gestapo Speech
ORE Open Research Exeter TITLE Winston Churchill's "crazy broadcast": party, nation, and the 1945 Gestapo speech AUTHORS Toye, Richard JOURNAL Journal of British Studies DEPOSITED IN ORE 16 May 2013 This version available at http://hdl.handle.net/10871/9424 COPYRIGHT AND REUSE Open Research Exeter makes this work available in accordance with publisher policies. A NOTE ON VERSIONS The version presented here may differ from the published version. If citing, you are advised to consult the published version for pagination, volume/issue and date of publication The Journal of British Studies http://journals.cambridge.org/JBR Additional services for The Journal of British Studies: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here Winston Churchill's “Crazy Broadcast”: Party, Nation, and the 1945 Gestapo Speech Richard Toye The Journal of British Studies / Volume 49 / Issue 03 / July 2010, pp 655 680 DOI: 10.1086/652014, Published online: 21 December 2012 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0021937100016300 How to cite this article: Richard Toye (2010). Winston Churchill's “Crazy Broadcast”: Party, Nation, and the 1945 Gestapo Speech. The Journal of British Studies, 49, pp 655680 doi:10.1086/652014 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/JBR, IP address: 144.173.176.175 on 16 May 2013 Winston Churchill’s “Crazy Broadcast”: Party, Nation, and the 1945 Gestapo Speech Richard Toye “One Empire; One Leader; One Folk!” Is the Tory campaign master-stroke. As a National jest, It is one of the best, But it’s not an original joke. -
Discretionary Tax Shocks in the United Kingdom 1945-2009: a Narrative Account and Dataset
Munich Personal RePEc Archive Discretionary tax shocks in the United Kingdom 1945-2009: a narrative account and dataset Cloyne, James S University College London 2010 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/34913/ MPRA Paper No. 34913, posted 21 Nov 2011 15:58 UTC Discretionary Tax Shocks in the United Kingdom 1945-2009: A narrative 1 account and dataset James Cloyne2 First Draft: July 2010 This draft: November 2010 Abstract This paper constructs a narrative account of all legislated discretionary policy changes in the United Kingdom from 1945 to 2009. Following Romer and Romer (2009, 2010), evidence of the policymakers’ motivation is presented from U.K. official Budget documents together with technical notes, press releases, Acts of Parliament, the Budget speech by the Chancellor of the Exchequer and related entries in the parliamentary record (Hansard). The historical context in which the decision was made is also discussed. Using the given motives I isolate tax policy changes which were not responding to, or influenced by, current or prospective economic shocks. This ‘exogenous’ category is comprised of actions to improve long-run economic performance, those motivated by ideological or political reasons, rulings from external bodies such as courts, and fiscal consolidation measures based on long-run considerations. By contrast, the ‘endogenous’ changes are actions to manage demand, to stimulate production, to offset a debt crisis and those to fund spending decisions. For all the tax changes I collect information on the announcement, implementation and withdrawal dates as well as the type of the tax (such as income tax). The dataset contains nearly 2,500 tax changes and is aggregated into a quarterly series for analysis.