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Al-Sharif Al-Radi

Ali, Islam Abu

How to cite: Ali, Islam Abu (1974) Al-Sharif Al-Radi, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/5417/

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Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk AL--SHA1IF AL-KABI

HIS LIFS AND P0BT1Y

GISAM °ABD *ALI

The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged.

Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in the University of Durham for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

August 1974 School of Oriental Studies Blvet Hill Durham TO

MY KHADIJAH CONTENTS

Abstract i

Preface iii

Notos iv

Abbreviations v

PAST ONB

AL-EABI'S LIPB AND TIM3S o

Chapter I THB POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT 3

Chapter II THB SOCIAL BNVISONMBNT 23

Chapter III THB LITSKARY BNVISONMBNT 53

Chapter IV AL-KADI'S LIFB

Al=Sadl and hie family 95 His childhood 99 Years of suffering 100 Barly stages of his education 105 Further stages of his education 107 Waiting for the exile's return 111 Under his father's shadow 112 Al-Kadl the naqlb 117 To Mecca 120 A!-Hada. the ambitious politician 122 The last stage of al-Kadl's professional career 126 The final years 129 His personality and character 131 His religious belief 136 His works 141 PAST TWO

ABE'S PQBTKY

Chapter V HISTORICAL 0BS3SVATI0WS ON

AL~1ADIS3 BXWAN 150

Chapter VI AL~KABI«8 3UL0GY

1 = General remarks 160 2 = The stage of imitation 164 3 = The stag© of maturity 174 4 - The Ikfawaniyyafc of al-la'dl 187 Chapter VII AL=KADI'S SBLF-PKAISB

1 = General remarks 193

2 «= Al-Kadl's self-praise 199

Chapter VIII AL-KADI9S ELSGY

1 = General remarks 213 2 ~ Al=Sadl"o elegy 214

3 = Dirges on women 238

Chapter II SHISISM IN AL~KABI«S FOBTSY

1 - Shi6 ism in history 244 2 - Shi8ism in poetry 246 3 = Shi"iam in al~ladi's poetry 254 Chapter X AL-KADI'S LOVB=POBTRY 1 = Introduction 269 2 = Al-Kadi's love-poetry (ghazal) 280 3 = Al-Sadi'8 amatory prelude 286 4 - Al-Hijaziyyat 292

Chapter XI AL~KADI»S FOBTICAL TBGHNIQUB

1 ••=> General remarks 310 2 - Similes in al~Kadi9s poetry 317 3 = Metaphorical figures 321 4 = Shetorieal embellishments 329

AP Mutabaqah and Muqabalah 330 Bo Tajriis 333 Co Husn al-ta8lll 335 Do Exaggerations and hyperbole 337 S •= ESiyme and jpluythm 340 <5 - E'iotE'o 34S 7 = Al"tiad'i°s poetical style and"vocabulary 350

Chapter XX J AL-SADI'S PLAC13 IK AKABXG LITaaAKY H1ST0SY 356

BXB3LI0GSAPHY 371 ABSTRACT

The aim of this work is to study al"Sharif al-Hadl,

his life and poetry. The first part deals with the poet's

environment and life; the second with his poetry.

Chapter I deals with the political conditions under

which the poet livedo The purpose of the second chapter

is to portray al~Radx's social environment and its

reflection in contemporary poetry. The third chapter

describes the literary environment of al=Radi's age at

some lengtho

The fourth chapter aims to study al=Radx's life in

detailo The factors which influenced his outlook and

personality are discussed a An attempt is made to discern how far these factors affected his poetry.

The second part of this work deals with al~Radi's

poetry itself. In Chapter V historical observations are

made on al=Radi's Diwane in both manuscript and published

forms. Chapter VI deals with his panegyrics. General

remarks are made on eulogy in Arabic poetry. The content,

form and development of al-Radi's panegyrical odes are

analysed. His Ikhwaniyyat receive special attention.

Chapter VII deals with al=Kadi's self~praise0 its content

and form. An endeavour is made to explore the Utopian world which the poet tried to portray. Al=Radi's elegies

(Ch. VIII), their content,, form and characteristics are

reviewed. In addition, his dirges on women receive attention.

Shigism in al-Radi5 s poetry is discussed in Chapter IX. ii

Al~Radi's love=-poetry (Gho X) is discussed. His

Hijassiyyat receive particular attention,. It is claimed

that al-Madi produced in his Hijaziyyat a poetical

amalgam which contains some aspects of "Udhrite and

sUmarite poetry. Chapter SCI deals with al-Eadi8s poetical

technique. His theories of poetical composition and his

comments on other poets are examined. A comparison is made between al-Sadi and other poets both previous and

contemporary. Special attention is paid to al=Mutanabbi's

influence. In Chapter XII there is a broad reassessment

of al-Sadics place in the history of Arabic poetry. Ill

PKBFACB

Though sl^ladl, feao boos highly esteesned by pa at; and

prcsoat oeholars and othero eoaveroant with Arabic lit era t tare »

there io still the aeed for a eompreheaoive academic study of this poeto The preQemt work is an attempt to fill that

gap0

la this study I am deeply indebted to my. supervisor5

Bilffo Jo Ao Haywood o fos1 his guidance throughout all stages of my research duriag which .he provided me with his unfaiX.iisg advice and valuable cotnmeatSo The responsibility for aay

errors is entirely raiae.

I would like to thank my friend Mis© Theresa Brown for her constant help and encouragemento My thanks are also due to Ms?, Ao Rio To al~lFarouki for his helpo A special debt of gratitmde is owed to the staff of the Oriental Section off

Durham University Library0 particularly to Miss Do

Grimwood-Jones who helped me .in many ways» 1 should like- to record my thanks to the Iraqi Government and Baghdad

University for the scholarship I was awarded to enable me to carry out my academic research abroad.

My thanks are also due to the Caloust© Gulbenkian

Foundation for its financial support« Lasto but not leasto

I wish to give my sincere thanks to my wife for enduring my three years of academic abstraction during which this work has been doae. She has stretched her tolerance to the utmost in spite of her poor health condition,. iv

NOTSS

Transliteration of Arabic

hamzah

not shown, when initials D otherwise0 <^J b t O t f

OJLM (3 q

2- j ^ k 2 h J I.

2 kh f m

-> d tJ n

j> dh h

r (consonant) >tw

8 vowelss

s Short dammah * u

o** d Fathah — a

-J3 t Kasrah ~~T i

J> z Long u

£ 4 La

Diphthongs J aw or au o ' ay or ai

2 - When two dates are given thuss 366/976„ the first is the Hijrah date.

When Christian era dates alone are given» nothing normally added. V

ABBREVIATIONS

Authors and Books;

Ath o Xbn al~Athir0 al"Kamil f i al-T5 rikh B Cairo, Vols. VI-VTlTT"

Aghani Abu al~Faraj al=Asbahani, Kitab al°

iani0 Cairo , Dar al~&utub, 1927-1959.

Baqillani al-Baqillanio I'jaz al°Qup'aa» 1st edn. Cairo, 1951.

Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Institute.

B.S.Q. A.S. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies , London.

D. Be Diwan of al-=Buhturi, Cairo 1911«

Dhayl Abu Shu ja8„ Dhayl Tajarib al-Umam, Vol. III. of "The~Iclipse of the 'Abbasid Caliphate", G.M.S. Oxford 1921.

Diwan al°Ma'ani Abu Hilal al-'Askari, Cairo 1352/1933.

D. J. Diwan of Jamil Buthaynah» ed. Husayn Nassar. Cairo 1958.

D. M. Diwan of al~Mutanabbi, 4 vols., ed. by al-Barquqi, Cairo 1938.

D. R. Diwan of al=Radi. 2 vols.. Tehran 1964, published by Dar al-Bayan, Baghdad.

D. T. Diwan of al-Murtada, ed. al-Saffar, Cairo 1958.

D. Tm. Diwan of Abu Tammam with a1-Tabriz!'s commentary, 3 vols., Cairo 1951-1957.

D. U. Diwan of 4Umar b. Abi Sabi*ah, ed. Ibrahim al-A6rabi, Beirut 1952.

Duha Ahmad Amln, Duha al-Islam, 3 vols., Cairo 1935=1938.

D. Y. Diwan of Mihyar, 4 vols., Cairo 1925=1931.

1. I. Encyclopaedia of Islam.

Hilal Hilal al-Sabi, part VIII of the Chronicle published'with Vol. Ill of "The Eclipse". vi

Ibn Kh. Ibn Khaliikano Wafayat al"A°yan« 4 vols.„ fcffo lie Slane, Paris "r84 8-'lF?l„"

I Islamic Culture, the Hayderabad Quarterly Seview.

J.AcOoS, Journal of American Oriental Society.

Jaw. Ibn al=Jawzl0 al~MuntasamYols. V—X0 Hayderabad 1357=1359/193 8=1940.

Jur jinx al~Jurjanl, al°WasatahB Cairo 1948.

Ma jazat al=Hadl<, al-Ma jazat al°Kabawiyyah .

ed. Taha al=Zaynl8 Cairo 1967.

Renaissance of Islama tr. Khuda Bukhsh, London 1937.

lisk Tajarib al=Umam„ Miskawayh, published by Amedroz and Margaliouth "The Eclipse" serieso Oxford 1921.

Mu 8allaqlt Al-=Mu allaqat with al-Shinqiti' s commentary Cairo 15

las a 11 las a0 il al~Sabi wa al~Shar1f , ed. Muhammad Yusuf Nairn, Kuwait 1961.

s Sina"atayn Abu Hilal al~ Askari 0 Kitab al-Sina °atayn » Cairo 1952.

Talkhls al=Sharlf al• ls Talkhis al-Bayan ,

Tarikh al°°Khatib al=Baghdadi , Tarikh Bajjhdad »

14 vols.e Cairo 1931.

'Utndah Ibn Ha^hiq, al~°Umdahc 2 vols.e Cairo 1925.

al«-Waf i al=Safadi» Kitab al-Wafi bl al-wafayat.

Yaqut Mu* jam al-Udaba* fl G.M.S.

Yatitnah al-Tha"alibi 0 Yatimat al°Dahr, 4 vols.,

ed. Mo M. "Abd al=Hamid. Cairo 1956-1958e

guhr Ahmad Amin, Zuhr al°Islam, Vol. I0 II0 Cairo 1946-1952. PAST 1

AL~MBI0S LIFB AND TIMBS o CHAPTBK I

THS POLITICAL 1NVIROKMBWT Tli© poet al=Shara.f al-Kadl lived ia th© fourth islamic

century CS59=^0S/9S9=10Ii) o1 Ho led la is political and

literary life under th© rul© of the B&wayhid dynastyo H©

witnessed ito rise and tho ©arly Gigas of it© fall till 2

th© feeginaiag of th© fifth centuryo It i© hoped that

through th© description of th© Buwayhid ©fa0 we can portray

the political atmosphere around the poeto Meanwhile0

particular attention will be paid to trace th© impact of

this political period on his life and poetryo However0

the aim of this review is mot to give a complete picture

from the historical point of view,, about which a groat

deal has already been written.. Our purpose is to deal

with the important events in so far as they influenced the

literary and social life of this period»

It is a well-known historical fact that the eclips© of

the sAbb!sid Caliphate was virtually complete by the year

324/939o Paris w©nt to 8 All bo Buwayh 320=338/932=949» Kayy

and Asfahln to Hasan bo Buwayh 320-366/932=976,, the Jasslrah „

Mosul and Aleppo to the Hamdlnids §17=394/929-1003» Egypt

and Syria to the Ikhshldids 323=358/935-969, and after that

to the FltimidQo Andalus wao declared independent of the

°Abbasid ealiphes by °Abd al=Sahcnan III 300=350/911=961 „

Khurasan went to th© SlsnlUids 261=3 89/874=999» Tabaristan

and Baylam to the Daylamites 3l6=434/928=1042o Only Madlnat

lo Ibn Kh0 ¥olo IIIo p0 121 o See TIrikh Volo 'JI, p.o 246,

So The Buwayhid rul© began in Baghdad ia 334/945 and

lasted until 447/1055o Se© Atho Volo VI, p» 314|

Volo VIII o po 8o Lan©=Pool©o The Mohammadan. Dynasties 0

Londono 18940 ppD 1400 151. al^Salam Baghdad pemaiaed ia the hands of the Calipho

I torn ©!«=> Athlr said 0 with regret0 that th© ealiph was aothiag

but a figmroheae! tsaader tho Turkioh loadorGo^

Soon after the BSwayhids had swept away many tottering

states throughout Fario 0 they trarned their ambitions toward

Baghdado Tho capital of Islam was at that time in anarchy and disorder., Its political and ©eoaomic eonditxon had mad© it rip© for foreign eoaquesto The Buwayhid columns

began hoveling about tho capital as vultures over prey»

The Caliph al^Mustakfl was destined to pass into new

foreign hands5 rulers who had made their way to power rapidly. He found ao alternative but to greet the new

triumphant leader Ahmad b» Buwayh who entered Baghdad at

th© head of the Baylamitee and Turkish troops in 334/945«

Th© Caliph bestowed upon him the title Mm®iass al~Pawlah°

6 SimultaneouslyD the conqueror's two brothers0 All and

Hasan were given the titles aImad al°Pawlah and Rukn al°Dawlaho Orders were issued that all their titles should

3 be included on the coinage..

Concerning the Buwayhid familyt it i© said that the founder Abu Shuja was descended from the ancient Slmlnidso

Oa the other hands it may be that their descent from

Persian kings is merely a later attempt to magnify the

1. Mi8k0 Volo I, pa 413i Jawo Volo VI, pQ 288.

2e Atho Volo VIo p0 25So

So Atho Volo VI. po 314; Jaw0 Volo VI„ p« 340s

4o Iba Kho Volo Ie p0 IBSo So

dynasty. It is safe to form aa opiaioa that "tin© questiom of tho relatioas botweea Blwayhids aad ealiphs io moreover botsad up with that of th©ir roligiouo adhereac©ll!o Their saraeyfiipatheti© attitud© towards th© ©aliphat© MSQ dw©o ia parto t© th© Ifaet that they were 8hH

see's o Butj aevertheless0 at th© time of their seisur© of 3

Baghdad they appear to haw been Tw©lv©rs0

it was not long after Uu°iss al=>Dawlah had established hims©If as a ruler of Baghdad that he ordered the Caliph to b© bliadedo Th© foffaei? was alarimed by rumours of a coup against him that had beea plotted by the lattero Immediately

th© Caliph was deposed im barbaric circumstances0 and th©

palace wa© pluadered till aothiag remaiaedo^ Probably0

wad©r th© iaflueaeos of th© Imaonite belief0 Mu°iss al~Bawlah rashly decided to abolish th© °Abblsid ealiphateo He plaaaed to replace a member of the °Alid family in this position i>

Bust hi® faithful friends persuaded him that such a step would

jeopardise the B©wayhid ruleo However0 tnaay eaeroaehmeats

were made oa th© caliph's prerogatives0 The Buwayhid prime©

°Adud al=Bawlah compelled the Caliph al~Tlai° to order that

th© drum should be sounded at th© gate of the ruler's palae©0

Furthermore o h© demaaded that th© nam© of th© Buwayhid ruler

lo Lane-Poole0 op0 cito„ p<> 139»

3o So L Sad edao art» "Blwayhn by G. Lo Caheao

So Bo lo 2md ©dn» arto "Blwayh".

4» Misko Yolo II0 p0 905 s©e Atho Voio VI0 pD SIS „ also

al~HamadanlD Tafemilat Tarlkh al°Ta&tagl0 Beirut0 !©<§!0 Vole lo po 14il7 " ^

0 So Al~Bl.rua3.0 al-Jamlhir . f £ Ma rif at al°Jawlhir „ Hyderabad,

193S0 ppo 22=33o ahosiild foe imesationcd frosn the pulpits after the aatno of the 1

Calipho Yet -She Buwayhido ©sod to -feign exaggerated

respect for the Ooimmanidc!? of the Faithful0 when they felt the isiocesoity to legalioo their- authority :±n the' sight of' tho papulae© or of rival states.

In the fourth Islamic centwy the legitimacy off the'

-sAbbaoid caliphate was threatened by a new rapidly sweeping wa?@ that came from th© west umd©r the nam© of th© Fatimids.- o

It mad© its appoaraneo ia the political aad religious field* This rial lag family pretended to be descended 'from

Fatimalu the daughter of the Prophet and denied th® aAbbasid right ia the caliphate. The Fatimids represented a shi*i

8 aect called Israa i.li8im0 forming.a great challenge and joopardy to the caliphate's existence.,. Unlike other independent rulers who paid apparent respect to th© caliphs ""they raised the claim of being the sole rightful heirs of

5 th© caliphate"« The nominal religious position of the sAbbasid caliph faced a groat throat in Baghdad. Qirwash the Shi8 it e ruler of Mosul ordered that th© 1C hut bah should b© preached in Kuf a» Made*in and Mosul from the pulpit ia 6 the name of the Fatimid calipho Mecca ia"the season of

1. Mieke Yolo II, p. 43S$ Jaw. Vol. VIIe pe 92.

2. Jaw. Vol. VII, p. 99°

3. Ath. Vol. VII, pp. 30«=32, 10 §. For further information 9 see Do Lacy 0 Learys A short history of the Fatimid Khalifat©, London 1925J, pp. 67 ff.

4. Philip Hitti, History of th© Arabs, London 1953, p. 617.

So Garl Brockelmaan9 History of the- jslamicJgeopl©8 »

London 1949e pe 158.

6o Atho Vol. VII, po 263 5 Jaw0 Vol0 VII. .pp„ 248=249. 7o

pilgrimag© toeeamj© aa as?©na of political aad r©ligio«Q

Qtrnaggl® b@tw©ea ttooe two ealiphSo The OmJ-bah MG

Iproaehocl th'or© raaay timo© ira tto© EaaBi© of th© Patimid o

@©lipho^ 2a thiQ ©itsaatioa loadiag aiJ,Iid personalities

eaj©y©d a great maoaemr© off iaflweae® aad prestige im

Baghdad and Cairoo QUF poet0© father Qom@tim©s took part

ia easing th© t©a@ioa aad settling th© disputes whets h© was

at M©e@a as a load©? of pilgrimage caravan©0

Broadly ©peaking0 the Fltimid© fownd sympathy aswoagat

B5 the tghl°it@©o Th© claim of this dyaaQty e©uld not fail

0 to ©sseit© interest among all sha, it©s"o Al=Sadl. hirae©lf0

os3pr©©G©d hi© leaaimg© towards this family raaay.times ia

his poetryo H© considered it a© hi© powerful backiag when

h© f©lt wrongsd or oppressed ia Baghdad la oa© of his

od©s he iadicatod that h© had intended to tak© reffnag© ia

Cairoo^ In another h© confirmed th© genealogical tree of

the Fatimid family0© descent from °AlI.o and accredited them

a© hi© paternal brother©«

Unfortunately0 w© have mo historical information

coae©raing the relatioaehips between onar poet aad the

FStimid family. It ia difficult to consider whether these liak© had a political background or w©r© merely personal

lo Jawo Volo VII„ pp0 53„ 80$ Ath0 Volo VII „ p° 79*

8o Atho Volo VIIo po 40.

S„ So I. arto "Swayh10o

4o Do So Volo lt p0 238o

So Ibidoo po 301o

So Do Ko Volo IIo po 972o and ffoligioms sympathieso K@v©pth©l©ss0 al^Kadl used 16o o

ehalleag© the ©aliph of Baghdad and place himself ©a a

footing ©£? equality with hicno H© [may Inlaw used' ouch pefPoponeoG So "tpoad on tho ealiph^s toes^o It is apparent

that this tendency earn© t© aa ©ad in 403/1011 <> In this yeap a cnaaifesto was mad© in pespons© to al=Qldip°s pequ©sto

H© felt stpoag ©aough at that time to assert hie demands.

It d©aouae©d tin© falsehood of Fltitnid descent fpom the hows© 1 of th© Ppopheto Gjp'.eat pepsonalities of different sects rh

put their signatup© oa ito ©UP poet found himself compelled to do ooo H© did aot p@f©p to this ©vent in his

pootpyo It is probable that h® took this attitude in accopdanee with his political plaa to maintain his pelation~

5 ships with both the Galiph and his fpioad Bahl al~Bawl©h0 th© rule? of Baghdad as wello

5 H©tupning to th© Blwayhid© relations with th© caliphs0 it is evident that» in line with theip beliefs „ they installed and removed th©m at willo Hhen political OP even economic condition© ©ailed fOP such actions„ they did not hesitate to humiliat© them OP ©ncpoach upon theip ppopogative©<. Th© uafoptuaat© ©aliph al^Tl^i* suffeped a

5 gpeat d©al of abasement at the hands of Bahl al-=Dawlah0 who succeeded his fathep aAdud al-Dawlah in 379/989o It happened that the soldieps mutinied against him beeaus© they had aot b©©a paido Th© Buwayhid ppiac© first seised his

lo Jawo Vole VII. p0 25Bj ©ee &th0 Volo VII „ po 26S.

2o Atho Volo VII6 p0 363o gee'Mea.Senaisaance of IslamP

tPo Shfflda Bwlchsho London „ 1937 0 pp<> 153=154 „

So J&Wo Volo VID ppo 34g-343? Atfcu Volo VII, po 147. vision,, t&a©n deprived hisn of all his property 0 but Hi© fouad that this Dioa©y was not ao much QQ BSC had O3jp©etedo On© of. his eEaaaeollos'Q advised him to eoafioeat© th© caliph°G

0 property to©0 T3a© plena MQQ earriad ©na^-j the caliph © treasury was sa

©a@h ©thoro^ °Abl Ohmjl11 relates that al~Kada. was oao of

thos© presemto Whom lis© perceived that trouble was coming D h© dioeeoGtly left tfo© palace.. Those who remained Mere subjected to many indignities<> Th© po©t described hi© escape while the multitude was attacking the caliph and imoultisag the n©bl©8 and judges«^ E±q lines ftia as follows s

How wonderful that I should retain my life after it has been attacked by disasters virgin and

And that I should have ©scaped on the day of the palace when others succumbed; I howevero retained SORS© discretion which saved me. I darted thence swooping like a shootings©tar© just as the doors of destruction were closing on me. Aftes1 the master of the realm had been smiling-

upon meB each of us affable to the other0 I found myself pitying him whom I had enviedj

truly honour and disgrace are near neighbours0 Hover shall I be deceived by a sovereign again 5 fools are those who enter sovereign's doors, 3

• I . I 1 s v-» _ — ' I " • \ _ • • _

lo Abu al~fida 0 • al^ukhtasar ffl Akhbar al°Baahar. 1st • edn. Cairo 1336/1907,, p7l97$ see AthT'Volo VTlT~pp° 147~148o

2o Yatlmah e Volo IIIo p« 141, See Bhayl0 pQ 213„

3o Bhayl 0 pp<> 313=-21«3s Do Ro Vol., II0 p« 867o 10 o

Bairn0 al= Bawlah was the masses' of Baghdad for almost

a quarter of a centuryc 379=403/989=>1012o His tyrannical

policy affected th© caliphs0 as wo hav© aeon above0 and

also vissisrso other officers and th© populace in general0

H© dealt cruelly with his followers in much the same way as

his predecessors had don©o^" His long r©ign was ehawe=

torisod by many dangerous actions against th© Baghdad

society., Th© ruling ©lassos were exposed to deprivation of

propertyo execution and imprisonment« Bven their heirs

3 suffered th© same fat©0 The poet Mihylr al~Daylaml0 in

on© of his odeso described th© fat© of the visiers as

follows s

You were imprisoneds and thus {are) the days of th< kings in which sometimes enjoy freedom and

sometimes suffer captivity0

BSihylr one© again described the Ministry as follows:

Sven th© bankrupt.bargained for it0 but non© would buy it for one ff&lg.;«

Al=Hadl. described th© rulers of his ag© as follows?

©oimo kings consider killing as booty 0 but had they been content„ they hav© found a ransom in wealtho

lo Mafisullah Kabir0 Th© Buwayhid Dynasty of Baghdad ,

Calcutta0 1964o pQ 90»

9o Atho Volo VII o ppo 165 o 1820 2<57§ JawD Volo VII „ p0

So Do Yo Volo Hp po 370o

loo po 47 o I

Is spit© of this roraga policy0 the Blwayhids mad©

contributions to cultural activities. They appointed many learned visiers aad other figures who took part in

intellectual fields<> Al°Tha "alibi, stated that th© leading

s writers of thos© day© w©ro fours al~Sahib b. Abbld6 Ibn

®l=sAml.do Ibrlhlm bo Hilal al-Olbi. and "Abd al=°As!g bo o

Ylaufo Th© first two were visiers of the Buwayhid dynasty

8 of Sayys th© other two w©r© in tho service of Adud al~

Dawlaho" It is related also that the al=>Slhib°s 'salon9

was a gathering place of many poets0 writers and scientists of that age*4 The list of famous viziers during this period

includes Sabur b. Ardashlr 8 who played an important part in

encouraging literary lif© in Baghdad. ,6He was equally remarkable for his abilities aad learning. His palace was the constant resort of the poets of th© day." Ho

founded a "'house of learniag in the capital,, to the library 6 of which he had himself presented 10*000 volumes,"

aAbu al-°Ala5 th© famous poet visited it. He referred to it in his poetry %

1. Dolo Volo IB pB 96.

2o Yatlmah„ Volo II0 po 346.

So Kabire Th© Buwayhid e p0 175o

4. Yatimah „ Volo III0 pp« 192<=193. §o Co Ho Shaikho arto gom© important personalities of

Baghdad, B.B.C.LI. 1939-40 „ Volo I „ pp0 305~327o So Ibid o, 12o

s W dT ^vj* ' JLp

And ia tea© hous© of SSblr0 a sprightly songstress ©aiivened our evening with a voice melodious as th© dOTC'So 1

Al=8hara,f al~Sadl. founded another centre im th© same city 0

also called '"a Sioiao of learniag". H© supported th©

students during their otmdies thor©0 As for SMburo

al°Tha8alibi, demoted ia the Yatlmah a special chapter ia

which he prais©d him mentioning those poets who celebrated

his d©@d© aad glory0^ Another famous visier worthy of

mention is Fakhr al=lulk. He was a visier of Baha* al=

Dawlaho '"He was gifted0 in addition to his abilities as

the great visierD with a fine literary taste which attracted 04

a number of poets and snea of learning to hi© patronage0

He was well=>known for his widespread charities and sponsor^

ship of poetso5 Al=Kadl was on familiar terms with him.®

and the poet Rlihyar called the visier0 in one of his praising 7 odes, a protection and refuge of th© people from misfortunes.

Politically B th© Buwayhid princes plunged into continuous

disputes and wars among themselves'o and simultaneously

against many powerful stateso They suffered precarious and

hard conditions ia Baghdad. Nevertheless <> it is arguable

L Ibn Khoo Vol. 10 pp. 554=555.

a 2. Jamil al-Millah Umdat al-Talibe, BombayD 1318/1900,, pdSS. i i "

3. Yatimaho Vol. III0 ppo 139=3138.

4. Co H. Shaikh o Some Important Personalities of Baghdad 0

B.D.C.R.I.. 1939°40, Vol. I0 pp. 74-98.

So Ath. Vol. VIIo p. 279 a.

6o Do S. Vol. ID po 322.

7. D. Y. Vol. Io po 358. 13 o

that they did their best ia patroaisiag intellectual life

whoa they had th© ©pportuaity to do oo. Among thesa °Adud

al=)D)awlah waa highly esteemed by Arab enrfaiiGts ao a patrom

®f ©eiomc© aad literature. H© was foad of both loaraiag

aad gifted M.^ Uader his wiag ampl© allowaaee© were

allocated to juris to 0 Quar'lnie commentators o th©ologiaao 0

poets and grammarians,, p8The young wer© encouraged to

study aad th© old to iastruet© talent had free seop@t, and

ther© was a brisk market for ability. It is said that he

pos8©8s©d a degre© of knowledge of various sciences. He

was versifier aad critic as well. Al"Thaaalibi related

that °Admd al=Dawlah uaod to tak© part ia th© discussions

©f poetry which was recited ia his houa© whea the poets

assembled there. Th© loading poet of this period al=>

Mutanabb! was attracted to hi© court. Oa hi© visit he

composed a number of ode© ia the prince's praise. He

referred to the Buwayhid ruler as follows. Having ©©en all (other) kings. I journeyed on till I saw their master. 5

This cultural and scientific activity wa© eoatiaued under

tho patronage of 8Adud ai«4)awlah »s sons Sharaf al°Bawlah

aad Bah!* al=Dawlah6 who appointed th© vizier Slbur as w©

have ee©n befor©.

lo Atho Vol. VII„ pp. 115-114.

3o Eflieko Volo II„ po 447.

So Ibn Kh. Volo IX „ p« 481.

4. Yatlmah, Vol. XI,, p. 217.

So Ibn Kh. Volo II o p« 481. 8eo D. ti» Volo IV „ p0 519. 14c

Ma ay reasons may bo suggested for th© Blwayhids9

encouragement of intellectual and literary lif©0 Oao of

thosQ mo that the political condition gav© growth to

challenge and rivalry in various fields<> A number of

states raised th©ir heads and established themselves h©re

and thereo The FltimidsD a© w© hav© s©en„ stretched their o

influence as far.as Syria and Palestine in the second part

of the fourth centuryo All these states took int©rest in

creating rallying=point© in their courts for poets,

scientists and other men of learning,. In the eastern

Islamic ©mpireD Bukhlrl and Khawlri^im flourished under

th© Persian family of th© SSamanids. These two cities w©re

reckoned by al=Tha"alibi as splendid centres of Arab

culture and literature.^* Th© Samanids were ousted by the

Turkish family of the GhaaaawidSo This dynasty behaved

similarly in almost all activities. In the western

Islamic lands, th© famous Hamdanid dynasty established

itself ia Al©ppo, playing a fairly important r6le in th©

fourth century. Sayf al=Bawlah mad© his court an attractive

centre of Arable culture maintaining the remains of the

spirit of Arab nationalism.. It is said that al=MutaaabbIl,8 3

6 poetry represented it0 The literary glory of this prine© s

court was so well known that al°Tha8alibi devoted a larg©

part of his work the Yatlmah to it.^

L Yatlmah » Volo IV, pp0 101-1930 194=303,

2. Atho Volo VII, pp6 341=348? JaWo Volo VIII „ p., 52o

3o Ho Ao Nicholson. A Literary History of the Arabs,

Cambridge0 1969 „ pp0 269=2700

40 Yatlmah. Volo I. pp. 24=300. It is worth mentioning another family that was prominent ia the political and literary fields. This tribal dynasty was called Banl °Uqayl = 306-=>439/99(3=lO9©o

Th© Blwayhids had a high regard for it. The "Uqaylids

occupied Diyar Bakr 0 al=Jaglrah and a part of Iraq.

Ahmad AmEn suggests that they maintained nomadic principles 2 throughout their lives. Th© remarkabl© leader of this 3 family. al=MuqalladE was devoted to literature. Our poet was on familiar footing with him. On his d©ath he composed 4 two dirges. In the west the Fltimids paid constant attention to scientific and intellectual activities.

They founded in Cairo an academy on the lines.of similar institutions already existing in Baghdad. It was called

'The house of Wisdom8.^ Their encouragement and patronage extended as far as Baghdad and Basrah. The famous mathematician and physicists al~Hasaa b. al^Haytham» was 6 summoned from Basrah to Egypt. Hilll relates that for a single eulogy composed by the poet Ibn al«=Hajjaj. the ruler of Bgypt delivered to him a thousand dinars as a 7 gift. It is of interest to note that this western cultural centre became a refuge to men of learning who failed to establish themselves in Baghdad or faced hardship

1. JLane-Pooles op. eit. . pp. 116<=117.

2. Zuhr. Vol. I. p. 5 8.

So Ibn Kh. Vol. IIIe pe 416.

4. D. 1. Vol. I0 pp. 285o 482.

9 5. 0 Leary9 op. eit.» p. 139.

So Brocklomaan6 History0 p0 160.

7. Hilllo Po 431. 16.

of living fehepe.

Froim this review it will bo scon that litoratur©

flourished under the protection of princes 0 visiers and

other governorso In consoquomce of that0 th© poets being

concGrnQdo above all0 with praising thoir masters,, had littl© opportunity to r©veal their own tastes and

personalitieso Moreover D it became customary for the poets to approach the patrons so as to display '"their goods"..

They used to wander from one court to another seeking

great rewards« Consequently0 patronage considerably restricted the freedom of th© poetso It is difficult to find clear exceptions in looking through many DlwSns composed in this period<> Bven al°Shar1f al=>Kadl.o despite his high position and overwhelming ambitions fell ®nd©r this influence.. Bulogies formed a large and important part of his poetical collection..

As for the Buwayhids ?- religious policy towards Shlaites „ it gave them the opportunity to practise a great measure of

toleranceo Meanwhiles political development,, in general 0

seems to have turned ':against the °Abbloids and th© Sunaites

a a© a whol©o Mu iass ai~Bawlah0 in favour of the °Alid familyo decided to separate them from the jurisdiction of

the °Abbisid head man0 naqib„ and put them under a naqlb lo Ibn K&u Volo IX„ p° 165o

2o The duties of naqfLfe) were to k©©p a register of nobility,, enter birth© and deaths in it and to examine th© validity of aAlid g©neologie©o He had also toorestrain them from excesses.. He had other special duties including certain judicial powerso For further information see So L arto Sharif by Co van Arendoako

See also al=Mawardl0 al=-Ahkam al^jfultlaiyyah 0 Bonn-j, . 1853 o PPo 164=171o 17 o

®f their own called the head of th® °Alid©o^ A© w© ©hall learn latero talc religious position was occupied by the

p©et°Q father tnaay tisn©Go Al~Kad3. aael hio brother „ al°

Murtada feecam© a nao)!to ao w©llo The©© three figures took aa important part ia th© political field under th©

Buwayhidso It is possible that ai=>Kadi()s family throughout

this reign had be©n acting as intermediary between th©

Buwayhidso the caliphs and th© populac©» Moreover0 the

8 rulers depended on the AlidsD including al=Kadx"s family, in their relations with the local population and many 9

other states at this tim©0 Al^SadS. tell© us in one of his od©s that his father played a remarkable r61© ia

bringing peace to th© Suanites and the Shlaitos after long violent struggleso H© sayss Misfortune o huge and dark~eided„ befell al^Zawra^«

Against %t you dr©w decision to clear ups and so to be withdrawn like false clouds»

You saved Baghdad from such a daye the thunder of which is still echoed by the and south windso JZMSX'

la aIzg al=Dawlah9@ reign al=>Kadl8s father apparently held so distinguished a position that the prince sent him

with a.Metter to the Hamdaaids in Mosul 8 concerning the « disputes between the two dynasties. Mor© than thato while

L al=Hamadani» op° cito , pp« 170« 179*

2o So lo arto '"Buwayh"6 see also Mes„ pp» 152~153o

3o Do So Yolo Ip po 71.

4o Atho Volo VIIo po SOo 18o

a war was paging b®tw©©a I&% al~Bawlah aad °Admd al=Bawlah0 a Turkish Qlavo boy of th© former was captured ia battle.

5 al^Bawlah appointed Abi Ahmad0 al^Kadl. © father a© aa

©avoy to °Adud al-Dawlaa t© discuss this slatj?o°© release.*''

Probably o because of these cordial relations between Abu

a Ahmad and the priac©0 Adud al=Daw!ah suspected his

attitudeo H© seat him to Paris as a prisoner0 depriving 3 him of his properties. A bitter aad distressing period

for al«=Kadl°© family. It started early in sAdud al=S5awlah °@ rule ©ssteadiag to his death as th© poet tells

us in his D3.waa0

accession of Bahi al=Bawlah,, al=>KadX's family

©ajoyed a prosperous time. This ruler assigned Abu Ahmad as a chief of judges „ and president of the court of appeal

Dlwaa al=MagllimB beside his normal position as the head man of th© aAlids. Th© caliph remonstrated against this decision and the prince had to retract his order. Ho reinstated al<=Mu©awlL im all hi© posts ©xcept that of the

4 i chief of the judges. However» Baha al=Dawlah had a great confidence ia Al^Kadl0© father. He appointed him as aa eavoy to settle th© disputes b©tw©ea himself aad Baau

0Uqayl<.5 0a oth©r occasioa© th© po©t's father appears to hav© b©oa iat©rm©diary during th© struggle between Samaam

„ Volo IIB po 408 5 al=Hamadlnl„ Vol. I0 pp. 233=234,

2o Jaw. Volo VIIo p0 98j Atho Volo VII. po 103.

So Do R. Vol. I9 pp0 236=240| Vol. II, po 800.

f. Vol. VII „ pp. 227=2285 Atho Vol. VII „ P» 294.

io Volo VII o p0 l§7o 19o

al~B>awlah and Baha5 al~Bawlah. Ao for al-Sharif al-Kadl-

himself o h© undertook th© responsibility of aacgbah o© 2 behalf of his father whoa the latter was still alive.

0 la regard to th© Blwayhids sectarian policy0 ©n©

would observe that tho first step, in favour of the Shiait©

soeto had been taken by Mu^iss al-Bawlah. It is related

that this ruler introduced two ceremonies. The first was

a public mouraiag which was made to commemorate tho

Martyrdom of al=Husaya oa th© 10th of Muharram (j&ahurl).

The second was the festival day which is called 8ld al°

Ghadlr ° in memory of th© supposed nomination of aAli by

th® Prophet as his rightful successor. These public

celebrationso which were performed by the Shl°ites . often

led to riotso upheavals and struggles between th© Sunnah

and ghi0ah. As a result of these continued troubles

throughout Baghdad0 many inhabitants were killed or wounded0

mosques were destroyed and properties were plundered.

Th© Sunnites were too weak to react. However,, when they

recovered some of their power •> with the begianing of the

Buwayhids" decliae0 their reaction was much the same. They

created two other religious ceremonies. The first was

called the day of "Mus'ab's Death".4 eight days after

°&shurag and the second was the "Day of the cave °"Yawm

1. D. K. Vol. ID po 1895 Ath. Volo VII„ po 198.

2. Ath. Volo VII. po 16So

3. Jaw. Vol. VIIo pp. 15o 16o 19. 23. 33? Ath. Vol. VII „ pQ35

a 40 Mus ab bo al=-Zubayr o is a son of famous Hawarl. of the Propheto al-=Zubayr fe» al=8Awwan»o He died in 71/690 fightiag against the Usnayyads. 30 o

al^Ghlg'" o -eh© day on which the Prophet had entered th©

@av® with Abu • Baits? o The Sennit©© celebrated it eight days

after cId al-Ghadjir.,1

Those sectarian struggle© dragged on almost through•

out th© Buwayhid regim©o Baghdad and its inhabitants

suffered frosn riots and plundering© Consequently 0 people had to save themselves by migrating from th© scenes of

2 danger., The riot© and mob activities interfered with the

daily life of the various classes of soeiety0 Ivea the

preachers, jurist© and theologians0 who sometimes incited

th© populace., endured misfortune© and insults. Hilal mentioned that the upper classes suffered seriously at the 4 A hands of robbers and insurgent elements„ When BahS al=Dawlah realised his religious policy was beginning to

jeopardise hie' position0 he appointed the severe vigier„

"Amid al-J&yush to control the capital*, The latter began

by stopping the ceremonies of the rival sects0 Then he ordered that robbers and mischief-makers should be indiscriminately drowsed in the sight of the people of

Baghdad«^ The inhabitants enjoyed a measure of security

for a whileo but soon after the death of this vizier they were to face danger again.,

1B Hi.Hl, pp0 864-365? Ath» Volo VII, p* 200.

2o Hilalo ppo 439=440.,

So Jawo Volo VII, p0 237.

4o Hilals p0 465.

So HilalD p0 467; see Jsw0 Volo VIIe po 2200

6o Atho Volo VIIo Po 254o 31 o

g Geaerally ©pea2tiagD a growiag OhI, ite rise ia th© political fi©ld b©eatn© appar©fflt ia th© fourth Xolamic centuryo Th© c/\lidG aad th©ir follower© w@r© abl© to tak© advantage of conditions of this period. P©rhaps t»@y mad© up for lost tism©. Numerous books about Shi0ism

MOJTO first written duriag this ©ra.^ Tfe© ©©ctariaa struggles b©twe©a th© 8ml.0ah aad Suanah fouad its way of

a 9 oa the occasioa of the °^shurl 0 ia memory of al=Husayn s martyrdomo Some of them directed se©thiag attacks oa

©uaait© champions aad d©f©ad®d th© Shi"it© eaus© S enthusiastically.

Th© foregoing review will hav© given some idea of the interaction between political condition© aad literary life during th© period in which our poet livedo It is hoped that this introduction will form a fitting prelud© to th© a©3£t chapter on al^Sadi8© social environment.

0 1. Do Mo Donaldsono Th© Shi it© Religion8 London, 1933„ pp„ 284=290o

3o Dof o Volo I o ppo 68D 14S? Volo II, p0 §3 J see D. 8. Volo I. po 33.

So Do Y. Volo II0 pp. 261=262| Volo III0 pp. 60„ 113. 113o This point will b© discussed at length later. THS SOCIAL BNVIRONMSNT 23o

Tho purpose of this chapter is to give a picture of

al^ad!0 o social environment., Imphaoio will bo laid on

the maim factors which affected oocial life ia general0

aiad our poet ia particular., But first0 social conditions must bo traced back to the °Abblsid era prior to tho

Blwayhids0 rise to pokes'.

It is well known that the cAbbasids owed their rise

to po^yer to Peraiaao bathes' than Arab aw» On account of thato Persian elements held a preponderant influential

position from the very beginning of the era. Their cultural heritage^ customs aiad stylo of life becatno more

apparent., Evidently 0 under the °Abbasid eraB as Hitti

put itfi "Arabianism fell but Islam continued0 and under

the guise of X®latm0 Iranianism marched triumphantly on".

Though Arabs, in general „ lost their important strongholds,, they still played some part in the 8Abblsid administration machinery., On al«Muataoim's accession (218/833) Turkish

elements appeared on the sceneo On account of rivalry

between the Arabs and Persians he found himself impelled

"to trust his personal security to a corps of slaves6 some 2 of them Berbers,, but principally Turks"., Consequently

they gained influence in the military and government and began to take their part in the '"Abbasid life in general«

This condition provided a fertile soil for fusion of

Arabians with those foreign elements,

lo Hittis op» eito o pe 987„

2G Broeklesnaan, History» p«, 1291 see Zuhr „ Vole Ie ppo 3=4.

So Zuhr o Voi0 Is ppo 8=>llo 24 „

The Buwayhido' invasion of Baghdad is 334/94S marked a new epoch at ©ho social aad economic lovo.Xo at that

•einQo They were foreign military leaders who ca»io from unsophisticated baekgrouiado „ and whose troops were

Day1amitea and Turks* Theiff appearance further complicated the racial elements of Baghdad and Iraqi society» Moreover» this situation formed a breeding=>ground for mischief and riots which were difficult to control. The Turks represented th© Sunnite sect while the Daylamites took up the Shi°ite eause° Lack of security and control gave birth to a variety of activities and conflicts.. The various ethnic groups demonstrated their existence in different ways.

It is of interest to survey the Arab elements and their position and influence in the fourth Islamic century.

The Arab tribes began to raise their heads« standing firm against a stormy tide of people representing different tonguest colourso temperaments and religion» Wot only

did they withstand the surge of foreign influence0 but they

also managed to maintain their entity0 trying to retain

2 the tribal syotem a© a basic pattern of tineir social lifeo

In a town like Basrah the tribal feud.still persisted0 and the Buwayhid prince» °Adud al-Oawlaa found himself compelled to reconcile the Sablaah and Mudar tribes which had been o ... im strife for a hundred years„ Among many tribes which

lo Zuhr0 Volo ID PO 87O

2o guhr0 Volo Ip po S85 Ihsan "Abbas, Al^Sharlf al°Radl

Beirut „ 1959» po 13 5 I.° A. °A11d B8ihyar^a^Dajyj^aml. ~0

Mo Ao thesis» Baghdad UniversityB 19S70 pp» S=>7o

3 o al=-Durl0 Bconomic History of^Mesoipoteiitiiia in th® tenth

century„ Ph0 Do thesis0 London University0 19420 po iSo mad© themoelvoo felts at that time were Banl Tamiim ia th© desert weot o@ Baorah aad Banl Khaf'ajah which endangered many citiso of Iraq and played a gi?oat5 part ia its ©iffai?s» la addition other important tribe© formed oomi=>dyaaoties here and there at that time*

The ^ariows elemeats of society ia Iraq in general 0 and Baghdad in particular „ mad© their presence felt ia

different waysD of which poetry was one* Non~Arab poet© of Persian and Turkish origin raised their voiee<> They enjoyed somewhat limited successes undos? this foreigsa

Thoir challenge to Arab pretentious pride became

loud aad ehasppo RJihy!r0 a poet of Persian origin, is praising hie national heritage» claimed that there wa© so growad to compare Arabs' and Persiano" glory. His line rssa© as follows?

There is a difference between a head in which a crown takes pride aad head© that take pride in Twrbasase 3

^ P.UJN j*> or" \j u C£

In Mihyir'e eyes the Arabs broke a promise in respect of

the Prophet's family0 Consequently e,,they deviated from the right Patho Ho addressed them as followss

1. Ibide o p» 171 see also Afch. Volo Vile p» 216»

30 Lane-Poole, ope cito B ppe 116 „ 1195 See gfuhrB Vol» I0 p» 68o

So Arberry8 Arabic Poetrye Cambridges 19650 p° 108„

4„ JJA Y0 Voio IV, p0 33So 2(5o

Y@u broko his covenants regarding his family „ asad swerved from the highway of (his) ordinanceso 1

At th© ©ssperase of the Arabs 0 the poetQ of f oreign origia were protad of their aatioaalitieso Thoy went to eh© leagth of digesting scathing eorameats on the Arabs and their prid© of being th® masters of the worldo They

©ailed on them to boast of being shepherds and caimel<= 3 driverso

In eoatrast • to this trend0 poets of Arab origin reacted aadl rebelled,, Al~Mutanabbl» and after him al=>

Sadl0 became aware of the racial conflictso These two ambitious poets fonaad themselves ia an atmosphere ia which

the superiority passed iato the hands of foreigners0 It is probable that the impact of this development led al~

Mutaaafobl. to express his iadignatioa and become rebellious in the early stages of his life» He first joined the

notorious Oarmathiaa movetneat0 It is said that he pretesaded to be a prophet and tried to win a certain Arab

tribe's confidence0 but his efforts came to griefAl=>

Sad! lad another sort of ambition<> He did not claim to b©

lo Arberry0 Arabic Poetry B p° 110.

So IQu Yo Volo IV o ppo 33S-33S.

3o Gustavo So von Grunebaum» Medieval Islam„ Chicago 0- 194170

40 Do Mo Volo lo see intro0 ..by al^Barqlqig Shawqi ty&yto Al°Fanm wa Madhahibuhu fl al^ShiV al°aArabic 4th

edn0 Cairoo 1®S00 pc 304o 27 o

a prophets but droaraod off assumi&s the Galiph0Q position

Ho directed his attontioa €0 those Arab tribal leaders as hio poetry i?©v@alo iia many odleoo^ Ther© was a likelihood thate h© eoaoidered thorn aad othor Arab tribes ao

psteatialiy paKs^ful backing to fulfill his dream0

Unfortunately his dreaim did not com© true* Consequently0

a sense of indignation0 pain0 frustration and pique could be traced in al^Kada.'s and al^lutanabbl's dlwans.^ Ai~

Sharif in his rebellion and indignation went to the point

of adopting the JIhilite qualities and tribalism0 while al^Mutanabbl Lamented the decline of Arab glory» He says?

Won gain their value through their rulers, but there is ao well~beimg for Arabs ruled by non~ Arabs They have neither education nor glory neither protective allegience nor faitho

JJAX

2 W* JJJ r J).

It is safe to assume that though the foreign presence

marked the life of al»Sadl'e timeD many Arab values and even Bedouin qualities could still be.v sensed and traced <>

It ia interesting to note that a poet of Persian origin„

Blihyar o was influenced by Arab principles <> la his praising odes he made it customary to lavish a variety of tribal virtues on his patrons of Arab lineage.. When he praised the Persians he added others derived from the "modern"

I, This point will be discussed in some detail later*,

2c Do So Volo I, pp» 174B 1820 378a 489»

So Do H„ Volo X, ppo 89 „ 1000 105, 177e 375. 393| see

Do Mo ¥olo 1I0 ppo 52-57„ 303.

4, Do So Volo IIo p° 714o

So The two lines are quoted from Ignaz Goldziher0 Muslim

Studies o tr» by Barber and §» M. Stern 0 London»

1967 ."""folo I., pe 142 s see D» M0 Vol= IV. p0 230. 28o

lif© of that tim©o and opok© appreciatively of their

5 glorious des@©Eito^ San al-Rada. © BjLwlja0 th© spirit of th©

deoort which thG po©t breathed 0 is an important feature

2 ®f his poetry as a whole»

Aq for tho strata of society 0 th© BSwayhids inherited

th© social system which had taken its shape during three

9 centuries of °Abbaoid rule0 At th© Blwayhids hands it

underwent limited ehasgeso However0 the struactur© in

general retained its maim features« To portray the

©ommumity9 ss form asad it© eourafeiaiation „ it would be con=

veaioat t© prosesat its gemeral picture which wao presented

by the historian Ibn al=»Faqi.ho The description runs as

follows%

Mankind was divided into four classe©s th© ruler whom merit has placed in the foremost rank; tho visiero distinguished by wisdom and discrimination;

the high placed onesD whom •••wealth ha& raised aloft; the middle class Auslt who were attached to the other three classes by their culture., Th© rest of mankind was described as mere ®eum» a marshy brook and lower animals who know of nothing save food and sleep.. S

ler th© Buwayhidso some aspects of this picture were altered» The military feudal system was intensified and a new class of Daylamite and Turkish leaders became the more powerful aristocracyo They gained ascendency over other classes aad played a remarkable part in all

1. DoYo Volo IP pp* 99~100p 101„ 396; °Allo Mihyar0 pc 113.

2o BoRo Volo Hp ppo 541-S^o 565-571 „ 596~S98o

So Ibn al=Faqlho Mukhtaaar Kitab al-Buldan 0 edo M0J0 De Goejeo Leiden p 1967; see LC. arte "Nobility;" a tr«

chapter from Mez's work0 "Renaissance of Islam" tr0 Volo III, -1939o ppo~58#~584o as-

walks of life From an economic standpoint 0 as al^Bura.

put ito '"the land had passed into their hands0 and the rooowrces of the country were exploited to the advantages of those outsiders who had little conmeetioa with local 2

ecoaoffly"o The other characteristic features of the

°Abbasid society were still as they had been before 0

except that those foreiga rulers brought foreigners to the most lucrative positions and offices.. Aristocracy of blood was still recognised and highly

(a? respectedo At the head of this were th© kinsmen of the

Propheto Baau Hlshimo made up of the °Alids and the °AbbIsidSo

This clam had its own privileges„ A© relatives of the

Prophets they received a salary from the government., In additiono they had their own court* Above them there was a religious leader called the naqllb „ who was appointed by the calipho^ Both the aAlids and the 8Abbasids were

addressed as "al°8harif"6 the noble. As we have seen before,, in the fourth Islamic century the two opposing offshoots of Baal H§§J|im were separated and every branch had its own chief. Concerning their living standards the

8Alid leaders had their monthly salary as the budget of 6 that time indicates. They seemed to be well-to-do. while lo Bo lo arte "Blwayh"o

2o Duri„ Beonomie History„ pp» 263=2640

3„ Zuhr p Volo I, ps 132o

4e R1©3B po 13 80

a 50 Do S. Volo I, po 114; Al-Tanukhi 8 al~Faraj Ba d al°

Shiddah . CairOs 1938„ Vol* II, pa 47o

©o Hilai al=Sabl0 Kitab al-wugara'" , edo Amodro^o Beirut „

1904 0 p0 30. the rost of their followers faced hardship and „ to BOTH®

esstento poverty o (Consequently 0 a large number of °Alids asad 0Abbaoids were foiaisd anioaig the people-who esagaged ia

2 ra.©to0 pluaders and other destructive actions in Baghdado

Broadly ©peaking0 al^Kadi's family had an important position at the religious aad political levels« It was

regarded with high respect0 and belonged to the aristocratic class as wello Our poet was proud of being a desceadent of the Prophet's householdo Though he did not regard

the position of aaqlb as his ultimate aim0^ he boasted of beifflg a chief of °Alids and the son and grandson of a aaqXb g

My mother's maternal uncle had assumed the position

of naqlb previouslyD Then my grandfather and father as wello I became ia charge of it (naqlbah) in my youths so is there a glory to be regarded as mine? S

The private life of the ruling classes and aristo<=

cracy at that time0 were characterised by a general decline and mannerismso futility and lack of stabilityo Fortunately„ many details ia respect of th© court=life and ruling classes are available in historical sources» Poetical

lo Jawo Volo VIIo p0 318i M©s0 pD 151„

2o Hilal0 p0 465o

So Do K» Volo lit, po 6540

40 Ibido

5o Do So Volo lo p0 277o Slo

collections contributed to give as a vivid picture of this

life despite the poets' exaggerations and falsehoods»

First of alio those foreign rulers (the BiiiwayhidQ) who

earn© frowa primitive backgrounds adapted themselves to the

civilised life of Baghdad. Moreover D they exceeded the

°Ateblsids ia their court^lif© aad display of wealtho

They adopted new fashions0 probably of Persian origin0

which were filled with ©sstravaga&ees and the extremity of

ostentatious paradeo^ The other main concern of these

rulers was to collect money by extortion or any other meanso They went to amy length to satisfy their wishes

aad interests at the peoples0 expense.

A close examination of historical sources gives us

a real picture of the ruling class's life ia its decline

and corruption and shows us the gap between the aristocracy

and the suffering majority as well. Miskawayh relates

that the first Blwayhid ruler built a palace ia the north

of Baghdad o H© spent IS million dirhams which h© merci«=

lessly extracted from his supporterso His successor0

al-=Dawlah wasted his time hunting „ drinking and

joking with loose womeno When he was in need of money,,

he deposed his visier and deprived him of his property0

Ivea °Adud al°Bawlah0 who was well=kaown as a reformer lo M^Birunio al-Sthar al-=Baqiyah can al=Qurun al =

Khaliyah0 edo Iduard Sachau„ Leipsigo 19230 ppo 133=

iggg see ZuhrD Volo I0 po 62»

2o Misko Volo IIo po 199j see al-Hamadani opo cito 0 Volo lo po 199 5 Go Le Strange„ Baghdad During the

"Abbasid Caliphate, Oxford0 19000 ppo 3330 319=320o

So al«Hamadan^.o opo cito „ p0 2340 82*

aad took interest in social sorvic©0 did much the same*

Ao a foreigner0 ho was saot th© father of the people* In

Baghdad ho oroetod a garden beside his palace which cost him fiv© millions dirhams* To find a place for it » ho

destroyed ammerotas houses* Bahi^ al=Bawlah0 al-Hadi°s

patron and friend was described by our historian© ao a

CPU©! and ill-temporod ruler* His lust for money and

tendency to confiscate the property of visiersD other official© and wealthy men was beyond limit* E® gathered 2 a great deal of money from many illegal sources*

la th© manner of their rulers „ visiers and officials mad© ao bones about acquiring money and ©states whenever

th© opportunity arose* Th©y realised that their pow©r would be short-lived and they always paid for it in full*

Insecurity of property and lack of stability becam© common*

Ivoryon© ran the risk of imprisonment and deprivation of

property or even violent death. Court intrigues and

corruption among the high-ranking classes became tho order

of the day*4 Money and capricious whim© of the rulers g determined the fate of anyone* Our poet well realised

this fact* On one occasion somebody mentioned at al-Sadies assembly that a vizier had offered a great deal of money

to gain th© minister's position* The poet improvised five 1* Tarikhe Vol* I, p* 107*

26 Ath* Vol* VII. po 268 n; Jaw* Vol* VII„ p0 264=

3* Ath, Volo VII8 pp* 6D 170 J Zuhr» Vol* I , p0 115,,

4o Zuhrp Volo 18 po 120; Tahl Husayn0 Tajdld Dhikra a 6 Ibl al- Ala » 3rd ©dn.° Cairos 19370 p« 79™

§o Mahmud Ghamnlwl« al-Adab fi gill Bani Buwayh0 Cairo0

1949p p0 §3* versos im which Si© sailed ona people to purchase a high jpasako^- Al<=Kad1L used snore sareaotie eonnraemts oa the o decline of moral principle aad the ©©rruptioa of political 2 lifo ia hiQ tiune0

The danger of deprivation0 imprisonment and corruption begam to threatea the families of those who h©ld religions positions» Neither judges aor naqlbs

0 ©scaped these practices•> Muhammad bo Umare a head of

the °Alids0 was arrested cnaay times; his property aad estates wore confiscated as wello Al=>Radl°s family

S suffered the same fate at th© hands of °Adud al°Dawlah0 o

Days of suffering and poverty left deep marks on our poet08 life and poetry as we shall leara later oa» It is worth acting that the office of judge at Baghdad was

auctioned at that time for 2Q00000 dirhams a year paid to

0 the prince © treasury» ConsequentlyB a man of bad repute and licentious conduct became a judg©o® The position of naqlb was put up for auction a© wello A certain ^Alid

0 paid money and became the chief of the Alidso Oa account of this o al~Kadi was dismissed» He was upset and angryo

He poured bitter comments on this °Alid personality who took over th© post aad deplored his behaviouro H© addressed him as follows?

lo Do So Volo IIB po 703o

2o Do Ro Volo I0 pp0 1900 230o

3o Bo So Volo IIo po 701o

4o Jawo Volo VIIp pp0 Silo 312o 213o

So Atho Volo VIIo po 103o

6o Jawo Volo VII0 p0 25 see Mez0 po 223o You gaia©d it (al^aaqlbah) by your moiaey aad"that was shameful enougho mould sot you possess it by §30ur glory1? 1

It is of interest to not® al-Kadi's reaction to the ruling^classes0 life with its moral decline and corruption.,

At first glance o h© seems to have talc en dual attitudes o

As a ".member of th© aristocratic circle and a politician» h© found hie fate linked with the Buwayhid rulefo Like the other© he seised any opportunity and turned it to his owa advantage^ E© carried out his obligations to justify th© Buwayhid rul©o la his poetry h© took pains to conceal the regime9© ugly sid©o H© always tried to present it as

fair and juste. Howevere he did not indulge in corruption..

On the contrary, al-Sadi had other attitudes which show him as a maa of principles who had a mission and ambition

in lifoo Accordinglys he expressed his reservations and refusal to condone such a corrupt life9 It is probable that he found it hard to maintain a balance between those two conflicting tendencieso He was not always able to do

BO. Consequently» conflicts and inconsistencies were apparent in his political life<>

In al«=®adl9s poetry this contradiction is clearly recognisable., In one of his odes in which he addressed

Baha^ al^Dawlah» he described him as followsi

lo Do Ro Volo II. pe 701i Atho Yolo VII. pe 16§o

2e Do So Volo lo ppe 2148 309e 320o Nothiag ©otablish©d kingdoms lik© a cutting sword a (Baha ai~Dawlah) B Which cam put an ©ad to deereed fat©. 1

la another od© te© directed oblique criticisms aad

biting comments oa th© rogim©0 H© described the ruloro as follows s

They encompass the noble men among us0 just as the bark dominates the twigo 2

Sometimes he condemned the ruling-classes of that time openlyo He said?

W© are ia the midst of a band which regards oppression as justiceo and which calls error a home of guidancec 3 .» lt>£ ^ ?^ * ^

The artificiality aad th© extravagance of the ruling= classes was well illustrated by their love of titles.

The famous writer and poet» al°Khawarismle who died in

383/993, poured sarcastic remarks on ruling^elasses and caliphs for their craving for titles. His lines run as follows g

1. Do So p. 8.

3. Ibidoe po 26o

So Ibido„ p0 2S0o Bhat matters to sn© if th© °Abbasid have thrown

opesi th© gates of honours and surnames 0

though plentiful the titles0 few are th© Dirhams ±m tho hands of this our calipho 1 5 <4J

Al<=Birumi (do 477/10§5) ©hares this poette opinion* He

©ays that "Wh©n th© °A!jblsids ; had decorated their

assistantso friends0 enemies indiscriminately0 with vain

titles compounded with th© word "Pawlah"0 their empir©

2 perished"o la the Buwayhid regime the titles were doubledo °Adud al-Bswlah b©cam© Til al=Millah "Crown of

o T . ••• : religion0^ Al=>KadI°s friend BahS"5 ai-Bawlah had two other titleso H© was called Biyl1" al<=£fiillah "light of religion" and Ghiyath al-Uramaho Al-Blruni adds that the

Buwayhids were th© first to bestow on their viziers and other personalities titles which really belonged to God»

They mad© it the custom to call their supporters "the only one" al-Awhad» "th© most excellent of excellent©"„

Kafl al°Kufate and so fortho

Many honorary titles were conferred on Abu Ahmad and his sonso al=Kadl and al-Murtada* The list is too long to O 0 be enumeratedo It was liable to be increased day by day*

The Biwlm of al-=Radi and that of his brother al-=Murtada • •• —1 9 0. ar© abundant with occasional odes in which thoy celebrated

lo Mes0 p0 87; Cfo Yatlmah B Vol* IV „ p» 2300

2o al=B£rlnl0 Ithar» p« 132 j Von GrunebaumB Medieval. po 212o ~™~

So al—Birunl. o Sthar 0 p© 134 o thes© glorious clays0 Our poet was pleased with these official honourso He seemed to talco pride in thesTu

Meanwhile0 when those artificial titles wore bestowed ©a

unsuitable persons he beeaim© angry 0 lamenting the laclc

off merito He denigrated th©m0 exposing the wide gap

between these titles and thoir true significanee0 He described them as followss

Aad title® of people which if you tested them you would find disparity between their pretentious words aad real meanings<> 9

Th© upper classes of that time seem to have lived

extremely luxurious and sensual lives0 They seised their opportunity in days of political aad social instability,,

They led dual lives, private and publico As ruling classes in an Islamic community apparently still adhering to

religious principlesB they pretended to be righteous» fair

and hoaest patrons0 Poets who attached themselves to them„ played their part in presenting this false and

artificial pictureo But e the private lives of the upper° classes took an opposite patho Accordingly» men of learning aad poets had another task in this aristocratic circle. They had to become courtiers aad entertainers ia

assemblies held by their lordso PortuaatelyB they indirectly betrayed the shortcomiags of this private life-.

lo Do Ro Volo I, p0 39„ Volo Ho pp» 7420 752. 884$ see Do To Volo lo po 2S7O

2o Do So Volo IIo po 905o S3o

with its joys o frivolity aad merrymakings 0 disregarding

th© wishes of their mas^eifOo Abu H-ayy'asa aX=Tawh£da.0 OSG of the leading wite^s is fete© fourth lolaraie eeatmiryo

0 (<&<, 413/1023} wrot© a book called' al^Imfa wa al~

^^faaaoajso I1S contain© intellectual and literary eonvQr~

©atioas which w©r© carried osa in th© presene© of the

0 BSwayhid visier0 Xbn !3a dano The author demoted a special

chapter0 ©ailed al^Laylah al^Mtsjaniyyah «=• the obscene sighto It is afeumdant with filthy and outspoken sensual descriptionso Frora a literary point of view these

©veaing assemblies aad gatherings for drinkiag aad conversations provided a natural hot~toed for short poeim©

£aX=Maqtu°at) which became ai iadepeadsat artistic tread°

This soei©ty~v©rse was eoaeerned with light-hearted aad

filthy remarkSo la additioa0 it eonceatrated on describing th© material aspects of the affluent life at that time*

A vivid picture of th© private life of the ruling classes ia al^Sadi5© age is formed in the Yatimaho Al<=

Thaaalibi relates that at the residence of -th© Buwayhid

a visier, al=&luhallabXD the judge Ibn Mp ruf and the qadi. al^faaukhl. among th© judges« and others met twice a weeko

He states that these qadis all had long gray beards„ He

L Abu Hayyan al=>Tawhldl „ Kit&b al°Imta8 wa. al°

Mu,*5nsggSh» ed<> Ahmad Amin and Ahmad al~Zayn0 Cairo e 1943, Vole II, ppo 60=60.

2o Yatxmaho Vole II, pp* 299,, 264 „ 307, 398, 404, Volo

III, ppo 2020 351. 272, Notes It is of interest to not© that when Abu a 8 Isl al=Munajjim © donkey passed away0 eleven poets" lamented on its death a£ al~81hib bo °Abbad5© requesto , This account shows how far the'assemblies and gatherings affected poetry and broadened poets"

horizons at that tim©o See Yatlmah D Volo III 0 PP» 218=23So continues that at th© summit of merry^makiag each man holding in hio hand a goldeia cup filled with Qatrabul

amd °U!cban?ah wime wonsld dip his beard into ±teB They would sprinkle oach other with it and daaeeo la the ffiiOFaiag they returned to digaity and cedaten©8So

Gorruptioa had infiltrated official religious circleso

2 Judges were accused of bribery aad even immoral behaviouro It is clear that Arreligion at that time became widely

S tolerateds moral deviation was frequento Poets addressed their verses to boys as well as to girls o"^ Judging by al~Tha0 alibi.8 a narratives oae would presume that debauchery

Mao acceptable ia high aad low circles»

Al^-Sadl's poetry was ©lightly influeaced by this social pheaoineaoHo Apparently he himself led a spotloos life<.

He used to state that his <:social life aad private life

were of high moral standard« Accordiagly0 his evening assembly was of different kimdo "limited aad unstaiaed by evil" as he tells us. Despite this facto references to

"lads" and wine are made ia his poetry» Al~Radi seems to be cautious and aware of being accused of leading a gay life„ so he put explanatory prefaces to these odes to excuse himselfo In one of these odes fee confirms that his

lo Yatlmah D Volo IID pp» 336=337$ Mes0 3-$7o

2» Jawo Volo VII o p0 186? Iba Kathar „ al°Bidayah'-' wa

al-Nihtyah D Gairo0 1939o Volo XI„ p° 237 o

3o Ghaaaawi0 op0 cito 0 p0 248g Zuhr0 Volo I» po 121»

Yatlmah 0 Volo II0 pp° 3450 365 „ among otherso

s ° Ibido o pp6 9260 2380 34§0

6o Do So Volo II o Po 7240 40o

friend requested him to describe a Persian "lad", la aaothsff ho describes a black girl at She request of his 1 eosfipaaioao H© also las an odo in which fee depicts aa 2

assembly of driakiago Broadly op©akiag0 al°Kadl had no

real eonneetiosa with these teadencies0 H© may hav© paraded hio originality in dealing with a subject which had! tooeom© fashionable in thoo© days.

Th© luxurious life of the upp@? classes was carried on at the expense of th© majority of the populations

Rules*© and their supporters mnissed no opportunity to

©ssploit the popuiace» Moreover D th& violence which became current on account of sectarian struggles made the situation much worse. Financial corruption© reckless economic policy and even natural disasters contributed to create the wretched conditions in which the population livedo Consequentlyo in the words of al«Dur1» "the social currents were stirring underneath the exuberant luxury of the wealthy class". The masses became aware of their own misery» They tried to assert themselves by stre©t-=riots and dofended their interest in many destruc=

tiv© waysB ©specially in Baghdad*

Our historical soureeo contain many accounts in respect of the above=mentioned point* They indicate that the heavy tax on the sale of goods became general practice lo Xbideo p» 729o

2o Ibido » ppo 7BBB 7866 913*

So Zuhr o Vol. IB pD 130? Taha Husayn, Tajdld„ pD 70 <>

<30 Durlc, Economic History B pc 99 = in the fourth Islamic eeaeairy. It coincided wit It famine which seriously harmed the popralace» Tass increased according to the rulisag classes0 need for money» Ibn al-Jawsi relates that in th© yeas* 875/985 Samsam al~

Bawlah endeavoured to impose a tass upon cloths of silk and cotton wovea in Baghdad owing to his need of money.

People assembled in the mosque of al=Mansuro They determined to prevent the Friday 8efvice« They compelled the withdrawal of this measures On another occasion „

389/998o this measure was reinforced and as before it resulted in rebellions The populace stormed the Par

al~HanmlI where the tax rolls were kept0 setting fire to it<> Afterwards the dispute was settled and the tax was reducedo Baghdad became an arena of sectarian and social conflictso authority was suspended and security was beyond hope of inhabitantso There were numerous riots and property was repeatedly looted by both bandits and officials..^ Famines became current events and death hovered over the downtrodden populace's heads as a result of epidemics and hunger

In regard to our poet's attitude towards the lower classes' misery and their horrible condition, there is no

trace of sympathy in his poetry.. On the contrary 0 he justified the severe measures taken by the cruel visier„

L Jawo Volo VII o p„ 127; Dhayl, pp« 119=130<>.

So Hilals p0 361»

So gh^ayl „ ps 197; Hilll B p<> 465o

4o Atho Yolo VII. ppo 131. 162 5 J«w. Volo VII. p. 121o "Amid al°Ja.ymah , in putting down public demonstrations,, i?iots aad protests, la one of his odea lie appreciated the vizier's control over a hard situation aad praised

the Buwayhid rule as well. His brother „ al=£flurtada0 did 2 much the same. The two brothers revealed an anxiety and concern over the lower classes" movements In another ode ai=Sad& was proud of his part in bringing Baghdad's serious situation back to normal.*^ It would be difficult to depend on al=SadI's poetry to throw light on the depth of misery of the populace's life. In this respect he attached himself to the ruling class and represented its point of view.

It is interesting to present the real picture of

Baghdad in the fourth Islamic century» which was drawn by truthful witnesses who suffered poverty and faced hard~ ship. They either failed to gain the rulers' favours or disdained to be under their service. In al-Sadi's time the famous poet Abu al~aAla3 al=Maaarrl turned his attention to the capital. He thought of trying his fortune in Baghdad, "the great field of genius and exertion, where talent of every kind had the fullest scope and the highest encouragement." In the capital he refused to pay court to the ruling classes and disdained to write verse professionally. His hope to establish himself came to

1. Do R. Volo I„ pp. 112-114.

2e D. T. Volo III. ppe 201-203.

So D. E. Vol. I» p. 2.

40 Wicholsoa0 pp. cito P pp. 313=314.

So Abu al = °AlS5 al=Ma8arr3.» Letters» ed. tr. D„ S.

Margoliouth„ Oxford, 1898p intro. 43 o

griefo He faced hardship and poverty» despite the high i respect with which he was held by men of learning,. He left Baghdad for two reasonst his poverty and the illness of his mother. When he returned from the city he sent a letter to his maternal ancle. He expressed his frustration and despair.. He made sarcastic comments on the capitals, revealing his alienation when he was there<>

He saide "I found Baghdad like a pie's wing=fair but carrying nothing",, As for his condition when he was in

Baghdad» he cited a line which runs as followst

Truly Iraq is no home for my peoplea and its door is shut against Abu Ghassan. 3

Abu4.*Alaa °s contemporary, the QSdX' Abu Muhammad

s Abd al=Wahhib al-Maliki (362-422/973=1031) suffered the

same fate. He was an able juriconsult9 an elegant scholar and poet.^ On the authority of Ibn Bassam, Ibn Khaliikon narrates that "Baghdad rejected him as is the old established custom of cities towards their men of merit".

On the occasion of leaving Baghdad forever, he said to his friends as he left the city, "Had I found among you a roll of bread every morning and every evening I should

Letters, intro. 5 see Nicholson ops cits , ps 314.

2o Letters» intro°

3° Letters, Bnglish version po 37 j Arabic version p0 30»

4o Ibn lb. Vol. II, p» 165.

So Ibid®,po 166. 44 <>

set have turned from your towa as I would then have i

obtained all I wished for". The capital of the Islamic

laado in hio eyes was a city of misery and pa.in0 He

portrayed Baghdad in a picture abundant with dispair and

regreto It runs as follows.

Baghdad is a delightful residence for those who have moneyo but for the poor it is an abode of misery and suffering. I walked all day through its streets bewildered and desolate; I was treated with neglect like a Qur*an in the house of an atheists 2

u?j*J> Cm u uu?^ (f \/ (3 cp^1 cjuds

The third famous witness who suffered in Baghdad and

revealed his indignation and pain was Abu Hayyan al~Tawhxdl.

Yaqut observed that this well-known man used to lament on 3

his misfortunes and complain of his privation. His

hopeless condition drove him to burn his books. In

consequence., a tearful lamentation was made for his works.

It is the tragedy of a sensitive and learned man who lost

support and comfort. Abu Hayyan found relief in pouring

his biting comments on those peoples who disregarded his

merit. He said B concerning his burned bookss "How am I

to leave my books behind to those with whom I have lived

for twenty years without receiving love or regard; by whom

often and often I have been driven to privation and hunger L Ibid»

2. Ibide, p. 167.

B S. Ibn Kh. Arabic version9 ed. Mo Abd al=Hamid,

Cairo. 1948s Vol. II,, p* 388. and galling dependence or reduced to the necessity of bartering away my faith and honour." He added that in tho lack of food he found himself compelled to eat the grass in the desert.

It is worth noting that the above picture of Baghdad*s society is still incomplete. These three famous and learned men depicted the social condition from a personal point of view. They revealed some aspects of this social life and its misery in so far as it had close connection with their own lives. However* they did threw light on the social environment in contrast with those court-poets and writers who played their parts as window-dressers of the regime and made no effort to expose the truth. But they paid no attention to the populace's misery. Neverthe• less, they did mirror- the gap between those poets and writers who attached themselves to the ruling-class and others who found.themselves close to the bottom of the social ladder.

Returning to the miserable condition of the populace in the Buwayhid era. it is apparent that the lower class failed to improve its state either peaceably or violently.

In consequence, it became a prey to subservience and despair. The poor took refuge in mosques and .saints' shrines. They indulged in hope for some anonymous saviour who would come to their rescue and lift them from their misery. Mez observes that in the fourth century the

1. Yaqut. Vol. V, pp. 380-3 81.

3. Zuhr. Vol. I. p. 121; see All. Mihyar. pp. 15-16. 4

st©ry=tellers iqtassas had com© down in the world to the

level of th© populace to whonn0 for money0 they related pious stories aad legends and tnade jokes in mosques and on the streetso They may have given relief and comfort to the desperate eoimmon=foik by relating stories concerning

th© rough and simple life of righteous men and priests0

On the other hand„ the populace's condition and social

disparity gave,, in one way or another 0 a fertile ground for remarkable politico-religious and intellectual move- meats.in the fourth Islamic contury« At the intellectual level the main movement which took place at that time was 3

that of Ikhwan al<=Safa0 "Brothers of Sincerity". la the politico-religious field there was another group called

"the Carmathians"., In Bernard Lewis's view those two groups and Xsmu| 8ilism were all different facets of one and the same movement which by the catholicity of its doctrines and simplicity of its purpose» attempted and almost succeeded in uniting the whole population of the

Islamic orient, irrespective of creed and social status.

Concerning Ikhwan al-Safa . they formed a secret association aiming at religious and social reform which g

made its first appearance in Basrah and spread to Baghdad0

L Mezo ppe 396-327,.

9„ Zuh£s Volo Io p0 121; "Alio Mihyar» p0 16c

3o Durle Bconomic History, po 88o

40 Bernard Lewis, The Origins of Is ma °11ismp Cambridge»

1940s see intro; Cfo Bo L art. Ikhwan al-Safa 0 by

To J0 Deboero

§o Hit13,0 opo cito o p0 372o 47.

This society produced some fifty separate treatises termed

Kasl^il Ikhwln al~Safa. Th@y comprised all the branches of knowledge of that tiraCo it is probable that they wrote them in a hope of popularising knowledge for the sake of the masses. Traces of sympathetic attitudes among these member© towards the populace are found in their treatiseso in one of which they directed particular attention to labourers and craftsmen whose nobility was highly esteemedo There is another aspect of this society's interaction with the populace5s hopes and interests•> It is safe to assumeo as Hitti put it. that this movement

"formed views opposed to th© ©listing order. It aimed to overthrow the regime by undermining popular ideas and religious beliefs.

It is likely that our poet al=HadI did not escape the influence of these movements. A close examination of his poetry shows us traces of Ikhwan al=Safa "s spirit. He left us two dirges in which he lamented anonymous friends.

The explanatory preludes of these odes are obscure. It

©eems that al«=Eadi was not in a position to identify his

4 friends for on© reason or another. In the first dirge the poet used the term Ikhwan al-Safa in identifying his friend. In the same ode he called his friend my

1. Burls Economic History» p0 88g B. Lewis, intro.

2. Burl, o pa 89 j see Bu$ru® al-Bustana.0 Sasaki! Ikhwan

al°3afa, BeirutB 19570 Vol. I. p« 91.

3. Hitt£e op. cits 8 pe 373? Durio Bconomic History, po 91.

4. D. S. Volo lo pp. 493=4950 495=496.

S„ Ibidao Po 495o 48c

brother (Akhi)A th© term which was used frequently by the members of this society. In addition» he described foio frieimd by qualities w&ich 8©em to be a part of this association0s ©thicso la the second ode the poet applied th© term Ikhwan al=Safa with a slight alteration. Ira

view of all these points0 one could suggest that al-Sadi had something in common with this society. However» our

poet was an Imamite personality0 who had at least personal sympathy with 5Isma"xlisra and Carmathians as we shall see later on. All those factors provided a common ground

between al-Hadl and this movement. Furthermore0 al=Sadl as an openminded^ man, may have admired 9Ikhwan al-Safa's tolerance.^

As for the Carmathians* they were a revolutionary sect which formed a remarkable force at that time. It began as an offshoot of Isma*llism and probably separated' itself later on. Its birthplace was the south of Iraq where a fertile soil was ready for such a movement.

Peasants* the poor and other dissatisfied elements placed their faith in it as a movement aimed at equality and

6 justice. Desert Arabs and elements of different races

1. D. K. Vol. I* p. 494. 9o Butrus al-BustanX. Rasa^il, Vol. I* pp. 43, 48* 53, 54. Vol. II* pp. 23* 94. Vol. Iv, pp. 10* 17* 18. So Ho used the word Aqran al-Safa which means fellows of

sincerity. See D. S. Vol. Ie p. 495. 4. Al~Kadl*s openmindedness will be discussed in a coming chapter.

So Concerning Ikhwan al=Safa8s tolerance* see B. Lewis>

op. cits 0 intro; Nicholson* ope cite » p0 370.

6o Hitt'i e op. eito * pp. 444=445; O'Leary* op. clt. * ppe 39-50. 49.

and origin identified themselves with this revolution.

To the end of the last quarter of the fourth eentury,

HijSss, tho desert in generals Iraq„ and other districts became a seoao of its violent activities. On many occasions they attacked the pilgrimage caravans that were 3 on their way to Mecca. In the year 375/985 the

Carmathians occupied Kufah and threatened Baghdad itself.

In consequence, alarm overspread the capital. Several times the Buwayhid rulers tried to make friends with them 4 and responded to their demands. Al-Sharif al-Radi*s friend Abu Bakr b. Shahawayh was a representative of this movement in Baghdad. As Abu Shuja* relates, that he

"lived in the capital like a vizier, obtained audience of the sovereign, who fell in with his ideas, while the grandees were afraid of him. put up with his arrogance, and obeyed his commands - for no reason except his relations * 5 with these people. Our poet indicated that Abu Bakr was g a man of importance in Baghdad at that time. The intimate relationship between them is evident. Al-Sharif al-Radi sent him a praising ode. It implies that Abu Bakr had high regard for al-Radl's poetry.' On the occasion 1. 0•Leary, op. cit. . p. 49; al-Duri• Muqaddamah fl al- Tarikh al-Iqtisadl al-'Arabi. Beirut, 1969. p. 74. 2. Jaw. Vol. VII, p. 121; Dhayl, p. 113.

3. Jaw. Vol. VII, pp. 51, 76.

4. Ibid.. p. 126.

5. Dhayl. p. 113.

6. D. R. Vol. I, p. 384.

7' Ibid.. p. 502. of his friend's death o al-HadS. composed a dirge in which

he oppressed hie rogret and paiSo^ Me called himt9 sny

brother'5 (Akhl) so h© did in his two dirges concerning

th© Qupposed motmbGr of Ikhwan al-3afl»2

From this above review of the Carmathians and

8 Ikhwan al<=|afa and their connection with Isml Ili8m0 it

shall be apparent that these trends played an important

5 part in al<=Kadi s time0 They helped to channel the

indignation and distress of the populace, and formed a

real threat to the caliphate and rulers of Baghdad. Our

poet as a politician and a man of soaring ambition to

assume the caliphate's position, seems to be aware of the

8 importance of these movements. In addition6 his Shi it©

backgrounds rebellious mind and feelings and his dissatis•

faction with th© social and political system of that time,

are all factors which played a part in strengthening his

links with these movements. Yet our poet did not

participate in such revolutionary movements. As a

politician and official religious personality, he probably

balanced his position against those militant movements.

He revealed his good will to the caliphs and rulers and

concealed his real relationships with those revolutionary

trends in order to maintain his close links to the ruling

class.

Thus , though al°Sadl turned hi© back on the lower~

1. O. R. Vole I. p. 384.

9. Ibid. ©lasses" misery 0 basing his stand on his identity with the upper class o he shows some leanings towards revolutionary trendo. The decline of moral standardQ aad the increase of corruption in aristocrat!© social life gave him ©ogeat reasons to deprecate and reject it.

At the moral level D he tried to separate himself from his ©lass aad lived according to his own high principles which gave him grounds on which he built his own world in his poetry as we ©hall learn latere Yet he could not avoid showing the influence of the age in which he livedo

As for conditions as a whole0 they seem to have been dynamic and filled with many motivating trends. The gap at the social and political levels between the upper

©lasses and lower classes was wide. Signs of affluence and hardshipo civilised progress and moral decline from

Islamic standards existed side by side. The fourth

Islamic century was a period of renaissance which reached its peak then took the first steps towards decline.^-

Fortunatelyo literary records succeeded» in different

degrees„ in portraying this important epoch0 as we shall see in the forthcoming chapter. lo In this respect we assess al«=Sad!°s time from the social and intellectual point of" view. It is plain that the political condition was in a state of anarchy and deteriorations as wo have seen in the first chapter. CHAFFBS III

THB. LITBSASY ENVIRONMENT B 3.

la the foregoing review of the political and social life of the age in which al~!adl livedo it has become apparent that there are many factors which contributed towards the shaping of literary conditions at that time. Politicallyo the Islamic empire disintegrated and separated into many states. The Buwayhids became the masters of several regions in the east and the rulers of

Baghdad. As we have seen befores social and political insecurity marked this period. However. this environment provided a fertile soil for literary activity to grow and make much progress. Fortunately<, the rulers of these states throughout the length and breadth of the empire were eager to enhance their reputation on the cultural level as much as on the political. In consequence, they established many intellectual centres and extended their patronage to men of learning. It is true to say that "the Buwayhid period", as Kabir says, "witnessed unprecedented development under the patronage of Amirs and visiers, some of whom were themselves great men of learning".^

Education and the dissemination of learning were facilitated by various means. Among these were many academics which were established in several cities of 1 the Islamic world. Literary gatherings abounded which

1. Zuhr» Vol. I. pp. 94=95. 3. Mafigullah Kabir. art. "Academies and Libraries during the Buwayhid Period". I. C. January. 1959, Vol. XXXIII, Ho. I. pp. 31—33. 3. See Chapter I. were held at the houses of famous figures ao well as at the courts of Pule^So Learned men used to attend such cultural aaeomblisQ, They would conduct intellectual and literary debates on various subjjeetSo"*' Tho recital and improvisation of poetical pieces was also a major activity

at those literary clubs0 Furthermore0 libraries0 both

public and private0 spread in ©very city» °Adud al~

Bawlah's library in Shlras was one of these famous institutions* al=MaqdisX tells us that it© books were arranged in cases and its titles were listed in catalogueso

H© adds that it was administered by a regular staffo In

Baghdad the library of Siblr's "house of learning" was

w©ll~kaowno Its books numbered about 10D400 amongst which were a hundred precious copies of the Qur^an and many monographs of famous writers •> Al-=Maqdisi „ who

travelled throughout the Islamic world 0 visited many public and private libraries and was able to make compa<= risons between thenu^ He pointed out th@t Basrah's

""house of books'11 was a big one and full of various Books»^

It is interesting to note that the famous vizier al^Sahib bo °Abbad had an enormous '--coUbectiono It is said that

L J^5h£0 Vol0 lo ppo 135 o 329<=23(K

a 2o al=Maqdi©l0 Ahsan ai^Taqaslim fi Mu rifat al^Aqallnu

©do Mo Jo Goejeo Sad ©dnD Liedon6 19670 po 449s

Hittio op0 cito o po 413 o

So See Chapter I0

4o lo Co arto Academies and Libraries; Jaw» Volo VIII0 po 29? Atho Volo VIIo po 324o

So al=MaqdiGi0 op<> eito 0 pa 4130

So Ibido 55 o

tramoportimg it required 400 earsi®l8o

Fv1©sqiuj®Q also fuflnctioraed ao repooitaries of books and suitable places for leetur©Qo The snoot iParaomQ of thes© was th© mosqis© of al^lansur ia Baghdad <> Al=Sa

disciple Mihylr ai=>BaylaimX weed to talc® hi© place there0 ourrowaded by the pupils who wanted to study his dlwan

S wmdejp his supervision <&t aaoth@r ntosqu© called Mao jid

Iba al°Mub!rakD the famous ghlfi°it© theologian al=>

Isfari^lnX (do 406/1015) lectured to seven hundred 3 students on theology»

From these brief remarks one would imagine that great opportunities occurred for people to acquaint them=>

©elves with various sorts of kaowledgeo The passion for learning was obvious 5 it seems as if everyone from the upper classes to the lower classes was eager to learn and participate.

It is ©trang© that ia striking contrast to the decline of political and social condition„ literary life was generally of a high qualityo The lack of unity throughout the Islamic laads and the emergence of many states became contributory factors towards the development and progress of intellectual movement a© a whole. Sven sectarian conflicts and social insecurity» which were considered

I. Jaw. Vol. VII o p0 180g Yaquto Volc II „ p<> 315,,

2o TarSkh, Voio SII„ p0 27S»

3o Jaw. Volo VIIo p0 277o

4o T0 Hmsayn0 Ta jdld 0 po 39 5 2uhr „ Volo L pp» 90~9So ©igme of deelia© mad© their contribution ia differ©nt

ways aQ w© shall s©e lage?. However0 on® might bear ia

miad that it ±Q0 by so moans0 ©signs© to ©aeouater maay oploadid pictures of th© literary life ia am ag© full of

anarchy and bloodshed0

Beff 0s1© going into detail „ we must state here that our aim ia the following survey of literary activities

is aot to cover all its aspects 0 which would b© beyond the scope of this chapter Attention will be focussed oa some characteristic aspects of the literary situation

which Q©em to have some close eoaa©ctioa with our poet 0 his works and teacherso Details will b© given in so fas* as they throw light oa the poet's literary life and elucidate his writings.

la the fourth Islamic century0 Arabic still maintained a dominant position throughout the Islamic world as a vehicle of its civilisation Its response to the requirements and needs of this new life is evidence of its maturity and flexibility a**" Meanwhile , linguistic studies kept pac© with literary development and expansions

Two features distinguished the products of the linguistic field* The first was the quantity of dictionaries which were characterised by an abundance of words and the organised form of their composition«^ The second was the stress placed oa derivation (Xshtiqaq) and the increased

lo Anwar Go Ghejne8 The Arabic language8 its role in

history e Minnesota, 1969B pe 68s

2<> 6Abd al=Sassaq Muhyl al=Dla» Adab al-Murtada min

Slratihi wa Itharih B Baghdad0 1957B pp0 41=42^ ' «oe of aaology (qiyls) 0 Concerning the first point „

Bl©s suggests tSBia® "In the two maim branches of Arabic philology = ia grammar and is the preparation of the dictionary •= €81© fourth century struck a new patho Like theology 0 it was then emancipated from till© ©hackles of

juristic method in external form entirely 0"^" He adds that old savant© concentrated on an individual approach and paid ao attention to the organisation of their works 0 which seem to be diseursiveo "The leading philologists

of the fourth century"0 ®o Meg put itD "felt the need of method 0 the s^stamatisatioa of their material <> la imitation of thiQ now method the study of Greek played the chief ?6le."S

As for derivation and analogy 0 the leading philo• logists in this field were Abu °A11 al=>ParisX (d» 377/

9 87) and Iba JinaX (d0 394/99J)o Both were teachers of

8 al=ladl8 a© we shall leara later. Abu All al-"-Paris! was greatly admired by °Adud al~Dawlah, for whom he wrote

Kitab al°Hujjah fx al°qjgagat al°8ab" "a book on seven

a different readiag© of the Qur aa"0 Amongst his other books are al^Takmilah and al°Idah.^ $Jith his disciple

Ibn Jiaai serious etymological enquiry began0 This famous grammarian and linguistic figure is the author of the celebrated book al°Khasagis and other important

10 Khuda Bukhshs a?t. "philolog" a Translated chapter

from Ao Meg*© work "Die Renaissance Pes Islams"0

L Co Noo III. July 19319 ps 443=4450

3o Ibido,

So Ibldo0 see also Zuhr 0 Volo II0 pp« 85~86o

4. Jawo Volo VII» p0 138? Zuhr „ Volo 10 po 2430 works. Amin suggests that al^Farisa. and Ibn Jiaal wore the founders of a BOW linguistic school which called for tolerant attitudes ia dealing with Arabic. They declared that language should be commanded by the people and developed at their hand©. Thoy added that Arabic was not a holy things their ©yes it was juat common property.

Accordingly. Ibn Jinnl waged a campaign in favour of derivation and ©aology.

la the poetical field it i© probable that this new linguistic school opened th© way for innovation and expansion and it may have encouraged the poets to enrich g and enlarge their vocabularies The influence of these famous linguistic leaders can be traced in al-Radl'8 works• He referred to them at many points and adopted

Ibn Jinnl's views when he analysed or discussed certain linguistic questions* In other respects our poet appears to be independent» but in general he used to mention his two teachers with great regard.

In the theological and Qur*anic fields. it is apparent that the Buwayhid era was a productive period.

The Islamic sects made themselves felt in this area.

1. Tarlkh. Vol- XI. p. 311 j Yaquts Vol- V. pp. 15-16.

2. fuhr. Vol. I. p. 185. Vol. II. pp. 91-92. Notes Concerning Ibn . Jinni's study on derivation and analogy see his important book al^IChas'a9la . Vol. I. published in Cairo. 1913. pp. 39, 133,° Vol. II. Cairo. 1965. ed. Muhammad *Ali al-Najjar„ pp. 133=193.

3. A. Muhyl al=Dln op. cit.. pp. 41-49.

40 Majasat, pp. 68. 197. 385; Talkhis. p. 186. 59c

Their -contribution towards the enlargement of the field

of knowledge is greato "The fourth Islamic century"0 in the words off H. @o Wybergo "saw the ohiaah flourishing and th© 0AbbHsid power disappearing £ the favour of several

Buwayhid governors now to some degree mad© good the loss of prestige which had been suffered by the ftlu°ta2iiafoon

Ho observes that this school continued its work and spread

to tho easto HoweverD Baghdad at that time seems to have been a fertile soil in which many sects and doctrinal

opinions took root and grewo The Hanbalites0 for instances who were sealous opponents of the Sha.8ites and Muatesilites „ still had the power to challenge other sects? is the

a Buwayhid period0 The Mu tasilite® suffered a serious split when the Ash8arites raised their heads against

them0 ilittl suggests that "The man credited with exploding the Mu°tasilite theory which has once become the heritage

8 8 of Sunn! Islam0 was Abu al~Hasan All. al=A®h arl (do 335/

936) o'"^ He began as a pupil of the famous Mtsstasilite

Abu All al=Jabbapl (do 304/916) then he separated himself and used his polemic© against his teacher« The harvest of these theological and sectarian conflicts and activities was a great deal of workSo It is beyond the scope of this

chapter to enumerate thorn all9 as our aim is only to deal with those having a direct or indirect connection with al-Kadlo o

lo I. lo arto the Mu°taailahB by H0 So Wybergo

3o ZuhrB Vol* lo ppo 329=326? Volo II» pp» 4=5?

Mes0 ppo 66~67„

3o Hitti opo cito 0 ppo 430=431; Zuhr„ Volo ID ppo 221=222o —- 60 o

The Shiaites who took advantage of Buwayhid sympathy laboured ceaselessly» and among many works which were written at that time was the Kitab _al~Ka_fl of al^Kul'inl

(do 328/929) containing 160000 Hadiths. Another celebrated book was Ma la Yahduruhu al-faqlh by Ibn

a Babawayh (do 3 81/991) o1 Abu Abd Allah Muhammad al-

Nu°man (d. 413/1022) was a well<=known scholar and theologian in al«=Kadi°s time. He was a voluminous author

whose works number nearly 200o The lengthy list of his books indicates that he waged constant warfare against the Mu°tazilites and Sunnites and was an enthusiastic

3 defender of Shi°ite opinion»

The two brotherso al-Sadi and al=Murtada0 made o o remarkable contributions to the theological and Qur*anic fields. Al~Murtada was a poet, credited with a Dlwan

of poems containing more than 100000 verses. He was a

prolific authorD and the list of his works proves his erudition in a variety of fields of knowledge. It is difficult to enumerate his books» but amongst them the following are importants

1o Ghurar al°PawaJid wa durar al^qala^id, which was devoted to a detailed discussion of some of the verses of

I. 1. lo art. Shi"ah „ by Strothmann.

2» al~Nuaman was the first to teach al=Sadl and his brother al=Murtada in their childhood.

3. Bo I» art, al°Mufld. by R» Strothmann; see also Muhammad bo Shahrashub. Ma"alim al-8Ulamaf, 2nd edn.

Wajaf„ Iraq0 1961,, pp» 112~114o

4, Co Ho Shaykh arte "Some important personalities of Baghdad". B.D.C.R.I. 1940-1941. Volo II, pp. 119-131. 61c

the Qus^ia with copious saotes from traditions and •a philologies! questions and references to poets.

So Kitab al=§hafl,c a defease of the ImSmite© of the

"Twelves00 against the alMughal of the &iuG tasilite ehief

8 qadl °Abd ai~Jabfear (do 41S/1034)o

So Al-^Maaa^il al°aasiriyyahB on th© difference between

5i the @hx ites and other sects.

Tho poot al-Hadl was a theologian as well. He concentrated on Qur^aaie studies and composed many workso'

He was credited with works dealing with the exegesis of th© Qur^ln. the first of which is Talkhxs al-Bayan fl

Maganx al"<)up^an in which the author dealt with Qur^aa from rhetorical point of view. Th© second is called

Haql^iq al^ta^wxl fl mutashabah al°Tanzlle in which al-

Radl studied the obscure verses in the Qup*an»

Ibn Khallikan highly esteemed al=>Sadl's contribution to this field. He says/'He (al-Sad'i) composed a work on

1« This work was published in Cairo. 1959.

3. Ibn Shahrashub op. cite. pp. 69=70. For further information see his Da.wan» intro. written by M. R. al-faffar. part I, pp. 117=194. Th© list of his works numbers 71 books.

So Ibn Shahrashub op. eit.. p. 70; see B. I. art. al-Murtada.

4. The list of his books will be enumerated in the next chapter.

5. Ibn Shahrashub. op. cit.» p. 51j Ibn Kh.s Vol. Ill<, p. 130. this work was published ia Baghdad. 1955.

6. Ibid.. the fifth volume of this work was published in Wajaf •=» Iraq» 1936. The others have not come to us. 62o

tho rhetorical figures of the Qur^an B/Ia°anl al°Qurgan t© which it would be difficult to find one equal in niorii'S it indicates the a©thor°s vast information in grammar and philologyo He drew up also a treatise on the

metaphors of the Qur^ln (Ma jagat a1°Qugfaa)D on© of the most remarkable works on the subject.'9^

It is worth noting that in the Buwayhid period it became common to find Imamite theologians who had

&lustazilite tendencies. Al~Sahib bo 0Abbad was a case e o in point. He was a passionate Imamite figure and

Blu°tasiliteo and in hi© odes he expressed his admiration for this school*s opinions and declared hi3 Imamite belief 2 as well* Among al<=>!adi9s teachers there were many

Shl'ite theologians who had leanings towards the

Mu'tazilites. Abu al=Hasan 8All b. 8Xsa sl~Hummanl e (d. 384/994) was one of them., He was a Shl'ite theologian 3 and well-known grammarian. In generals many other philologists who worked in the Qur^anie field had a sympathetic attitude towards the Mu'tasilites. Among them were al~Radi's teachers Abu 'All al-Flrisi and 1. Iba Kh. Vol. Ill, p. ISO.

2. M. A. Mu'ld Khan, art. "al-Sahib b. 'Abbad as a writer and poet". 1. C. Vol. XVII, January 1943, pp. 176-2051 Yaquts Vol. II» p. 276 % concerning his poetry in which he declared his Imamite and

Mu'tagilite belieft see Muhammad Husaya M Yasln„ 6 al-fahib b. Abbads Hayatuhu wa Adabuh5 Baghdad» 1957» pp. 85=86.

3. Yaqut„ Vol. VI, p. 2811 see D. R. Vol. I. the intra» A Muhammad b0 Uimraa al-Maraublna. (do 383/993) .

Our poet appearo mot to have escaped this sphere of influence. W© have already learned that many

c Mu tasilite teachers taught him. Consequently0 he might

hav© be©a influenced by them, la two of his books0 al^&la jlalt and Talkhls al-bayaa „ h© appears to be open~ mind©d in discussiag many religious questions •> He

5 referred to th© Mu tasilites opinioa with high regard0 but he £tlso referred to ©uaait© theologians with approval, la additiono in one of his books he discussed th© authenticity of a certain tradition of the Prophet and based his conclusion oa th© Shlfl it© qadl Abd al=Jabbar°s opiaioa ia refusing this tradition on the grounds that

the transmitter was hostile toward °A11 b0 Abl Tllib and o 3 was untruthful. In generals al=-Hada. reveals a gr©at deal of flexibility and latitude in his theological works.

8 a In al=Kadl s time al~Tha alibi, (d. 432/1037)0 ia his famous anthology of recent and contemporary poets and writers Yatlmat al^Dahro gave a vivid picture of the trends and activities in prose and poetry. It is probable that h© was the first ia Arabic literature to classify a work concerning poets and writers according to their

I. Tarlkh,, Vol. VIID p. 3760 Vol. Ill D pp. 135-136 5

'see ^hgii Voic II0 p» 89. la Amln's opinion al= FarisE and Iba Jianl were iafluenced by the Mu°tasilites. E® suggests that their liberal

attitude© ia dealing with linguiatic subjects owed9

in part0 to their Mu°tasilite leanings.

3. Talkhla» p0 i§§5 see MjajSg&t0 pD 49.

So Majjaalt o pp. 48M30. literary environment 0 and Si is method was imitated by •a

several authors. In addition 0 it is clear that the

YatjLwiafa fformo an important and reliable source for any

study of the fourth lolaimic ©oatury.

As for literary criticism0 the Buwayfeid period witnessed the culminating point of this branch of Arabic literature. Though the critics appear for the most part conservative in their attitude» and dominated by the idea of the aaiqueness of ancient poetry <> they also showed r©sp@et for contemporary poetry. In general„ they

coaeeatrated on certain poiat©0 ©ogo the miracle (XlJag?

a of the Qur an0 the dispute between ancient and modernB poetical plagiarisms and comparison between poets. With

9 regard to al=$iutanabbl. 8 poetry s the conflict between his detractors and admirers formed an important issue as well.

It i® worth noting that Arab criticsB as we shall see0

foeussed their attention on poetry rather than prosee and it was poetical form that engaged them while content

received scant attention. In accordance with this view9 the scope of our own observations on literary criticism might well be restricted to the method which was adopted by the Arab critics themselves.

The insuperability of the Qur^an is stated in the holy book itselfo2 and this belief became current among

I. Nicholson ops eit.» p. 348.

3. In the Qur^an the verse runs as follows. "Say if men and Jinn banded together to produce the like of this Qur^ans they would never produce its likes not though

they backed one another." The K©ran Interpreted0 Tr.

A. J. Arberry8 London0 19550 Vol. I» The night journey's Surah p. 312. 60 o

many literacy critics and theologians who discussed it

Sworn a rhetorical point of view and confirmed the

stylistic uniqueness ©f the Quartan. They made a vital

contribution to the field of literary eriticismo

5 "Discussion of the stylistic virtues of the Qur an"0 a©

Gruaebaum put it0 "turned out to be fruitful of critical

investigation".1 Al~BlqillanX (do 403/1013) the

passionate defender of Ia jlz shows how far the studies

of the Qu2P*Sn°s insupersMlity led him to deal with the

rhetorical figures used by poets and draw comparisons

between the use of these metaphors in poetry and the

holy boo&o^ The author analysed the Musallaqah of Imru*

al=Qays and subjected it to a systematic aesthetic

criticism. He used the same method for a poem of the

°AbbSsid poet al-Buhtura.^ Al~Kadles teacher al~Kummanl also used this system. In his comparative study of the

stylistic characteristics of the Qur^an and Arabic style

in generalD like the others he concluded that the holy

book has its own inimitable style. He discussed many

rhetorical questions such as conciseness0 metaphorse A

similese rhyme„ exaggeration and so forth.

As for our poet w© have already mentioned his two works concerning Qur^anie study. In his book Talkbig

1. Von Grunebaum0 art. Arabic literary criticism in the

10th Century A. P. J. A. 0. 3. 1941 „ Vol. 61 „ pp0 51-S7.

3. BaqillanX. pp. 100=143.

3. Ibido o pp. 184<=2100 244-272.

4. Muhammad 2a.gh.lul Salam. Athar al~Qurgan fl Tatawwur

al~Naqd al^Adabit, 2nd ednT~€airo0 .19610 pp« 234~2§6o al-Bayam he stated in the introduction that his work was

intended to trace the metaphors in the holy book in a

systematic way beginnimg with the first surah and closing with the final on©o Al~KadX. made references to another book written by him in which he stated that h© had dealt with the metaphorical figures isa the Qur^anic style and

pointed out that th© eloquence of the Quartan is beyond the capability of human beings.

Concerning the dispute of ancient and modern poetry D it seems to have been a lasting problem in Arabic literary criticism which might bo dated back to the early "Abfoasid

periodo Philologists and transmitters of poetry were conservative in general and their hostility to contemporary poetical trends was obvious. Poets made only a limited

effort to modernise their style and content. Iven Abu

Nuwas who claimed to have freed himself from traditional shackles in poetry s©ems to adhere to old poetical conventions in his praise.

The dispute took a more mature form in the fourth

Islamic century. Critics concentrated on two poets3 Abu

Taramam0 whom they regarded as a modern poet in his style and al~Buhtur! t, considered to be a representative of the

1. Talkhls0 imtro. p. 1; see pp. 30 4« 288.

9o Ibido 0 p0 lo

3. Muhammad Mandur0 al°Kaqd al^Manhajl °Ind al°°ArabB

Cairo, 19480 pp. 60=61 c.f. Mahmud ai-Kabdawl„

al^Harakah al°Maqdiyyah Hawla Abl Tammam0 Beirut„

n.do part 10 ppo 20. 210 22.

a 4o Muhammad Mahdl al=Basir» PI al°Adab al° Abbagl0

2ad edn. Baghdad0 19i50 p0 194c 69 o

SIPaditional form of Arable poetry. However0 they did

mot restrict themselves to those issues.. The field was

enlarged and emriehedo and raaiay important points

concerning literary criticism wer© discussed and studied.

Poetical plagiarism received particular attention in

al<=Madl0@ time. Critics appear to be tolerant in this

respects and their attitude seems to bo .fairly flexible.

Atoi al~Haoan °A11 fe. °Abd ®l°°A^ls ©l°Jurjaal (do 892/

1001) in hi© book al~Was§tah Bayn al^Mutanabbi wa Khuslmih,

states thats

Plagiarism (he sums up) is an ancient disease and an inveterate blemish. If you are just» you will realise that the people of our age, and of the ag© after us. are snore excusable and less blameworthy» because those who preceded us have exhausted the ideas and outstripped us to them* using up the great majority; what remains has been lefts out of either aversion or disdain or remoteness or intractability. When any of us makes a great effort and applies his whole mind and thought to produce an idea which he thinks to be strange and originals and to compose a verse he suppose© unique and unprecedented * and the® searches through the dlwans for it* he will not fail to find it exactly* or to find 60me-= thing like it which diminishes its beauty. 1

These opinions became current and acceptable at that

time. Al~Sahib b. aAbbad declared that borrowing from

poets later that al=-Buhturl was plagiarism and literary

theft. This shows that in his opinion it is excusable

1. Jurjanl, p. 168* see the gnglish version* A. J.

Arberry* Poems of al=Mutanabb!* Cambridge * 1967B pp. 19«=13s the same attitude towards poetical plagiarism was taken by Imidl in his book al^Muwasanah, pp. 151* 149o and al=8Askarl in his work"al=Sinl*atayn * p. 196.

2. Mo A. Mu3ld Khan art. al-fthib * lo C. 1943„ Volo 17 „ pp. 176=208o * (§8o

for poets to borrow their meanings from th© early sAbbaoid

period.

Howevero critics in the fourth Islamic century

believed that th© age of innovation ia poetical composition

had clos©do while the a©w epoch of ©nrlchtn©nt aad

©alarg©im©at of ancient meanings had dawaodo Th© develops m©nt of a eonv©atioaal them© by new shading is nearly

as highly esteemed as the creation of an unique one.

As for our po@t0 al=Madi0 he appears to share this

©pinion.. H© demaad©d of a '"modern111 po©t who had looked through various poetical collections and .- assimilated ancient meanings that he take pains to improve thes© meanings and detail them. He admitted that th© ancients ohould take the credit for the ereatioa of meanings and th© "moderns" should improv© on them. In connection with this al-=Kada. gives an example of al=Mutaaabbl°s poetry ia which the po©t took an ancient them© aad improved upon it.

In al=Kadl°s ey©s al^Mutaaabbl's concept surpassed the origiaalo

Critics made further coatributioas with regard to ancient aad modern poetry. Although„ th©y missed no

opportunity to reveal their admiration for ancient poets0 they also showed signs of responding to th© environment.

They did not fail to find links between the poet aad life or at l©ast to avoid contradiction between them. la

1. ffasa^ilo pp0 88~89.

2. Von Grunebaumoart. Literaror ary criticism0 J. A. 0. 85. 69.

airraids.'s eyes0 the urban poet should us© his own

vocabularieso^ Meanwhile0 critics warned modern poets

t© bo cautiouo of indulging ia simplicity aad vulgaritya

0 In al=Jurjaal s opinion0 poets should aot adopt

absolute simplicity to the level of weakness 5 the best

style is that which takes the middle way betweea the

vulgar aad B©douia styles.

It is noteworthy that critics ia th© fourth Islamic

century b©gaa to pay attention to th© conteat of poetical

composition. Although they disagreed on this subjects, the

importance of it was recognised. Isa practical criticism

s al~ Askari stands for the supremacy of the idea0 but

theoretically he insist© on the significance of the form 0

while al-=Hmidi appears to be a moderate. His view is that

the vers© should be considered under three aspectss verbal

expression (£afg) ; Idea (Masna) and composition (Najsm).^

Al«=Sadi himself declared that words should serve their o B meanings0 and he developed this opinion in his poetry.

Ho stated that poetical balance must be maintained between

the form and content, and claimed that he adopted this

principle in composing his own poetry. The last important feature of literary criticism ia

1. Imidle p. 201.

6 3. Jurjanle p. I85 see Sina atayn B pQ 148.

3. 8inaaatayn „ pp. 58~59;s Von Grunebaum art. Literary Criticism» in J. A. 0. S.

4. Timid!0 p. 183.

5. TalkhiSo p. 244.

60 D. R. Vol. II0 po 957. 70 o

aX=Kadx0G time io the dispute eone©raiag aX=MtsttanabblL as

Q pG^oomality aad a poeto Thio poet was a eoatroversial '

and .iaffIt2©atiaX figure during bis lifetime aiad a long

timo after bis d©atb0 His admirorG aad detractors have

different specialities 0 backgrounds and tastes 0 but massy

of them represent a high level of learning and erudition°

Tb© list of books writtea by them oa this mat test" is too . long to be enumerated <> Among many important people who

stood by al^MutaaabbX0 Iba Jinal. is worthy of meatioa0

This famous© grammarian aad philologist was considered aa

authority oa aX=Mutaaabba.'s poetry0 Atnoag bis works

is a eommentayy oa al=Mutanabbi's' poetical collection

called al~Pasr "the explanation'^ It was described by

Hilll as exhaustive ia character» coataiaing a quantity

of grammatical aad lexicographical material» Another

admirer of this poet was bis own transmitter Abu al"Hasan

Muhammad bD Ahmad al-4SaJghgibl who composed two books in I? defence of the poets

The detractors of al°Mutanabbl during his life aad

after bio death were numerous aad the dispute went

throughout th© length aad breadth of the Islamic empire

4 for many centuries. Ibn Furrajah (bo 330/941) wrote

two works ia which he criticised Ibn Jinnies commentariess

lo Yatlmah, Vol„ I „ po 1340

3o Hilal. po 443o

3o Yaqut „ Vol* VI, p<, 374.

3 40 Do Mo iatroo by aX~Barquqlg see also Abd ai~Rahman Shuaayb» al~Mutanabbl Baya Naqddlh fl al°qadlm wa al°

HadXfth » Cairo» 19640 pp„ 3X-=43o Th© first was al-Fath °ala Aba. al°gath, t«© soeoad was

al^tajaaaa. °alfi Ifon JiaalU^ Asnomg those who wagod a

©arapaig® ©galas'© taio faraotas poot ia Eaio is,?©Sinn© wao

Abl °AI1. Muhammad bo al-Etooaa al^HStiml (do 300/998)0

Ho declared hie hostility towards tho poet aad

@riti<8is©d aisn violeatly ia a treatise called al^Sigalah

al^Muwaddihah fl dhifer oariqlt al=Mutanabbio^ Th© famous©

visier al=>Sahib bo sAbbad took his part ia thio eampaigHo

1© devoted a work ealled al^Kashf °aa masaw^1 Qh.±9g al°

Mutaaabbl to tracing th© poet©" shortcomings and defect©

ia eoiwp©Qitioaou

This loag°liv©d aad heated dispute paved th© way for

other authors to play th© role of judg©s<> Al-Tha3llibi

ia his work Yatlmat al-dahr aad al~JurjanX ia his book

al°was!tah tried to hold th© scale of justice between

al=Mutanabb3LB8 adimir©r@ aad detractors0 Al°°Tha8alibX

devoted a loag chapter to th© poet9© defects aad merits-^1

The author8 as Nicholson put it, "b©ar© witness to the

unrivalled popularity of the al=Mutaaabbi9s dlwan amoagst

all classes of society» he observes that it was sharply

lo Do Mo iatro*.; see also MandTir ope cita 8 pp« 15 § «164e Notes Iba Jiaal wrote another explanation which is ealled al«Pasr al ~Sajyil.ro It has been edited by Mwhsin Ghayyad and published ia Baghdad under the titles Al<=Fath al=Mahbl 41 all Muehkilat al=MutaaabbX„ 1973» The first volume of al°Fasr al-Kablg was edited and published by §« Khulusy, Baghdad„ 1970„

2o The treatise was edited by Muhammad Yusuf NajmB

Beirut 0 1965 „ see pp0 38 ^e 94o

3« Yaqut, Vol„ II0 po 3l6g Maadur„ opa cite„ ppe 181-187„

40 Yatlmah» Vol0 I» ppo 137~24Qo 72o

critieioed ao well as rapturously admiredIn another part of hio Yatlnmh a© otates that ©vera thoso who deaiod aX«=Mna£anabb3?Q merito WOE1© iaflueaeojlby h±a po@try» la feia view al=>81hib bo Abbad waa a ease in pointo The

©eeond judge al=Jurjani left a book of great importance ia Arabic literary criticism,, In his work the author« before entering into his main topic„ reviewed the characteristic feature® of Abu Tarnmam and al^Buhtura.6 s poetry and studied the shortcomings of poetry in general 3 and the rhetorical side of the structure of the ode*,

By a comparative method he drew a distinction between

Abu Nuwls and Ibn al-Ruml^ and proceeded to deal with aX=Mutaaabb!ow His eoaeestration on poetical plagiarism» which engaged Arabic critics» is of great merit and illustrate® his erudition is ancient and "modern89 poetry. °

In general a he seems to be moderate when he discusses and repudiates critical observations put forward by al=Mutanabbi's detractors, but he did not fail to expose the poet's shortcomings and defects,,

Al-=KadI inhaled the atmosphere of al=Mutanabbles influence in one way or another and witnessed the dispute on this poet. Some of his teachers and friends supported

lo Nicholson op. cit„, ppa 308-309a

2o Yatlmah , Vol. III, pp0 139-X42i see Vole I. p0 1430

So Jurjlnle ppe 7B 14„ 37 .

4. Ibid© s p» 42.

Bo I bid a, » pp0 64=135 o

6 ° Ibid.6 ppo 136-159. al=8i5natanabbi or took oideo against hirnio His brother

al=41ra:?tad§0 for instance„ had a stroiag dislike of h±ma

Ho pist his prejudice in practice by eriticisi&g Iba

Jinn!08 commentary on al~Muitanabtoi0 o diwaao la al~

D Kadi G dlwiaaD as w© Qhall see later 0 the st^mp of al<=

Mmtanabbl0© style and spirit is visifoleo Although he did sot take part in this disptateo hi© response to it was

of lasting imminence is hie poetry» la addition0 ho referred to this great poet with admiration and high respeeto In his correspondence with his friend al^Sablo 3

his comments imply such esteems Furthermore s ho drew a brief comparison between three important poetss Abu

Tammlnto al^Buhturl and al^Mutanabblo la his view "Abu o

Tamrciam is a pulpit<=preacher B al^Buhturl. a describes of the wild cow while al^Mutanabbl is a slayer of armies <>^

Al=Sadlc3 estimation of these famous poets seems to be

obscureo Howeve?e it could be infested that he assessed each one according to his distinguishing characteristic*

It implies that Abu Tammam's poetry was distinguished by wisdom and an argumentative tone» while al^Buhtura. succeeded in his descriptions of desert and coloured his poetry with his own tender sentiment<> As for ai=$Sutanabb!» his poetry, as al=Sadl observes, is impregnated with bellicose words and filled with displays of strength*

1- Yaqlto Volo V, p0 1740

2= Rasagil „ pp<» 89°90o So Diyl5 al-Dln bo al»Ahlr » al=felathal al°saair fl adab al=Katib wa al^Sha^iro ed. Muhammad Muhyl al~Bln BAbd

al=>Hamld0 Cairo, 1939„ ¥ol0 IIo p« 396e o V4„

Frotn the proeoedimg survey <> it lias become plain that

© remarkable development arad growth in various literacy i?iolda ©laraeteriOod al^Sadl's time Tie 1'iot of pooto asd writors who flo«rished in tfinis period! is too lengthy to bo ©a«M©ratod aad thoir lasting contribution t© poetry and pros© is beyoad ©nsr scop© to review in detail<>

Howevoro it would be fitting to trace the important artistic features which distinguished the prose and poetry

of that time0 Also e references will be mad© to these pioneering poets and writers who took part in developing

the form and content of belles-lettres. Furthermore0 interaction between literary trends and the political and social conditions of al~Radi9s time will be illustrated o in so far as these influences seem to be visible and

©ffeetiveo Concerning our poeto particular attention will be given to an estimate of his place in and contribution to this field.

With regard to prose„ it underwent a radical change in form and content. This development can be recognised in official letters "al^Raol^il al^sultaniyyah'9 „ private correspondence "al^Kasa^il al-Xkhwaniyyah18 and the

Magain!to As for the form the passion for rhymed prose and the search for ornamentation became widespread.

Embellishments in generals, was considered a characteristic

1 feature of official and private letters. Consequently,, the style of writers was bound to be affected and artificial. Al°3abi and al-Slhib b. 4Abbld were true O O O

s 1. 2£akl Mubarak« al°Nathr al°Paaa£ fx al-qarn al°rabi (,

CairoB 1934„ Vole I,"po 105. representatives of this literary style. The former was

highly esteemed for his contribution to setting tho

stasidard for official correspondence. In Meg's view, his

style was admired up to the twentieth centwry. He says,

"liven today the letters of al=Sibi can be read with relish and admiration for the command of language which

enlivens -'even business correspondence with delightful diction» adorns it with pleasing rhymes and embellishes it with wit and humour I' As for al~81hib, his love of rhyme was extreme. He is said to have had a mania for ito

He was possessed by it to the point that he would not miss an opportunity for it even to destroy everything or to risk the greatest dangers.^ This tendency towards the use of flowery embellishment encroached upon private correspondence too* A glance at the Yatlmah shows us to what extent those writers in the fourth Islamic century were attracted by rhetorical and verbal ornament.

Nevertheless, this artistic .surge failed to achieve absolute mastery over prose. Many writers seem to be quite sparing in the use of rhymed and flowery diction.

Abu Hayyan al=Tawhldl and al-Sadl in their correspondence and proso-writings and al-Jurjlni in his critical work

X. Mez, p. 243. See Nicholson, op. cit.. pp0 337=328. This point of view is acceptable from a conservative standpoint rather than a modernist. It is well-known that modern prose today is free from rhyme, and to a further extent* from embellishment.

2. Abu Hayyan al-Tawhxdl, Akhlaq al-»wazlrayn, ed. Muhammad b. Tawit„ Damascus, 1965, p. 124. See Yaqut, Vol. II, p. 291.

3. Yatlraah. Vol. II. pp. 2 5-1-= 252 „ 316-317, Vol. Ill, pp. 198-199o 201. represent this moderate tr©ad0 They are not enamoured

of artistic embellishments and rhyme to the extent of

saerificisag [email protected] on th© .'.altar off artificiality.^

Art proo©0 in general „ made much progress in al=

Kadi,0© time and became close to poetry in regard to its

form0 content and other qualitieSo Johann Puck observe©

that in the fourth Islamic century» flexibility0 finesse0

politeness and elegance were what on© expected in good

styleo He adds that these qualities were as necessary

for prose as for poetry•> He concludes that poetry had

now become rhetoric and drew closer toward proseo On the

other hando rhymed pros© acquired a poetic characteristic^

Of courseo many poets of the fourth Islamic century were

prose writer© as well0 and famous pros© writers were

known to have composed poems of aote0 Among those who

were known as poets and prose writers were al«=Kadi0 his

a brother al=Murtada» al~Sahib bo Abbad8 al-Khawarismi and

so forth0 In additions the critics of that time began to

realise the mutual connection and influence between prose

8 and poetry o Abu All al=Hat±mI.o for instance s came to the

conclusion that the ode should be composed as though it

were an eloquent letter in its organisation and coherence..

He called on poets to be aware of this fact in composing

lo Rasa^il 0 pp0 63=70 5 Jmrjanlo in£ro<> See also

Mubarak0 al°Mathr al^Fannlo Vol0 lo po 1060

2o Johann Flick0 "Arablya 0 tr0 Claude Beniseauo Paris 0 1955 § see Mubarak 0 al^Hathr„ Volo lo P» 10? ° Notes Fuck's opinion about the similarity between poetry and art pros© seems to b© ©xceptable in general° But it loses some of its weight if w© generalise it to the extent of covering traditional poetryo 1 poetryo

Amother point of similarity aad close eoamcetioa botwoea pros© aad poetry r©Qta oa ta© fact that pros©

began to ©aeroaea oa poetry's thomeoo MB ay subjeets0

formerly eoafiaed to poetry0 like ©l©gy0 @ul©gy0 lov©0

satire aad sectarian religion© th©sra®o0 wer© treated ia

0 BSOOQO Th© private ©orrospoad©aee of al-=@lhib bc Atobad0 o o a 3L °K h a wl g iatn 1 a ad Bad!8 al Camilla al=Hamadiai embody this

interesting f©atur©B la th© Yatlmah th©r© are maay specimens of al=SabI0G aad Bad!0 al°Zaman8s letters im

which th©y treated po©tie th©sra©© such as elegy0 ©ulogy and s congratulation«

Th© fourth Islamic century witnessed th© ris© of th© aew artistic form ealled al^Sflaqamat o Badl8 al^Zaman al-

HamadaaX is cr©dit©d with the creatioa of th© Maqatnah or 4 u at least developing it into its matured form. Al=>Hamadaal

(d9 398/1007)8 as Nicholson put it. "imagined as hi© hero a witty 0 unscrupulous vagabond journeying from plac© to place aad supportiag himself by the present© which his impromptu

1* Abu Ishaq Ibrahim b0 All al~Husri al«=Qayraw!aI» 2ahr 8 al«=3>dab wa thamar al=»Albab6 ed« All al=BajawlB 1st

edn* , gairo~19530 Vol. II. p9 597| see SiaaItayn» p0 16S.

a 8 s 3e Al^fahib bo Abbad* Rasa il al-Sahib bo Abbads ©do 8 5 Shawql Dayf and Abd al=Wahhab Assam8 1st edno Cairoe

1946/1366;ppe 119 132, 123-13S9 162=162o Al- 8 KnawBriani6 Kasa il al«=Khawarismie ©do Muhammad al=

°Adawl0 Cairoo 1279/1862, ppo 15, 180 270 680 1870

So Yatlmahc Vol* II, pp0 249-252 { Vol» IV. pp« 280=290,,

4<, Nicholson o ope cit9 B p0 328o Se© also Mubarak al°

Nathr0 Volo Is pp. 197<=200o He suggests that the creator of Blaqamlt was Ibn Burayd (do 321/993) for

much information,, se© So lo arto Maqlmah0 By Brocklemanmo 78o

displays of rhetoric0 poetryD and learning seldom failed to draw from an admiring audience. The second character is the raw! or narrator„ who should be continually meeting

with the other 0 should relate his adventures and repeat 1 his excellent compositions." The Maqamat incorporates two important features. From a literary point of view they well mirror the artificiality of style and the extreme tendency towards flowery expressions at the cost of meaning.

On the other hands, from the social standpoint „ the appeals of beggarso professional mendicity and the spirit of complaint and deprivation found their expression in the

Maqamat. Though the Maqamah was characterised by joking and humour aimed at entertainment,, it did not fail to shed light on the real misery of life at that time. It was»

as Zakx Mubarak observed0 a real reflection of the corruption and the decline of moral principles of the social 2

life as well. Abu al=Fath al-Iskandarls the hero of

al=Hamadanl in his Maqamate represents a vagabond scholar and social critic of the fourth Islamic century. It seems reasonable to suppose that the author himself passed his 3 biting comments through his hero. His sarcastic obser•

vations o sharp criticism of social inequalityB lack of fair judgement and the disregarding of corruption are loud and acute. In al-Maqamah al-Sasaniyyah, Abu al-Fath describes

1. Nicholson0 op. cit.D p. 328.

2. Mubarak, al-Nathr, Vol. I, p. 222.

6 a 3. Badl al~Zaman0 The Maqamat of Badi al°Zaman al° Hamadani, tr. with intro. and notesnByHft". X~Weiffdergast Madras 9 1915, intro. p. 15. 79 o

hie owa time as followss

This ago is ill-starred0 aad as yow oee0 oppressive

la it0 stupidity is esteemed aad intelligence a defect aad a blemish aad wealth is a aoeturnal visitor o but it hovers only over the ignoble.. 1 r fH=

In Abu al-Path's view poverty in the days of meanness is the generous maa's bondage aad this is one of the signs of the last day. Consequently, he came to conclude that his own age was base and called people to give up their reason aad act foolishly. 3 He sayss

Never be deceived by reason, madness is the only reason 4 a

Vagabond behaviour, feeling of despair, irresponsibility and a sense of loss, found their ways of expression in popular poetry which was advocated by a poetical group calling themselves "Baau Sasan", about whom we shall learn

18 W. J. Prendergast, op. eit. , p. 85; the quotation is modified.

9e Muhammad *Abduh, Maqamat 3adi* al-gaman, Beirut, 3rd ©da. 1924, pp. 100=101.

3. Ibid,, pp. 70-71.

4. Maqamat, ed. Prendergast, p. 75. Notes It is interesting to note that poets and writers who represent the vagabond trend called themselves Banu Slsln. They ascribed themselves to a legendary king or might be a certain Persian king called Sloan who had lost his throne and become a beggar. Al— Hamadaal, is said to have been a narrator of the poet Abu al<=Ahnaf al=8Ukbart who was a leading member of-Banu. Sasaa. See Mess, p. 249 g Yatlmah, Vol. Ill, pp. 367=358. 89 o

osios5© latest

Tfootsagiis pros© s?©aeh©d its highest point im styl© aad

8Bap©0 w© roast note that poetry held th© preponderant po©iti©a ia th© litorary fiold at al°ladl°s tim©o A glance at th© Yatlmah ©hows that passion for poetry was

0 widespread ia thos© day®o Everybody 0 as al°Tha alibi.

rQlates0 tried his Stand at thiso Amirs0 vi&iers and other

governors and officials patronised poets0 taking part in criticising their efforts aad even trying their hand at compositionoA According to the Yatlmah „ one would b© inclined to conclude that poetry enjoyed a glorious ©poch throughout the length and tho breadth of the Islamic

empire at that time0 The list of the professional and amateur poets is ©sstremely loage It shows us how far poetry increased in quantity and developed in qualityo

A close examination of this poetry reveals to us that there were four characteristic poetical trends„ The first was the traditional poetry which had a leading position in elite circles and the upper classeso It maintained its close connections with ancient artistic modelGo The second represented a new wave which seems to have freed itself from the shackles of poetical conventions ia trying to reflect th© life of the people in their misery and

deprivatioao This tread could be termed '"popular poetry"e

Parallel with these two types of poetical pieces» "al°

Maqtu6at al°ghiariyyah" found a fertile soil to grow and

lo Yatimahp Yolo I» pp» 48<=44B Yolo III 0 po 170 „ Yolo II o ppo 217-33<€o iaereaso and to reflect0 to some ©stent0 tho unaianeipisimr

and tho affluence of life at that tim©» la addition D th© celigiouQ poeimo proved a real ©en© of sectaries otruggl© arad mn&dorwofat aotabl© change as w©ll."^

As for traditional poetry0 it is clear that the tide of public opinion was on its side at that timeo Many poetical collections (Dlwans) which hav© come to us r©veal tho fact that the conventional th©tnes like ©legy and eulogy take up a great part of any dlwan. These themes seem to have undergone no radical change in their poetical structure

and maia artistic parts0 Nevertheless0 they wore liable to bo modified and improved in detail and adorned with

embellishmentso In general0 they adhered to ancient models

in many other respects0 Concerning this point one could suggest many reasons for the continuation of the old pattern of the qasldah and its sway over poets in the fourth Islamic

century„ and even considerably latere First of allB the professional poets, failed to esspress their own ideas and feeliagSe They continued to compose what they were supposed

to ©ay and repeat the old stories in their elegy8 eulogy0 self-pride and oven love poetry. Secondly« the image of the ideal man which had been established for centuries had

strong Bedouin characteristics8 like generosity6 braverye

audacitye forbearance and so forth. Though this picture may have Saeen modified and decorated in conformity with

the requirements of time8 it did not undergo radical change. In odes of praise„ professional poet© reflected

1° Me have already dealt with the fourth trend of poetry

which expressed the tide of nationalism and shu"ubiyyah 0 see Cm. I. "Bala fact clearly .':when they painted a glorious picture

of their patronoo Moreover0 it is oafo to assume that tho fascination of the old Bedouin life exercised its

sway upon thoughts0 feelings and imagination of Arabs in

the fourth Islamic century aad for many centuries beyond0

- perhaps up to the present dayD Critics at that time0 for instanceo highly respected the time-honoured qualities amd called on poets to be aware of them when praising

their patrons0 They set down the main principles of elegy

and eulogy which should be followed by the poets 0 limited the list of qualities which must be attributed to the men praisedo trying to keep the Bedouin spirit intacto^

In view of all the above=mentioned points one must boar ia mind that tho influence of the Bedouin spirit on traditional poetry and the continuity of the old pattern are not mere imitation or blind repetition by the poets of the fourth Islamic centuryo As H„ A« 1. Gibb has observed

the psychological relation of the Arabs0 however long

settled or urbeai&ed0 to the habits and traditions of the

desert was alive and active. In his view6 "The bedouin furnished •= and throughout all changes continued to furnish => the living models for- two characteristics which were felt

to be fundamental to the Arab way of life0 One was the

cult of the Arabic languageD the fountainhead of all

Arabic artistic sensibility aad emotiono" In his opinion

"in the second place0 tho heroic virtues of the desert supplied the human and social ideals which were held to be

q lo Umdah, Vol0 Ho pp° 105=106 o thos© the Arab par esseellenceo ,t,-L

It is common & a owl ©dig©tea a t al=Mutanabb'I0 who

flourished ia th© first half of th© fourth Islamic century 0 was considered to be a true representative of b©douia

poetical tread <> H© treated the ancient forum and comtent

Quecossfullyo reflecting the desert spirit and its virtueso

His odes of prais© oa Sayf al=Dawlah w©r© a cas© ia poiato

H© presented this Arab leader as a B©douia hero ia his

character and personality0 who embodied generosity0

audacity o austerity 0 ©sstravagaae© aad other dssert •a V3.rtu©s»

Elaay poets who established themselves at al=Mutaaabbi°s

tint© or cairn© after his death r©pr©seat©d this bedouin

tread ia their poetry<> At th© head of the list0 it is

worth mentioning s Abu Pira© al=Hamdaai0 Ibn Hubatah al<=

@a°dX0 al=41urtada and al—Kadi and his pupil Mihylr al=

Dayiassalo As far as al=Hadi was concerned the influence of

al~Mutaaabbi is not th© only factor which coloured and

characterised his poetry by b@douia spirit0 Ei© had his

own personal experiences of desert life* As oae of those leaders of a pilgrim=caravan„ he travelled through the desert enjoying its scenes and suffering its hardships

and8 as w© will see later„ his nostalgia toward© it was deepo Moreovero he shows little iaterest ia towa life and

1 lo Eo Ac Bo Gibb0 arto "Arab Poet aad Arabic Philologist" ,

BoSoQoAoSo 19480 Volo III» parts 3 aad 40 ppo 574=S78o

So Do Mo Volo IIe ppo 3=18o 228=231„ 24S=260o The poet lavishes bedouin virtues and qualities on the Persian

Amir °Adud al~Dawlah whea he praised him0 see jDiwaaD Volo IIo ppo 193=207o 84 o

attached hitnself to the desort aad loved to dwell upon war,

tribal raids0 camels aad thoQo virtues valued by the bedouin.

Yet this traditional style of poetry did not escape the influence of civilised life at that time. Modification improvement aad various sorts of embellishment made thom=> selves felt. Concerning the effectiveness of rhetorical

ornamentation0 this poetry seems to be less influenced than artistic prose. Although the poets received th©

impact ia different degrees0 they did not sacrifice their meaning to flowery expression. Al-Radl could bo placed at the head of poet© representing this view.

Another artistic feature which reflected the signs of the new life ©t that time ia this poetry was the iacreased

use of shorter metres0 The appearance of this tendency might be traced back to the begiaaiag of the "AbbSsid period. The influence of singing and music became effeetiv in poetry. This close connectioa resulted ia the modifi- eatioa of poetic metres to meet the songs0 requirements.

CoasequentlyD short metres were oftea used. la al-Kadi's time the use of shorter and lighter metres like Hagaj»

Kam&4 JChafHf and so forth 0 increased and their range became larger than ever. Poets employed them ia elegy, eulogy» aad even sectarian religious odes. Al^KadX^s poetry

1.. Bayf al°Fann „ pp. 70=710 73=74 5 see also "inad Ghaawan s isma ilD the Arabic qaslda, its origin, characteristics

aad development 0 thesis for Ph.D.a School of Oriental Studies, Durham University, 1963, po 463.

2. ID. T. Vol. 1, pp. 68, 187? Vol„ II0 PP° 305,,331? see B. Y. Vol. II, p. 370 5 Vol. IV» PP° 142» 147• Clio

illustrates thi©o He often used short metres as his

SIwan showso In his eulogy this tendency is apparento^

gha.°ite poetry forms an offshoot of the traditional poetical trend« Although it has its own characteristic featureso its content is a mixture of elegy and eulogy combined with religious and political emotions and thoughtso

Its artistic frame and diction are close to the old pattern

a in generalo "The 8hl ite ode0 in the fourth Islamic century was marked by two outstanding aspects<> On the one

hand0 this type of poem lacked the revolutionary tone which had characterised it for the first three Islamic centurieso It was replaced by the occasional ode repeating the tragic story of the °Alids? abortive uprisings through" out the course of Islamic history^ condemning the Umayyad and cAbblsid leaders who oppressed the sAlids and harshly

put down their revolts» On the other hande this poetry became condemnatory and sharp» Poets attacked their enemies calling them opponents of the Prophet's hous©o

The list of these enemies was extended from the first orthodox caliph Abu 3akr right down to the Abbasid rulers,,a

Sunnite poets praised their heroes and criticised the rival sect as well. It became clear that a type of sectarian polemical ode was developed in al-Kadl's time» Mihyar was considered a poet passionately attached to the 8hl8ites»

On & the other side* Abu 'All al=Sukkarl (do 413/1033) was

lo D0 R, Volo I, ppo 316=331. 416; Volo II. ppo 894. 939o

2o Do Yo Volo II9 ppo 259=269» 202? see also al=Sahib bo 6 Abbad B di-wan <, edo Muhammad Husayn !l=YasXn0 Baghdad e

1965 0 pp0 169-170o 8

eall©d the poet of th© SiataniteSo H© wised to glorify the companions of the prophet aad oppose th© Shi8it© poets'.^

Ai=Had3.°G attitmd©o in comparison with his contemporaries „

•seeiMQ to to© a rraoderat© on©o Although hia dirg©s on al=

Hmsaym as?© filled with pain aiad braraing emotion0 ho did aot attack th© orthodox Sennit© heroes aharplyo

Shi0it© poets of this time included in th@ir poetry another interesting feattareo They weed to compose odes

a on the occasion of th© °l§biga anniversary0 ia memory of al=fl«aaaym ? a Eiaartyrdoitio la addition to the poetieal works

©f th©a© poets0 ther© ar© snaay ode© which wer© suitable for reeitiag ia the public lamentation pes'formed by th©

Shi0it®© ©v©ry year o aom© of which are still tsaed for 3 this purpose mp to th© present daya

Poetical pieces „ al<=jflaqffia°afc al~§hi(lriyyah fOPHI aaother outstanding feature of th© fourth Islamic century's poetryo A glaac© through the Yatimah ©hows urn to what extent this poetical trend developed aad grew. It reveals the fact that gatherings of learned men aad assemblies fop enjoyment aad drinking provided a fertile environment for this kind of poetry to increase ia popwlarityo la

these gatherings writers0 poets „ and other men of talent wsed to improvise poetical pieces ia which they paraded ability ia th© rapid description of different things they lo Tlrikho Volo XII» p<> 17„

2o Do K. Volo lo po 33g Volo II0 po 6§8? Do To Volo X „ po 145o

So Do So Volo I0 po 33s Bo To Volo I» po 685 Volo II0 po 163o ay.

sawo This sort of poetry seems to bo clooo to artistic pros® in two wayOo Its stylo is plastic and cultivatedo

It also incorporates t»© increasing us© of rhetorical

ffigtareo and flowery language.. As for tEi© coat©at0 it ssoras to b© ©£? various theme©,, Obscenity ©sad vulgar references fersa a oubstaatial part of ito Qoneesstration on the description of material things also became a common

concern of the poeto A® Mes put it 0 "A striving after uncommon metaphors and similes marks the entire poetry of

4th/10th ecaturyo It powerfully stimulated the tendency to penetrate into the most hidden secrets of things and to oee the oddest peculiarities in thofno"3^" As for al~

Radio he had no interest in such kinds of descriptions,,

Howevero this fact does not mean that he lacked a skilful

competence in descriptive poetry in general0 according to

Arabic literary standards. He succeeded in presenting a

vivid picture of the desert0 its scenes and views and although his description is of the traditional typeo it reflects his love for the Bedouin life and his personal experience of this life*

Th© fourth Islamic century saw the appearance and the growth of a now poetical trend which could be called popular poetryo This type has its own characteristics in content and form which distinguish it from traditional poetry in many points - For the first time popular life made itself felt in this poetry which drew its inspiration„

pictures and words from the lowest classes8 Poets who

lo Se© loGo art. Poetry 8 a translated chapter from Mes's >8 work Bie Renaissance Pes Islams"P tr0 Khuda Bukhsh 6

Vole Vi0 1932o po 13Qo 88„

advocated this trend went to the extent of d©£yirag

grammatical rules and ©v©n opoaly broakiag thetno Mos?eove?,

foreign words and vulgar osspresQioKis wore often sisedo^"

A first glance at this poetry gives us an impression that

thes© posts wer© irresponsible and careless isa their

behaviour and attitude towards life© However0 a closer

examination reveals that although this poetry is full.' of

vulgar remarks put' isa a flagrant style 0 it sheds light on th© reality of th© social and political lif© of the fourth

Islamic centuryo

Th© representatives of this poetical trend as?© two groups.- Xbn Sukkarah al°Hishimi (do 385/995) and Xbn al-Hajjaj (do 391/1000) headed th© fi&st groupo Ibn

a Sukkarah aa al=Tha alibi relates0 compooed 50D000 vefsos of which lOoOOO are addressed to his black singing girl

13 Khamgah. His poetry is abundant with vulgarity 0 obscenity

and sessual referenceso In addition 0 his sarcastic comments on the social inequality and injustice as?© apparent

H© osaee described himself as followss

To sum up my statements I am insolvents

and th©r© are no friends for a bankrupt0 And he who lives without a dirham has a life of injustice and oppression.,

?CJ ^ I i^te ^4 * <£* \ *SS \

lo Yatlmah, lolo XXX„/apo 33 „ SI j pp0 358~377o

So Xbidoo p° So

3o Xbido o ppo 3-=20o

<6o Xbido o po S9o

§o Ibidoo Po 26o 89.

Liko the wretched people he realised that there was no

reason to dream of juotico and improvement at that time.

In his eyee nothing but death cotald establish equality

between the caliph and tfeo poor. He uayss

Death cj^@s=fc®G ja«**ee when it treated the caliph and the poor indiscriminately. 1

Ibn al-Haljjaj» though he claimed to be the prophet of 2

frivolity, made a contribution to the field of social

criticism which was not less than that of his comrade.

He well realised the decline in moral values and the spread of corruption in all areas of life. He came to the

conclusion that there was no place for honest and righteous men. So he called on his friend to free himself from modesty and integrity. He said: Beware of chastity, beware! Take care not to allow it to corrupt your nature.

3 "

Concerning the administrative chaos, Ibn al-Hajjaj depicted

it in bitter statements. He was appointed to an office

for four days, then he was dismissed. The poet addressed his lord presenting his strango state as followss

1. Yatlmah, Vol. Ill, p. 29.

2. Ibid., p. 33.

3. Ibid., p. 83. 90 „

0o yora if the new sraooa looked at his beauty it would bow down You assigned sue (to get my job) oa "Es^sfe^o then diomioood! mo osa Smdayo =r^tAa&sfA^

This popular poetry with itQ smutty references aiad

sexual terminology won a high reputation throughout th©

Islamic empire and many people of different status admired ito Our poet al=Sadi took an interest in it as welio He was on familiar terms with lbs al=»Ha j ja j. a He lamented oa hi© death expressing his admiration and revealing his

familiarity with the poet and hi© poetryou

It is of interest to present Hilalss account concerning

Ibn al=HajjSj and his popularity at that time0 He sayss

He specialised in a line of obscenity wherein he

had no predecessor„ but8 although he followed this line b he had gifts for others ; and al=Sadl Abu al=> Hasan Musawi made a large selection of his decent

verse© which is exceedingly beautifule artistic» and effective* He got on so well that h© became possessed of wealth and owned estates! he became a person whom

men were afraid to offends whose tongue they dreaded9

whose disapproval they feared8 whose demands were

executed e and whose mediation was received<> For a single eulogy the ruler of Bgypt transmitted to him a thousand dinars of Maghribi coinage as a gift.

His poems are collected0 and there is a demand for them in different countries* 4

lo Yatlmah, ¥ole III, p0 8§o

2e Do So Volo II, p« 862? Hilalo p»

So Do 18 Volo II o po 863o

Hililp po 4310 See also Yatimah 8 Volo III» p. 33o

Motes Biiess in his interesting observations on al^Kadl^s poetry suggests that in al~Kadl's poetry there is evidence that he is Ibn al=>Ha3 jaj's pupilo To the best of my knowledge there is no"ground to suppose so. It is a well-known fact that Ibn al-Ha j ja j devoted his poetry to obscenity ao much as al=Hadl attached and confined himself to chastity» Mez himself admitted this fact, in his observationg. Moreover„ I failed to

find any point of similarity between them. See Mos0 p<>274 91 o

The second poetical group which represented the

popular trend in al^Kadi's time was called Banw Susan 5

it included Abu Dual a i? al°IChaara jl3, and al-Ahraaf al-

"Ukbarl (d. 385/995)o^ A close comparison between these

two groups which advocated popular poetry shows us that

there are many points of similarity between them in respect

of social contents style<, simplicity and their close link

to the popnalaceo However0 Banl Basin's poetry is

distinguished by two outstanding characteristics0 The

first is that this popular trend depicts very well th© life of th© professional beggars and the misery of the

dowa=trodden classes0 It presents a realistic picture

of these people who lacked independent means of livelihoods

roaming from place to place in search of a livings availing

themselves of any sort of device or trap0 On the other

hands this poetryB to some extents seems to be devoid of

filthy words and sexual references in comparison with the

first groups

From the social and poetical point of views Banti

Sasan's poetry has some interesting aspects* First of all0

this vagabond group represented a section of professional

beggars which won supporters and sympathisers.. Secondlys

this popular poetry was a mirror of the wretched classes which felt lost and homeless and came to conclude that it

lo Yatimah a Volo Ills pp« 356=3770

9o Ibid0o ppo 122-142o

So In the Yatlmah there are many specimens of Ibn al=> Hajjaj's poetry in which he reflects the influence of Abu Dulaf al°ghageaji and al-=aUkbario He used their

special terminologies0 see Volo IIIe ppo 61s 62 0 63„ 6Bo [See over]o was ia teheis* isa&e^est to pay BO heed to social tradition© 0

laws and t.ime~hoaourecl values., Al~Ahna£ al^Ukbarl

described hio horaeleco state as Pollowos

Boo pit© feebleaess the spider epiaQ a web to rest therein.* I have no home th© dung-beetles find stapport among their kind„ but neither love nor support have I,

K t=eJ t V^U«s> tl> cs=^ 2

AX<= Ukbara. composed a famous ode in which he confirmed

his affiliation to Baau Sasan and took pride in being a member of them and asserted that though he belonged to a

group which had neither home nor resorts he felt that all

the world was his home6

Abu Dulaf al<=Khasra ji composed a long poem in which h© explain© the traditions of professional beggars„ their

tragedy, conduct and tricks. He poured sarcastic comments

on political conditions throwing a revealing light on the misery of the 8Abbasid caliph at the hand of the rough

Buwayhid prince. It is a bitter reflection on the time when Abu Dulaf ©ays 3

And to us belongs the Guardian of the Faith al-Mutl*, whose reputation is widespread, he bogs from Mu*iag al~Dawlah the bread as much as he can get. 4

1. Yatlmah, Vole III, pp.. 358~3770

2e Xblds9 p. 133.

3 * Ibid,, p0 138.

4. Von Grunebaum, Medieval Islam, p0 230. 98.

y 5 * ^ g\JD \ £42-1 \ <^M^\ fsf

\ # . . _ <* «

1 f ' < "

Xt is iroi&i© that while the community at that time

was immaorsod in hoatod sectarian conflict0 taos©

prof©ssioaal boggars took no heed of ito Moreover0 they ka©w how to tako advantage of this religious conflict«

Abl Buiaf tells us that these beggars used to practise th© following trickso among otherso They would collect a

larg© crowd around them0 one narrator (qasaasj would take his stand at one end of the street and quote traditions regarding th© excellence of At th© other end of th© str©et at the same time th© other who magnified Abu Bakr

excessivelyo thus obtaining0 at on© and the same time the dirhams of the Sunnito and the Shl°ito- Th©n they divided what they had gained.3

Such was the literary situation in the age in which al=Sadl grew upo It provided a fertile field for social and political comment in pros© and pootryo The gap between the upper and lower classes and the social imbalance were echoed in literary productso In additions there was the emergence of popular poetry and the Maqlmato The effect of this literary situation on ©l^Ra'di's life and poetry will be considered latere

lo Yatimah» Vol0 XII8 Po 37±a

2o Ibidoo Po 366c o M."Ma'dl, and tejg family

AI~&a"di°o nsm® io ao f ollowo § .'AbSal^Haoara

Muharonad aI-=H«oaya bo E3SqS bo RluhoMad &« EllsS 'bo

c Ibrahim bo ESSea bo Ja far bo fJrafoaiinraad - bo CA13,. bo al= o '-' j

Htapaya bo °A11, bo Abl, Tallb. H© wao bora ia 3;59/9'69°

Ho wee later well-known by hia nickname - al^gharj-f al° ' '

Ka'd!*^

His family was one of the famous eAli& households;'.at the political and religious level in Baghdad in the

Buwayhid periodo It was held in EaigSr ©stoerra by ealiphOe rislers and the populace*. • His father" al^Husayn was' a

deaeemdeat of Elloa al=-icasim0 who is considered8 by.the .

8 ®hl ite twelverse the spvonth among -twelve Imams who have a divine right to inherit the prophet'© .position.in • guiding the faithful and ruling the'Ummafa* On his mother's side he was desconded from gayn al~8]|bid3Lrio the fourth

Imam ia th© sAlid family tree from the twelvers8 point of view. Fatimah „ al-Kadi's mother, was a grand=daughter of the *Alid figure al-Hasan bo 8All. al-Msir al-Utrush "the deaf" (d. 804/916)* He was the famous leader in al«Daylaffle

lo TjaglLkh6 Vol* He pp* "246-347I Yatlmah t Vol* III ./p.;. '186 |rrXbn Ba^sn al«=Andalus£, Jamharat An alb al°;'Arab, o

2e yatltnah, Vol. Ills p. 137 5 Ibn Abl al-Hadld.., SharhliHahj

al^Balijghah„ Cairo nad« Vol0 Is p* lOj'lbn Ta^hrl

Bard! al^Atlbikio Abl al=43ahasin0 al^N_ujjim: al~Zahirah *

1st edn*» (13S3/1933)e Vol*°IV8 pp* 56* 323*

So Concerning this point,see Muhammad al=Eu9raan» al-=

Shayfch al=*lufl.d8 AM* 11, al~maqSll,t f 1 al^adhSfaib'' wa

r Mulsh tlrat B 2nd o& tabMi (1571/19SX)» ppo~ 9<=XOo S6o

He succeeded in converting a large number of the

Daylamitoa to Islam. Consequently 0 he became the ruler of thio country for many years

Al^Sadl's family played an influential r8le in religious and political circles ira th© Buwayhid era. Like otherso it onjoyed the favourable days of this periodo

When fortune turned against it0 the calamity which was the

order of th© day engulfed ito However0 the saaqlbah0 th©

high religious position of that time0 seems to have been

monopolised by this family <> Al-Kadl°s grandfather 0 his

mother"s maternal uncle and after that his father0 al=

Sadx himselfo and his brother became naglb many times as si our poet recorded in his poetry. Although al°Sadl was proud of this high position» he apparently attached more importance to his °Alid family tree which was highly regarded by all Muslims. Possibly this uncontested reputation might have opened the way for his seif-pride and soaring ambition. H© celebrated his distinguished ancestry as followss

My grand=father (ancestor) is the Prophet„ my mother

his daughtero my father his regent0 my ancestors the chosen among nations.

1. lbs Abi al=Hadidt, opa cite D Vol. I0 po 10 5 Jamal al=

Mill ah o oj30 *cito » po 181.

3o D. I. Volo I0 p0 277o-

So Do S. Volo Ho po 819. 97 o

This historic and glorious background which gave

al=>Sadi solid grounds to boast 0 caused him a great deal

of sorrow and disappointmento It inculcated in him the

spirit of frustration and indignation with a deep feeling

of oppression It is very likely that al°ladl°s inherent

sorrow and traits of meioncholy were du© in part to his

awareness of his family's historic tragedyo He records

this fact a© follows?

He are a people doomed to misfortunes0 Me gladly accepted our fate.

What cuts short the span of our life0 is that we disdain to die of old ageo

w*^ \^v uj ^x>\ ^ ^

1 f>® U L I U ^ (> ^ Lr \

A® for his family's living standards0 they seem to

have been of high style.* His father was well=>to~do0 except

during th© period when his fortune was confiscated by the

Buwayhid prince 8Adud al-Bawlaho His mother» Fatimah„

inherited a good fortune from her father., She sponsored

our poet in his youth and supported her family when her

1. D. So Volo IIB p„ 8^9o Notes It is most likely that al=Sadl felt that he had been born in an 8Alid household to oe the heir of its historic sorrow and frustration. It is well-known that the Shi8ites in general and the "Alids 'in parti~ cular had dogmatic belief concerning the question of the caliphate which came down through the course of

history0 They believed that the hoirs of the prophet had th© sole legitimate right to the caliphate*

Accordingly9 all those who assumed this position were usurpers and oppressors* In Islamic history the 8Aiids revolted many times for their divine right receiving many heavy blows which caused them a long list of martyrs and made their history a tragic record*~ 3e© a So I0 arte Alids0 written by Bo Lewis* See alsoo

SJuhl Yolo III8 ppo 277-2820 98,

htssteaadl was deprived of his property,,''1' The Xife~style of this °Alid household was also of high standards 2&om th©

Isiami® moral poiat of viow« Al~lad2.°s father wao highly

©stGGsrcod by Arab historians for his unswerving uprightness0 goserosity and patronage of the °Alids as a wholeo^ His

Sw© titles s al~TShir "the ptfire'" and Bhl al=Manaqib "the meritorious"1 reveal his reeord of well^respected and high~ srsinded coadueto® H© was devout and God~£earing as well.

As a politician he was considered a successful man,, In

0 Arab historiaas eyes0 he was a man of peaceD He used to smooth out the tense situation© when they led to conflict and anarchyo His great talent for making compromises between the rwlers and the populace was evident. Al^Kadl, describes him as follows 2

H© is the peacemaker among kings when they commit an offence and come to the brink of risking the necks.

4 1 ^

As a naqxba al"Kadi's father must have acquired a deep knowledge of theology to carry out the responsibilities of his position. In addition„ he was familiar with grammar

I. Do Ho Volo I„ p0 30o

2o Ibn Abl al-Hadld op. cito, Volo IB p9 10? Ibn Ta&hrl

Bardlo op0 eit.B Vol. IV0 p» 298.

So Jawo Vol. VII. pQ 347| Ath. Volo VII, p« 250; Mihyar al-Daylamx and Abu al^'Ala* al<=Masarri elegised al= Kadi9s father. In their dirges they confirmed that

he was generousc righteous and courageous. See D. Y. Vol. Ill, pp. 23-271 Abu al~aAXa* al=Ma8arrl„ §iqt

al-Zand» Beirut, 19630 ppo 31=34.

40 Do Eo Volo II0 po 526. 99 =

and ancient poetry as al=>ladl tells us/

Al=lad3,'o mother was well=edweatedo Her interest in

theology was respected by th© 8hl°ito theologian al=ffiuf1Ldo

He composed a book on this subject and dedicated it to

2 hero As for her character and deeds„ she used to help

people who suffered harshipsD and patronised her relatives.^ She 'led a righteous life renouncing worldly

pleasure and carrying out her religious duties cease= lessly o His childhood

Al=Sad1 was the third of four childreno His elder o brother °A11 was iborn in 35S/955o One of his two sisters was called Zaynab and the other Khadijaho The elder died

in 419/10280^ while the younger died in the lifetime of our poeto He lamented her death in a mournful dirge in which he expressed his deep family feelingo

Concerning the early stages of his childhood,

unfortunately our historical sources are silente What we can draw from them is the fact that al=Sadi88 family was rarely united. His father was frequently absent from his

lo Talkhiso po 237o

8 2o al=TehranI0 Muhammad Agha Bosork* al°Dharl ah ill

tasanif al-3hl*ah, Wajaf (1355/1936)0 Volo I0 po 302o

So Do So Vol. I, po 18o

4o Sbidofl

So Do To Volo XXXo po 186o

So Do Ro Volo Xo po 129o 100.

home perfarming his duties as a leader of pilgrim caravans or carrying out his commitments as an envoy of the rulers of Baghdad in political affairso In the year of al"Hadiffo o birth his father was in Mecca« H© stayed there until 360/

970o EQ was away in 361/971 and 366/976 as well on his

way to Meccao^" Consequently 0 ai-Sadl^s mother found herself obliged to take care of her children and boar the responsibility of the family* Our poet seems to have enjoyed a great measure of maternal affection and even

excessive protection from his mothers as he records in his poetryo His mother's excessive affection for him may have been due to two reasons* On the one hand» al=ladi suffered from a certain disease in his childhood which may have

lasted to the day of his untimely death*^ In addition0 his mother predicted high things for him and this was realised by his teachers later on*

Years of suffering

In the year $69/97® the ruler of Baghdad was the

0 Buwayhid prince Adud al=Dawlah* He was shrewd0 severe and eager to strengthen his grip over his subjects* He inaugurated his reign by limiting the activities of those

1* Jaw* Vol* ¥11o pp* 53 „ 57o 83*

9* D* So Volo I0 po 20*

5 3* Concerning al=Sadl s illness0 he made reference to it in hia dirge on his mother. In addition„ his brother al<=Murtada confirmed that he had expected al<=Kadl°s death which implies that the condition of his health

was mot good* See al==Murtadi' s dlwan0 VolQ IX o pp* l3l.~132o Furthermore o al=Khawansarl indicates that al=Sadi suffered physical disease and emotional

insecurity!, see Sawdat al~Jannat0 Tehran» (1307/1889) 0

p0 576* 3.01 o

iafluential figures who may have boen considered am

©bstaelo in his way to secure absolute authorityo^* Th©

G fflaflib al==Husayn b0 tluslu his brother 0 Abu. Abd«AliIh bo

Musi and the chief of judges Abl RIsAamimad bo RlaVtaf woro at tho head of this ruler's victimso They were arrested

aad sent off to Faris as prisoners0 and the properties oi al~!adi.IJ8 fathor were confiscatedo The list of o nntortunat© personalities who suffered wader 5Adud al=

s Dawlah included th© famous °Alid leader Mmhammad bs Umar

©l-=flAlawI. who was deprived of his ©states aad imprisoned in Firi© as wello The great writer and th© faithful friend of al=Sa"da.°s family Abu Xshlq al^Babl had the same fate«

He remained in prison for three yearso For his release he paid a heavy prices °Adwd al^Bawlah compelled him to

write the history of th© Buwayhid dynastya It is ©aid that al=@ab3. called it a pack of lieso"^

The years of calamity lasted until aAdud al~Bawlah9s death in 873/983.§ while their aftermath continued until the Buwayhid ruler Sharaf al°Bawlah put an end to this catastrophe by liberating al^Sadl's father who accompanied tho priac© on his way to Baghdad in 376/986. when the family9© properties w©r© restored as wollo^ In these

lo Jawo Volo VII. pa 115g Ibn Abi al~Hadld op. cite 8 Volo lo p o 10 o

3o Miako Volo II. po 428| Jawo Volo VIIs pe ©8»

3o Do So Volo lo po 336j Ibn Ta/|hrl Bardi opa cito 6 Vols IV, pe 323.

40 Dhayl. po 16g see Yatlmah, Vol0 Ho po 245o

So Do So Volo lo po 206o

60 Ibido o po 333? Volo II „ ppo 610e 772o 102 o

years of hardship arad fniofortnaaeo our poet suffered a

bitter aad distreooiag condition during his adolescence which ±Q a formative period in oae's lifeo It is a time whem as® adolescent searches for a perfect world asd perfect people and judges both himself and others by his

owa idealso^" Unfortunately0 al=>Kadi had bitter expediences in this sensitive period <, The downfall of his family

affected hitn deeply c Friends disappeared 0-allies were no

longer allies0 The household°s status was destroyed im a momento Iven other °Alids were indifferent to this unfortunate family and began to turn the situation to

their own advantages Consequently0 this heavy blow upon

his family shook his confidence in relations 0 friends and

the regime as a whole0 as his poetry shows us in all

stages of his subsequent lif©0 It is not surprising that al~§adlL in later life came to conclude that everything went astray and the people were against the justo He sayss

I wonderB yet there is no wonder that mankind are enemies to men of virtue

His poetry shows how far this tragedy impressed him. The sad memories were still fresh even in the days of happiness when his father returned home- The poet remembered this lo Notes From the psychological point of view the term adolescence is usually taken to mean the age from twelve to eighteen. See Jo A« Hadfield„ Childhood

and Adolescence; Penguin Books8 19620 pp» 185D 342»

20 Do Ho Folo X0 ppo 2386 338o

3o Do, R0 Volo IB p0 S61o tragic period with tearful feelirago He says0 addressing his fathers

You went away0 and ev©ry ©y© was fusil off bloody

tears0 and ©very heart was throbbing. You loft m© behind iik© a oeedling planted by th© gs?oww. Oo th© stem grew tall aad shady»

A •

Tfe© misfortune of al~!adl5s family coincided with the humiliation, imposed upon its historic heritage °Adud al~

Bawlah0© vizier al-=Mutahhar had an exchange of words with al^Xadl's father in which the vizier insulted hitn, directing bitten1 remarks on this aAlid family and ridiculing its pride in what he called the things of the paste Al^Kadl was conscious of this attack aimed at his historic glory when h© was ten;-years of age. He did not forget it for many years to comeo In his poetry he records it as follows3

h© thought that abusing th© Prophet was an advantageo being surrounded only by suspicious and ungrateful imeno Had he been living among the Fltimidso

lances0 swords and forearms would have been waved

over him0

lo Do So Volo I, ppo §80 SOo

2o Do So Volo I. po 2380 the explanatory prelude of his od© indicates that the ode was writton when th© po©t

was tern years oldQ apparently this ode suggests a : great measure of maturity0 It is most likely that th© poet rovis©d it lat©r on. 104 o

Th© above stieatioaed limes reflect two irnportaat

factso Oa the oa® haad0 they make it clear that al<=Kad!'s

eoEnfiidesice ±n people eame to be destroyed. He deeply felt

the lack of supporters aad sympathiser© for his family,

Oa tiie other haad 0 the soeoad liae reveals the early sigas

of his leaaiags towards the ruling dynasty ia Bgypt0 the

FatimidQo This sympathetic attitude appeared maay times ia his poetry whom he felt wroaged aad oppressed <>

As for his family °s hardship at that titne0 it seem©

to have beea serious* Though his mother supported him0 the sad memories of these years were still alive for a loag timoo Hhea his father returaed from his exile ia

376/986 aad the properties were restored, he remiaiaced oa the day© of deprivatioa amd poverty» He says?

I complaiae yet suppress some of what I aim sufferingo aad I disdaia to make ©omplaiats about povertyo Haviag dreamed of glorious deedso

I would aot care for moaey aad fortume0

lo Do R. Volo lo Po 3S8o

2o Do So Volo Ii0 Po 973o

Ibid o 0 po 800 o 10 Bo

gaffly stages of his education

In the yoazpQ oS his fathers ©jsiloo Patimaho al=

Sadl's sraothos? stood S±wm aad mmdiQmayodo Although h©g

responsibility wao iatoasifiod0 oh© took a groat iatoreot la Hi©;? two SOBS' ©dueatioao Bho requested the fiery

Imimit© ttoeologiaa [tluhaimmad al~EJu0mlia to toaeh-them the rules of theology^" while other tutors began teaching al~ladl grammar aad philology °. At that time Bus was about tea years of age. His ability made itself felt early <>

His teacher0 Abu al~Fath bo Jiani relates that when al«= o

Had! was a mere boy about tea yea:?© old Si© went to take lessons frosm the grammarian I bra al~SIrafa. (d« 368/978) „

Oae day his tutor questioned him oa some points of syntax according to the usual system of iastructions "Whea we

Bt s say 0 his teacher said 0 '"I ©aw °Amr Ka^aytu Amram by what mark is it knowa that °Amr is ia the accusative eas©o"

Al<=RadI replied o "his hatred for °AlI"o Ibm al~31rlfl a ad other persoas present wore struck with th© acuteaeso of his miado2

Al<=Madl begaa composing poetry whera he was tea years 3

oldo His ambitions0 self°pride aad admiration of his

family°s glorious heritage WOP© his foremost concerns in the ode which might be the first to be writtea by hiitu

He sayss lo Iba Abl al=Had!d0 op. cito „ Vole 10 po 14? al~

SChawaasara.o opo cito 0 p0 563o

2o Iba Kho Volo III0 po 1205 see al°W&fl» Volo II„ p. 375 j

Iba Shakir al~Kmtubi0 °Uyla al-tawlrikh,, Ms0 al=

Maktabah al^Zahiriyyah Ko<, 3414„ Damascus0 Volo '2SIII. folo i9o

30 Yatlmah 8 Volo III „ p« 13@5 _al^afj, 0 Volo II0 p» 374 5 Ibn al*»°Xmad al=Haabali„ Shadharat al~Bhahab fa. Ajkhbar

tnaa Bhahab0 Cairo„ 1350/1931 „ Volo III 0 p» 183o 106 c

Glory know© that sublimity is one of my aimso even though I went astray in merrymaking and temptatiomo

I am from those people who0 when they w©re tooted0 proved worthy as prophet and regent»

/ • - -

1 "

Al=>Sadi0 in the early stages of his education became familiar with the famous philologist Ibn Jinnl who was considered a passionate advocate of al<=Mutanabbl° s poetgy.o The teacher admired his pupil and the apprentice^ ship .-turned into intimate friendship which lasted until p Ibn Jinnl's death (do 392/1001)„ It is very likely that this philologist inculcated into al<=Badi the admi= 3

9 ration of al^41utanabba. s poetry o In addition0 al«=Radi may have found much in common with this poet who coloured

his verses with a rebellious tone<> indignation0 soaring ambitions and a dark outlook towards life and peopleo

It is probable as well that al=Sadl had access to ancient

Arabic poetry as a whole under his teacher's supervision

The influence of this acquaintance reflected itself in his poetryo His teacher commented on four of the poet's odes which were characterised by their bedouin style and coloured by the spirit of the deserto The work was called

lo Do Ro Volo IB p0 89o

9o Do So Volo II o po §62o

3o IJayf,, al-Fann „ p0 353o He came to the conclusion that Ibn Z^Jinnl encouraged al^Sadl to learn al= Mutanabbi°s poetry by heart»

4o Points of similarity between al=Kadl and al=Mutanabbl will be discussed lates*. 107 0

Tafslr al°8Alawiyyat and has not come down to us.

Further stages of his ^djaeajtioia

Al=Sadi had a keen desire for acquiring knowledge..

He carried on his learning ceaselessly under the famous scholars of that time* The list of his teachers reveals the wide range of his erudition in grammar * prophetic tradition,, poetry, history, theology» philology and

Qur'anic studies. His tutors are listed as follows :

Is Abu 6All al-Hasan b. Ahmad a1-Parisi (d. 377/

987). lie was Ibn Jinni's teacher and the famous grammarian in the fourth century. He was well-known for his Mu'tazilite leanings.^ Al—Kadi studied Kitab al°

Id'ah* under his direction and drew on it in his work al-Majazat al-Nabawiyyah.^

2. Abu Hasan *Ali b. *Isa al»Hab*l (d. 420/1029).

He was a famous grammarian and sons of upper-class families used to attend his lectures.4 Under his supervision our poet studies prosody and grammar.0 Al-Radi referred to his tutor in his works.

1. Yaqut. Vol. V. p. 31; al-Qiftl, Inbah al°Ruwat 'ala An bah al=>Nuhat, ed. Muhammad Abu al-Fadl Ibrahim, Cairo. 1952, Vol. II, p. 337.

2. Jaw. V©1. VII. p. 138j see Tarlkh. Vol. VII. p. 275.

3. Maj'azat. p. 127; al-Amlnl. al-Ghadlr fl al-Kifab wa al~Sunnah wa al-Adab. 3rd edn. Beirut. 1967, Vol. IV. pp. 183=185.

40 Tarlkh, Vol. XII. p. 17; Yaqut, Vol. V. p. 283.

5. al-Aminx, op. cit.» Vol. IV, p. 183.

6. Majazlt, pp. 67=68. 10 8o

So °A11 bo °Isa al<=Kummaial (do 388/993 )„ Ho was a

tasllito theologian and well=known grammarian aad

philologisto^

40 Ibn Nubatah ai=Sa°di (do -€05/1014) 0 H© was ©me

of those fatmows poets ia the fourth Islamic century who

represented the bedouin style ia their poetry. Al~Kad:L aad his brother studied Arabic poetry under his eare»^

s s §0 Abu Ubayd Allah Muhammad bo Umraa al^Marsublal,

a (do 384/994)o He was a §hl°ite with Mu tasilite leanings,

aad was a trusted transmitter» His erudition regarding

poets and poetry was great» He wrote two important books among many otherso The first is called Mu°jam al°

8 9 5 8hu ara e the second al~Muwashshah fx Ma^akhidh al=>°Ulama

8ala al"8hu'ara". Al^Kadl tells us that he studied under his supervision. He referred to his teacher's works in al°=41a jazlt o

So Among al-Kadi's teachers was the Mu"tagilite and

8 Shaf i ite "judge of judges"°Abd al=Jabbar (do 415/1024) .S

Al~Kadi sat at his feet studying his two important

theological books % al°8Imad fl usul al~fiqh. and Sharh

al~usul al=khams0 ^

i= Yaqutt, Volo V„ p0 281 1 see Do Volo I, introo

2o al^Qumml„ §aflnat al-Bihar fl Madlnat al°Hikam wa

al°lthlr . Najafo 1362/1933. Yolo I. p<> 5250 ~~

3« Yaqut B Volo VII. p8 50; Jaw* Volo VII. p« 177•

40 MajazSt. ppe 216-2176

5S Atho Volo VII, pa 31S| al-Amlnla op8 cito . Volo IV8

pa 183o

6o Ma jazat» ppo 480 180D 362» 109 o

7o Abu Bakr Muhammad bo Mlsa a 1 °Khawagiami (do 403/

103.2) o He was one of the famous Sunnite theologians of

al«=j2adi°Q timoo He was held in high regard by both

rulers and populaeeo^ Our poet studied theology wader his

care» He spoke highly of him and drew on his accounts

in his workso2

8» His tutors on Prophetic tradition were two

8 4 leading authoritieso The first was Isa b„ °A13. b0 Isa

al^Jarrah (do 391/1000). He was a truthful and reliable S

transmittero Al~lSada,, in dealing with Prophetic tradition

drew many times on this teacher°s account»^ The second was Abu Hafs "Umar bo Ibrahim al~Kinlnl (do 390/999)„ He go " *

specialised in Prophetic tradition and Qug*an&£ readings,^

Ai«=!adl mentioned that he had studied the different

readings of the Qur^an under his supervision..®

9o Also among his teachers was al-=Mu8afa bo

2akariyya al=-Hahrawani (do 390/999) • He was a MSlikite,

trusted aad reliable in his account. He had great ability

in grammars theology and Qur^anic studieso^ Al-=Radi received further lessons on Qur^lnic readings under his directiono

lo Tarlkh. Vole III, p. 247; al°W5fl. Volo Va p9 93o

2o Talkhls„ pe 205? Majasat„ pa|45o

So Jawo Volo XII * po 218? Ath* Volo VII8 pe 211„

40 Ma jazat B po 2415 al^Amlnl, op8 citc » Volo IV, po 185o

5o Jawo Volo VIID po 211? al-Amlnl, op* cito » Volo IV, p o 18S o

So Majaaat„ po 28o

7o Jaw. Volo VII. ppo 213=21^? see Talkhi3. p0 102o 110 o

lOo Our poet had access to another MaliEcite

theologiaao He was IbrShlm bo Ahmad al«=Tabarl (do 393/

1002)o Under hio supervision al=Sadl learnt the Qur^an

by hcarto His teacher so admired hio cleverness and

desire to study that he presented him with a home of hio

own0

llo The list of his teachers includes many others

who had less influence on him. They were as follows %

A-«= Abu Muhammad °Abd Allah bo B/iuhammad al«=Akfani

(do 405/1014)o He was the sunnite judge of Baghdad for

many yearso

B <= Abu Muhammad Harun bo Musa al~Tal °akbarl (do 3 85/995) »'

0 - Sahl bo Ahmad al~dlbajl (do 385/995)»4

This list of al=Hadl's teachers -suggests many impor•

tant aspects of his qualifications and erudition. First

of alio it exhibits the wide range of his knowledge of

the various Islamic studies available at that time.

Secondly„ it seems that philosophic subjects had no place

in his mind owing to the fact that his teachers in general

did not reveal such tendencieso Thirdly„ our poet was

fortunate to have had access to those famous and talented

lo Tarlkh 0 Volo VI „ p0 19? Jaw0 Volo VII0 p<> 223»

2o Tarlkh 0 Volo S0 pQ 141'5 Muhammad Jamil Shalash. c al~Hamasah fa, §hi r al°Shara.f al°ladl0 Mo Ao thesis,,

Baghdad University0 1971„ pc 94o

3o ai~Amln1o op0 cito D Volo IV„ po 1840

40 ghalash B op0 cito 0 pp0 94~95o Ills,

figures who flourished in his time. In addition* this list illustrates the point that he did not confine himself

8 to Imamite tutors. Mu tasilite» 8unnite8 Malikite and

Shafi9ite teachers form notable figures among those who

taught him. Sven some of his Imamite instructors had

Mu* tazilite leanings. Consequently, it is most likely

that the dogmatic Imamite doctrine which may have been implanted in his mind by his passionate Shl'ite teacher

Muhammad b. al-Nu*man in the early stages of his education, was liable to lose its absolute sway over his thoughts and feelings. It is clear that al-Eadl studied vigourously even in the bitter period when his father was imprisoned and his economic condition was harsh. As we shall see later, he made/full use of the knowledge he acquired.

The fruit was many works in different subjects.

Halting for the exile's return

*Adud al-Dawlah's regime which rode roughshod over al-Radl's family, apparently ended in 372/982, but its aftermath lasted for another four years. However, the announcement of *Adud al-Dawlah's death gave our poet and his family limited relief. His father was released from his prison, but stayed in Paris with the Buwayhid prince

Sharaf al-Dawlah who had liberated him. In Baghdad,

Samsam al<=Dawlah succeeded his father. Consequently, the supporters of the brutal regime still held power. al=Kadi was thirteen years old. He sent his father the first letter in which he seems to be cautious. Though he could not conceal his pleasure over *Adud al-Dawlah's death, he 119o

did mot attack him openly» He says 8

00 my friendso deliver a mooeago to al~Husayn on my

boh&lf saying0 '"The towering mountain has been sunk into the ground after you".

The flame whoso fire you sufferedD was reflected by the events of time and it has become calm*

After the above=mentioned poetical correspondence the poet seemed to impose oa himself a period of silenceo

He raised no voice until his father"s return in 376/9860 save in one od© in which he praised the Caliph al^Ta^i0 in 374/984o It is strange thqt al^liadl made no reference to his father"s return or the restoration of his confiscated fortune., However „ it is likely that this ode was am attempt to further relationships between al-

Kadi's father0 himself and the Caliph for which al=>Hadi came to be eagero

Under his father8s shadow

Al=Sadl0s family was reunited in 376/986 when his father accompanied Sharaf al=Dawlah who entered Baghdad and became its rulero Ai=Husayn0s fortune was restored and a period of happiness and security for al=>Sadl

lo Do Ro Volo lo p0 906o

2o Ibido„ p0 186o began. He was now seventeen years of age. He had

showed poetical mastery by his many odes written at that

time. His first appearance in the political scene was

as a spokesman on behalf of his father» In his praise-

odes0 he took pains to paint a splendid picture of his

father as an experienced politician and a man indispensible

to rulers. On the other hand „ he attacked his political

enemies, exposing their incompetence and the moral decline

of thear conduct. It is plain that he directed his praise

to those figures who had formed a political group with

his fathero The list includes the visierss Sabur b»

G Ardashlr , Abu Mansur be Salihln, Abu Sa d b0 Khalaf and

Abu SA11 al-Muwaffaq. The Caliph al=Taai° and the

Buwayhid prince Sharaf al-Dawlah received many praising

odeso By such constant efforts al-Rada. tried to confirm his family's loyalty to these rulers on behalf of his

father. Meanwhile, he endeavoured to strengthen the link

between the palace and his family„ aiming to restore the

naqabafo, ^ Al=Radi*s father seems to have pinned high

hopes OE his younger son whose ambitious personality made

itself felt and whose qualifications were evident* Al-KadX

1. Dhayl. p0 1405 Atho Volo VII, p. 131* In al-Sadl's Dlwln one of the explanatory preface of his odes suggests the year 386/996o This date seems to be inaccurate for two reasons. Firstly, al-Kadl in this ode praised Sharaf al-Dawlah who died in 37§/989, Secondly• the poet stated in many odes that the confiscation had been lifted in 376/986, See Do K.

Vol, II, p0 610o

9o D, R, Vol, II, pp, 612, 775, See Vol, I, p. 343,

So Do Ro Volo I, pp° 45, 48, 295, Volo II, pQ 827,

4o Do So Volo II, p0 772o

§0 Ibido, ppo 598-603, 605, himself began to make his own way in his career through his father'o relationships with the politicians of that

time0 His ceaseless attempts to build up a friendly link with the Caliph al^TS^i0 became clear as his odes reveal •a to us° Althougho for many years he failed to gain

admission to the caliph's palace0 eventually he achieved his goaio His odes disclose how much the poet suffered in his constant effort to win al~Ta^i00s favouro In one o of his odes he says 3

I take refuge in your glory from being left with an unfulfilled desire* My only gifts being mere promises Living far away from seeing you „ with a thirsty heart,, while your watering«=place is accessible to alio

I l - ' o , /

' £d* UJ cs? ' ^v

It is interesting to note that two attempts of marriage of convenience were made in al-Radi's favour 9 probably having political intent and planned by his fathero The daughter of the vizier Abu 8A1I al~Mlwaffaq

was the first engaged to al°~3adl0 but unfortunately the betrothal was brokeno Another attempt was made and the visier Sabur's daughter became al=Sadl*s fiancee* This plan came to grief as wello" Consequently,, the poet was upset over his failure to gain a political link with such

1. Dc Ko Yolo I„ ppo 207=210.

®° Ibidoo po 210o

80 Ibido0 ppo 53=54o 1.15 «

important personalities» la his ode to the visior Abu

°Ali al=Muwaffaq he did not conceal hie plan to attain

political advantage through this proposed marriage*. He

oaid 8

I had wished that you would have foeea my means to others, through whom I would have gained fame aad gloryo

1 * , -

Al^ISadi made a actable advance towards public life eosniag nearer to the centre of the limelight under his

8 father s shadow.. In the year 380/990 the aaqabah was restored to the family and the two brothers al~Murtada and al-Sadi became acting naqxb oa their father's behalf.2

Our poet well utilised the opportunity to strengthen his relationships with politicians aad enlarge his circle of acquaintances At last he became on familiar terms with the Caliph al-Ta^i8 » but this did not last for long., As

he recordsD he was one of those who witnessed the day on which the Caliph was dethroned and arrested in barbaric circumstances in 381/991o Al-Kadi apparently aow came to be disillusioned and decided to relinquish his intimate links with these rulers. He sayss

Kever shall I be deceived by a sovereign again0 fools are those who enter sovereigns' doors„

L D. EG Yolo If> po 53o

2o Jawo Volo VII, po 153o 116 o

Howevero his isolation from th© political seen© was short- livedo Soon after al=Taci°9s dethronement he began to look forward to having access to the palace again.^

Meanwhileo he began to pin high hopes on the Buwayhid

5 ruler of Baghdad0 Baha al-Bawlah whose reign and absolute

power lasted for twenty years. Our poet held the position of the naqabah many times, carrying out his duty as a

spokesman on his father's behalf until his dismissal in

384/994, When his father was sent to Paris as an envoy

to make peace between the armies of Samsan al=Dawlah and

Bah a5 al=Bawlah, and kept there,, al=Sadl thought that the ruler's primary intent was to keep his father away from

Baghdado He demanded his return, criticising those who helped to contrive such a situationo"^

The .year 384/994 witnessed a great crisis affecting al-Kadl's family. His father was deposed from his position and his two sons were consequently dismissed,

Al-flusayn was eighty years of age. He seems to have been unable to carry on his political obligations, but still directed and protected his two sons in their

1, Do S, Vol, II, pa 867,

3, Do Ho Volo I, p0 417o

3, Do K. Volo II, p* 699; Ath, Volo VII, p0 165,

40 Do So Volo I, ppo 189-191,

So Jawo Volo VII. po 174, political liveso However, this crisis and others which

took place later on did not greatly affect al^ladl'o o

political advanceo He began to make his future under

15 his patron Bah! al~Bawlah0

Al-Kadl the naqlb

Al~13adl enjoyed a great measure of Baha15 al=DawlahJs

patronage despite two setbacks during this intimate

relationship.. The prince appointed al~Kadl his deputy

in Baghdad twices the first time in 381/991 and the second

in 388/998 when the Buwayhid ruler was away from the

capital* Al^KadlL tried to carry out his responsibilities o

to his utmost and succeeded in bringing the insecure

conditions under which Baghdad suffered back to normal»

Unfortunately,, al-=Kadi' s political enemieQ succeeded in

shaking the prince's confidence in his friend» Consequently0

al~Radi was deposed from his position. On another

occasiono al-Hadl lost his position again after he had

regained it for a while. Although he received a heavy

blow to his political career he appears to have had self-

confidence combined with ambition and arrogance. On the

first occasion he addressed Baha8 al=Bawlah as follows %

Why am I like a stranger behind people whoe had they been tested„ would have been found to be behind me. Am I to be afflicted, only to be denied to be chosen as protege? Sufficient for me is my past gallantry (heroic deeds).

1. Do H„ Vol. Ie P° He Volo lie po 873. 118o

i _ ~ - -

On the second occasion al~Kadx pretended that he re no heed to the loss of his position as a naqlbo He asserted that his ultimate goal was far~reaching, voicing his soaring ambition openly» He sayss

Had I been content with the headship of the s Alids alone0 Having achieved it I would have had no more hopeso but I possess a soul which aspires to positiono beyond which there is none higher to reacho

In this period in which al-Hadl underwent harsh and difficult experienceso his relationships with the Caliph al=Qadir„ who assumed the caliphate in 381/991„ appeared to worseao Al=Sadl apparently withstood the challenge.

On the one hand0 he defied the caliph in one of his odes in which he praised him a trying to allege that he was on 3 a footing of equality with him- Furthermore,, he seriously upset him by mentioning the Fatimid caliph of

Sgypt who threatened the legitimacy of the caliph of lo Do So VOlo I„ Po 11o

2o Do R„ Volo IIo p0 SB4o

So Ibidoo po 544» 119 o

lo In oae of his odes he voiced his loyalty to the

Pitimid^and pointed the fimger of suspieiora at al=Qadir0

(I wonder that) I aim clothed in the garment

of humiliation in this land of enemies0 when there is an GAlid caliph ia Sgyptj He whose father ia mine and whose lord is my lord»

when a more distant relative humiliates m©0

J ^J, ^ a jj ^ QJ>j^ j a>\'o^\ ^ 1 ' ' * -

The Galiph al=QadirD on hearing these attacking

verses summoned al^Kadi,11 s father and blamed him for his

son's attitude.. Alkadi's father was in an embarrassing

situations and he apologised to the Galiplu In additionD

ho tried to persuade his son to disown these biting lines<>

Our poet refused to do so. Consequently0 his relation^

ship with his father and brother deterioratede It is

said that hi© father swore that he would not share the

city with him»

It is clear that the poet used to compose such

protesting verses when he felt seriously wronged. As we

have already seen* he referred in the same manner to the

Fatimids when his family received a heavy blow under

s Mud al-Bawlah" s regimes However, al=»Sadl was no longer

concerned over his relationship with the Caliph al<=Qadir»

Later he attached himself to his patron Baha* al-Bawlah

lo Do R0 Yolo II, po 972o

fo Volo ¥110 p9 9895 Do S» Vole II e p0 973» 120o

on whom ho planed high hopes for his political aims.

To jtloeea

The period 3 84/994 to 394/1003 seems to have been

embarrassingly delicate both for al<=Kadi and his family

as a whole» The caliph°Q attitude was unfriendly and

al=-Radi°s father was well aware that his son's incautious

behaviour brought the whole family into conflict with

the palace. Our poet appeals to have been obstinate,, as

his EE a. wan refleetSo He did not praise the caliph from

5 384/994 oawardSo Later his relationship with Baha al=

Dawlah suffered hard conditions in 388/998*^ In the

following yea? al~Kadi seems to evade this stifling

eiimateo He made his first journey to Mecca to perform

the duty of pilgrimage which provided him with the best

opportunity to absent himself from the political scene is

Baghdado He was away from Baghdad many times» He tells

us that on account of the hardship and adversity from

which he suffered in the capital he found himself compelled

to be absent in 391/1000e He made another three journeys,,

two being to Mecca in 392/1001 and 394/1003 and the other

to 8All's tomb in Kufah.4

It is worth noting that al=8adl during this period

tried to impose political isolation upon himselfo As his

L Hilala p« 365o

2e Do So Volo II, po 8730

3o Ibido a pe 70&o

4o Do R» Volo ID po 55 „ Volo II „ p<> 885o i r>,i. o

Pi win indicates,, he did not praise any ruling figures

at that time8 making no effort to aosociate himself with

them. There io only one exception to thisB in which he

addressed hio friend the visier Abu "All al-&luwaffaq. In

this ode al=liadl seized the opportunity to direct bitter

remarks at those rulers who were proud of their honourable 1

yet empty titles. In general, he confined himself to

lamenting his intimate friends who were overtaken by death

one after another. Meanwhile he composed many odes of

self-pride. The outcome of this period, as his Piwan

illustrates, was about twenty-four odes consisting of

elegy and self-pride. Al-Radi, in hi© visits to Mecca, came to have first- 9

hand experience of the desert and bedouin life which

deepened his feelings and affection for this type of life.

In his poetry the vivid pictures of the pilgrimage season

and references to religious cities and desert sites began

to occupy a large place in his love poetry and odes of

self-pride. In addition, in his Hijaziyyat which form

an interesting part of his love poetry, he drew his

inspiration from his personal experiences, as we shall

see later.

One of his journeys to Mecca was of great importance

with regard to his ambition and his dream of assuming the

caliphate. He became acquainted with a leading bedouin

called Ka'b al=*&miri. Al-Radi identified him as Abu

1. D. R. Vol. II, p. 905. 3,23o

al~°Awsam and Iba Lay la. Al~lad'£ and Ibis Lay la confided

ia each ©thes'o The b©douin admired our poet to the extent

of dovotiiag hi© life to beisg Eaio pj?opagandiot0 serving

his farfetched plan to asswi© the

the first time that al~Sadl tj?ied to put h£g ambitions

aim isato realityB ao w© shall see latere

Al^Sadl. the ambitiouo politician

Al~SadX'ss ambition to claim the caliphate scents to b©

a Gtory of legendary dimensiono. Though Arab historians

agree over the fact that a© aspired to the caliphate» they

give no information about his plan3 „ the first step taken

to achieve his goal aad the time he gave up tais dream

and easno down to reality.^ They state that one of his

intimate friendss Abu Xshaq al^SSbl made him believe that

he was qualified to be caliph«, Al^Sabi predicted al=!adi's

future from the starse coming to the conclusion that he would assume the highest position.. It is difficult to

pinpoint the time when this event took place. However,

al~Sabi was imprisoned till 376/986 and the first friendly

correspondence between him and al~Radi had begun by this 4 year. The important poetical letter sent by al=Slbi to

his friend runs as follows.

1. Do R. Vol. I0 pp° 55, 183 B 431, 449; Vol. II, pp<> 715, 960.

2o al-Hafl, Volo II0 p° 376°, Jatnal al=Millahs op. cit. 0

p. 185? Ibn Abl al-Madid„ ope eit.6 Volo IB pp.

11=191 al«=Khawansari, opa cit. » p. 574.

3. Jamil al=Millah„ opa cit„e pa 1851 al-Khawansari„ op» citoo po B74o

8 40 Sasa il0 p0 7o 00 Abu Hasan I have an intuitive knowledge

abonat men8 which fails me not ira telling the truth„ It hao told ftae that you are B man of nobility who will rise to the highest rank., 0© S gave you full honour before-it was

due0 praying that God may proloag the life of the maotero Mot revealing yet a phrase which 1 kept secreto until X see myself free to spell it outo

\2J\JjJ dip \ cjSj, ^ tH ff*^s (LX^>j^

In al=Sadl?© reply he promised his friend that he would

requite al=Sabl's veneration by deedso He sayss

Should you grant me veneration before its time

is dueB I shall offer -you deeds more fragrant and redolent. May the nights help me to achieve my aspirations^ May they rap on a closed door behind which my good fortune lieso

Al~Saba.'s prediction concerning al=Radi's future was not the only factor which fostered this soaring ambition

in al~!adi*s mind*. As we have already seen, there were

8. Volo II „ p„ 581; Rasa^il, p0 40,

So Volo II0 p0 581; ^asa^il0 p0 40, 134.

many factors which contributed to laying the foundation

a of his high aspirations his ||hlL ite background 0 the historic glory which he inherited as am °Alid descendant„ his early upbringing,, the high esteem in which he was held by his family and teachers and his own great self=

esteem0 All these factors played their part in fostering

such an ambition0 which was triggered off by al=@abi"s mysterious predicSiono From his poetry it can be assumed that his aspiration emerged early in his lifeo^" When he

was sixteen years old0 he made it clear that his ultimate goal was not only to be a poet or to obtain mastery in literary subjects.. He sayss

Have I passed sixteen years of my age„ in which I achieved no good other than literary upbringingo

Al~Sadl was greatly preoccupied with his ambition to be a caliph<. It governed his behaviour and his relation-

ships with his family0 friends and rulers„ Although he had self~confidence in his qualifications to reach the

summit of high position0 he seems to have been hesitant and unable to put his plan into actiono Unfortunately„ the Arab historical sources give no information concerning his plans and preparations for achieving his goalo Never• theless,, a close examination of his Dlwan reveals that lo Do Ho Volo I„ po 89o

3o Ibido„ po 148» 135.

from §80/990 onwards he began to act in his own interest and in accordance with his ultimate aim„ He strengthened his relationships with the ' Hamdanid and the °Uqaylid rulers o both having 8_ha.gite teadencieo and representing notable tribal powers at that time, Meanwhile* he won the friendship of the representative of the Carmathians

ia Baghdad 0 as we have already seen» and maintained a friendly link with the Fltimids of Bgypto Furthermore» he laboured successfully to win the confidence and friendship of many politicians of the period. Yet he did not take the first step towards putting his plan into action.

His acquaintance with the bedouin leader Abu al=

"Awwam led to the appearance of his aspiration in a practical form. This propagandist,^al al<=Kadl tells us, began his mission for al=Sadi's claim by inviting the famous Arab tribe of Tamlm to support his cause.

Unfortunately,, the people of Tamim deserted Abu al~8Aww"am and later on killed him* Our poet, as he indicates in

his poetry8 received a heavy blow from this which rendered him sad and disillusioned..4 Although he did not completely

identify his friend8 he praised his loyalty» courage and g forebearance and lamented his death in many odes. In

L D„ So Vole I6 ppo 378„ 477 „ 4890 see Volo lis, p. 175o

2o Ibido o p0 55 s 114 s 216,, 230 8 225o

So Ibid» „ p<> 182.

40 Ibido, ppo 1826 431o

So Ibido, pe 447o one of his dirges he sayos

Whoever made Ibn Layla hio guide» would not; ::go astray nor be misled<>

However0 this disenchantment dro^e al-=Sadi much more o towards reality. He appears to have given up his revolutionary aims and the rebellious tone in his poetry began to wane gradually. Nevertheless., he did not free himself entirely from his wishful thinking and fantasy which remained with him to the end of his life.

The last stage of al^Radx9s professional career

In the year 394/1003 Baha* al=Dawlah once again appointed al=Radi's father as head of the ^Alids,, leader of pilgrimage caravans and chief of judges over the "Alids. but he did not assume the office of qadl through the refusal of the Caliph al-Qadir to sanction it. It is probable that the caliph's unfriendly attitude was due in part to al-Sadi's stubborn behaviour which brought the family into al=-Qjadir?s disfavour» as we have already seen.

At that time al-Kadi began to move from the shadow to the limelight again. He tried to strengthen his relationships with the Buwayhid prince. He now appears to set a limit to his ambition and tries to adjust himself to the realities of political life by attaching himself much more

lo D. Ho Vol. I0 p» 447„

2o Jawc Volo VII, pp0 226=997o 13V o

to his patron Baha1" al-=>Dawlah ao a last resort of his hopes. From the year 394/1003 till 403/1013 he devoted his poetry to praising the Buwayhid prince» He lavished twenty praise-odes on him„ to prove his loyalty and sincerityo Bah!5 al~Dawlah conferred many honorable titles in return. Meanwhile„ the poet paid no attention to the calipho He neither praised him nor made any effort to restore their deteriorating relationship back to normalo

As his Blwan appears to indicate0 he ignored him entirely,

Al=Kadl9s father retired from all official duties, o

His brother al~Murtada no longer participated in bearing

a the responsibilities of the headship of the Alids0 while in the year 397/1006 al=Hadl appears to have had absolute authority over them. In the following years the Buwayhid prince endowed him with the title "al^Radl dhu g al-Hasabayn"'

4 aoble. His professional career reached its highest point

a in 403/1012 when he was appointed a naqlb over the Alids a g in the dominions ruled by Bah! al^Bawlah,

AI~Sadl crowned his professional career by obtaining a position to which none of his ancestors had risen.

However„ instead of being gratifiedD he was frustrated

1, D. B. Vol, I, po 436; Volo II0 po 742„ 752,

2, Jaw, Vol. VIIo po 234; D. R. Volo I, p» 436.

3o D, S„ Volo Xo po 39o

40 D, So Vol, Ho po 752.

5o Jaw, Vol, VIIo po 260; Ath, Vol. VII„ p0 268; aee D„ So Volo I„ po 210, 120.

and despairing.. His disappointment was due in part to the fact that he found himself behaving against his ambitiono conviction and even his idealOo He laid aside his claim to the caliphate and moreover he was forced to make clear his retreat and submission.. In -SOS/1011

al=Eadl put his signature0 amongst others0 to a manifesto written at the caliph°s request in which the signatories condemned the Fatimid family in Egypt and denied its

genealogical descent from the Prophet's household8^ Al-=

Kadi, who used to take pride in his kinship with this familyo was compelled in this instance to act against his willo Furthermoreo in the year 403/1012 he gave up his previous resistance openlyo He was appointed a naqa.b and accepted the wearing of the black official dress of the "Abbasid which no °Alid had previously worn,, As

Meg observed o with this step al=>Kadl8 who relinquished his claim to the caliphate, declared himself defeated..

Although al=Eadl enjoyed a great measure of Baha"5

0 al-=Dawlah s patronageB possessing a high position 0 he seems to have been restless and dissatisfied with his statuso The naqabah caused him much trouble and brought him into conflict with his brother and relatives„ as his

L Jawo Yolo VII0 ppo 255-256o

2„ Ibido o po 260? see Atho Vol0 VII „ p<> 268o

3o Mez„ pp» 153„ 272« In his opinion„ al=Sadl was the first 3Alid aristocrat who publicly abandoned

resistance to authority0 who exchanged the white

dresse which his father had worn with as much pride as grief for the black uniforia of the sAbbasid

courtier and officialo See Jaw. Volo VII0 po 2600 129o

Bxwln indicateso He requested the Buwayhid primee to free him from the shackles of this responsibility as a naqxb on the grounds that ho was tired and unable to carry out his undertakings effectively. He asserted that he had become unlived by the °AlidSo Baha0 ai^Dawlah refused to accept his resignation

The final yearearss

In the year 403/1012 al-Sadl received a heavy blow when the death of his intimate friend Baha5 al=>Bawlah was announcedo He was sad and dispiritedo He composed two dirges in which he lamented the loss of his patron. They 3 reveal his sincerity, loyalty and profound sorrow. At that time al~ISadi retired from political life and became silento It seems he was tired and illo The Buwayhid prince Qawlm al~Da.n who succeeded his father requested the poet to praise his regime<> Al=8adl. tried to convince him that he had abandoned poetry„ and that he no longer had any interest in praising kings. The prince persisted with his demands and consequently the poet responded to his wish and then returned to silenceo^

8 The last year of al<=Kadl s life was a sad one0 Some a months before his death he lost his best friend $ Ahmad

bo All al=>Batti8 one of his longstanding companions from his youtho He wrote his last dirge on him and this proved

lo Do So Volo I, ppo 246~247o Volo II0 po 5226 750o

2o Do So Volo II, p0 TSiOo

So Do Ro Volo lo po 474o Volo II„ p. S91o 4o Do So Volo II „ po 517o to be his final odeo He saw his end drawing near and the last chapter of his life approaching. He sayGS

Calamity never missed you when it overtook those whom you love„

9 , 3 « • \ 9 ' •

AI~Sad!'s untimely death occurred in 406/10150 His elder brother al-Sharlf al=Murtada was so grief-stricken that he could not attend his funeral. When the burial was about to take place he retreated to the mausoleum of the Imam Musa al-Kasim feeling unable to support the bier

3 and attend the intermento The visier Pakhr al=Mulk bo

Ghalib conducted the funeral prayer at al-Kadl's house before a large assembly and then a great many people 4 flocked towards his home to pray over the deceased.

Among the poets who lamented his death was his brother al-Murtadiu He composed a tearful dirge in which he expressed his grief saying that he had expected his brother's end* He praised his deeds and conduct, revealing his profound sorrow over his short life« The vizier,

Abu al<=Qasim al=&laghribl composed a dirge over al-Kadx in which he likened his death to that of the Prophet's

6 departure. Al=Sardi's pupil, the poet Mihyar al-Baylaml lo B. So Vol© lo Po 138o 2. Tarlkh, Yolo II, po 246? Ibn Kho Yolo III, po 121; Jaw. Vol, VII, po 279.

3o Ibn Kho Yolo III, p. 122? al°waf1, Yole II, ps 378.

4e Jawo Yolo VII, p» 383; al°l-Jafl, Volo II, p0 378.

So Bo To Volo IIo ppo 131—135o

So Al-Kutuba.„ op, cit. „ Yolo XIII0 folo 170 compiled an elegiac ode on his teacher which was censured for "..its esstravaganceo He wrote another in which he en ram or a ted al=>Had1°a virtues and deeds. ^ o

Al~Kadl was buried in his own home0 ' but his remains o

9 were0 however0 removed later on to Karball' ,^ He left

c behimd him his only son called Adnan0 who 0 according to

Ibn Athir°o account0 was bfira in 400/1009o He was of great importance and held with high respect by rulers.

He succeeded his uncle al=Murtada in assuming the head-

a 3 ship of the AlidSo' Unfortunately P we have no information concerning the rest of al=Sad19® family.

His personality and character

Al=>Sadl was highly esteemed by Arab historians. They endowed him with splendid and noble qualities. In their

eyeso he was righteouse generous0 modest0 upright and g god=>fearing. He himself took pride in his good conduct.

There is no doubt that the highly moral and spiritual life which his family led had a great influence on him. He tells us that he treated himself with great discipline and self-controlo In one of his odes he described himself as follows?

L Do Y. Yolo lo po 2490 Vol. Ill0 pp. 336=370,

3, al-Kutublo op0 cito » Vol, XIIIB fol, 17,

So Ibn Abi al=-Had1d« op0 cit, „ Vol, I. po 10 5 al =

Khawansarl0°opo cito0 pc 576o

4, Atho Volo VIII0 ppo 74a 81; al-Qummls, op0 cit,, Vol, lo po 188,

So Jaw, Vol. VII0 po 279; Ibn Ta_ghrl Bardl8 opo cit, „ Vol, IV „ po 240; Jamal al°Millah„ og^^jit., po 184, I know not obscenity except by its description. I utter nothing offensive when I am in anger.

In hi3 Diwan he gave no place to satire which was a common subject in his time. Furthermore, no ugly or vulgar expression or phrase escaped his lips even when he was indignant and provoked.

He was deeply conscious of his historic heritage, political privilege and religious status. He never accepted any money or presents from viziers, rulers or even friends. Once, on the occasion of a birth in al~

Kadi's house, the vizier Pakhr al-Mulk sent him 1000 dinars. Al~Radi would not accept it. The vizier sent it s again as a gift for the nurses. Al-Radi refused it on the grounds that in the family of the prophet to which he belonged, none but the women of the family were employed on such an occasion. The vizier sent it a third time requesting the poet to distribute it among the students who attended his academy. On another occasion, al=Sadi's teacher Ibrahim b. Ahmad al-Tabari presented him with a house. Al=Sadi did not accept the gift, claiming that he did not receive presents,except from his father. However,

1. D. R. Vol. I, p. 86.

2. Ibn al-Hadid, op. ext., Vol. I, p. 13. Compare with Jamal ai-Mxllah op. cit., p. 184. See also Margoliouth, ojgu^ cit. . intro. p. XXIII. The author suggests that the vizier was Sabur b. Ardashir. However, we have no evidence to support his assumption. he eventually acquiesced.

It io worth noting that behind this splendid picture

of al~Kadi„ which has already been painted0 there are traits of contradiction and emotional unrest which caused him much trouble in his life. As we have already seen, he had boundless ambition impregnated with arrogance and high.self=esteem which entirely governed his outlook and

determined his relationships with friends0 relatives and others*. These drove him to judge them according to his

Utopian world which he had built in his imagination and to which he tried to be true. He suffered a great deal of pain in keeping a balance between reality and his idealistic principles, Al^&adi came to feel himself alienated despite the fact that he was in the centre of

the limelight. As we have learned before0 his relation^

ship with his father0 brother and maternal - uncle was often poor, he described himself among his family and relatives as followss

The soul is but a stranger among relatives once it has lost its close intimate friends and equals.

1 3 <-~*-J^S> * J> |

His feeling of isolation was intense and profound. He say s %

1, Jaw, Vol, VIIo po 223,

2, D„ R. Vol, lo ppo 960 1000 306„ 355,

3, Ibido o p0 167, They said meeting people brings comfort and easco Had I found satisfaction with people I would not have been alone

\ 1 \J2 >Jo** £jt>\* Cr-U), c$^s 'LLj> ^>

It XBo howevei? „ this trait of isolation with high self° esteem in his character that has a point of similarity with a man who suffers from megalomaniac

It seems likely that illness and the emotional insecurity from which he suffered in his early life became chroniCo His shyness and reserve could be traced to his melancholic temperamento He admits that he was not able to recite poetry owing to his timidity» He sayss

My soul is brave when I praise biat when I am asked to recite» my tongue is tiedo

Al^Kadi confessed that he suffered emotional conflict and intense self=reproacho He says?

I might justify myself before men from whom I keep aloofo I am more hostile to myself than all men put together»

3 lo D„ So Yolo Is p« 22Q» 2o Do Ko Volo IIo po 954o

3o Do Ko Yol„ I0 po S05j see MeSo p» 2720 In another ode he illustrates his restless life and emotional aassiety as follows %

They says "Comfort thyself, for life is but a sleep; When it ends, care, the nightly wanderer, vanishes too" Were it a peaceful sleep, I would welcome it, but it is a disquieting, dreadful sleep. 1

Al-Radi failed to keep a balance between his ideal world and reality when he sometimes tried to put his unrealistic principles into practice as a naq'ifa. He lost the *Alids* sympathy and became disliked when he tried to impose severe disciplinary measures over them. On one occasion an *Alid woman complained to him that her husband gambled away his fortune instead of providing for his wife and child. When the witness testified that this was true, al-=Kadl summoned him and ordered him to be flogged. The woman thought the punishment would be light, but when it exceeded 100 strokes she cried out in protest. Al-Eadi reproached her saying, "Did you imagine you were comp- laining to a schoolmaster?"

Al-Radi as a man was true to himself. He tried to live up to his moral principles and high standards both in his private and public life and rid himself of all worldly enjoyments in which his contemporaries immersed

1. Mez, p. 272; D. H. Vol. I, p. 506.

2. D. R. Vol. II, pp. 521-522.

3. Jamal al-41illah, op. cit. , p. 186. 186 o

themselves. On this point he was careful and strict.

In his relationships with his intimate friends he was

loyal and faithful<> As a politician he was obsecsed by

his soaring ambition to be caliph- He deemed everything

subordinate to his ultimate aim8 leaving no stone unturned

to achieve it. He well realised that he led his political

life at the cost of his principles. He found himself

compelled to pay homage to undeserving rulers. However,

his readiness to paint a favourable picture of the evil

face of Baha* al~Dawlah's regime was unforgivable in a

man of high moral principles like al^Sadl. It is clear

that the gap between al-Radi as a man of principle and as

a politician was too wide to be closed. Nevertheless,

in comparison with his contemporaries, his immunity to

moral decline and corruption was undeniable.

His religious belief

Al=»Hadx was born and brought up in an Imamite family.

In addition, Muhammad al=»Nu6 man, the .passionate and

dogmatic Imamite advocate was the first to teach him the

principles of Islam and theology according to Shi'ite

doctrine. In his further education he became acquainted

with teachers of different Islamic sects of whom some were

Mu'tazilites and Sunnites. Consequently, al-Radi was

influenced by his tutors, as his books indicate. Further•

more, his political career was often led at the expense

of his sectarian convictions. Despite this fact, Arab

historians paid no attention to the developement of his

1. D. R. Vol. I. p. 190. religious beliefs during the course of hia life. @hlait©

•A

historians state that he was pure Itnamite0 while

Qunnites introduce him aa a dogmatic and strict Xtnamite. 3

They called him a lafidite. A close examination of his

life and his poetry reveals to us the fact that al~3adx

was neither aa extreme am Imamite aa the Bunnites

regarded him0 nor was he i'Os pure as the Shx°ites imagined»

He himself made it clear that although he was Imamite0 he

8 had Mu tazilite tendeneies0 Ho says?

My grandfather (ancestor) is the prophet, my Imam is my father (GA11L ) and my banner is unity and justice.,

Al=.Hadis in the line quoted above referred to the

Mu3tasilite doctrine concerning the existence of God and

his unity which meant„ according to the Mu*tazilites0 that

the perfect order of the universe denotes that there is

one God who is neither accident nor of substance, and no

one can see him face to face while he sees and hears

8 lo Yusuf be Yahya al=San ani , N.ismat al-Sahar f 1 Dhikr man

pe 54 o

2c Ibn Ta^hri Bardie op» cite, Yolo IV6 pa 56;'see also Shihlb al=din Ahmad bo All al-sAsqilani, Lisan al~ftl3,zan,

Hyderabad, 133l/l9120 Vol. V0 p0 141. Notes The term Rafidah was used to identify the Imamites

from Zydites0 the followers of Zayd b. "All b. al= Husayn who rebelled against the Umayyads. A section of his supporters desired him to condemn the orthodox caliphs Abu Bakr and 4Omar and declare them unjust to 8Alio He refused to do so. There *spon they deserted him and called them 'deserters0 or OS aff ijjaji 8 , see Abd

al==Qahir al^Ba&hdadi, al^Farq bayn al-firaq, Cairo B

1910 o pp0 24=35 . ^^^^^^^

So Do 8, Yolo II o E>o 720 without the help of any instruments. Consequently, the

a Rlu tasiliteo wore called the people of justice and unitye

8 Ahl a.1.~ Adl wa al°Tawhxd«^ Al~Kadie in one of his praise odes appreciated al~8ahib b« 3Abbad98 adoption of

Mu'tazilite tendencies as a method of defending the o religion of Islam against the unbelievers. In addition, he referred to this religious school in his books and sometimes accepted its opinion on certain points. He mentioned the people of "Justice and unity" and their ideas with high respect drawing on their account when 3 discussing certain religious questions.

Al~Radi appears to have been Imamite in principle, whereas he seems to free himself or at least put aside some of these sectarian shackles when he was dealing with his ambition to assume the caliphate. As an Imamite, he was supposed, like others before him, to lay down his arms practically and theoretically after the collapse of many futile attempts made by 'Alid leaders to assume the caliphate and to fall back on the expectation of the twelth Imam the saviour "al-»MahdI's return". In Imamite doctrine this Imam would come out of his concealment to spread justice over the world.4 Al-HadI in this respect

1. Hitti, op. ext.. p. 245; Duha. Vol. III. pp. 21-93, 44-45. ' 2. B. R. Vol. I. p. 242. 3- Majazat, pp. 11. 190=191; see Talkhls, pp. 34, 36, 68. 4. Duha. Vol. Ill, pp. 235-237; see Muhammad al-Husayn Kashif al-ghita', Asl al-Shi*ah wa usuluha. 7th edn. Wajaf, 1950. pp. 103-104-; Von Grunebaum, Medieval Islam, pp. 193-194. IS 9.

0 adopted the ^aydites attitude0 which was based on the idea that °Alid leaders should carry oa their revolution against the usurpers and regain their legitimate right

to th© caliphate*."^" Al=Hadl0 as we have already seen „ claimed to be calipho

Generally speaking0 al=ladl seems to be broadminded concerning the historic question of the caliphate which divided the Muslims for many centuries <> Although he believed that °A1X was the most competent to hold this religious positiono he avoided voicing his ill=feeling towards the other Orthodox Caliphs as his pupil Mihyar did in his poetry. On this point al-Radl came nearer to the

Zaydites who concluded that the caliphs who assumed power before "All were legitimate* Al~Hadl never contested the legitimacy of those caliphs in his Shi"ite poetryo

These points of similarity between his attitude towards the caliphate and Zaydite belief drove some historians to 4 conclude that he was a Jgaydite. However „ it is difficult to accept such an assumption for two important reasons..

First of alio al~3&adl himself admitted that he was Imamite0 and like other Imamites he believed in the superiority of aAli who was nominated by the Prophet to be his successoro

1. Bo lo arto Shi"ah; see also arto Zayd b» Alio bya Eo Strothmann.

9o xDo Ko Volo I, pp= 280=2815 D. Y. Volo I0 p° 299„

Volo III, pp0 50o 119.

3 3o Abd al<=qahir o opo cit. 0 pc 95«

4o Jamal al=41illah0 op. eito 0 p0 I865 see also

al=Khawansari o opo_ eit. 0 p0 575. 140 o

la additiono he referred to the twelve Imams who came

through al-llusayh and had the divine right to lead the

faithfulo In this respect0 the 2ayditos believed that

each one of the children of alHasan and al~JI«safen who o o "

unsheathed his sword and summoned the faithful (al~Usnmah)0

was to be considered Imanio

Al=Sadlo as a politicians whose ambition was a bee

in his bonneto seems to attach less importance to his

sectarian conviction© if they came into conflict with

his ultimate goalo He admitted the legitimacy of the

°Abbasid ealiphe calling him his Imam„^ the term which

was confined in the Imamite view to GA11 and his

successors., In his poetry he recognised the legality of

the Isma°ilite caliphsB declaring his leanings towards

theme as we have already seeno In his relationships he

appears to have been broadmindedo His friends were of

different sects and religions at a time when sectarian

conflict was intensified and a dogmatic attitude prevailed„

Generally speakings he was ••Imamite in the broad sense,

with obvious tendencies towards other Shi8ite sects« In

addition,, there is no doubt about his admiration of the

Mu8tazilite schoolo He was a moderate with independent

views at a time when fanaticism and dogmatism had dominant

power over thoughts and feelings •>

lo Do Ro Volo Is po 35| see his work Majazat„ p0 86„

3o ®Abd al=Qahir8 op9 cite„ pe 235 Duha„ Vol0 III» P° 275«

3e Do Ro Vols II0 pp° 762? 773. Hi9 works

Ai^Lia'dl worked vigorously during the short period of hio life. Although h© was exhausted by his demanding position :.>as a naqib and obsessed by hi© overriding ambitiono yet he devoted most of his life to literary pursuitso lie compiled a number of books on different topics in which he proved the wide range of hie knowledge..

He began writing when he was twenty years of age and

1 continued to the last years of his life<> Unfortunately „ some of his works have not survived the ravages of time.

However,, it is not difficult to collect information on them from our historical sourceso Others were published

and are availablee including his Dawan which has been printed many times. His books may be listed as follows %

1. Slrat atTahirs this book is a biography of his

father in which aI~Radi6 as he tells us, related his o father's deeds and glorious career. The work is lost and there remains only an ode in which the poet celebrated the first book to be written by him.13

2. Khasl \e al-A^immah; al=Radl is said to have compiled this work in 383/993 in response to the wish of

his friends0 who realised that the poet had made no contribution in this field. On the authority of &gha

Bozork al=Tehranio the manuscript of this book is

1. Do R. Volo lit, pp. 631=635$ Talkhls. p<= 988.

2. D. So Vol. II* p0 635| al°Waflo Vol. IIIo p<> 375. available in Najaf and Teheran. He became acquainted with it by looking through the introduction which wao written by ai-Sadio According to al-Tehranl thio work contains a biographical survey of the twelve Imamo, including their careers„ talents „ dates of birth and death. Al=-Kadi himself indicates that h© began writing this book when he was in the prime of his youth. In the course of his work he came across al°Imam 0All's sermons o and sayings and began to collect them.

g0 Haqa^iq al^ta^wll fl Mutashabah al^tanzils al-

Sad! in this book discussed the obscure Qur^anic verses.

The work was of many volumes„ but all except the fifth are lost. He referred to this book in his other works, calling it his "big book". The fifth volume has been edited and published.

4. Talkh'is al°Bayan fi ftiajazat al°Quraang in this work the author traced the metaphorical figures in the

Qur*an, He composed it in 401/1010 as he indicates on its closing page.

5. Ma8an! al~Qur*ans Ibn Khaliikan related that al=!adi "composed a work on the rhetorical figures of the

1. &gha Bozork0 al°Pharl"ah, Vol. VII, pp. 164=165.

So Nahj al°Balaghah; ed. Muhammad Abu al=Fadl Ibrahim,, Cairo, 1963, Vol. I, p. 4.

3. Talkhls, intro. pp. 1=21, see al~EadI„ Haqaaq al°

Ta^WjjjT'fl Muta^habah al°Tangll9 ed. Muhammad al=Sida = ai-Ka^iT aT=^ita' „ Na jaf "^1936 , Vol/?, intro. p0° 4o

4. Talkhis0 p» 288. 143 „

fl Qur ln0 to which it would be difficult to find one equal in merit 5 it indicates the author°e vast information in grammar and philology <> This book was mentioned massy times in Arab historical sources.^ Unfortunately it has not come down to us.

So Al=Majlgat al°Kabawiy_y_ah3 the author in this work selected 361 prophetic traditions, analysing them from the rhetorical point of view. He indicates that he compiled his work after he had written many studies on the Qur^anic subjects.

7. Tagllq Jthilaf al°fuqaha*8 this work was mentioned many times by the biographers but they gave no information

concerning its content. The book is lostD but we can infer from its title that it was intended to discuss theological . . ^ 4 subjects.

a 8. Ta°l3.q °ala Idah Abi Ali al=»Farisis® al=Radi0 as we have mentioned before „ studied Kitab al-ldah under .—.—. • • • •»——*i al=Farisi°8 supervision. It is probable that this treatise was a sort of commentary on his teacher's work.

9o Al-Hasan min 3hi8r al-Husayn% In this work the

1. Ibn Kh. Volo IIIe po 120.

2o al°Waffl8 Volo II„ po 3751 see Ibn Shahrashub0 j>po cito 0

p. 511 al^Khawansario op. cito0 po 574.

3o Majasate ppo 9=10o

4. al=Khawansario op° cit.0 p0 5785 al~Amlnio op° cito a

Volo IV, p0 199.

5o al°Khawansara.B ojpo cit. & p0 578j al-=Amini0 op0 cito D Vol. IVo Po 199. 144 o

author mad© a large selection of the decent verse of ibn al=Hajjai who specialised in obscene verse»^" Al^SadX o o arranged this poetical selection in alphabetical ordero

10o Akhbar qudlt Baghdad % This work was mentioned

by Arab biographers0 but it has not come down to us,

There is no information concerning its exact content<>

6 110 Mukhtar Shi r Abl Ishaq al-Sabls the title indicates that al=Sadi made a selection of his friend's 4 poetryo The work has not come down to us.

12o al^Ziyadat fl_ §hi8r Abl Tammams this book is lost. Howevero it was mentioned In many historical

5 sources .

13o Hasa^il al°3harlf al~8adl% it is said that he left three volumes which contain his correspondence with his friends. What has come down to us is only his letters to al=Sabl and his replies which were inserted in a book called Ras"«!il al-Sabi wa al-Sharif al~Etadl.^

4 140 Judging from the account of Ibn Umar al~Irbilll„ it is possible that al=Sadl made a poetical selection

lo Hilal . ppe 431? Jamal al-41illah „ op, cit. s p. 184,

2o al=-2»rakll. al~Aalam. 2nd edn. Damascus» 1955 , Vol. ¥1, pp» 328-330o

3o al°Hafl. Vol. II. p. 375 5 Jamal al=Millah „ op. cite. p« 184o

4o al~Amlni» ope cita. Volo IV, p. 199«

So al^Khawansarl 8 QJ>° cit. „ p. 573 ; al~Amlnl. op0 cit» »

Volo IV. pe 1990

60 al=Wafl, Volo II0 po 3750 concentrating on verses of wisdom and proverbs„ Xbm °Umar say© that he made a summary of al=Had'i°s works„

ISo Nahj al°3ala_ghah% this work is supposed to be the sayingso letter© and sermons of the Imam °A1X which were collected and arranged by al-Radl. Arab historians„ ancient and modern„ and orientalists „ disagree on the genuineness of this booko Ibn Khaliikan was the first to suspect the authenticity of Naihj al~Balaghah. He says;

'It is a controversial point whether the book entitled Nahj al°Balajghah "highroad of precision in discourse"1 „ and containing a collection of sayings of the Imam °!ill Ibn Abi Talibo was compiled by al=Murtada or his brother al-^Kadi; it has been even stated that 8 these sayings were never uttered by Ali0 and that the person who collected them and attributed them to the Imam was himself the author of them 5 of this God is the best judge." 2

Those who followed in the footsteps of Ibn Khallikan in his suspicion were many. Amongst them were; al~Safadi in his work al~Waf1 and Ibn Taymiyyah who states that all the literary and historical works that appeared before al=Radl's time are devoid of most of what was mentioned o in Nahj al-Balajihah.^

ghi8ite biographers ancient and modern are of the opinion that Nahj al=Balaghah is genuine and that there

1. Fu^ad al=Sayyid » Pihrist al^akhtutat al^Musawwarah,

Cairoo 1954„ Vol. I0 p° 524.

2. Ibn Kho Vol. II. pp. 256=257.

3. al-431fl. Vol. II0 p. 375.

4. Ibn Taymiyyaho Manha j al°Sunnah al°Nabawiyyah0 1st edn. Cairoo 1322/1902,, Vol. IV, p. 24 j see po 159o 146.

is no doubt about it. They base their assumption on the grounds that a great deal of its content could be found in Arabic sources compiled before al^Kadl's birth. In o additions there are about seventy commentaries on it„ written throughout about nine centuries and none of those commentators directed any suspicion at the authenticity of Nahj al°Balajhaho Furthermore in the §hl8ites9 view there is no reason to suspect al=Sadl's account and accuse him of forgery.

Some orientalists and modern Arab scholars who discussed the question of the Nahj thought that it was compiled by al~Murtada or by both al=Radi and his brother,

3 and attributed to All. HoweverD there are no grounds for forming the opinion that the Mah j was written or collected by al=lVSurtada. In additions there is no reason to suppose that he participated with his brother al=Radi in collecting the Imam 8All's sayings,, letters and sermons.

Al=Radi himself states that he collected the materials and arranged them. He asserted this in two of his books which were compiled before the Nahj. The first was Talkhis al =

3 bayan and the second al~Ma jazat. Furthermore, in his

1o aI°Khawansarl, op. cit.0 p. 577; al=Qummi, op. cito ,

Vol. I, p. 595; al-Atnlnl0 op. cit. , Vol. IV, pp. 186=196

2. B. I. art. al=Murtada; see H. A. R. Gibb, Arabic Literature, Oxford, 1963, 2nd edn. po 98; C. Brockelmann Geshic.hte der Arabischeri Litteratur, suppl. I, Leiden 8 1937B p. 132; see also 8* Khulusy, Shi ism and it3 influence on the Arabic literature, Ph. D. thesis, University of London, 1947, pp. 83=84.

3. Majajat, pp. 39=40, 67; Talkhis, p. 178= 147.

introduction to the Nahj he confirmed that he came across

0All's sayings and sermons when ho was compiling hio first book Khafagis al-A^immah. He carried on his work until 400/1009 in which year he completed it»^ However, al=4iadl tells us that he did not scrutinise and test his o materials cautiously and carefully. He accepted different versions and accounts of "All's sayings without further 3 investigation or checking. In additions he left some unwritten pages at the end of every chapter of his script.

Perhaps these pages were filled with additional and spurious texts. It is possible that the original work suffered alteration and expansion later on. Thus it is reasonable.to suspect some sections of the whole work.

However, there is no convincing reason to undermine the authenticity of the book as a whole. 3 16. His Olwan.

1. Nahj al~Baltghah, ed. Abu al=Padl„ Vol. I. see the intro. pp. 4, 5; see also Mah j with commentary by Muhammad 'Abduh, Cairo, n.d. , Vol. Ill, p. 367. c 2. See Mah j with Muhammad Abduh's commentary, Vol. Ill, p. 267. 3. Historical observations will be given on al-Sadi's Dlwan in Chapter V, see below. mm II

o GHAFTBK V

HISTORICAL OBS11VATIOH

i\L=lADI°S DIW&N O * M,=ladl l©ft behisd a btslky Plg&ja containing almost

IS0000 v©rseo oa different poetical thesweso Arab biographers dtariag the smany c©ntMrieg aft©;? al^Kadl^e o deaths often referred to thio poetical collection describing its sis© and eoratento^ Al=>Sadl himself was the finest to o

collect his poems and arrang© them in a Ma. Unfortunately0 the original version itao not com© to us. It is difficult therefore to form a clear id©a about the exact order which was followed by the poet in preparing his collection

However0 in his lifetime it seems that his Da. wan was in gr@at demando Al=Slhib bo °Abbld (do 385/995) had a copy of ito While in Egypt „ Taqiyyah bo Sayf ©l-=Dawlah took an interest in Al~&adi.'s poetry and requested a copy of ito His friend Abu Bakr bo ghahawayh asked the poet to s©nd hitm a part of his poetry as al=»lSadl records in one of hi© od©3o From this information it is clear that this

B3,wln took its form during al^Radi's life and many copies

were availabl©0 His brother al=Murtadl indicates that to© became acquainted with this Da.wan after the death of al=

Radio He confirms that h© looked over it and asserted o that the version was written by the poet himself» M© selected the poetical lines in which al=Sadi described

al~Tayf» the phantom of the beloved which6 we are told0 appears to a poet at nighto lo Ibn Kho Yolo Ills p° 1305 Shahrashub0 op,, cit0 0 p» 515 al-Wafi,, Vol„ II, po 374 5 al~Yafi si7 Mir"* St

al~Jinan, Beirut, 1970, Volo III0 pe 19»

3o Do Ho Volo I, pa 220o

3o Zbido0 po 502o IGIo

As we have already saido it is difficult to form a

clear idea about the first arrangement of al~Kadl°o

poetical sollectioa0 made during his lifetime,, However 0 al-fciurtadl tellQ us that he found one of al~KadI°s odes rhymed with ba* in the second volume of this glwano This

indicates that the alphabetical order was not applied by al=Sadlo So it is possible that the odes were arranged according to their dates or themes.

After al^ladl's death "different persons" as Ibn

Khallikan states "have essayed to collect the poetical

works of al-Sharlf al°Kadls but the best edition is that of Abu Hfklm al-Khabrl (do 470/1077). "3 This copyist was educated and reliable in his account. He specialised in 3 transcription and his writing was accurate and fine*

However,, many manuscripts of ai-Radl's Da,wan have come down to USE. some of them versions of Abu Hakim's copy»

In one of these manuscripts which is still extant the copyist indicates that he copied his version from a trans= cript which was first arranged according to poetical themeso He rearranged them alphabeticallyo In addition»

the biographer Ajgha Bosork al-Tehran!s who specialised in

Shl8ite works in the course of Islamic history, acquainted himself with three handwritten copies of ai=Radl's Dlwan,

one of which was written in 515/1121s The odes were

6 lo lo Abbas, @l°§harXf al°Radl9 pe 64.

2e Ibn Khe Yolo III. p. 120o

So al=Qiftl» op, cit»9 Vol* II. ps 98; see ¥aqut0 Vole K>„

p0 28Bo

4a aX-Sadl, Dlwln, B. M. M8«> , no. Add 19410| see Biblo Kato B33c no. 6440» fol„ 122» arranged according to their themes amd the poems of each

theme were disposed alphabetically0 A similar arraago~ moat was adopted im ' a v@psioia which was a copy of Abu

Hakim's origiaal versioao ©a th© first page0 it was stated that "this is th© third volume off al~Sad3.°s poetry arraagod aecordiag to th© themes and alphabetically» It was made by Abu Hakim al°I£habrlo053

It is v©ry likely that Abu HakXm°s arraageimemt of

0 al~Kadx s odes was followed by maay copyists 0 amd evea those who applied the alphabetical order gave atteatioa to tho thoimes5 disposition aad tnaiataiaed ito Abl Hakim arraaged the odes according to thoir themes as follows?

lo Th© Wisest seetioa contains eulogyo

2o The seeoad comprises al=Rada.'s seif<=pride poetry

(Fakhg) aad other poem© relatiag to complaiat of

th© vicissitudes of fate0 (shakwa) <.

So Th© third psirt is called the section of elegy„

4o The fourth iaeludes hi© love poetry aad his odes

ia which he described greyneso (al~3hayb) aad the

phantom (al-Tayf)»

5> Th© fifth is of various other theme© aad short

poetical pieces (majjj^jtt) 0

la the priated versions of al<=>Kad!°s Blwla 0 the odes

are arraaged alphabetically0 but some sigas of the origiaal order snado by Abu Hakim aad those who followed him caa be

lo Aghl Bosorko opo cito 0 Vola IXo po S73o

2o al°ladl0 Da. winD B0 Mo Rl©0 0 aoo Add 194100 see also

Biblo°Wato MSoo ao0 64400 folo l=>2o 1B«J o

seesa. In addition9 the dates of these odes weirej to some

©sgtonto observed ia tills disposition..

A close examination of the pointed version© and the smantaaeripts at presont available shows us that the poet looked over his poetical collection aad revised many of th© odes which were written ia the early stageo of his iife<> la addition, he dropped some of his verse©. He sometimes ommitted a whole ode except only the opening liae, la others he crossed out large sections of some of •a his odes with which he had become dissatisfied .

Concerning this point AbS Hakim's version, which became a reliable source to many copyists , is of great importance..

He made his own commentary on some of al=Kadi9s odes giving interesting detail concerning the oecasioa for which they were written., Mhat he collected from al^Eadl^s draft papers supplies us with information about the poet's development in his verse, and his early artistic shortcomings* H© preserved for us what al^Radl had tried to discard from his final eopy.^

Am for the authenticity of al=Hadl's Piwan as a whole, there is no doubt about it aad no one has suspected any section or any ode of it, save one which was doubted by some copyists.. This suspect ode is a dirge in which the poet lamented al~Husayn's martyrdom. It exists in two

lo B. So Vol. I, p. 89, Vol. II, pp. g86» 7170 see B„ M„ MSS no, 257S0, 19410.

2o al~Kadl0 DlwSa. Bible Nat. MS no. 644o,fols0 19B 110, 123, i40j see also 3Abbaa, al^Sharlf al°Hadi, p. 6S. 154.

manuscripts at present ©sstanto but the explanatory preface

Q«gg©sts that there is doubt about it oa tho grounds that

&*£ wao not found ia tfeo original version and its stylo is aimpl© and g©atl©. Sowevoi? „ th©r© is aa indication that

it was the last poem to b© written by tho po©ta^

The following manuscripts of al=HadiJs Dlijln have been consulteds, in writing the present thesiss

8 18 The first volume of al=Hadl s Dlwaa ovists in Paris

(Bibl. BJato ne. 6440). This copy was written at Aleppo ia

§84/1188D but the name of the copyist was entirely effaced.

It has 975 folios and the odes are arranged according to their themes and each thome is disposed alphabetically.

This version was enriched by linguistic comments. It is probable that the copyist drew on Abu al-Haklm'e version.

2» Al~KadX's Dxwan which is in Istanbul (Koprulu no.

1943). This copy contains the complete Dlwan with tho additional poetical pieces and individual lines which were found after al=Hadl's death. The folios of this copy number 235. It wa© written by Abu Mansur Abu al~Barakat al=Mada*inl in 668/1369.

3. The third part of al^ladl's Dlwaa (British Museum n@.

19410). This copy was made according to Abu Hakim*© versioa. It wa© written by Yaqut al°Musta4siml in 1018/

1610. It contains 132 folios.

4. The fourth manuscript is (British Museum no.Add.

1. al-ladl, Blwan» Bibl. Hat. MS fol. 19? see also KttprttlU MS no. 1243j seo D. S» Vol. I. p. 33. 25750)o This copy depended on an old version of al~

Kadi0s Plwaja whose odes were arranged according "60 themes eis the copyist tell© uso Ho rearranged them alphabeticallyo

It contains 287 folios comprising the whole Dlwaa. It was

written in 1046/1636o

§0 The fifth is (Cambridge gag a0o Qg0 212 (a) )o This copy contains 474 folios comprising the whole BIwano It was written by Muhammad °A1I bo al=Husaym al^Bahrana, in o O p 1090/1679o The odes are arranged alphabetically»

The Dlwan has been published many times0 the first occasion being in I306/1888o This edition contains §49 pages filled with misprints and misspellings o In additiono many odes were printed ineompleteo The second edition was made in Beirut 1307=1810/188@~1892„ in two

volumes containing 986 pages9 This version was edited with a commentary by Muhammad Sallm al^Lababldlo It was reprinted in Tehran in 1964 with a vast introduction on al=RadI's life written by sAbd al-Husayn al~Hill!.<,2 There are two other editions % the first was published in Beirut in 1961 in two volumes and the second has not yet been completed in GairOo The first volume of this edition was edited by Muhyl al-BIm aAbd al-HaimXd but he did not mention on which manuscripts or published copies he depended <,

Howevers there is no difference between these three editions» i ^ ^„

lo el-Kadl, DlwanD Bombay (1306/1888)8 pp0 126D 135 „ 136»

2. al=Radl, DlwanB published by Dar al=Bayan in Tehran„ 1964o ° In this study when we use the abbreviation Do Ko we refer to this edition» A elos© examination and comparative test of these manuscripts at present available and the published Dlwjm reveals to us that there is no important difference between thorn. The organisation of the odea seems to have almost the same alphabetical order and the explanatory

prefaces ar©,> to Qoime extent0 similar with very slight alteration.. However,, there are a few historical errors

±n the manuscripts and th© published Dlwano Fortunately0

©om© of al-Sadi9© odes which are undated in the printed i version are furnished with dates in the manuscripts. In addition the handwritten copies can be used to correct the dates suggested in the published edition. One of

al=ladl°s odeso for instance D was dated 396/1005 <> It was written to console the Caliph al«=Ta*ia<( who had died before

the above-mentioned date0 on th© occasion of his son's death. One of our manuscripts suggests 376/98© as the

year8 and this seems to be the most likely. HoweverB care must be taken in accepting all dates suggested by manuscripts without examination owing to the mis-spellings which occurred in them. Th© published Da.wan on which we depend in this study seems to be relatively more accurate oa this point. The handwritten versions give no additional

text. Neverthelesss they attest the authenticity of the published Blwln and make it likely that this version form©

I. D. Ro Vol. Id p° 48. Compare with B. M. US add

8§750o See also D. 1. Vol. I0 p. 268D and MS folo 87.

2o al~Radli.Da.wan „ Vol. X„ p« 14. See MS. B. Bfl. no.

194101 p0 82o the complete poetical collection of al=Sadi5s poetryo

Al=>Eada.°o BjLwaja with the explanatory preludes of its odes is great importaneeo His poetry is a vivid record of his relationships = tooth private and public = and of his attitude© towards rulers and political eventQo

His odes = in different degrees = illustrate hio ambition

and aspirations throwing light on his frustration0 advance and retreat on th© political seeneo From a

historical point of view0 th© PIwan is a helpful supple• ment to any study concerning th© political condition of

Baghdad and Iraq in the Buwayhid period» He was one of

the ey©-"Witnesses who suffered from its ups and downsB

and enjoyed its prosperous days0 As for his family and

its leading r6le in society8 the poet took pains to record its deeds and participation in this era*

Although he viewed and analysed events and political developments from his own standpoint and according to his own interests and even tried to distort the image of th©

Buwayhid"s rulers„ his poetical collection is still• to some extent® a useful help to political accounts of this period °

As for the Diwan's contents„ it consists of al~SadI5s poetry from the early stages of his poetical composition

369/979 till 404/1013. The outcome is about 391 odes lo It is worth noting that Ihsan *Abbas in his study on al^Eadi examined two other manuscripts which exist in Muhammad Shakir*s private library. He concluded that there is no difference between these manuscripts

and the published Plwane See his work„ al^Sharif

al°Kadl0 pe 65o IS 8.

divided according to their themes as followss Bulogy 1000

self=prid© 830 Blegy 800 love=poetry 43„ friendly poetical

correspondence 40D Shi"ite odes 5 and various other themes

40. In additiono there are almost 280 small poetical pieces and individual lines relating to the above= mentioned themes» Some of them are the remains of many

©©[Triplet© odes which were deleted by the poet himself when he looked over his poetry and revised ito

The above simple statistics show us that eulogy

occupies a larg© part in his Plwan. Secondly 0 self-=pride received full attention and formed an independent theme

in al°Kadl°s poetical collection0 This is natural to a poet who had boundless aspirations. ISlegy is another important part of the Dlwam% through this theme the poet expressed his loyalty and affection to his friends and illustrated his wide acquaintance. As for his Shl^ite

odes, they are few. HoweverB al>=Kadl used to refer to

Shi8ism and the °Alid family's tragedy and its historical record in his s©lf=praise poetry and poems on other themes.

As wo shall see laterP his descent from the Prophet°s house forms a cornerstone for his self=pride. Concerning his love^poetry» &l<=&adi» like other Arab poets » opened many of his odes with the traditional erotic introduction.

In additions he composed 43 odes which were devoted to the love theme o and a large section of .' them is known as al°Hijasiyyat„ which w© shall discuss later at some length. CHAPTER VI

AL-BADI'S SULOGY o

this is my praise» in it I seek no fortune° Glory forbade me to make a living out of eulogy.

al=Sadi 160.

1 - General Momarks

Swlogy is on© of the important aaeient thomeo in

Arabic poetry. Poets began compooing it ao early ao the

Jahilite periodo They first were recognised as defenders of the honour of their tribes and their foremost duty was to celebrate their people"s glorious deeds and, fame.

Meanwhileo many of them began to praise certain personalities and gain money in return. Arab critics found an excuse for th© famous Jahilite poet SSuhayr praising the great and accepting rewards. They alleged that he never praised men but as they deserved and his effort to gain 1 money through his panegyrical odes was limited. Al=»

Habighah al~Bhubyani and al-A0_sha al~Kablr wore considered the first of the Jahilito poets to sell their praise© and lower their standards by flattering Icings and asking their rewards. Al°Mabighah was said to have reaped rich

6 prises for hi© praises. As for al-A _sha0 he was sharply rebuked by Arab critics because he represented a professional poet roaming from place to place singing the 2 praises of those who rewarded him.

Buring the Orthodox Caliphate poetry in general suffered strict limitations when Islam reacted unfavourably

to it0 but this era was not long enough to affect it seriously. By the advent of the Umayyads poetry in general

a lo Umdah0 Volo I„ ppo 49-505 see also Ibn QutaybahD a !? al-Shi°r wa al-Shu ara' 0 ed. Muhammad Shakir 0 Cairo0

1944~rTol. lo p. 870

2. ^IMdahQ Vol; t I „ p0 49. i

and ©ulogy and satire ia particular were given a free rein and the poets who followed al~NablgIiah and al^A^jaha in their profession were innumerable. The three famous poets al=Fara??daq o Jarlr and al~Akhtal were at the head of the professional encomiasts who not only sold their praises but were also ready to revile anyone who would not pay for their services <> Poets who refrained from lauding the great became,, to some extent„ exceptional.

Among them were 3Umar bo Abi 3Sabisah and Jamil Buthaynah

who composed nothing but love poetry.. In addition8 there were a few committed poets who adhered to political or religious sects and refused to praise rulers<, The 3 ECfaarijito poets were a ease in points

Poets in the 8Abbasid period extensively attached themselves to the Caliph's palace and to other rulerso

Their poetical skill was at the disposal of those who paid well. Consequently» eulogy became the most lucrative type of poetry and it brought poets nearer to those who had power and wealth. Caliphs„ princes and other rulers made full use of the professional poets1 talents and rewarded them lavishly. Such was the condition that it was natural that eulogy occupied a large section in any

Dxwa.n of this period. Few poets were able to stand firm

1. NicholsonB op« cite„ pa 240; Dayf» al-Tatawwur wa

8 al°Tajdid fi al~Shi r al-Umawie 3rd~edn0 Cairo 1965c ppo 120« 126.

2<> "Umdah, Vol. 1B pp« 50=52.

3. Ihsln "Abbas, 8hi9r al~Khawarij» Beirut 1963 , intro. po 16. against this trend° Among them were °Abd Allah bo al=Muctagj5 in the third Islamic century (do 296/908) aad the Hamdanid prince Abu Firao al-IIamdanl (d» 357/998) o^

In al~Ltadl°s time Abu al-=°Ala* al=Macarr'i refused to write poetry professionally and eventually confined

himself is solitudeo Al=Sadi belongs to the same elass0

In the Dlwan of al-Sadlo like those of other Arab

poetse eulogy occupies a large sectiono Nevertheless <> he has his own opinion concerning poetical practice as a profession He refused to regard himself as a pro£es~ sional poet as his ancestors and predecessors dido He stated this fact repeatedly when he addressed those whom he praisedo He sayss

This is my praise0 in it I seek no fortune glory forbade me to make a living out of eulogy*

In this respect al-Radl lived up to his principles and seemed to be true to his ambition as a man aspiring to the caliphateo He was reluctant to accept the loss of his political and religious privilege and status*^1 In addition» the poet regarded his poetry as a means to an end s, making use of it ia his political life as a weapon

8 lo Umar Farrukh„ Abu Flras Paris Baal Hamdana 1st edno

Beirut 1954 * ppo 71B 91o

2« Margoliouths Letterse p0 XXVII.

So Do Ho Vole It, pe 159o

4o Wo 3. Volo IIo p» 765o to achieve his ultimate goalo He sayss

To compose poetry only an a moans-.towards a hope, Tho time of its fulfillment is drawing near.

Al~Kadl seems to be anssious and unhappy that poetry is a kind of offense from a religious point of view. It is very likely that he' was worried about the Qur^an's statement in which poets were denounced as liars inspired by the devil. He promised that he would give mp composing poetry if he obtained his goal. He sayss

Should God will that I shall attain my aspiration, I would surely pledge myself to abandon verse and it's sins

Al=Sadl o as we have already seen,, refrained from reciting his praiseO in the presence of caliphs and princes. In addition, he blamed himself because he felt that he was like other poets„ used to saying that which he would not do. However„ the poet was, to some extent,

1. X). S. Vol. Io Po 108.

3. In the Qur^an the &yah runs as followss "And the poets the perverse follow them; hast thou not seen how they wander in every valley and how they say that

which they (So notl"' <, see Arberry 0 The Koran

Interpreted 0 London 19550 Vol. II, p. 75.

3. B„ R. Vol. I0 p. 108.

4. 'Do K. Vol. II o p. 646. 164.

consistent with the principles he set himself in dealing with poetry. He made full use of his panegyrical ooloo as a means to an end. He praised caliphs» princes and other rulers but refused to accept money in return.

As for al=Eadl°Q eulogy, and its artistic development in regard to form and content „ two stages can be discerned. The first could be termed the stage of imitation and the second the stage of maturity. It is difficult to draw a clear=cut line between these two

stageso which sometimes appear to overlap. However0 it io safe to assume that the first ten years of al~Sadi?s poetical career is the span of his first stage. It began in the year 369/979.

2 - The stage of Imitation

The first difficulty in tracing the course of al»

Eadi°s poetical evolution is the fact that he revised o his poetry. In addition, he dropped 3ome of his early. odes which may have escaped those who collected his

verses after his death. However0 what remained of the poetry : which was written in his early life is the only basic source we have to study and judge the early poetical period of our poet. Al~Tha"alibi in his Yatimah states that al=Radi borrowed his poetical meanings from al• ii

Buhturio Ibn al-=£iumi and al-41utanabbi. However0 it is likely that the poet drew on Jahilite and early Islamic poetry in his eulogy and other themes. He himself likened 1. Yatimah, Vol. Ill» pp. 138=153. 165 „

his skill to that of the Jahilite poet Zuhayp. la additiono there are points of similarity between al«Kadl and Abu Firla al-Hamdanl's poetry- As for Abu Tammam's poetry its artistic impact on al-Radl is apparent.

Abu Tammatn was rebuked by Arab critics because he had a keen interest in complicated and far-fetched metaphors. He was criticised by them with regard to the extensive use of al-Jinas (assonance)o al-tibaq (anti-

thesis) o and a 1 °mu q ab al aih (comparison). In addition 0 the poet fully showed off his historical erudition and overloaded his poetry with names» events and various philosophical terms. S Although Ab-u Tamma- m succeeded, to some extent» in recasting his historical and philosophical terms in a poetic form shrouded with embroidery, conser• vative critics blamed him on the grounds that he broke with poetical conventions. Abu Tammam„ in the Arab critics'

views sacrificed the splendour and radiance of his poems and meanings in his anxiety to employ tibaq and other meta• phorical figures which he used in his poems.^ This charac• teristic of Abu Tammam's poetry finds its parallel in the early stages of al-Kadl's eulogy. His odes abound with Jinas and tibaq- In addition, remote and complicated metaphors

1. D. R. Vol. II, p. 818.

2. Do R. Vol. lo p. 49 j see Abu Firas> Diwan, ed. Sarnl

al-Dahhan, Beirut 1944 „ Vol. II0 pp. 23—25.

3. Dayf , al-Fann. p0 359.

4. G. Bo Von Orunebaum „ A Tenth Century Document of Arabic Literary Theory and Criticism,) Chicago

19500 p. 51. See also al~I.midi „ op. cit. 0 p. 61. tnadG their appearance. In one of his ode's which was written when he was abonat eleven years old» ho wsed

JiffiSo and Tibaq twenty five times. la oao line of this odo he sgtaocsod siss of -Shoo© ornamental foms.3. In another odo which was written in S7S/9-85 when the poet

was about sissteen years old 0 he seeiESt© be otill obsessed with poetic embellishment« He used Tibaq and Jiaig" twenty

©even times in this ode and overloaded it with many complicated and tasteless metaphors„ In generals, his odes prove that he failed to come up to Abu Tamraarn'o level in cheating remote metaphorical figures. He

borrowede for instance,, one of Abu Tammam's metaphors which was frequently criticised by Arab critics. Abu

Tammam0s figure of speech runs as followss

Bo mot give me,to drink the water of blame for I am an ardent lover and have tried to sweeten the water of my weeping.

When al^LJad'i borrowed the application of this metaphor he put it as follows?

In yowr face the water of glory is diluted when you are deposed, and the face of the one who has been appointed is dull.

1. D„ So Volo I, pp. 236=240,

So Ibido o pps 316=930.

8. Do Tm. Vol. I, pa 25j see al°&midi„ op» cit. , ps 119. X & 'J o

It is ©leas? that aX~Hadl filled the above-mentioned line with Jinls and Tiblqo The poet used one© again the same metaphorical figureo H© sayss

I am in my time amongst peoples the nature of whose friendship is a water of hatred..

Another point of similarity between Abu Tammam9 s poetry and al^Sadl's is the use of historical references in their composition.. This artistic characteristic made its appearance early in al=!adi8s panegyrical odes and in other themes as wello It became a firmly established aspect of his poetry in his stage of maturity. Although al=Kadi failed to make use of his historical erudition o artistically as Abu Tammam did» he succeeded in using these historical references to support the arguments which

3 lie tried to put forwards

The second poetical source from which al=*8adl borrowed his meanings, and to some extents on which some of his odes were modelled, is al-BuhturUs poetry.

Although the influence of this poet is less important

1. D0 So Volo I* p« 237„

3, Do 8. Volo XI E, p*. 694.

3o D„ I?, Volo I. po 238, Volo II. p» $34 0 776o .1.68.

and effective than that of Abu TammaimD the points of similarity can bo traced between them in regard to the poetical otjpuetisE1© off both pooto and the pXeaoaat aad harrnaniouG rhythm which characterised their odes»^ Ai=

Sadlo for instance0 took one of al-Buhturi's meanings and tried to improve upon it. Al~Buhturi sayss

And if the aninbar should desire to undertake a task beyond its powers it would come to you of its own accord. 2

It is clear that al~3uhturl11 s line is loaded with exaggeration. Al=Sadl took it and composed another unnatural and oxtravagent line. He sayss

Hhen they mentioned him in the presence of the caliphs pulpits looked forward towards him.

- • ' . y.

4 j*S^ *?\** &<£-t g^€J

The most important poetical source from which al=

Kadi drew his inspiration was al~Mutanabbi's poetry. A close examination of their Dlwans reveals to us how closely al-Radi followed al=Mutanabbl9s model and how he drew upon his meanings and imitated his poetical method.

s I. Yatlmah. Volo III. pe 1535 1= Abbas8 al-Sharif al° Kadi, pp. 191~X92$ see also Marun Âbbud „ ajûûsT

l2nd"~edn. Beirut 1959, p8 259.

2e Von Grunebaunu A Tenth Century Document» ps 15.

So S3o So Vol© I© p® 212 O

4„ Do Ho Vol. I, p0 346o Xfo?J>o

The introductory lines which ai«41utaraabb3. used were imitated by our poeto Whan al~Kadl modelled his odea oa those of al-Kmtamabbsl he applied the same raotpeo and rhyme- letter as wello la addition <> al^Mwtanabblfe spirit with

its dark outlook aad his sharp comments oa peopleD rulers and life in general infiltrated al=Hadl's poetry. He found much is common with this leading poeto

Al-=Hadl@ in his imitation of al<41utanabbl0 went to the length of paraphrasing the meanings of his favourite poet and many times repeated them,. In one of al-Sadx'a odes which was written in his early life he borrowed the idea of one of al~Mutanabbi'8 opening lines and used it with slight alteration.. Al~Mutanabbl says%

Judgement comes before the courage of the courageous 5 the former is first* and the latter in second place; So when they are combined in a haughty spirits the spirit reaches every place of elevation. 2

Al=»Kadl's two lines are as follows % Q

These lances would have been sticks of Dal and galam, but for the thrust of judgement and resolution; verily lean lance3 and pens

are means to sublimity for Arab and non~Arab kings0

L Do So Vol. lis po 610; Do M. Vol. III* p. 19S>S see also Do So Vol. I* p. 207 and B* Mo Vol. II, p° 167. 2o The two lines were quoted from Arberry * Poems of _al-

MutanabbJL* pe 82.

3o Do.llo Volo IV* p. 3890 In aX~Kadi°G odes ia which he praised al-Sahib bo O O O °Abbad in 375/985 many of its meanings can be traced back 2

to oae or other of al=£tlutanabbi?s odes»'' The following line may illustrate the clear-cut points of similarity

between them. Al=3adi sayss Prom your closeness I hope for an action with which to infuriate the envious collectively and individually„

*. ' • '

3 ^j>y> S tJ * w -jijL \

He repeated the same meaning in another ode. He sayss

Sid me of the greed of enemies with a mighty blowo For there is no peace without prolonged fighting.

- y • \ i

It is clear that al=Sadi looked at al=Mutanabbi8s meaning o which runs as follows.

Snd for me the envy of the envious by

humbling themB for it was yourself who made them enviers of me. 5 lo D. lo Volo IIo p° 816o

2o Do 8. Yolo I* pp» 216-2300 compare with D. M„ Volo II, pp. 3=18o

3„ DoSo Volo Ie po 219o

40 Do So Vol. Ho po 009.

5o Arberry o Poems ojc_ al°41utanabb1B po 82o 171,

Al^IutanabfolL used to express his love for his praised

prince Qayf al=4])0wlah0 The poet is his odes reveals his affection for his patron as the lover yearns for his beloved. In al°Thaaalibi8s view,, al-=Elutanabbi distin• guished hi© panegyrical odes by addressing his prai3ed kings as though they were his beloved o^" In one of al =

Mutanabbi's odes he addresses Sayf al=4J>awlah as follows;

Why do I conceal a love that has wasted my frameo when all the nations make claim to love Oayf al^Dawlah? 2 , *- * - '

This expression of allegience took place in al=

Radi's early panegyrical composition and lasted to the stage of maturity when it became an established aspect

4 of his eulogy. In one of his odes in which al-Kadl praised the Caliph al^Ta^i* in the manner of al-Mutanabbi he expressed his love of the Caliph as followss Why am I in love with someone I cannot behold? Someone whom I have no means to fulfil the hope of meeting.

j, / >• ... -

1. Yatimah. Vol. I, p. 207. 3o Arberryo Poems of al^Mutanabbl, p« 70.

3. D. M. Vol. IV, ps 105i see also Vol. I„ pp. 9, 320„

Vol. Ill, p0 160.

4c Do So Volo I, po 4380 Vol* II. p. 602, 605, 781.

So Do So Vol. I. po 210. la another ode al—Kadi addresses the same caliph as if ho wepe his beloved. He oayos

A look from you would let the sap

Clow in my body0 spreading out my shade, causing green grass to grow.

It is worthwhile to analyse the artistic structure and the internal harmony of al=SadiBs odes in the early stages of his poetical development. Me have three panegyrical odes among others written in this period. In one of them xdiich was supposed to have been composed in

371/981 al=Kadi dropped the amatory preface(nasib)with which Arab poets used to open their panegyrical odes.

He began his opening lines by self-praise which occupied twenty four lines out of seventy eight» then he proceeded to praise his father and attack his political enemies„ then he came back to praise his father to the end of his ode. In another ode in which the poet praised al-Sahib

s bo Abbad in 375/985. he opened his ode by prolonged introduction of self-praise which consists of eighteen lines. He proceeded from it to praise al-Sahib then inserted a traditional poetical part in regard to his imaginary journey to his praised person. Traditionally» this part was supposed to be in the introduction from which the poet should proceed to deal with his other major subjects. However, al=SadI returned to praise his

1. Do K. Vol* I» p, 39o

2o Ibido o pp0 236-240. patron and closed his ode. with lines relating to his wisdoimo la general o al=Sadl's odes in the early stage wore characterised by a lack of internal unity» Their rambling and discursive style io due in part to their lengtho Nevertheless„ the poet began to find his own poetical approach and became gradually less dependent on his poetical sources which have already been mentioned»

He outgrew some of his poetical shortcomings with regard to the use of metaphors and borrowed meanings from other poetso Meanwhile the stamp of al~Mutanabbi's poetry .. .. . maintained its hold on al=3adi'o panegyrical odes and other themes as wello

As for the poetical introduction of al-RadUs odes in this period he usually preferred to open his odes by 2 expressing his self^pride. The amatory preface (naslb) was used as an introduction to many of his odes as wello

However» it is surprising that the poet in his youth was fond of speaking on gray hair (al°8hayb) and describing ito It seems that he was anxious about its early appearanceo This point became a major subject of the

3 poetical preface to many of his odes. It was limited later when al^ladi came to use various sorts of poetical introduction- It is probable that grayness (al°§hayb) spread early in al=Radi8s hair» He seems to be anxious

about it that time0 then he became reconciled to ito

I, V9. Ko Volo I, ppo 216=230*

2o Do Ro Volo I0 pe 64o 2078 216„ Volo II, p° 636o

3o Do Ho Volo I0 po <38B 800 990 Vol0 II. P° 607, 631o 3 =• The utage of Maj^y?ity_

To deal with al-Liad'i'Q paint egyr .leal odes of this stage o it io convenient to examine and analyse their content and then to proceed to their artistic form*.

First of all 0 it must be borase in mind that the poet in developing his panegyrical odes did not make any radical

changes.. Like other poetsD he failed to free himself

from the rigidity of poetical conventionsa Nevertheless0 ho treated the ancient models with regard to content and form skilfully a preserving the old style with some modernisation and variation.

The list of persons on whom the poet lavished his praises includes two 8Abbasid caliphss al^Tl'9is and al =

Qadirs and three Buwayhid princesg Sharaf al-Bawlah,

Baha'" al~Dawlah and his son<> He praised many famous political figures of his time* Moreover• his father during his life time received almost forty panegyrical odes. In the manner of other traditional poets, al=Hadi endowed his praised personalities with traditional virtues which were - and still are •= adored by the Arabs. The list of these qualities is too long to be enumerated in full.

It includes courage, bravery, decencyB generosity „ lavish hospitality s, protection of the weak and so on« Like others, al-Hadl attributed these unlimited values to s anyone he praised, with slight alteration*, Consequently his portrait of those he praised lacks individuality and to some extent is unconvincing and unrealistic. The weak and dispirited Caliph al-Ta5is, for instance, seems to be ,1,715 o

•eh© defender of Islam„ mercifulD steadfast and courageous» as al=.Sadl portrays him in his panegyrical odes» Al<=

Kadi's friead0 3aha al~Dawlaa who was described as a o

greatly parsimonious and tyrannical ruler0 has an

illustrious picture in al=Sad1°s praises0 Moreover0

the Biiiwayhid period with its instability D anarchy and serious economic conditions was introduced in al~3adX°s panegyric as a time of peace and prosperity<> He sayss

09 sons of Buwayh % you are the rains and the people the fields. In the nights there is nothing but you who gladden the eyes- Had it not been for you, no life would have remained in the branch of hope« r

e> 9 5 W^J'

It is ironical that the °Abbasid Caliph al=Qadir who suffered a great deal of encroachment at the hand of the

Buwayhid rulers and lost his legitimate authority over the Islamic lands at that timet, was described by the poet as follows?

Oo sons of 0Abbas„ the honour of the caliphate this day was renewed <> This one's hands have essalted its lofty fabric the other it was who laid the foundations.

1„ Do So Volo II, ppo 762e 779, 931„ 983o

2» Ibido s po 731 o 783 c, among others0

3o Do So Volo I. po 390o This peak hao been kept in time's store from that firm crag. 1

UP 3^ \ ®J>J& fjs^ \ 41

^J, JJJ^ ^

In the light of what we have already mentioned and

cited'. al-Kadi"s panegyrical odes are to some extent

misleading in their information and their historical

value must be treated cautiously. Al-Sadie, for instance „

mentioned a certain rebellious movement which took place

in Baha* aX~Bawlah8s time. It emerged in al=Basrah and

al-Ahwas under the leadership of Abu al=8Abbas b. Wasil

who occupied a large amount of territory of southern Iraq

and brought trouble to Baha* al-Bawlah. He defeated many

expeditions sent by the Buwayhid ruler till the rebellious

leader was captured by a trap laid by Baha3 al-Bawlah"s

supporters. Yet in al-Sadi9s panegyrical odes Ibn

Wasil was timid» ungrateful and treacherous. The defeat

of Baha^ al-Dawlah's armies was portrayed as a great

victory which was celebrated by al—Kadi1 in many odes.^

Broadly speakings the poet distinguished himself in

his praise from other professional poets by two charac~

teristics. First of all» al-Sadi utilised his panegyrical

odes to serve his aim. Consequently, the political function

1 Dhaylo p0 217B the lines were slightly modified.

9 © D. lie Volo Ie po 417.

3 o Jawo Volo VIIB po 236s Ath. Volo VII. po 226

Do So Volo I„ppo 40. 48-51. Volo IIo P° 6188 9Blo 1 J J o

and implication of these odes is clear. It gave them vitality and made them interesting despite their contra• diction with historical sources and also their over-

estimation of persons and events. Moreover0 his praises in general help us to essamiae his political career and his father's political life. In addition, his occasional congratulatory poems and others which were addressed as solace to those who had lost positions or suffered from rulers9 disfavours give us an account of those outstanding figures on the political scene at that time. His odes throw light on their ttps and downs„ their roles and activity. The other distinguishing aspect of al=Sadics praises is that unlike the majority of Arab poets at least in his time. al-Radl's arrogant and strong personality made itself felt in his panegyrical odes. Consequently* he succeeded in establishing his theme of self-praise as an important part of his panegyric. In this respect there are points of similarity between him and al«Mutanabbi. but al=Kadl outdid al-MutanabbX and asserted his self- praise to the extent of challenging and annoying caliphs and others. He used to declare himself on equal terms with the two caliphs he praised. In one of his odes in which he praised the Caliph al-Qadir he says;

I crave indulgence. Commander of the Faithful! We are not borne on different branches of the tree of gloryl On whatever day we may vaunt our honours, no difference shall appear between us %

1. D» 8. Vol. II. p. 544. 927. IV tie

We a?e both firmly rooted in oww illastriotas

rank0 • Th© caliphate alone makes a distinction bofwooa 5

Yon wear the noble collar0 I do aoto 1

.. , f. ' ' . \

It is surprising .-that al-ladl used the same manner of address when he praised his maternal uncle who became annoyed and upset by al^Sadi's hint of challenge to his own status. The poet found himself compelled to apologise

fear the implication of his odeD However „ al^Sadi went to

th© length of challenging his father when he praised him0

He sayss There is no difference between us in the day of reward save that he struck the path in front of uneo

Al^Kadl's excessive self-praise was toned down in all the odes devoted to his patron Bahaa al=>BawIaho The poet seems to be tactful and careful in this respect from the political point of- view, but he is far away from those ideal principles which ho laid down and to which he tried

lo IbnrKhoVolo III p0 119o .'. "

2o D0 lo Volo IIo Po 544o

3o Bo B0 Volo lo po 80o

4o Uo So Volo II o po 847 0 179 o

to live upo However„ he had realised thut his political f«*

Consequentlyo not only had he to restrain his oolf^pride in these odes but also expressed his loyalty to this

Buwayhid ruler in a slavish manner. In one of his odes he addressed his patron as follows?

It is a wonder that you build me up by your generosity„ yet destroy me by disfavour. I am the slave of your favour which enlivens my hope and whose glory makes my weakness strength.

In another ode he expresses his loyalty in the same manner» he sayss

I am only a sapling which you planted» and the worthiest sapling is that whose soil was cultivated by your hand. I found no maker other than you; I know no benefactor amongst the people but you.

As for the artistic structure of al=Sadi's panegyrical odese he adopted a traditional method at least in regard to the introductory part of his ode. However. he did not imitate it blindly. He dropped certain parts of it

1. D. 1. Vol. II0 p. 874,

a » Ibid.s p. §89o XQOc

improved! upon its details., It is well-known that the ancient model of the qasldah was considered a standard which poets should follow and observe in their praioeso

I ton Qutaybah sumimarioed the main principles which must be maintained in panegyrical odes as followss

8 "I have heard' * says Xbn Qutaybah 0 "from a man of learning that the composer of odes began by mentioning the deserted dwelling-places and the relics and traces of habitation.. Then he wept and complained and addressed the desolate encampments and begged his companion to make a halts in order that he might have occasion to speak of those who had once lived there and afterwards departed; for the dwellers in tents were different from townsmen or villagers in respect of coming and going because they moved

from one water^spring to another 0 seeking pasture and searching out the places where rain had fallen* Then to this he linked the erotic prelude (njasib) and bewailed the violence of his love and the anguish of separation from his mistress and the extremity of his passion and desire; so as to win the hearts of his hearer and divert their eyes toward him* and invited their ears to listen to him* since the song of love touches mens9 souls and takes hold of their heart » . <> Now when the poet had assured himself of an attentive hearing* he followed up his advantage and set forth;his claimi thus he went on to complain of fatigue and want of sleep and travelling by night and of the noonday heat, and how his camel had been reduced to leanness., And when* after representing all his discomfort and danger of his journey * he knew that he had fully justified his hope and expectation of receiving his due need from the person to whom the poem was addressed he entered upon his panegyric Madih." 1

The major part of panegyrical odes in the Jahilite and Umayyad period answers to this description which was

regarded as time=honoured and traditionalo In additione classical poets in general ran the risk of copying the

1. Ibn Qutaybah * op* cjt ° * Vol.. I <> pp® 20-91; the English version was quoted from Nicholson* op^ citi. * pp* 77=78<> X 81 o

model of the ancient erotic preface0 ancient feelings5 imagery and other conventional aspects which were applied

ropeatedlyAs for the "Abbaeid period0 a close ossamiaation of the dxwans of the outstanding poets Abu

Tammlm0 ai-Bwhturi and al=Mutanabbl shows us that the o development and modifications of the orotic preface and other poetical introductions which were made by these

poets are of somo importance. Abu Tammam0 for instance0 cut out certain parts of the traditional, erotic preface in some of his panegyrical odes. la others he dropped it entirely and entered upon his main subject directly«

Although he was fond of dwelling on his beloved's effaced oncampmeato ho often used to open his odes by describing the departure of his beloved and expressing his pain and

anguisho Al=Buhtur10 like Abl Tammams opened some of his panegyrical odes by describing the effaced encampment of his beloveds in others he depicted the following n$ 3 of her caravan with anguish and longing. In additions ho paid full attention to developing two interesting parts of the traditional erotic preface. The first was the description of the beloved's phantom (al-tayf). This part was enlarged and enriched by the poeto He made it a complete and independent poetical preface and discarded other partSo^ The second was the description of lo A. KHo Kinany. The Development of Gazal. in Arabic

Literature. Damascus 1951s pe 304,

a. Do tm. Volo I, pp. 76 45, 205, 240, Vol. II „ p. 99. Volo Ills p« 31o

So Do B. Volo I0 ppo 16s 70, 81s 101.- 210, Vol. II. pp. 78, 100.

4o Do Bo Volo I. ppo 7a 31. §5. 84. 135. Vol. II. PP° 76o 103o lightning(al^Qn^) which was often compared to the simile of the belovedo Al~!3uhfcwr'i weed suach doueriptiom as the whole erotic preface in oosno of hio odeo and dropped the other parts of the traditional preface."^

Al~M«tanabba. ia the maaner of hio predecessors coneen~ trated on describing the effaced encampment of his beloveds but he made a further advance in dropping the erotic preface entirely and entering upon his subject- 3 mattes' directly. In one of his panegyrical odes he made it clear that regardless of the fact that poets used to open their odes by the nasib he decided to break with 4 this convention/ Al«-Eadx made use of each part of the traditional © erotic prelude* But he separated this prolonged introduction into various independent prefaces, applying each one ao a complete poetical preface. In general he succeeded in developing and elaborating some of them.

In a notable number of his panegyrical odes he opened them by describing the encampment of his beloved and dropped other parts. In regard to the journey which was described by poets on their way to meet their patrons, al-Sadi imitated the established traditional method.

Like al-Mutanabbl8 he began his praise directly in some of his odea, in others he spoke about his bravery and

L D. 3. Vole I. pp. 63, 113.

3. D. 18. Vol. I, p. 61. Vol. Ill, pp. 140, 455, Vol* IV, p. 59.

3, B. M. Vol. I. p. 154, Vol. II,pp. 3, 223, Vol. IV, pp. 89, 123.

4. D. Mo Vol. IV, pe 89. 0 courage.. In addition B he pursued al=Buhturl s method in describing lightning-, (j^^as?^) and introduced many detailed aad vivid pictures of it wfoea he encountered it in the desoyto The vivid picture of the beloved0s caravan travelling through the desert took place in al°

Kadi0 s introductory naslb aad the description of hia beloved's phantom was applied as an erotic prelude as well.1

Al=Sadi'3 contribution to the development of the poetical prelude and panegyrical odes in general lies in the fact that he elaborated the harmony and interconnection of the opening lines and the main subject of his odes,

He succeeded in organising some of his panegyrical odes well, building up the poetical introduction in conformity with other parts<, He sometimes observed the special occasion for which his odes were written and made his opening lines suitable- In one of his odes in which he

praised the Caliph al=-QadirP the occasion was that of the

Caliph receiving the pilgrim caravan of the people of

Khurasan- The poet made his poetical introduction har• monise with the sub ject-=matter of the occasion, He says s

Whose are the howdaha» tossed about by the camels, and the caravan which now floats» now sinks in the mirage? They are crossing the sides of al<=°Aqiqs

One goes to Syria0 whose fancy drives his mounts that ways another to Iraq, They have left behind a prisoner (the poet himself) not to be redeemed of his passion» and a seeker who never attains his goalo 2

lo Do R. Vol. Io ppo 80 39c 69, 2200 240, 417 „ 456 B 459,

Volo II o ppo 5140 541, 544 „ 623 , 742., 746. 779. 949,

2o MesB po 274„ 1 34 o

CJ> j^^> \ Ui \ X

It is clear that the poet made his erotic prelude relevant to hia final subject. He proceeded to it omoothly as well, la other odes he applied the same method skilfully.

Al<=Kadl also succeeded in maintaining a suitable bridge between his poetical prelude and the other main parts of his odes. This helps him to proceed smoothly from one part to another He borrowed ancient oaths which

were often used by the Jahilite poets0 such phrases as

B9 ,D "by God"0 "by God's life" or I swoj?e by God and so on.

Al=>Nabighah used such an oath in a simple way in one of his odes. He says.

I swore <=» and I left no doubt in your mind = and a man has no recourse beyond God

Such sorts of oath became common from the Islamic period onwards- However« al~Kadi dealt with them in a different o way. He enlarged and enriched them. He began to swear

lo Do Kc Vol. IIo p0 541=

9o IbicU 0 p0 649; for another example see Vol. I0 p<> 1890

225, 459 0 Vol. II0 p« 929. q 3o Arberryo Arabic poetry „ p0 34 % see KIu allaqat 0 p0 \

by camels which were driven to Mecca „ then he vividly described their journey. He also depicted the desert scenes throughout his oath „ mentioning many Hijlsite site© to adorn hio poetry. Then he passed froim this preparatory part to a statement which he wanted to stress.

It is sometimes connected with his patron's generosity,,

bravery0 wisdom and so on. It is possible that the frequent us© of this artistic method is due in part to al^Sadi's acquaintance with desert life through his journeys to Mecca.

Al=®adi. paid great attention to improving and elaborating the opening lines of his panegyrical odes.

Meanwhile0 the closing lines received the same attention.

The poet often used to express his sincere wishes to his praised patron. This expression of supplication of God

2 became favourite closing lines in al-Sadl's panegyric.

He was on the side of al=Mutanabb1 who was fond of using such sorts of expression as poetical epilogues to his panegyrical odes. Arab critics regarded this sort of closing line in panegyric as a sign of weakness in poetry.

Neverthelesso they esseused those poets who used it when they praised kings.^ Al=RadI seems to be in line with

1. D. R„ Vol. I, ps 317o Vol. IIo ppo 873o 950. 964, among others.

2o D. R. Vol. loppo 450 916D 335 0 459, Vol. IIopp. 516, 620, 954.

3. Do M„ Vol. IIS p. 391, Vol. Ill, p. 56, 107. Vol. IV,

pp. 2430 2580 309.

a 4. Umdah.„ Vol. I„ p° 160. See also Sina^atayn8 pp. 157=159. He regarded such kinds of expression an outstanding aspect of letters and sermons. 186o

the es\itico° requests while al-Mutanabbi used such

expressions indiscriminately. Al"S?sdX , in praising

Bahl"5 ai-Bawlah sayos

Then may your life be prolonged„ as lomg as life is delightful and continuity good. Verily the fates are your soldiers and time your slave.

Broadly speaking, al=ladl through his poetical development began to decrease the use of Jinas and Tibaq in comparison with the first stage of imitation. He also showed a great deal of mastery in dealing with artistic embellishments. In addition the previous complicated and unnatural metaphors were largely abandoned. In generals the combination and the implication of his poetical pictures and meanings seemi to have much connection with desert life and scenes. The increasing use of shorter metres is another poetical aspect which became more n apparent. However, the poet in this respect, like his contemporaries, was inclined to apply lighter and shorter metres but that does not mean that he abandoned completely the long metres with which he had dealt from the early stage of his poetical life. 1. D, R. Vol. II, p. 733, see also p. 746.

3. D. R. Vol. I. pp. 39, 316, Vol. II, pp. 546, 615, 729, 783, 850, 939, among others. 18V„

4 h k ! ° £ g£^ ^,^g^Fg^_gj al-Sadl

Broadly speaking0 pootieal friendly correspondence and congratulatory odes wore considered a part of

0 panegyric. But as Abu Hilal ai^ Askari suggests0 they did not occur in the Jahilite poetry. This characteri• stic praise differs from traditional panegyric on two points. The first io that the rigidity of poetical conventions does not rule so much. Secondly, the poetical friendly correspondence and other friendly odes

(al^Ikhwaniyyat) are, to some extent, liberated from the traditional poetical structure of the panegyrical odes and almost devoid of the poetical prelude (naslb). In addition„ in poetical correspondence the senders and the recipients in their replies apply the same metre and rhyme letter and often concentrate on the same subject^ matter. In the Yatlmah of al°Tha alibi the author has handed down to us many friendly letters, some of which are a mixture of prose and poetry. In general in this poetical sub^theme the artificiality and formalities which were often observed by encomiasts in addressing and praising their patrons were to a large extent replaced by sincerity and true sentimental elements. The subject" matter of the Ikhwaniyyat was friendly concerns ouch as congratulations,, consolation, expressions of gratitude, apology fo© lapses between friends and sometimes literary

1. Dlwan al"Ma"anIt Vol. I, pp. 91-92.

2. Yatlmah. Vol. I. ppo 113, 267=368, Vol*, III, ppo 171-17

3. Ibid., pp. 354, 257, Vol. II, pp. 318=319. questions.

AI^Ka'dl coBijpooed almost forty odes relating to this

them©o la oosno of them he adopted the traditional method

of panegyric prefacing them with the erotic prelude

(naslb) o Ira others he dropped the nasi bo M~Sadx

exchanged much poetical correspondence with his brother al<=Murtada and his firm friend Abu Ishaq al~Sabl° They applied the same metres and rhyme letters.^ The poet also wrote congratulatory odes to his friends on the birth

of their children, on obtaining official or high positionss

on returning from journeys0 and on other occasional 2

events. It is interesting to note that the birth of a daughter was a suitable occasion in al~RadlBs eyes for congratulation The poet wrote two odes to his brother in which he celebrated the day of his daughter's birtho

In one of these odes the poet sayss The chargers of good~luck have como prancing on a bright happy day. A little child = all who see her beauty kiss

her9 and you the envied one held her in your arms.

J> JJ3 'J I 9 cj^r 9J ** 4 Ij^yPd WUj O A close examination of al~Hadles friendly poetical

lo Do S. Yolo Is ppo 246=247o Vol. II» pp» 531=534„ 943=945o

2. Do R= Vole I„ ppo 26„ 83, 84, 251• 3590 385o

So J.bido a ppo 243 „ 359o

40 Ibido o p0 245 g see R'iez ppo 364<=365. I 89 a

correspondence and other relating to the Xkhwaniyylt shows us that although he had many acquaintances „ his close friends (imeluditrag his brother) were fow. la gonoralo his relationships with these friends cuff©red many lapses and severeraces<> His relationship with his brother al~Murtada suffered the same fate, as al~KadI°s a o poetry indicates. It is not surprising that al=Radi had such poor relationships with his friends- He was sensitive, with emotional instability. In additions he built up his own idealistic world and tried to judge friends and friendship in accordance with it. Consequently he had a great deal of trouble. He suspected his friends and doubted their friendship while considering himself loyal and faithful. In one of his ode3 he sayss

It is sad enough that I am a friend and faithful, but I have no friend among people. *, ) • S

i -

The only friend with whom al-Radi maintained his relation^ ship smoothly and peacefully was Abu Ishaq al-Sabi. The poet described his brotherly and friendly relationship with al-Sabl as followsi

Our two hearts are intermingled as in brotherhood. So seekers for the same goal are brothers«

1. D. R. Vol. II, p. 583. 190 o

friend06 aspiration to be caliph and overestimated his qualificationso However, al^lladl had another longstanding friend called al-rBatti. He was a boon companion of al-

Radl0 The poet tells us that he was very eager for his friend's company and often invited him to attend his assemblyo Al~!adl seems anxious and cautious to maintain a smooth relationship with ai«3atti. When lapses occurred he tried to bring the condition back to normal. It is interesting that al-Madi, in addressing this friend o applies the language of lovers, looking at him as if he were his beloved, expressing his tender emotion and longing when this friend was far away. He says.

I feel jealousy when you are in the company of others, just as a lover is jealous for his beloved Once you are away from me I no longer enjoy the beauty and goodness of time. I feel longing as I recall you when you are far, I rejoice when you are close to me To me, you are the home<=coming of promised hope. You are the dawning of near relief.

1. D. Ho Vol. II, pe 944. 191o

..."

In general the Ikhwaniyyat in al~Radi°s poetry well express his opinion and his understanding of friendship.

They are characterised by his profound and sincere feelings

towards his firm friends0 marred by anxiety and suspicion.

His style is quite genuine and simple and devoid of artificiality.

1. D. R0 Vol. I. p. 154. CHAPTER VII

AL=>KABI°S 8BLF-PSAIS3

I aspired to honours„ but they repelled my advances 5 the beloved always repels the lover-

Ajf^ C^-^PU J>U-U a »^-^ ^L*t ^ *

,al~KadI 1 «= Geporal remarks

Tho wordo "glory0 or Oboa8tiag0 (£aHur) and 0 bravery' or tehivalry 11 (hanaagah) have interrelated uneasaiagG as far as Arab poetry Is concerned, la our [email protected] th© word faklixr sneano to enumerate or recount oao's deed© and glorious qualities or magnify oneself. Hamlsah has th© sneaning of courage„ fighting and cfiiivalry Some

Arab anthologists who took an interest in collecting and choosing poetieal anthologies often applied the word faaimlsah as a title to their collection©. It is likely that Abu Tammsm was the first to use it as a title for the first section of his anthology and it came to be applied as the title of his whole work. Abu TammBm gave

no reason for the use of this word. However0 a close examination of his anthology shows us that ho applied this word 'hawafiaah9 to that Arabic poetry which has a eloQe connection with tribal war „ f anatieism, description

of the battlefield, braveryB chivalry0 endurance and other warlike virtues.^ In the manner of Abu Tammam, al=

Buhturl and Ibn &l~Shajarl (do 542/1147) among others 3 applied the term hamisah to their anthologies.

15 1. al=Jawharl o Isma !!, al=Sihah6 edo by Ahmad al~"Attar „

Cairo 1377/19570 Vol0 III pp.° 779B 917.° See Ibn

Mansur, Lisan al°'Arab, Beirut 1956 0 part VI„ pp. 57=58$

part V0 ppo 48-49.

2. al=Marsuqa.0 Sharh BH.wan al°Hamaaah8 anthology of Abu

TammamB ed. ^bd al=Salam HSrun and Ahmad Amln „ Cairo 1951 o see intro. pp. 6=7, part I„ pp. ° 22-480, part IIo ppo 484=780.

3. al=Buhturllo Dlwan al°HamasahD ed. Kamal MustfSo Cairo,

1929 5° Ibn al^Sha jari 0 "iCitab al-Hamasah, Hyderabad, 1926. 3.94.

A© for Arab critics0 they almost all preferred to

UQ® tho word ffokhr = "pride0 or 5 self -praises „ Hheia

I ton Oallim al~Jumah! (do 221/845) ennMnerated the major

poetical themes ia Arab poetry he fnemtioEied Q©lf=praioo among thostjo^* Other critics distinguished this estab• lished theme but they made it clear that there was mo difference between self«=praise (fakhr) and eulogy

(MadJLh) save that the poet in self-praise confined his praise to himself» Those critics did not mention the

hamlsaho However0 they indicated that in self=praise

poets used to boast of their decency 0 wisdom and, other 2 gloriouQ deeds both of themselves and other poopleo

This means that they applied the word fakhr in its broadest sense. It is very likely that the hamasah was considered a military aspect of self=prais©o

Modern Arab scholars who take an interest in classical

Arab poetry differ on the use of the words hamlsah and fakhro Some of thorn consider the hamasah an independent

section ia Arab pootry stamding by itself0 while others make no distinction between these two words» Yet in the

©yes of some others0 the word hamasah had a vast and an expanding meaning covering some aspects of different

So poetical themes. However,, it is possible to draw a distinction between these interrelated words fafchr and tjamasaho Qelf-praise (fakh.r) is one of the estab= liohed poetical themes in Arab poetry in which poets

boasted of themselves„ their deeds0 qualities , virtues and the illustrious record of their peoples or nations.

When poets confined their self-praise to describing their

chivalrous qualities D bravery in battle and war-days the self-praise became a sort of war-poetryt Hamisah.

n Accordingly,, the word self-praise (i£f^y*£) ^ this study is used in its widest senses this encompasses pride in

oneself o one's f amily 0 tribe, party and nation., It includes war-poetry (Hamaaah) as wello

Self-praise occupied a large and outstanding place in the Jahilite poetry which represented a real record of Arab life at that time. Poets expressed their feeling of hatred, love and admiration, ennumerating their deeds and virtues and celebrating their victorious days. It is natural that in tribal and bedouin society tribal warfare loomed large in poetry and poets deemed it their duty to stand by their own people by words and deed3o Meanwhile, their personalities received great attention. They celebrated their own unshakeable courage, steadfastness, loyalty, firmness and so on. A glance at the Mu^allaqat shows us that poets of ignorance spoke proudly of their

I. Ahmad Badawi, Usus al-Maqd al-Adabl gind al°sArab,

Cairo, 3rd edn. 1964, pa 286-2895 ghalash op. cit., p. 142 s Hanna Fakhurl „ al-gakjir wa al-Hamasah, Beirut n.d. intro. and pp. 43=89. personalities, breathing a spirit of warlike courage and superiority 5 but they also took much pride in their elans0 glorious deeds and fame. la the Rlu^llaqah of °Amp bo

Suithum, al"Hagith bo Hillisah amd La bid , for instanceo the conimom topic can be traced to self-praise in the broadest sense. They recorded their tribal wars and heroic deeds of their people among others. Iven Tarafah who expressed his sorrow at his tribe°s hostile attitude towards him felt sad because his people wronged him."

As for aAntarah, who had his own love problem, he gave a vivid picture of himself as a soldier with high moral qualities and martial prowess.

In the early Islamic period poets took pride in their

new religion0 criticising and attacking those who were still "ignorant". Apparently, tribal fanaticism died away but its spirit persisted in this poetry. In addition, this early Islamic period witnessed many poets who had sung in the time of ignorance and continued for the most part to sing under Islam. However, the wonderful conquests of the new faith in the Worth and West became an inexhaustible subject to be celebrated. Consequently, war~pootry formed a remarkable section in selfupraise.

By the advent of the Umayyad era, the ancient traditional customs were revived and tribal fanaticism became a motivating force in poetry. Moreover, political strife between many religious and political sects and parties

I. Mu^allaqat. pp. 105-109„ 110, 139-1441

So James Lyall» Translations of Ancient;_Jkj^bj^^oetp^;, London 1885, intro. p. XKKIlTo 197 o

cam© oiiii the scorn© and poets were deemed the mouthpieces of these various sects- The ICharijite poets were a case ia point- They coloured their o©lf=praise with religious elements mingled with gloosny sentiment and the welcome

of death- In general0 self<=praise wa3 expanded and fertilised by religious and political trends- Meanwhile„ the tribal elements found a suitable atmosphere to come to the surface again and received full attention-

During tho °Abbasid period 0 in comparison with the

previous era0 self =-prais© in general and hamasah in particular underwent limitations- This theme virtually lost some of its inspiring sources such as tribal war„

fanaticism and the Islamic conquestsD which came to an end- This was also due in part to the new social structure and the urban life of this period in whieh Arab heroism 2 lost its dominance- However» selfupraise„ which had

taken on a national tone0 now increased- Non-Arab poets like Bashshar b- Burd in the early °Abbasid era and Abu

Nuwas took a pride in their original nation and race and 3 in deriding the Arabs- This national side in self-praise

received great attention in the fourth Islamic century0 as we have already seen- The famous °Abbasid poets Abu

Tammam and al=Buhturi amongst others took pride in their poetical talent, intellect„ wisdom and continuous and

1- Hanna Fakhuri0 ope cite » pp- 380 46s See also Ihsan al=Nussp al~aAsabiyyah al=qabaliyyah wa Ajtharuha fi

al-Sh'ir al=Umawl, Beirut 19646 pp0 353^364-

2- Shalajsho opo cit-0 ppo 7=8-

3- All jjfiihyarD p- 244- 19 8.

prolonged travels which they made to earn a living. In

their praiae there io a SOP£ of war~poetry when they

0 eelebraced their lords courage0 fighting and firmness

OH the battle fields. In general,, these two poets did

not engage themselves in self=praise. M.~Buhturi composed

only three odes devoted to praising himself and his tribe0

while Abu Tammam wrote six odes0 three of which were

devoted to celebrating his tribe's glorious deeds. In

others he spoke of his constant determination to travel

atad to earn a livxng. "

The fowrth Islamic century witnessed the revival of

self°praise and wa?-poetry at the hand of al~Mutanabbl

and Abu Fir as al~llamdanl. Both attached themselves to o

the chivalrous prince Sayf al~Bawlah. They described his victorious campaigns and courage- Self~praise in their

poetry is an independent theme, embodied in warlike

pictures and bellicose words. It is due in part to the

fact that both were warriors., Al=Mutanabbi, as he tells g

us. accompanied his lord Sayf al-Dawlah in his fighting

and Abu Firas was one of the Hamdanid war-leaders. He was captured on the battlefield and imprisoned. The

1. D. Tm. Volo Is PP° 968 113$ see also D. B. Vol. I, p.

1820 Vol. IIB p. 77. See Piwan of Abu Tammam, Beirut nod. pp. 470=472.

2. D. Tm. Volo Ie po 45$ D. B. Vol. I» pp. 220 320 157. Vol. IIo p» 85.

3. D. B. Vol. I, pp. 96» 1820 183.

4. D. Tm. BeirutD n0d. pp. 470-480.

5. D. M. Volo I, p0 87 among others. .199..

period of hia imprisonment gave birth to a unique them©

in h±Q poetry known as o^^'ttwiyyjtto In generals, ai~ tli&tanabb'I and Abu PirSs in their selfupraise used the

traditional method of boau'ting of tribal deeds and

warlike virtues. In addit&on,, al~Mutanabbi took pride

in hio poetical talent and hio masterly command of Arabieo

He wot© many independent odea devoted to his self~praioe

particularly in his youth but ao timid passed he set a

limit to this poetical trend and reduced it to a part of

his panegyrical odes.^ Broadly speaking* both poets

succeeded in reviving the traditional type of Arab self-

praise and a warlike aspect became an outstanding feature

of this themeo

9 = Al-aardl*s selfupraise

Al^ladio though he was a resident of Baghdad and a

peaceful man of letters» tried to ignore city life and

often seems to live in a world of fiction and dreams which he created through his poetryo In his self-praise in

particular and other themes in general he found a breathing-

space in which he expressed himself and depicted his own

"utopian world". The poet» as we have already seen8 did

not participate in any battle and had no first hand

experience of war. However,, tribal warfare loomed largely

in his self-praise and many fictional battles and invasions were describedo He stressed bedouin virtues and chivalrous

10 , Abu-Fires, Diwan, Vol* II, pp« 13 • 14, 39, see pp«

103=123 5 see D„ M. Vol* II„ p. 160

3o D. Mo Vol. IVo ppo 194=211» -see p. 378 among others. 2C0o

deeds which were always attributed to himself» his father» his real and fictional supporterso This made war~poetry

(hamacaJi) an interesting aspect of his self=pipaise.

It is natural to a man like al~Radl to make his o self-praise an ever-present aopect of every theme of his

poetryo His life in every stage, his family0 hia Prophetic descent„ his emotional instability and his ©verestimation of himself» all drove him to speak proudly of himself and fill his poetry with self-praise.. What motivated him was his fanciful ambition to be caliph which occupied his

mind and feelings0 leading him later to frustration and pain combined with arrogance and high self-esteemo In

e al=>Kadi s panegyrical odes0 as we have already• seen„ self = praise occupied a notable section in many of ; these odeso

The poet paid attention to this theme in his dirges as well. Bven in his love=poetry, in which poets should be tender and subservient „ al=Hadal did not cease to boast of his deeds and valour..

Al=>Sadl wrote forty odes devoted entirely to self- praise.. Unfortunately most of these odes are undated..

This makes it difficult to trace the development of this poetical theme as has been attempted in his panegyrics.*

However, in analysing these odes the aim will be to give general remarks on the artistic form and She content..

In addition,, we will endeavour to outline and clarify our understanding of the idealistic world in which he lived

L Do Ho Volo I, pp» 117o 121o 199 among others.

3o Ibido o ps 151o Volo IXB p0 883o SOX o

through hio poetry., At the same time an attempt will be made to oxplaia how and why al=Sadl built tap his own

wtopian world and rejected realityQ

Concerning the artistic form -of al^Kadi's self"

praise odesD it seems to be traditional« Some of his odes have a similar poetical preface to that which al~

Kadi applied to his panegyrics. The description of the effaced encampment of the beloved was used as a favourite X amatory preface„ (nasib)o In other odes al=Hadl entered 2 upon his basic subject directly. The poetical pictures» metaphors and similes were drawn from desert life. Although al~Kadl's odes in selfupraise were overloaded with

repetition and cliches0 he was successful in maintaining the unity of purpose in them.

As for the content of al-Kadi's self~praise odes0 he borrowed his meanings from many poets beginning with the

Jahilite period down to al=Mutanabbi„ Points of simi•

a larity can be found between al=Kadl and Antarah5 Tarafah 0 O s and Amr b. Kulthum. In addition0 he did not escape the influence of other poets like Bashshar b„ Burd „ Abu Tammam, 4

Abu Firas and Ibn Nubltah. However9 al~Mutamabb'i' s poetry was one of al~Kadl9s favourite sources for his self^praise. Points of identity between them are many.

1. D. S„ Vole Hp p° 6470 812o

0 805 9o Ibid. » PP° o 835°

So Ibid., p. 877; Vol* I, p0 200, Vol. I. p0 85. See

Mu^llaqat, pp. 119=120 „ 1290 p, 84.

4. Shalash 0 op0 cit. , po 250; see also Zakl Mubarak

"^Abqariyyat al-Sharif al-Eadls Cairo 19520 2nd edn. Volo I» Po 281 Yatlmah, Vol. Hip Po 152. so a.

It seems as if they had both started from similar points iffi their early odeo of self-praise. They were both

1 preoccupied wxth soaring ambitions. But they differed later ons whereas al-Mutanabbi. concentrated through his

poetry on his own personal deeds0 his poetical talent and his valour and integrity „ al=Kadri found many inexhaustible sources for his self-praise; among which were his descent

from the prophetic familys his °Alid genealogical tree, his belonging to Quraysh and also his personal qualities.

At the same time al=Mutanabbl and al-Radi did not lose their self confidence meeting failure and disappointing situations. On the contrary, they both came to conclude that the time was unfair and everyone was against them and everything had gone wrong. Consequently„ they felt 2 isolated among a society of corruption and injustice.

Here they differed again. Al~Mutanabbi became> to some extent, a professional poet and lent himself to patrons

of different races and positions. Consequently0 self- praise became a subordinate theme in his poetry. Al-Kadi paid great attention to his self-pride in all his poetical themes. Through his odes which were devoted to this theme he tried to rid himself of the world of reality in which he suffered frustration and pains and built up his Utopian world. This idealistic world had its own principles» people and moral values. It was a kingdom of escapism. But al-Sadi took pains in his imagination 1. D. S. Vol. II„ pp. 835=8395 see also D. M„ Vol. IV. pp. 310=311.

2. D. H. Vol. IID Pe 726°, see also D. M. VolD IV, pp. 244=245. 203 .

to make the image of his fictional world active and the

people ira it ready to wage war ©ad struggle to destroy

the reality in which he suffered failure and sorrow.

Al^Sadl came to conclude that the urban life of his 0

time was filled with corruption and hypocrisy0 and marred

byimmoral principles. Consequently* it was natural to a

noble man like him to find it difficult to get on in such

an atmosphere. In his selfupraise« Baghdad represents

a symbol of city-life with its corruption and moral decline

and desert life represents the purest life with its high

standard of values. The poet describes the uncomfortable life in Baghdad as follows?

My night in Baghdad is restless, it is as if I had sore eyes.

In other odes he sayes

Why do I not hate a city which wants to add to the number of those who envy me? Means of living are no longer to be found in al-Karkh, No necklace of glory adorns Baghdad's neck.

2 • - •'

The evil picture of Baghdad and the ugly image of

its inhabitants and rulers has not been completed yet.

The poet denied its rulers any kind of values and principles.

1. D. K. Vol. Io pa 233.

2. Ibido„ p0 329. 304.

Ho cayss

W© ai?e im the midst of a band who regards oppreooioa as juatie© and who calls error the home of guidance.

1 J J Iven from his religious point of view city life became unbearable. He aayss

How can praying be performed in a land where all places are directions to immorality?

2 -J

In al=>Kadi' s view time is also against nobles. There are no changes in favour of those who deserve respect and high position. He himself as a man of noble extraction suffered from the agony of unfulfilled hopes. He once persuaded himself that a magical change would come and kings would be no longer kings and rulers no longer rulers.

But unfortunately his promising hopes faded. He sayss

Arc fates not to be set in motion and start throbbing again? Are sultans and kings not to be deposed? Time has concluded a truce so that it has no power to strike. Calamity puts its head low so that it is motionless. Did the seven heavens change their paths? Did they lose their courses „ are the celestial bodies locked?

1. D. R. Vol. I, p» 230.

2 o Ibid.o p0 341. 20 Uo

One© again al=Radl pointed hio accusing finger at a time

which stood against his aspiration and hopes. He sayss

If you looked at time you would find it a trouble for the noble and a comfort of the ignoble

Al°KadX now found no convincing reasons„ at least in his imaginations to adapt or adjust himself to reality.

Consequentlyo he was driven to escape from this harsh

condition and eventually to create his own Utopian world

in which he could find comfort and consolation and also

to indulge himself in his own dreams which he never saw

come true. The scene of his idealistic world was the desert and the atmosphere was bedouin life in which he

found a breathing=space to live with his fictional aim.

This imaginary bedouin life had its own fascination in

al-Kadl's eyes. In one of his odes he sayse addressing his beloveds

1, Do K. Vol. II8 p0 595.

2. JIbido o p. 520 o The foam in the mouth of the mounts io

nweeter than your lips0 The desert shrubs are more appealing amd ploaoaat tSiaa youa.

^t^s>l UfYlOJLp "CJ^j>

He preached that horses were the only means to rid oneself

of humiliation and to come nearer to sublimityo He sayss

Draw the horses raear that they may ward

off the raid0 that they may turn the abode of humiliation into a worthy abode.

select their pedigree that0 with the

lances they may bring glory 0 Not produce foals.

J> 2 s

Moreover, he identified himself with bedouin life as

follows %

The dearest of my two

friends is a cutting sword t The most pleasant of my homes is a pitched tent.

i _ * • I a " "*

Al=Hadl peopled his imaginary world with imaginary

supporters and friends. They are skilled horsemen of

chivalrous deeds and martial prowesse used to experiencing roughness of life and difficulties. In general, they rid

1. Do S. Vol. Io po 60.

2. Ibid.o p. 372.

3 o Ibido o po 60o 207.

themselves of the affluence and softness of city life

and attach themselves to bedouin life and the deoert.

Their courage and firmness in the battlefield are beyoiad

doubt and their loyalty io pmre and unique. lie describes

them as follows §

Cavaliers who attained their goals by their lances, and reached their objectives by their swords.

a another ode he describes them as follows?

Of every man with a bright foreheads his face shrouded with dust, in his quest for glory„ the duct still unremoved. He went on dashing in the midst of the cloud of dust, among lances and coats of mail. Not warding off the heat of

the mid-day sun as he marched B save by the iow of lances or a passing dust storm.

CJF>

Al«=Hadl came to find many convincing reasons for invading and destroying Baghdad which was considered a symbol of corruption and an obstacle in his way to obtaining his goals. He always threatened to attack in his imagination. It is surprising that the poet seems to be hesitant even in his fictional world. In some of

le D. lie Vol. I, p. 197.

2. Ibid., p0 363. 20 So

his odea he tells us that his plan to invade and storm

Baghdad by his cavaliers was a '"possibilityYet he

never put his intention into action. It is a pity that

our poet was not able to find a breathiiag=GpaeG even in

his imagination- Consequently0 his idealistic world

could not release his agony and sorrowo This made his self-praise shrouded with complaint and disappointmento

He often blamed himself and seemed to be suffering, from self-reproach.

With all these sorrows,, frustration and self -reproach „ the poet did not lose his self-confidence and his high esteem of his personality» as his odes tell us. He frequently gives full attention to his personal deeds and qualities. Although he well enumerates his family's brilliant record„ he considers his personality the major

topic in his self =>praise. In addition 0 he pretends that ho gives no heed to those who underestimate his qualifi• cations or fail to regard his unique qualities. In one of his odes he spoke of himself as follows;

I am the pure gold which is treasured„ .if put to the test by the critic's hand

Before closing our observations on al-Radi's self-• praise o it is necessary to see what sort of values and

1. D. So Yolo lo pp. 1630 I98„ see Volo II, PF< 814.

3. Do R. Volo IIo pp0 825„ 847„ among others.

3. Do M. Volo Ie po 95„ 1620 269, Volo II0 PP<> 934=935 amoiag others.

40 Do So Vol. lo P° 233. 209 o

principles he adored and to outline his inclinations

and conviction® which revealed themselves in this theme

of hio poetry. We have already seen that the poet

admired and adopted bedouin lifeD to which he attached himself in his effort to break away from city life.

Moreovero ho seems to appreciate many extreme and primitive

values which were attributed to his fictional supporters0 in his imaginary world- He wanted his supporters to be

savage and aggressive. He gave them full rein to destroy0 pillage and even ravage and enslave women. They x-aere in i general blood-thirsty fighters.

Al-Kadi himself went to the length of alleging that o he was about to adopt the Jahilite life with all its implications. What prevented him from this extreme step was his belief in Islam. He sayss

Would not the life of the "Days of Ignorance" give us greater protection1? Would it not keep us farther away from a state of greatest dishonour? But for God and our fear of him we would have relapsed into our primitive nature.

The poet in his self-praise reveals his tribal fanaticism as well. In his view the glory of Quraysh is unrivalled among Arab tribes and the tribe of °Adnan

1. Do Ho Vol. I0 po 197.

2o D. K. Volo IIo po 714. 310 o

and Yaman can not come rap to the level of Nizar to which

al~2adi belongs. Although al-l^ada. baoed his assumption o o on the grounds that the Prophet is a descosidenfc of Qurash

and consequently of Kisar 0 he did aot conceal the J'ahilite

superiority of his tribe Religious elements made

themselves felt in al-ladl's selfupraise as well. His

descent from the prophet Muhammad and the deeds of his

°Alid family occupty a notable part in this theme. He made it clear that none could challenge or be equal to the sublimity of the °Alid household. In his eyes all

people were greatly honoured to be followers of his

"grandfather" the prophet and consequently proteges of his heirs. He says. In us they were honoured„ for the cause of our grandfather they were born.

Mhero they were counteds they were our protegeso

V _9^-i- \ j> I iLp 2

Al°Kadi also stressed his pride in Arabism at a time when foreign rulers had the upper hand and non=Arabs in general dominated the Arab nation. As we have already seen,, non<=Arab poets took pride in their nation and challenged the Arabs even in their homeland. Al-Radi

declared his Arab identity and took pride in it. Moreover0 he was pleased and proud that Arabs in the name of God and under the banner of Islam had swept away the Persian

1. Do R. Vol. I, pp. 266=67.

2. Ibid, o p<> 313. 211 .

ffule^s and established themselves in their land. He was also longing for the return of those glorious days of conquests and vietos'ies.i

Al-=SadX0s circumstances and character eombiised to provide almost inexhaustible sources for his self-praise.

His noble descentD the high positions held by members of

his family and al-Kadi himself» his unbounded ambition0 his self-esteem,, his taste for the desert and for traditional Arab virtues and ways of life = all these

provided elements in his f ale hp0 He once came to imagine himself a caliph whose illustrious glories were unrivalled.

He sayss

This is the Commander of Faithful8 Muhammad (al-Badi).

Noble is his origin0 honourable is his birth. Is it not enough for you that your "mother" is Fatimah (Prophet's daughter), your "father" Haydarah (aAll) and your forefather Ahmad (the Prophet).

1. D. S. Vol. Ip p0 313.

2. I bid, s, p. 314. GHAPT1E VIII

Svory day I ttsrn my glance0 time and again» after a liffe=-compaaion like unto a star breathing its last breatho

>V <*. >

al=Sadl 3X3 o

1 = General gemagkg

In Arab poetry th© medieval critics drew ao clear

lino botwo©n elegy and panegyrico In their ©y©s0 th© same method must b© applied to both themes <> Th© only obvioras distinction being that elegy is th© eulogy of th© dead and panegyric th© ©ulogy of th© living. This

diQtinetion suggests two pointss Firstly 0 th© poet who used to lavish praiQ© on the glorious deeds and fine qualities of his patron» must do much the same in his

lamentationo Consequently0 th© individual portrait is

lost in dirges as it was in praises. Secondly0 critics attached mo groat importance to personal feeling of loss and expression of sorrow in Arabic elegy. They concen• trated oil th© importance of ©numerating the deceased's virtues and deeds.

Al=Sadi0 like other Arab po©ts0 did not break with these poetical conventions in composing his dirges as far as th© main principles of traditional dirges are concerned.

Yet at th© same timo he struck n©w personal notes as we

shall learn later. Consequently 0 al"=Radl°s contemporary al°Tha"alibi highly esteemed his ology. In th© Yatlimah h© came to'th© conclusion that al-Radl was the master of elegy. In al-Tha0alibi's eyes none of al-Kadl"© contem•

poraries dealt with dirges as skilfully as he. However0 thio estimation of al=Sadi°© dirges is rather vague and o

lo Qudamah b. Ja°far6 Naqd al^ShiV,, ed. by S. A. Bonobakker 0 ir g ILoiden 19SS0 po ^9 f~$xn'j at^n 0 p. 1310 Omdah „ Volo IIo po 117. al~Ttoa ''alibi himself gave no mor© details,, closing his i

remarks by citing many specimens of al-Sadi"Q elegy0

Generally Gp©aking0 osar poet isa th® course of? literary history TOG acknowledged as a masses5 OP elegy* Som© critics BO©d So liken al~Radl in his dirges to the woman moaifaiag her own aom«

3 = al°ISadl°s ©l©gy

Al°Sadl composed forty eight dirges» Th© poet0 a©

we have already seen0 started writing poetry on self~ praise and panegyrics as easily as 369/979 0 while h© first tried hi© hand at elegy in about 376/986 <, when he wrote his dirge on the death of th© Caliph al~TS*±°'s @on.

Th© ode is a unixtiar© of consolation and praise rather than a lamentation« In th© following year the poet wrote only one elegy in which he ©legised the famous grammarian Abu °A11. al~FarissLo In this ode he enumerated the deceased0© qualities but h© scarcely expressed his sad feeling at th© loss of al=FSrislo^ In the year 378/

988 also al=Ha He elegised the mother of the visier Abl MansSr Muhammad bo al^Hasan.

Al^Kadl confined this dirg© to comforting the ^isier and praising him«^ A year later the Buwayhid prince Sharaf

lo Yatimah 0 Volo III0 po 149»

a ° al°Haflo Vol0 II „ po 3745 al<=&utubl„ op. cit.0 folo 12

30 Dole Vol* lo p° 14 „

4. Ibido0 po 445o

Bo Do So Volo II0 po 833= 2.1 Bo

al«=4Jawlsh diedc This ruler0 aQ we have already aeon*

£•©1 eased al=-Kadl5s father from prison in Fario aiad honoured Eaiurio The poet expressed his deep regret a 15 15he prince's death and mentioned his beaevoleneo to al~Badl5G familyo1

' From She year 380/990 onwards the poet was destined

"So lose a number of relatives0 acquaintances and friends0

Consequently D hi© dirges increased in number till they reached their peak when this Iocs of loved ones coincided with the harsh conditions in which he suffered disappointmeat in his political life° He comtiaued to write elegies

to the last years of hi© lifeo However0 the list of deceased persons whom al~Radl lamented is too lomg to be ©numerated „ and the motivating factors which stimulated

the poet to shed his tears on them vary0 Accordingly 0 the deceased persons whom al~Radl lamented can be categorised to explore the craotives aad factors governing

al=ladi°o feelingsB attitude and opinions towards his

family o relatives 0 friends and acquaintances <>

The list of his dirges falls into five group©B with some exceptionso In the first he lamented a number of

members of his family among which were his father0 mother0

si9ter0 maternal uacle^ aad two young daughters of his 3 brother al=Murtada» In his dirge on his father he paid great attention to enumerating his father's deeds and

lo D„ R0 Vol., II, po 839o

2o D. a« Volo I, ppo 18. 1290 1180 Yolo II0 P° 73S»

So Ibido o pp0 125c 127o 3.1.6 „

qualities o Moreover 0 his family "s previous record made

itself felt when al~RadI spoke proudly of his people's

gloryo In the same cnaaner he lamented feio snatertaal rancleo

Ao for dirges on his mother and sister0 an accoaat will

be given when al=Sad3.58 dirges on women are discussed in

some detailo

Th© second group of his dirge© were composed on the

death of the caliph0 princes and other etstesmea. Al~

Kadi elegised the dethroned Caliph al=Tasi6 (do 393/1002)

in two dirgeso This Caliph died in confinement in a room

of the Caliph al-Qadlr"© palaeeo However» al~Sadi was

true to his principles of friendships He gave no heed whether his dirges would annoy the existing caliph or not-

He made it clear that he had been indebted to the previous

caliph's favour.. Yet he also expressed his regret that

he was unable to ward off the Caliph98 enemies when he was attacked and dethroned in barbaric circumstances»

Al=Sadl also lamented his patron and friend the Buwayhid

ruler Baha* al=Bawlah in two dirges» He deemed his death

a heavy blow to himself» expressing his deep regret and 3 sorrow at his departure.

Among others, al-Sadl elegised two great statesmeso

The first was al=SShib bo 8AbbSdo Al=Radl praised him in

his life and lamented his death but he never met himo

Hi© dirge on al~Sahib is one of al^Radl's lengthy odes

in his DJLwaju The other statesman was the visier "Amid

lo Do So Volo IIe ppo 666~6680 681=683? see also Atho Volo VIIo po 217o

2o Do So Volo I0 po 474, Volo IIo po 591o al«=Jiylsh who died in 401/1010. Among religious

personalities and judgoo0 the poet lamented the "judge

of judges" Abl Mohammad bo MaVuf (do 381/991) and the

°Abbaoid aacjlb Abu al-Qasitn al=Zaynabi (d. 384/994)0

H© . lamented aaother °Abbasid personality sailed Aba 8Abd

Allah al-Mansurl (do 391/1000).2

la the third group of dirg©s al~Sadl elegised Arab

princes and tribal leaders. Among them were two Hamdlnid o

princ©Q and two °Uqaylid leaders0 Th©s© dirgeo show us

that tin© poet had political and friendly relationships

with imasay leaders whose tribes and peoples possessed some

political leverage on the capital Baghdad at that time.

Ai=S?adl. did mot prais© th©m eloewher© in his Dlwaa and

never met them„ as his dirges indicate. It is likely

that foe strengthened these links when he was about to

put his ambitious claim to the caliphate into action and

considered th©m a strong backing. Thes© leaders were

Sh3L°ite as w©ll»

The most important bedouin leader whose death was a

heavy blow to al^Sadl was Abu al=sAwwam bo Layla. This man was supposed to be al^-Radi's propagandist. Ho was

killed oia his mission to win supporters to al=Radi's claim

to the caliphate. The sad day of his death left a deep

sorrow in the poet's memory for many years. He composed

seven dirges in which ho mourned his friend and regretted

: lo Do E. Vol. II o pp. 670=676,, Vol. ' 10 p. 111.

9. D. R0 Vol. I0 p. 487. Vol. I, po 1140 Vol. II» p. 877.

3. Do So Vol. I0 pp. 1750 283„ 477„ 482D 489. 318 o

the loss of feiQ hopeao He also mentioned this friend in

other odes when he felt disappointed and alone. The

last dated dirge on this bedouin friend was written in

398/1002c1

The fourth group of his dirges was devoted to his

intimate and firm friendSo He lamented the loss of his

teacher and friend Iba Jinsai and of the outstanding friend

of his youth Abu al-Battlo2 The loss of his

favourite friend Abl Ishlq al<=SlbX caused the poet deep

sorrow and lasting paiaD He lamented him in 384/994„ but

the sad memory of this loss lasted for many yearQo He

remembered his friend in 3 87/997 when he passed by his

tomb shedding tears and expressing his affection for hinio

In 393/1002 the poet lamented al-Sabl for the third time.

He recalled the passing days in which the poet enjoyed

the company of his friend. He also called al~Sabi his

brothero The final dirge on him is filled with as much

deep sorrow and profound longing as is reflected in the

first dirge which had been written nine years beforeo

Dirges on women occupy a notable section of al=

Hadl's elegyo Me have already mentioned that the poet lamented his mother „ sister and two daughters of his

brothero In additions ho composed many consolatory odes in which he comforted his acquaintances on the loss of their daughters and mothers. Although the death of women

lo Do Ko Vole II6 po §650 see also Vol6 I8ppo 182,, 4318 446„ Volo IIo po 759 among others.

2o Do Ho Volo I. p0 I38s Volo II» p<> 562o

So Do So Volo I» po 294 o Volo II0ppo 571. 975. 2.1.9 c

in classical Arab poetry in general received less

attentioa than that of raen0 our poet showed a keen

interest in this subject in his dirges0 as we shall leara

in snore detail latero

The list of dead persons who were lamented by the

a c poet includes the Umayyad Caliph Umar b0 °Abd al~ AgIZo

It is strange that al~Eadi expressed his sorrow on the death of this Caliph despite the long and deep~rooted antagonism between the °Alida and the UmayyadSo However„

th© poet justified his dirge on the grounds that the

Umayyad© used to vilify the Imam °A11 in the Khutbah and when aUmar ruled he abolished it.^ Al=Hadl. also elegised the Carpathian agent in Baghdad who lost his powerful

position and influence in the capital in the final stage of his political life.. Al-Kadi appears faithful in his

relationship with this man0 He lamented his friend and disparaged the lack of loyalty among the deceased's friendSo

He mentioned that only three men followed the dead man°s

biero one of whom was the poet himself0 The poet Ibn

al=Hajjaj0 who specialised in obscene poems filled with

sexual references0 received al=Kadi°s attention in his life and after his death. Our poet admired his poems and made a selection of his better ones. His death was recorded by a dirge written by al=Kadi in which he

expressed hi© sincerity and affection towards Ibn al=»

Hajjaj.

I. Do So Yolo Ip po 169o

2o Itoldo o p. 3840

So Do go Volo II, po 862o 83Go

Th© above simple classification of al«=ladl°s dirges shows us some interesting aspects of his elegy and also sheds light on the nature of his relationships and his

real feeling towards faraily0 friends and acquaintances<,

First of all„ the poet seems to have lost a great number

©f those froia the year 380/990 onwards,. This loss coincided with an increase in his disappointment in his

political earooro In addition0 al~Kadl as an "Alid had already inherited his family's historic sorrow and pains; and ho showed sign© of emotional instability and recurrant pessimisnio All these motivating factors played their part in colouring his dirges with the touch of sorrow and tearso

Al-ladl deemed death 9 which caused him to lose his dear friends and family„ on© mor© great enemy attacking him in the course of his life» As a pessimistic man he always considered d©ath and th© vicissitudes of fate as his own enemies which waged constant war against him*. In one of his elegies h© sayss

Mill fate lay bare my bones ©very day.. Will it continue to devour my flesh bit by bit?

\ > Jg \

In another dirg© he aayss

Bvery day I . turn my glanceB time and again i) after a lif ©^companion like unto a star breathing its last breath <,

lo D= S, Volo I, p0 129o 291.

In hi9 dirge on his sister he complained that fate would not cease causing him the loss of those whom he loved.

He saysi

So how long shall I pass the night, with this sin that the fates have committed against me? 2

3 • \

The list also shows us that al~Radx gave great attention to his friends and companions who backed and encouraged him in his ambition to be a caliph. It seems as if the loss of intimate and firm friends caused him much more pain and sorrow than that of a number of his relatives. He lamented his mother in one dirge. Although the ode reflects his affection and love for her and bears his mournful feeling, he buried his sorrow after that and never remembered her again in his dirges. He did the same with regard to his father, sister and maternal uncle.

However, in al=Radi's eyes, the death of his propagandist

Abu al-=*Awwam deserved seven dirges. This suggests that the loss of this man had a lasting sad memory in al-Radi's life. The death of al-Hadi * s friend the Sabean « g a writer Abu Ishaq caused al-Radi the same lasting pain. O 9 * •

1. D. R. Vol. I, p. 478.

29 Arberry, Arabic Poetry, p. 107.

3. D. R. Vol. I. p. 133. As w© have already seem0 he lamented him three times and mad© it clear that intimate friendship might be considered of much moro importance than family tioso He addressed al~§SM. as follows? o

You may not be one of my family and tribe0 but surely yoi are closer to my affection than anyone

of thom0 „ _ r . ^

At the death of this friend al=RadX describes his tearful feeling a© follows 8

After him life no longer tastes sweet,

nor is rain-water cool anymoree Your death turned everything into darkness in my eyeo.

My sight is lost 0 it is as if my pupils have been washed away. . •

/ • ™ • * *

> ^jr"? "j^ "(S^tT .^J9^. fUJ » 6^>. \* 1 J>

The list and classification of al~SadX8s dirges also reveals to us his openmindedness and tolerance as far as religious and sectarian differences were concerned* Ibn

Khallikan tells us that when al=Sadl composed his first dirge on al=Sabi the public rebuked him for his ode because he who was a Sharif (a descendant of the Prophet Muhammad) had lamented the death of a Sabeano But he replied, "It 0 g was his merit alone the loss of which I lamented"<>

However e al«=Kadl. in comparison with his contemporaries 0

L Do lo Volo I, ppo 294~398o

2o Ibn Kh= Volo I, po S2o did not lot religious and sectarian fanaticism drive him'

towards an intolerant attitude both in hio lifoD in hiQ

relationships and in hio poetry. la-hio elegy ho lamented

two °AbbIsid personalities adding to hio two dirges on the

death of the °Abbisid Caliph al=Tafli6o US© made it clear

that he highly respected the family ties between the

^Abblsids and "AlidSo although the former were considered

by the Shi6itea and ^Alids the usurpers of the ®Alid

right to the caliphateo It is strange that al~Hadl

regretted what had happened between these two branches*.

In another elegy he lamented the "Abblsid Abu 4Abd=Allah

al^Mansuri not only because he had been of "Abbasid descent

bat because he was also his friendo The poet declared

again that he attached much more importance to his friendly

relationship than to his family tico. He sayss

Ely friends are my relatives and my companions are my family and my fellows are my brothers.

Moreover» al=Sadi8 despite his religious position and

Prophetic descent which demanded cautious conduct and

exemplary behaviour» respected hi© literary relationships

elegising the poet Ibn al-Hajjaj as follows:

I weep for you and those wide= spread verses whose words are filled with meaning. Let time long lament your loss

You wore the light spirit of the timee

1. B* So Yolo I9 p9 117*

2o Be I. Yolo II8 p0 882o 224.

1 U \*0 C^J ^VJSJ" ojUU>j/t

Concerning the content and the artistic form of al=

Hadi's dirgeso it is convenient to give am account of the

sources of inspiration in his elegy 0 then to proceed to

discuss the established artistic aspect of this theme.

Al=MutanabM. °s dirges had an influence on al=Kadl.0s elegy.

Our poet0 for instances modelled on© of his dirges on oae

by al=Mutanabbi. A close examination of thos© two dirges shows us that both used the same metro and rhyme letter.

MoreoverB our poet borrowed meanings from al=Mutanabb!*s dirges. Sven the subjeet=matter seems, to some esetent,, similar. Al=Mutanabbl elegised the prince Sayf al=Bawlah9 mother and al=KadI. lamented his daughter. In another dirge al=Kadl looked at the famous dirge of Ibn al=Rum£ on his son's death and borrowed meanings from it and improved upon them. He also used the same metre and rhyme letter that were applied by Ibn al=8unil,

Al=Kadi's elegy shows us that the poet had a wide acquaintance with th© Hudhalit© poetry. Many dirges of the Eiudhallto poot served as models for his elegies when h© lamented his bedouin companion Ibn Layla. He was intent on making these dirgos in word and spirit suitable

1. Ibido , pp. 863=8640

9o Ibide » pp. 679=680 „ compare with D. M. Vol. Ill0 pp0 170=185.

3. Do S. Vol. ID ppo 291=299 j see also ECamiie Kaylanl Dawan lbs al~Kumio Cairo 1924„ pp. 29=31. to hiQ eubjeeto Al=32ad3L in one of his dirge© on Xbn

Layla sayss

By the life of the birds0 on th© day of Ibn 9 Layla o death0 vorily thoy b©nt on noble flesho

€u,\ joj* <^Je±\ ^

Th© 0b@f© lino was borrowed from Abu Khiragh al-

Hudhall who says in one of his dirges s

By th© life of the father of th© birds, gathering

around Khalid0 verily they fell on flesho

la another dirge Abu Khirlsh sayss

I knew not who throw his cloak over him, except that he was verily of illustrious and pure stocko

Al~8adl also borrowed this idea and put it as follows?

Oh Ibn Lay11» I swear that your cloak is embraced with intact dignity• »

lo Do So Vol. II, pe 759. 2. Mahmud Abu al=Hafa, Diwan al°Hudhaliyyln, 1st edn.

Cairo, 1948s Part IlT po 154. ~"~ ~

So Ibidoe p. 158.

4c Do So Vol0 IIo P° ?60o 22(5.

Moreover o al=>33ad1L not only borrowed many meanings from the Hudhaiito poetry but fee also pad© use of their odos as models for his dirges

The other important source from which al=SadI drew the inspiration for his dirges was Mahj al^BalSghah.

Ai=Sadl in his poetry used to muse about time,, the

vicissitudes of fate0 death and life and preach his opinion of the futility and misleading aspects of man's short life. His outlook is quite dark and pessimistic» with

religious streaks. In this respecte points of similarity can be traced between al-Kadl's ideas and the contents of the Nahj al~Balaghah which were collected and arranged by al-=8adi himself, as we have already seen. Elements of despairs grief and deep sorrows together with a cautious and suspicious outlook on life are evident in the Imam t 2

All's sayings and sermons. The same spirit coloured al=Sada.8s poetry in general and his dirges in particular.

The following examples illustrate the points of similarity between them. Th© Imam 4All deems this world a thorough^ fare and the next the abode of permanent stay. Me sayss

3 "

Al-Kadi used the same meaning in almost similar words• He

1. Dlwan al-Hudhaliyyln, Part II, pp. 18-29; see D. R.

Vol. I, pps 446-449j Ihsan *Abblse al-Sharif al~Radl p. 220. —

2. Khulusy8 Shi'ism» p0 100.

3. Mahj al°Balaghah, od. by Abu al=»Fadl, Voi0 IID P° 3 „

see p0 191. 227 <

oayo §

'•» * * <„

no Ztnam describes I5fla© life and people ao followss ....'».. . . r

^ cj 'J-fU

also sayss

n — • ^ ^ ^ > w v

Al<=Kad"i says?

In another dirge fcfa© poet aloo sayss

1. Do lo Volo lo P° 385o

2o Hafaj al-Balaffhafao edo Abl al-=Fadl„ Volo II0 p° 350c

So Ifoido o Volo lo Po 28§0 see Volo II0 po 191„

4o Do So Volo lo po 112o

So Ifeido o p0 119o 2S8o

Al~Ead1L wao keen on mussing on lifo and death in his poetry

in general» He made us© of the eoratemts of the Nahj

^j^Ba^aghah 0 r©p©atiag tho Qarae itnpXieatioa and similar

wordso E® sayos

This lime was qwoted from the Imam 0All's saying which

runs as follows %

5 In the Imlm °A1X Q ©yes0 people of this world are asleep

while they are driven towards their fate. He sayss

Al^Kadl has a similar meaning. People in his eyes also

are driven on by th© driver of their fate. He eayss

Generally speaking0 al~Sadl in his dirgos not only borrowed meanings from the Hahj al^Balajghan but also assimilated

the spirit of pessimism and disappointment of this work.

lo Do So Vol. I0 po 101o

2o Hahj al°BalaJghah8 ©do Abu al-Fadl 0 Vol. i» po l§0o

go Mahj al°Balajghah,. ed. Abu al~Fadl 0 Vol0 II0 P° 320 „ see also Vol. Ho p<> 187»

4o Do I. Yolo I„ po 130. 229 =

In this r©Qpect ther© is much in eoraraoa between th®ma

Ao for the artistic aspects of al-Kadi°o dirges 0 the

first outstanding feature is the length of his ©legiac

od©Qo Hio dirgo on al=3ahib bo °AbbadD for instance0 o o

aumboro 112 lineso Mo . aloo composed many odoo with moro

than eighty lineso Th© po©t paid sraeh attention to th©

length of his dirges that0 wh©n h© composed a short ©l©gy0 1

h© excused its shortn©ss0 It seems as if the prolonged

and detailed dirges indicated the importance of th© dead man on whom the lamentation was composed o However <, the

prolongation of his dirges led to undeniable shortcomings<>

First of all0 he found himself constrained to speak round

about tho basic subject to the esstemt of taking away th©

attention from the main issue in his dirgeso Secondly„

th© repetition of meanings0 poetical pictures and even metaphors and similes b©cam© a noticeable feature of his

dirgeso

H© opened his elegy on his friend al=Sahib with a

l©ngthy introduction in which h© spoke of death and fat©0

then ho drew on his historical ©ruditioa0 reviewing thos©

great persons who had passed away before hi© friend <>

Th©s© two points esshausifeDd about fifty lin©s of th© 119

which his dirge containso The poot proceeded to enumerate o

th© elegised person'Q deeds and qualities» In his dirge

oa his maternal unci© h© started speaking of th© sp©©dy

passage of tim© and th© inevitable end of one's life0 lo D„ So Volo lo po 491o

2o Do lo Volo IIo ppo S70=S79o 230 o

ta©m 610 expressed aio p©ssiiraiGti

Ito BwioXoadimg aepeetOo Thio introduction tooJc oissteen limeo oute of 77o TfeGia Eso fotaad! eonooXation in remembering

taos© wao aad ©li©d0 eoaeXtading taat tin©!?© is mo ©scape

from deatlbu Aboist treaty lineo of taio dirge werq demoted

to enumerating nis family's virtuoso Finally0 a© eastae to

©ssjp5?©SQ his raourafful ff©elimg© aad describe tao a©avy: blow l Ei® had received in losing nis traaternai ©aeleo

l©p©tition io another aspect off al~Rad2.°s dirges0

Ta© poet seems to be particularly £and of certain meanings „

expressions and descriptions waica w©r© abundantly appliedo

He used to compare a great person to a towering moraataia in regard to his sublimity in ais lifetiimeo Wh©n this person died his death is to be likened to a mountain5© collapseo This traditional poetical picture can bo s©©n in many of al=>KadI°s dirgeso The second lino off ais dirge on al=43&bl. runs as follows s o

Lik© unto a mountain which tumbled down

lad it fallen into the sea0 the sea would have raged in incessant foam.

A Qimilar idea was applied again in the opening line off al=Sadl's dirge on al=Slhib in 3 8S/995 - the poet says?

lo D0 So Volo I„ ppo 118=133.

2. Ibido o po 294o 331.

i • ••• \'r;

. 0 A0 a Whoa th© Caliph sl-TS^i died in 393/1003 the fiyst lino

of ai^lSadi0 s dijpg© oa him implies the same idea. The

poet sayss

a 0 \

o _ f ° a

The d©ath of al=Sada.*s fa the? was likened to the collapse

of a mountain ae well. The poet sayss

Today I have sheathed the si^o^d into moist ground and buried th© mountain of Matali® and Yalasnlam.

Al=Radl ia expressing his affection and love towards

those who passed awaye used to say that their images had

a lasting memory in his mind and occupied his heart.

This expression became a favourite and repeated picture in

his ©legyp In one of his dirges he aayss

My eye can no longer see you» but you filled my entire hearto It is as if you had been removed from my sight „ only to dwell within my heart.

1. Do Ko Volo IIo po 670.

So Ibidop p0 S66o i©m fee lamented his sister he saids

If the eye is empty of yow0 yet the heart has been filled with yo«c

Th© ©am© meaning was applied in other odes and al~KadI

transferred it from one poetical theme to another«

Al=Sadi in one of his works came to the conclusion

that h© preferred to compare death and th© vicissitudes

of fate to a violent raiding army when he wanted to describe

the atrocity of deathe He proved it practically and

used auch a simile many times in his dirgese Mhen he wrote

one of his elegies in 377/987 this description made itself

felte He says;

These days are but like cavaliers chasing us, and calamities are like horses.

c. 3 * \ s ' * -

lo D. R. Vol. I, p° 138*

9e Arberry8 Arabic Poetry, pn 104j see Do So Volo I» pe 133,

So B* So Vol* I8 p0 399e see pp* 138„ 1399

4e E3a jazat B p* 31 o

5o Do So Volo Hp po 662o la the sonars© of his poetical development al-Kadl

improved upoa this poetical picture aad enlarged it as

wollo Thorn he snad® it an aspect of many of hio dirges0

He often deosribed death ae if it wore a otorray attack

against himself and those whom ho lowede M© aloo wished

that it wore possible to repel death and fate from over<=

taking tlnefTio la his dirge oa his sistor to© sayss

If thrusting aad striking could have repelled from'you the hasty fates A sharp laace~point would have penetrated

into thon«0 and a keen sword hit (the joist) B

Aad ©turdy<=armed0 thiek>=n@eked men would have stood in the way of dOOCTio

s -3 1

The expression of defending deceased persons ia al~Eada,9s dirges has also elos© connections with his them© of ©elf-=

prais© ia which he constructed his imaginary world and mentioned some imaginary chivalrous supporter» la his

elegy he did not imiss the opportunity of describing his

heroes as well0 However» al=Kad3. ia his lamentation often

regretted that he was not able to defend the dead and repel fate from them=

1. Do So Yolo lo po 133<>«^ Arberry p Arabic Poetry„

p0 102o

2o Do So Volo I, pp» 18„ 114D S95„ 4790 ¥olo Hp po 880 among othereu 234 „

The other artistic aspect of al^Sadi's dirges is

th® increased use of the interrogative forms when he

intends to ©Enatnerate the virtnaea and qualities of the

doado This traditional method can be traced to the

JIhilite and early Islamic period <> In general 0 in Arab dirges questions are anxiously askQdg who will now make

a firm resolve0 protect the peopleD help the poor„ over=

come the enemy and entertain strangerso This sort of

question is introduced to confirm that the deceased's virtues and the abilities which he had possessed in his life were great and unattainable* In the 8 Abba aid poetry

this traditional expression was still alivea for instanceB

8 in al~Buhturi and al=Mutanabbi. s poems0 but those two 3 poets economised in the use of this sort of expression*

Al~Badi increased the use of this sort of question in his dirges and also improved upon it° Me applied it in two wayso The first is that he used to open his dirges

by astonishing and repeated questions addressed to listeners.. The use of this interrogation is to attach a greater importance to the statement he wants to put for= ward in the opening lines of his dirge in which he announces the departed man's death. His dirge on al-

Sabl is a case in point. It begins as follows!

1. al°Khansa6 glwan„ ©do by Karam al-Bustanl„ Beirut 1951.

pp.27e 63 e 9B»

3o Nicholson op9 cit. , p0 126o

3. D. Bo Volo Ie po 215„ Volo II. pe 257$ see also D„ M.

Volo I, p» 300, Volo III, pa 21o Have yens known whom they bore aloft on tho bier? Have you seen how the light of oras sGseniblioG io extinguished'?

Ho applied this form of opening in his dirge on al~Sahifo o bo aAbbad and repeated it six times. 2 Eq used it in many

other odes as well. Secondly0 when th© poet enumerated

th© virtues and glories of the dead0 like traditional poets ho applied th© repeated questioning form to number th© deceased man's qualities and lament on them. Al=Ka<31 in his dirge on his friend and teacher Ibn Jiami used long and repeated question© when h© made references to his teacher8© special gifts. Ho sayss

Who will now undertake to lead the refractory camel of speech to drink? Who will now fling words like piercing darts'? Who is there now to deal with poetical conceits which were fluag in sack© before him? Mho would unlock the secrets of such conceits'? 4

/* -

S / - 'V

1. Do So Vol. Io po 294j Ibn Ih. Vol. I0 pe 32.

2. D. B. Vol. IIo po 670.

So Do So Vol. Is p. llio 1140 289 among others.

40 Mes„ pp. 273=2745 see I. G. Vol. VI. 1932, pp.'160-151.

5. Do So Vol. II0 po 564. 28 6»

Questions beginning with whj2_ge0 whoa and who are frequently

introduced in al~Kadi°s dirges aad this artistic aspect forms a notable section in many odea written by him in all stages of his poetical developmento^

Another distinguishing aspect of al=Hada.5s dirges is that he was successful in making his dirge suitable in wordo spirit and content to the person on whom he lamentedo

It is likely that al-Tha"alibi in the Yatiroah referred to this point when he stated that ai<=Kadl dealt with his

dirges skilfully0 Although al~Kadl was fond of talking

around his basic subject0 he succeeded in concentratingB

to some extentD oa the qualities and gifts of the deadn and generally made his dirge in harmony with his subject"

matter with regard to styleo metaphors0 similes and wordso

la his dirge on the poet Ibn al~Hajjaj who specialised

in obscenity and jokes 0 al=Sad3. abandoned the traditional method which he used to apply in his elegy*. This dirge

seems to be lighter and simpler than others0 He only expressed his personal sorrow aad described the poet's gifto considering him a light spirit of timeo Hhen he lamented the bedouin leaders he drew his similes and descriptions from bedouin life and desert sceneso He adopted this method when he lamented his companion the bedouin Iba ILayla a© we have already oeeno He also did the same in elegising other tribal leaderso The opening lines of his dirges oa these leaders breathed the spirit

lo Do So Volo loppo 17S0 2850 296„ 379„ 474D

¥olo IIDppo 592 D 665o 670B among others» 28? o

of the desopto Tribal fanaticism made itself felt in

them ao wello

In on© of his dirges on the °Uqaylid leader al=

Rluqallad 0 the poet addressed the tribe of the dead a©

follows 8

Oh cijmir you are not tap to today "a o nor tomorrow0So since al<=&luqallad died • you have boon girdled with shame till the end of tisne°

After your glory 0 you have become liko a muszled beaot which marches (obediently) ia humiliation when it is driven.

i ^i3»oU u=p ^ In the rest of hia dirge the poet depicted the dead maa as a cavalier with all the qualities which were admired ia desert life<> In the same manner he lamented many othor tribal leaders° In one of his dirges oa them the opoaiag line rune as follows*

Oh places of pastures there is ao longer protector or guardiaao Death took away the mighty man of the long laaceo

lo Do Ho Volo lo po 385°

2o Ibido„ p0 477o When he lamented the Hamdlmid prince AbS. Tahir bo Nisir al~Dawlah h© also adopted the same method. He addressed the dead raaHtQ tritoo as follows?

0 Oh Saba. ah bo Hizar 0 lay down your arms. Death has caused to perish your great and daring leadero

Th© style in the above dirge is of a' Mgh standard of eloquence according to Arab traditional taste and the desert spirit made itself felt on ©very lineo The famous grammarian Ibn Jinnl admired this ode amoag otEaero and appreciated its eloquence and • richness of meanings. He

wrote a commentary on it0

3 •=> Dirges on Homem

In ancient Arab poetry„ poets in general attached scant attention to lamenting women. Lamentation on mother^ sister» wives or other female members of the family did not form a notable section in elegyo at least

down to al~Radl°s timo0 It is likely that such kind of

3 mourning might be considered a sign of weaknesso However»

lo Do K. Volo I0 p0 378. 9o Among Arab poets who lamented women ares Hassan b» Thabit in the early Islamic periods and Muslim bo al<=

Wall.d in the "Abbasid era a see Hassan bo Thabit D Pi wan0

Beirut 1961D p« 199 and Sharh Diwan al°Hamasah0 og0 c_it0 0

part II „ p0 949o See Do E3o VolD "XV„ ppT'2 88=299? Ibn

al«=Sumi0 DlwanB ppo 80 0 305.

3. Zaks. Mubarake °Abqariyyat al^Sharif al°Rad3.0 Cairo

1952, VolD IIo p0 70. in the ©yes off the critic Ibn 3a©haLq0 dirges OH women 1 are rather difficult. It is probable that poets did mot find ©stabliohed traditional principles to follow in taio respecto

AX~3£adI. paid noticeable attention to dirges on women

This may have been dts© in part to his motherBs influence.

Al=Sadl himself in his dirge on his mother broke with tradition and exposed his weakness at the loss off his mothers He sayss

(Because of you) I lost my firmness and foreboaraace and forgot my glory and strength.

In his mother he ©aw the ideal image of the devoted woman which can be equal if not superior to man. He sayss

Had every woman been devoted like STOBs sons would have been content with a mother rather than a father.

Such a high estimation of his mother as a woman may have had some bearing on al=Sadi8o opinion of women in general

It may provide an answer to the reason for about tea dirges which our poet devoted to them.

1. "Umdahs Vol. II, po 124.

5 2. D. S. Vol* I0 p° 19. Compare with al-Mutanabbl s

dirge on Sayf al-Dawlah's mother, D„ M. Volo III8

p0 182. 240 o

Al»KadX lamented Taqiyyah bint Sayf al~Bawlah0 the woman who had admired his poetry amd requested a copy of ito Rlotaero aad datagfetoro of hio friends amd acquaintances were elegised as well as mis brother"s two daughterso

The poet seesns to have had some difficulties ia dealing

with this subject. Apparently 0 he had little to say about the basic point aad much more to say around ito la geaeralo ho preferred to iatroduee his opinion of life and deatho adding to the praise of the family or tribe

of the dead woman0 and combining them with consolation0 la his dirge in which he lamented the vizier Abu Mansur^s mother he devoted only three lines to the dead woman and the rest is a mixture of praise and consolation to the visier himself. la the same maaaer he elegised the sisters of another visier. H© referred to the deceased ia just three lines aad used the remaiader of his dirge 2 to comfort and praise this visier.

Al=Radi in his dirges on his mother aad sister had many things to say relating to the subject=matter« He expressed hi© sorrow and tearful feelings but the length of his dirges drove him to swell them by rambling round

the basic pointo Hi© dirge on his sistere for instancee consist© of seventy six lines. It begins with a descrip= tioa of ligat&ing,;.which takes up twelve lineso The poet then speaks of his departed family,, of his tribe and

people during the course of time6 aiming to comfort himself that there is ao escape from deaths Mu9ing takes

I. Do So Yolo IIB pp0 833=83§o

2o Ibidoo pp0 677=679. twenty two limes of his dirge. The© lie proceeds to opoak of fat© and the vicissitudes of time. H© devotes to this point geven lineso Th© poet has already ©sshauoted snore than half of his dirge dwelling round his basic subject b©fore b®gianimg to address his sister.

la genoralo tho lines in which h© expressed his sad feeling are genuine and fillod with deep sorrow and pain.

Th©y illustrate his affection and sincere brotherly ties.

H© says 8

My sister$ a calamity that assailed

you was a calamity iadeed 0 Aad a misfortune which struck me down „ being far from you. was hard to bear. After youo grief and distress are my bed=fellows. 1

H© also says.

It is as though ©very day my heart yearns more strongly for you„

And as soon as the wound is healed0 a fresh scar is formed on my heart. Th.© falling of my glaac© is weary of other than youo and grows dim. 2

1. Do Ko Vol. I0 p. 1320 the Snglish version is quoted

from ArberryD Arabic Poetry„ pD 102.

2o Arberry0 Arabic PoetryP ps 104 5 D. K. Vol. I0 p. 132. la generalo al^Sadl dealt with elegy skilfully0 with many persoaal and individual touches in the details. In

comparison with his predecessors and contemporaries 0 his lamentations on women form a distinct section of his elegy which deserves attention. CHAPTB1 IX

SjjfX'lSBfl IN AL-KABl'S P0BT1Y

He are a people.doomed to

misfortuae0

we gladly accepted our fate

al-Sadl 1 = 3h3.(Sism in History

ghl0istn made its first appearance OB the political aad religious se©n© ia tho form of the Imam cAl:i's supporters whoa Muslims split oa the questioa of the prophet's succ©s©or. Thoso who advocated aad supported

0All's right to succeed the Prophet formed the early

Shi8ites.^ There is ao doubt that Shi0ism originated on genuine Arab soil. As time passed Shi8ism swelled with extremist trends and also outlandish elements.. The

ESessiaaie doctrino of tho saviour appeared in the Sha/ite circle probably owing to Jewiah-Ghristian influences..

The Shxgite form of oppositioa became welcome to clients ia general and the Iraaiaas in particular. These readily identified themselves with this movement and from their old inherited ideas of a divine .'-kingship developed tho a 2 theory of the divine right of the Alids to the caliphate.

§hlaites themselves divided into different sects when they disagreed over the personality of each subsequent

Imam after the martyrdom of al~Husaya. Many extremist branches now appeared amOng which were the Kaysaniyyah and the Saba^iyyah. The moderate wiag, the Zaydite., made its appearance under the leadership of the Imam Zayd b.

8 1. 1. I. art. Shi ah. See also Duha0 Vol. III6 pp. 208=209.

2. Goldsiher0 Mohammed aad Islame tr. by Kate Chambers

Seelye8 Hew Haven Yale University Press 1917B pa 256.

Compare with J8 l-Jellhausen Tjie_Arab_ Kingdom and its

fallo tr. by Margaret Graham Weir„ Beirut 1963„ pB 68.

See Nicholson opB cito 0 19690 p° 214. "Alio la the °Abba©id period the Imamites beeame a

distinguished §hX

present day* la the political struggle tao Shi6 it@s

under tao leadership of the °Alido aad other pro~°Alid

leader© continued a deadly strife and revolt agaiaot the

the Urniayyads who were considered usurpers. The list of

3Alid martyrs iacreased during the course of historyo

Th© Umayyado treated thorn cruelly aad put them dowa 2

mercilesslyo Consequently, grief0 disappointmeat„ hatred

aad aager coloured their life and left deep impressions

on their memories. They had a short period of relief when

the "Abbasid kingdom was established ia the name of the

Hashimite victory. But the Hashimite party which coasisted

of the 8Alid© and °Abblsids now split aad the latter

deemed themselves the legitimate heirs of the Prophet„

denying the right of the 6Alids. The °Alids with the

support of their partisans resumed their unsuccessful

struggle against their cousins the "Abblsids who exemplified

the coatiauity of oppressioa aad injustice and beeame the

new usurpers of the *Alid s'right to the caliphate as

6Alid@ and Shi5ites believed. So cruel was the 8Abbasid

treatment of their cousins that the latter were soon to consider the Umayyad treatment of them as just, by 3 comparison.

1. 'Hasan Ibrahim Hasan » Tlrlkh al^Islam al^S'iyasa,B 2nd

eta. „ Cairo 1948„ Volo I9pp0 308<=316e

2. DuhaB Volo IIIB pp. 277-279.

3. Duhle Vol. IIIo 1936o p. 381o See also Hasaa Ibrahim

Hasan op0 cito„ Volo II, pp° 113=129o 94(5 o

Before the advent of the fourth Islamic century the cAI£d revolution in the political field seecms to have come to an end both in theory and practiceo As fas? as

the IfimSmltoQ ia Iraq were concerned0 though they carried

©a a sort of passive opposition to the ruling class,, they mad© no significant effort to risk their necks in claiming the caliphate through revolutionary means. !ven in the

Buwayhid period when the Shlaites enjoyed a prosperous and tolerant time they concentrated their activities in the theological and intellectual fields while their flAlid leaders contented themselves with the privileged position which thoy had acquired° The political struggle which had carried on between the aAl±ds and the °Abbasids was mostly replaced by sectarian disputes between their followers the Sunnites and Shl0ites<> Bach sect raked up the past and lived on the memory of its celebrated championso The Shl°ites for their part revived the "day of the Ghadlff" on which they alleged that the prophet had appointed 6All. his successor« They also observed the

8 ' day of "ishnfi^" on which al~Husayn was martyred 0 shedding their tears and expressing their loyalty and lasting sorrowo

2 = Shigism in Poetry

Shi.0it® poetry was a vivid and living record of the

8 Shi ite movement in its first appearance0 developmentD division and failure<> This poetry portrayed the tragic

a side of Shi ism and the unfortunate °Alid leadership0 It aloo dramatised the events which occurred in the course

a a of jyhl itQ Qtrifeso fiiloreovor 0 @h1 ite doctrines,, eonvie- tioao and feelings made themselves felt in this poetry«

Among the first pro~°Alid poets was Abta al=Aswad al=

DlDalio He was tho Imam "All's friend and remained unwavering in his 8hlsite convictions o"*" H© praised tho

Imam °A1X in his lif© and lamented his d©ath0 His poems reflect the early Shi4ite conviction in its simplicity and spontaneityo Th© poet expressed his love and affection for the Imam praising his Islamic virttaes and his close connection with the propheto In his dirge Abu al=>Aswad adopted the method in which traditionalist poets weed to praise their tribal leaders* In generals there is no room in this poetry for extremist trends or outlandish 2 elements*

Al~Husayn8s martyrdom after his abortive rebellion against the Umayyads marked a turning point in the Shiait® movement as well as in Shi8ite poetry <> Mourning for al~Husayn became a permanent and tragic aspect of Shi8ite

8 poems* Meanwhile6 the §hl ites » who called the Imam al-Huaayn to come to their town al~Kufah and then betrayed himB bore the brunt of repentance« This tendency made itself felt in an off-shoot of Shi8ite poetry which is called "Shi0r al-Tauwabin"» the poems of repentances In this poetry there is also a call for revenge and retaliation lo Jurji Zaydan* Tarlkh Idab al°Lughah al-aArabiyyah„ 3rd

edno o Cairo 1936„ ¥ole I, p„ 235„

2o Ajhani8 Vol* XII „ pp0 321~329o See also I. Ac ''Alio Elalamih qasidat al-Tashayytt8 wa Tatawwuraha fl al° qagn al~RlbjL^» Ma jallatal-Jami6 ah al^Mustineiriyyah

Baghdad 1970D No0 I0 p° 98o G on the Alids° enemies. In tho meantime0 the extremist

branches An the Shi,0!to movement were peps1©seated in poetryo

The two extremist poets al-©ayyid al~Hiimyari (do 193/789)

and Kuthayyir °Az^ah (d« 105/723) advocated tho extreme

Sha.°it© school which iQ called al^Kayaaniyyaho They

believed that the son of °A1I0 Muhammad bo al~Haiaa£iyyah

waa alive and never died and that he would return at the

right moment„® This messianic side of ghi°ite poetry

became a permanent aspoet from this time oawa?ds as we

shall learn later.

Shi0ite poetry in the Umayyad period was also

characterised by its polemical tosaeo Poet© put forward

statements against those who deprived the °Alids of their

right to the throne as the Shlsites believed<> These

statements in the poetry of the extremista like al^Himyarlo

for instance0 were combined with the abuse of the early

Orthodox Galipha and the expression of hatred towards

them because they were considered usurpers of the sAlid

righto In addition0 the Imam "All's personality and also

thoae of his heirs were clothed with legends and myth©0 3

Al-Himyari and Kuthayyir represented this trend ->opemlyo

This fictitious side of Shi'ite poetry continued down to

the fourth Islamic century and establiohed itself in this

sort of poemo lo Yusuf Khulayf„ Hayat al=Shisr fx al=Kufah ill Nihlyat

al-qarn al-Tjjanl al°Hijrl0 Cairo 19680 ppo 397=3780

See also KhulSsy opo cito0 p0 3000

2o A/jghini0 Vo5L Ill0 p0 14 „

So Aj|Ibianip Voi0 VII „ pp° 244 „ 2560 262$ see Volo IX0 pc 14 „ 249 o

The moderate Shi0ite sect "the Zaydites" had its

own advoeateo The po©t a.1,~Kumayt bo Zayd (do 126/744)

according to the 2aydite doctrines iBeveir attacked the

Orthodox Caliphs and the prophet11 s companions as the

extremist poets «!Q©d to dOo H© paid groat attention to

vindicating the truath of the Shi0ite articles of faith

and supported the vindication by logically argued proofso3-

This distinguishing feature of hi® poetry was inherited

by Shi0it© poets and became a traditional section in

their poetry» The Hash imiyyat of al~Kumayt are also

characterised by their political implicationso The poet

criticised the Umayyad wle describing its corruption

and oppression 0 and considered this family perverted

according to the Shi0 ite point of view. Meanwhile„ he

0 advocated the legitimate right of the AlidsD shedding

his tears on the tragedy of the prophet?s home* In

generals. Shi6ite poetry in the Umayyad period represented

the different sects and also mirrored their tendencies,,

It is also characterised by anger and hatred shrouded by

deep feelings of grief and sorrow- Its political function

was obvious as well.

The advent of the 8Abbasid period was celebrated

by Shi°ite poets who also called on the rulers to revenge

the "Alids on the remains of the defeated Umayyad family»

Meanwhileo a considerable amount of inflammatory poetry

was composed against the defeated rulers» mostly by the

la AX-Kumayt bo Zayd „ gharh al°Haohimiyyat with commentary

by Muhammad Mahrnld £O^5ffi°i0 Gairo~i912 "„ ppo 34, 39 „

71; see also Kftuluoy op» cito0 p« 226o

2o Al=Kuraayt ope cite » pp0 260 688 69 0 81o poets gudayf bo Maynrram and Ibrahim bo Haparaah. But the

days of poaeo between the two Hash limit© branches the

°Alids and the °AfobSsids did not laot loago Shortly

after their victory hostility broke onto ConsequentlyD

the poets of this period also divided into two main campss

the pro~°Alids and the pro=°Abbasidso The former

advocated the °Alid divine right to the caliphate and the

latter deemed the °Abblsids the legitimate successors of

the Propheto^ The °Alid tragedy continued and became

more serious at the hands of the 8Abbasids. The Shi8 ite

poet© also pursued their struggle against the oo=called

new usurpers of the flAlid righto shedding their tears on

the martyrdom of the °Alid leaders*

The passionate Shi6it® poet BiGbil al°Khuza8i (765-

860) well exemplified the development of Shi8ite poetry

and its traditional aspect which came down through two

centurieso His odes in general show us that the political

implications of this poetry were still importanto The

poet severely criticised the "Abbasid caliphs exposing

their deviation from the right path of Islam. He

described the Caliph Harun as the worst of men and the

8Abbssids as a whole as oven more unworthy of the caliphate

than the Umayyads. He made it clear that people in the

8Abbssid period seem to have been estranged from their

lo Aghanl» Volo IV„ ppD 346=347.

2o DuhaB Volo III„ pps 306-3085 see also I. A. "ill.

Malamih Qasldat al^Tashayytt"„ pp0 102=1030

30 Bo I. arto Bi*bil» written by Ao Sehaadeo 351 o

wlepsc1 The tragedy of larbala*1 held a noticeable position in Di°bil°s poetry and the praise of the aAlids°

virtues was given attention ao well. Meanwhile0 the them© of the Imacn8 s, retmrn which had occurred in early

Shi"ite poetry re=eraerged in his poetry»3

Is the fourth lolamie century the °Alid strife to gain the caliphate seetns to have faded after the collapse of many attempts.. Their followers' hopes fell back on expectation of the Imam's return» The Intimites or

Twoivoro who formed the most important Shi0ite sect in

Baghdad and Iraq in al=Sadi°s time believed that the twelfth Imam al=>Mahdi disappeared in his own home. He did not die but went into concealment from whence he would return at the end of time.^ The Shi"ite Imamites lived on their hope and their leaders also laid down thoir arms,,"^ Consequently „ the messianic hope became frequent in the Shi8ite poetry of the fourth Islamic centuryo They pinned their hopes of revenge on the "Alids* enemies on the Imam_ 9s return from his concealment.. 5

Th© other distinguishing feature of Shi6ite poetry in the fourth Islamic century was th© increased use of

lo al-Amlni op» cite„ Vol* II0ppo 2490 356B 375o

9. YaqBt 0 Volo IV„ p<> 196s ®®© Khulusy ope cito B p» 282o

So Klmil Kluatafa al°Shaybi,al°Silah Bayn al°Tasawwuf wa a al~Tashayyu 0 Baghdad 19*63 „"Vol. I» pp. 243=243. See also the footnote to po 2435 see Von Grunebaum,

Modieval Islam0 pe 193»

4 Abd al~Kassaq Muhyi al~Bin„ o cit o e Po 73

Bo D„ To Volo I. po 14S„ Volo II0 po 290 see Do So Volo

10 pp0 SB 0 377o legends and myths which clothed the personality of the

Imm "All. and his sons* This legendary aspect of S_hi8ite poetry can be traced to the poet al—Oayyid al-=Himyari buat it became limited during the course of time until it was abundantly revived in al=Radi°s day.. Many Shi8ite poets paid great attention to the versification of some of supposed Prophetic traditions which were related by

Shi8ite transmitters serving the 8Alidss claim and the

§hl8ites° convictions* These and other accounts portrayed th© Imam° s personality as superior to human nature and clothed it with mythical power and supernatural attributes*

The poets Mihyar and al~Sahib b* °Abbad were fond of depicting this fictitious 3ide in their poetry* Among many legends which these Shi0ite poets often repeated was one telling that on 8All's account the sun was caused to remain in the horisen without setting* Another recounted that the Imam killed the 8Afreets during the battle of 1 Badr *

The sectarian struggle and intensive antagonism between the Sunnites and Sh3.8itee made itself felt in

8 Shi ite poetry* Meanwhile0 the Sunnites and their champions received acute criticism and frequent heavy attacks* The

Sunnite poets defended their cause and champions in returno

The two poets and famous writers al=Khawarizmi and Bad!8 al=Zaman al^Hamadani gave vivid examples of polemical poems in which they attacked each other and both argued

1* al-Sfihib b* °AbbidD Pi wan „ od* Muhammad Husayn &1 Y&alal Baghdad 1965„ po 69? D* Y* °Vol* III„ p* 115* on sectarian and religiouQ points of view. Mihyar was also considered aimoiag Jlhi^it© poets who used to c«?se tho Suaaiteo and thoir champions while aAli bo aIsI al-

@hlgiteso ^ AI=3ahito bo °AbbSd was also involved in thio g

poetical dispute0 as his Dijgan revealso

Another noticeable aspect of Shi6it© poetry in this period is that moot of it was composed on the scenes of the 10th of "lishura^ „ the day of ai=Husayn°s martyrdom „ to describe its tragedy and horroro The day of •ajUjjh^adlr was also celebrated by Shi°ite poetso They considered it their religious festival because the Prophet had assigned

6All. as his successor on that day» A glance at Shi6 ite poetry in the fourth Islamic century shows us that many odos were written on the anniversaries of these two events.o

In additiono among the poetical works of the Shi8ite poets there are many odes which are suitable for reciting

in a public lamentation on al=Husaym0 Hero is an example of al=Eadi's odes which is still used for this purpose up to the present. Ho sayss

Oh Karbala' you are still a misfortun© and calamity o what the sons of al=41ustafa (the prophet) suffered with youo How much blood was shed upon your soil» when they were murdered? and how many tears were spilled?

lo Yaquto Vol„ I0 ppo 114=116o

2o Jawo Vol, VIIIo p° 10| Ibn Kathlr opo cite 0 Vol0 XII„

p0 IBi Ibn Shahriohub op0 cit00 Po 1485 see Do I.

Volo IV0 pp0 202„ 236o

So al=Sahiba Dlwan Oppo 970 170. jju^ i,y CJJ jj \y

la the Biwln of al-=Sah£b thcro apo man^i odes which wore

composed with a view to their being sung by al-Sahib0^

2 to sing or recite his poemso

S <= 3hiaism in al-ladl's poetry

Al=Sadio as we have already seens was an Imamite in 0 the broadest sense and a descendant of the Prophet's family o It is natural that» like other aAlid heirs,, he felt aggrieved from his birtho Ho also inherited the sense of tragedy of his family and shouldered the burden

of its sorrow and oppressions6 which came down to him through centuries of suffering and victimization<> More•

over0 al=Sadi not only believed in the superiority of the Imam 8Ali and his heirs and their divine right to

the caliphatee but also considered himself one of those heirs who was destined to suffer and to strive to regain

this legitimate righto He considered himself the moat able in his time to take on this' responsibility »u It is

clear that his aMid background played its part in

lo Do Ho Yolo Is p0 33o

2o al-01hib0 BMffin pp. 114=1195 see also Mo Ao Mu°id

lhin0°arto al-Sahib LC» 1943 0 pe 197 o

g Shi ite convictions 0 terms and doctrines found their way into al°Had'l's poetry in close connection with his own

perGonai aims and coraeernso Furthermore0 his failure to attain his goal led :him to the conclusion that the continuity of oppression and injustice was much the same as it had been before as far as the aAlid family and

al-Radl himself were concerned* In his eyes0 loss of faith and renegation of promises made in the past still ossisted in his time and those who broke their promise and treated the Prophet's heirs mercilessly had their counter- 1 parts in his time* Apparently,, he accepted his mis• fortune and fate but h© did not conceal his profound sorrow and grief* He referred to his family's calamities as followss

Al~!adi in this line very likely refers to the calamities of the Prophet's family which had been foretold both in the Prophetic traditions and 8All8s sayings which were handed down by Shi0ite transmitters* These accounts 3 imply that misfortunes would await the °Alid family*

1* Do 9* Vol, lo pp° 282=283 o Vol0 II, p. (560*

2* Do H* Vol* IIe p* 849*

3* Muhammad b* All bo Babawayh0 Amali al-Shaykh al-Saduq

Najaf 1970„ pp0 100-103j see also GoldsiherT

Mohammed and Islam0 p* 226* 35So

8 la general 0 J>hi ism made itself felt in different

in eralogy and self ^praise 0 ao we have already seem

There are also references to it in his dirges. In his

eulogy he made use of Shiflite accounts which were intended to magnify the °Alid familyo He made them serve his cause and his claim to the caliphateo In one of his odes 1

he praised his father 0 mentioning the day of al°Ghadir .

In additiono in line with Imamite convictions he came to the conclusion that there was no doubt about the superiority and the supernatural qualities of the InJam °Ali<> Ho reiterated that he was the son of Muhammad and °Ali and o his mother was Fatimah the Prophet0© daughter„ He sayss

Is it not enough for you that your mother 8 is Fatimah0 your father Haydarah ( Ali) your forefather the Prophet.

traditions for his own political purposes of claiming the

caliphate and to make it known that those who held power wore unworthy rulerso He did not identify those rulerso

Howevero it is likely that he meant all leaders who

assumed power and neglected tho sAlid righto "'He sayss

Bring back the heritage of Muhammad bring it back. The staff (of the caliphate) is not yours„ neither is the garment (of the Prophet) lo Bo So Volo I, p. 330o

go Ibido o p0 314. \

sAli8s saying in which he considered the people in general

his proteges. The poet took this point to strengthen his

claim to the caliphate and considered the people proteges

a of the Alid heirss ao his line indicates0 He says 2

In us they -were honoured, for the cause

of our grandfather they were born8 where they were counted they were our proteges.

J 2

Al=Kadl portrayed the Imam All as the noblest hero

of Islam in history 0 endowed with supernatural qualities

and powers. Like other Shi4ite poets, ho believed that

the Imam 8 All had no rival in bravery» decency» courage

and wisdom; proofs which were observed in his life and

in every battle in which the Imam performed his heroic

deeds. Al=Radi also referred to 'All's mythical power

and superhuman personality- He mentioned in his poetry

that on account of the Imam "All the sun was caused to

remain without setting. The poet also enumerated *All°s

virtues not for only historical sectarian purposes as

other Shi8ite poets did, but to attribute these deeds

1. D„ H„ Vol. I. p. 313.

2. Ibido e p0 3130 see also the intro. p. S6. 86 8 o

M=Sad'i of ton identified the Imam 8 Ala. by the term

was! frequently making it serve his own purpose as wello

Whoa he boasted of himself with reference to his unbounded

<^J9J @dJ>\ cs^ ay} Ui

maintaining a close connection between Shi8ite convictions

and opinions with regard to the aAlid family and his

tragedy was his own and this caused him profound sorrow

and pain= He also deemed the glorious °Alid heritage as

pootryo

2. Ibido o po 1081 see also Yolo I, pc 898 Volo Ho p» 819 among others. 259*

This important dogma in Xmamite eij?cleo« as wo Ssave

already saido implies that the twelfth Imam0 aHiuahdl 8 would return frora his eoincoalsiiGnt to re-establish justice and remove the oppression which had been imposed on the

°Alids and their adherents* Shi°ito poets„ as we have

Imamite belief and mentioned al~Mahdi as the final one for whom people would await* This implies that the sAlids and their adherents could feed on this dream and there was mo need to fight or to revenge the aAlid family as

the saviour would come to re-establish justice* However0 al-ladi in many other odes pledged himself to fight to revenge his 8Alid family and restore the caliphate to himself. The poet threatened to wage a bloody ifar to obtain his goal and assume the caliphate* He made it clear that ho would not consider himself the son of the

Prophet's daughter if he ceased to fight»^ He never mentioned the Mahdi's return again in his poetry*

This revolutionary element in his Shiaite belief implies a contradiction to the Imamite dogma of the Imam1s return* It is clear that the Zaydites conceived of their

Imam as an active fighter and belligerent leader of believerso while the Xmamites considered their Imam a passive leader attaching themselves to the Hidden Imam's 9 return and pinning their hope on hio reappearance*

1* Bo S* Volo I, pQ 377D Vol* IIoppo 6600 848*

20 Goldsiher0 Mohammed and_JEaljurrc * p0 2621 see al-ghahriotlni»

al^Milal wa al-NihalD ed* Ahmad Fahml„ Cairo 1948, Volo lo pp* 284=287* 360 c

Al^ISadlo in his poetry ia general0 and his 8hl°it© odes in particularo seerac to have inclined to the Zaydito opinion in regard to this pointo His aspiration to the caliphate and hia effort to obtain it implies that th© way was still open to fighting to restore the right of

8 8 the AIids to the caliphate*. MoreoverB in his Shi ite

pootry8 his belonging-- to the Prophetic family forms the soraorstono :©f his ambition. In one of his dirges on al=Husayn he made it clear that he would lead his cavalry troops to revenge the 3AXid martyrs.. In another he pledged himself to take the responsibility of fighting for the sake of the 6Alid right which had become his own.

In this respect the poet was consistent with his political ambitions ~ taking advantage of his family tree«

Accordinglyb he seems to be closer to the Zaydites than the Imamites as far as the Imam *s return and its impli= cation are concerned.

Al-Kadi ia his Shi*ite poetry differs from other

Shi8ite poets of his time in regard to hio attitude towards

4 the orthodox Caliphs "Abu Bakr, Dmapt 'Uthman". Poets contemporary with him used to make historical statements according to the Shi6ite conviction. They often traced the continual succession of the 8Alids' suffering and persecution to the question of the caliphate after the

Prophet's companions and never coasidorod them usurpers or deviatoro as many of his contemporaries dido Ai~$adi seems to fo© nearer to the Zaydito doctrine. This moderate wing in the Shi"ite movement did mot share the absolute condemnation of the companions of tho Prophet « 2 which was widespread in Shi ite circles.

Al~Kadi in hio Shi0 ite poetry and in his references to his 8Alid family and its calamities did not attack the flAbba@ids openly while hio contemporaries used to do so. la his time Shi0ite poets accused the "Abbasids of

injustice and ill-treatment of the °Alids. MeantimeB the

Shigite rulers of the Blwayhid family had tho upper hand

in Baghdad and the caliph was weak. HoweverB al-=Sadi's attitude reflected his openmindodnese and his refraining from indulging himself in accusing and cursing the

"Abbasid family. It is also probable that this moderate

opiniom was due in part to two motives. Firstly0 our poet as a politician tried to maintain a formal relation^ ship with the palace. In this respect he was in line with the Buwayhida8 policy which deprived the caliph of

his real authority0 yet they publicly kept feigning

respect to him. Secondly e al=Sad!L was polite and respectful.

Ho also held a religious position which demanded exemplary conduct /in his public and private life.

Al~Hadi°s poetry was also characterised by its

1. D. ¥. Vol. I0 ps 399o Vole III„ p0 50 among others.

2. Goldsihero Mohammed And Islam0 p. 263. 263 =

isidifferenee to sectarian struggles and religions

antagonism0 which ha<$ become wido=spread in the fourth

Xolasnie contrary and always resulted in bloody Gkirmiohoo

poeto of different ooctQ attaeked and cmrsed each othero

Qur poet made mo references to these pointSo On the

contrary0 he appreciated his father's effort to bring

peace between the Staamites and ShlGiteQ<.^ Furthermoreo

al~Siadi in one of his odOQ took pride in his family tree

mentioning that there was kinship between his family and

Abu Bakr and paid respect to the family5o tieso"3 In

general» al^ladl'a opinion of the Prophet"s Orthodox

Caliphs and his attitude toward sectarian disputes oeeims

to be moderate.,

of the "lohtar!'*'0 the day of repentance and mourning in

memory of the Karball'5 catastrophe» This memory became

a public lamentation in the Buwayliid period under '.whose

protection §higite opinions and tendencies were openly

expressed <> The explanatory prefaces of these odes indicate

dom,* The poet concentrated on the tragedy of Karbala*0

portraying the horror and atrocity of the day. He also

put forward an argument concerning the massacre of al=

Husayn and his sons and heirs in the course of history°

He tried to deal with it historically„ tracing the hatred

•lo Do He Volo I0 po 69o

2o Ibido «, po 2781. 263 „

of the Umayyads and theis5 gifudge against the "Alids back to the days of tin© Prophet° The othev aspect of al-ladl's dirges on al-Husaym is the close connection between the calamities of his aAlid family and al^Jiad'i himself° He deemed himself obliged -Do coverage the °Alid cnas'tyiPQ and ee=establish theijp right by foFce. He also mentioned his own ambition© and failureso Hhen he reminisced about his family's tragedy he looked upon himself as another wronged figure of aggression in a long liot of victims,*

The first Ohl8ite dirge of al=Sadl was written in

S77/987o The tragic aspect of the Karbala5 massaepe occupies a large section of ito The poet also condemned the Umayyad Caliph Yasld under whose direction the criminal operation against the Prophet's family was carried omto Al=Ka'dx then expressed his personal and lasting sorrow at 'ffehio evento He also depicted the sad memory of this terrifying day which made his life fusil of tears and pain» The poet expressed hi© longing for th© day of vemgeanco when those who had wronged his family would b© punished. Th© abovo-=montioaed aspects wero "^repeated in his other 8hl8ite odes« He composed an ode in 387/997 in which ho evoked th© day of al~Husayn5s martyrdom referring to those who participated in this eff»imoo He also deseribod al~Husayn as a noble and courageous fighter and condemned those who deserted him in his hour of needo Our poet also pointed his accusing fiager at the Umayyads making it clear that they had

lo B0 So Volo I0 ppo 37

It oootno as if the oppression came down to afflict al<=

Kadi himselfo In this respect he made it clear that

injustice was still present in his own age0 In his eyes the undeserving had the upper hand over the meritorious..

He ssyss

How long has the oppressor had the tapper hand and how long ha© the surpassed (al^Biafdul) held sway over th© surpasses (al°fadil)»

-3

Al=»Sadl did not identify those undeserving rulers or aggressivo ones but it is likely that he meant himself when he was speaking of the wronged and excellent peopleo

Isa the same ode h© indicated that he was the noblest one g and that others were of no importance.. The poet is referring to the continuity of injustice as an oblique accusation of those who wronged the "Alids in the course of historyo He mentioned this point but he did not identify them° He ©ayss

lo Bo Rc Volo II8 P° S59o

2o Ibido o p0 660

So Ibido Verily the practice of the f o^mer B

QQjpg'ow and tea^So The po©t°Q profound pain was expressed and a f©elimg of jpepentaaec oeenis to overcome hiinio la on© of his odes h© fiirst addressed the day of °2lghyiff'5^_ as followss

Oh day of cZlohltgla on which th© companions gave no support and people offered BO JPOSOiPto Oh son of the Prophet's daraghteiPo men bpolc© theis* pipomise.. Verily the keepers of faith as5© few. They disobeyed the Prophet in yots and vengeance leaned theis0 lances towards yowo

lo Do Eo Vol0 lo p° 282o

2o Do Ho Volo IIo pp» S58=S59o ass o

Would I

oia highly=brod camelQ 0 their dresses split aad torn"? Their veils stripped from their f aces „ whose chastity was fair substitute to every veil»

«3 L 1

la al~Sadi.0s ©yes al—Husayn was a great and super• natural hero in his life as woll as in his death*, The poet depicted al=Husayn after he had been murdered as follow©s

with blood gushing from his stab wounds0

not with a gulp of cool water0 copious as a torrento The flashing cutting swords snatching

away his body e as if tongues of flam© consumed a body of light» The hills bending affectionately over him with their shade» while the fringo of the whirlwinds concealed him from eyeso The beast of prey mot daring to approach his fallen body though it lay there unburied three nights.

lo D= Kc Volo Ho p0 S59o 1

la generalo al~Sadl exploited fully the Shiaite sources in regard to the massacre of Karbala5 which were mixed with myths and legends . He used them in the above~ mentioned lines to introduce a vivid and terrifying picture of al~Husayn's day combined with tragedy and dignity. The fallen hero was great and venerable in his death as much as he had been in his life<>

To sum up. al=Kadi in his Shi8ite poetry did not miss the opportunity to express himself and find reasonable and close linka between the sAlid family's tragedy and his personal feeling and suffering. He also marked this poetry by his own personal conviction and his moderate understanding of Shi8ite dogmas in many respects. He proved himself openminded and forbade himself from indulging in the extremist wave which had become strong in Shi. * it® poetry in his period. He seems to be consistent with th© main principles of the Intimites and made his own approach in understanding the details.

I. Do R. Vol. I, pp. 376=377, GHAPTBS X

AL=SADl»S LOVS=POBTRY o

My love<=poetry ia not duo to anguish in my hearto but I weep and lament because of my time»

al=Kadl I = I a t w qd jact i on

In the Arabic language tike wonder iove^poetry or

and tempt themo Hhen ho dofisaos tho word tashbib ho

explanation is given in other dictionarieso Medieval

Arab critics havo crunch tho samo difficBlties with these words relating to love=poetry° Qtadlraah bo Ja8far tried

to the conclusion that the formes? concerns the expression

of gj?iefe anguish and reminiscence of the beloved's abode.

that there is no difference between naslb„ tashbib and

tagh agonalo^ However0 as time passed on the t©rm jghasal lo Al-Jawharl, Sihih0 VOIO V0 p<> 1781D see also Vo&o I0 5 pp0 1510 SS^t" ^^

So Ibn Manswr0 Lisan 0 Volo I0 ppc 480=481o Yolo XI„ p°

492 5 ; see also al=Firfazabadi al°Qamtis al^Mhl^ 0 Cairo

1330/1911 o Volo lo ppo 8§0 131 „ Volo W~D p^ 34.

3o Quadamah, opo citoD pQ 6B»

4o §ina"atayn0 p0 129o

So ^Umdah0 Vol0 lit, pp. 94U108o 2V0.

became more common than others and modern scholars tended

to apply it to signify lov@«=poetry or amatory poetry o

Accordingly , ia this study the two words lovo=poetry and amatory poetry are used to identify the Arabic word

ighasal in its broadest sense encompassing all meanings given to tashblb or naslb as wello

The amatory section of odes was the first part with which Jahilite poets commenced the Muaallaqat» They used to express their poignant griefs dwelling on the ruined abodes of their beloved- They also delineated the moral qualities and physical charms of their mistresses.

Meanwhileo they frequently recollected their past love adventures and regretted the end of their days of youth»

A great deal of emotion» tears and tenderness was poured into the description of the beloved's departure and the ruined abodes which they left behindo The ideal lady was well illustrated in ancient poetry. She was

characterised by her coal-black hair8 clear bright face, smooth cheeks« big black eyes „ dark lips and white well~ set teeth. Her neck was long and white, her breasts full and round „ her waist slender and her hips thick and 3 swollinge Taken as a whole she was plump and tall.

6 1, Ahmad Badawl op. cite » pp» 140-143j see also al-Siba l ai-Bayyum! TirXkh al-Adab al-^Arabl» Cairo 1948, Yol.

I0 P» 110o

6 2o Kiaany, op9 cit»» pp« 100=1015 Isma 11„ op» cite 8 pp0

306, 261, 282| see also Mu'allaqat. pp<> 62=89 0 pp„ 88= 89c

3. Kinany» op9 cito B pB 1015 see Sallh al=Din al-Munajjid, Jamil al"^Mag*ah 8ind al-'&rab, *gnd"edn, Beirut 1969,

Nevertheless9 the basic qualities remained almost unchanged for many centuries.

As for love-poetry in general „ a close examination of al-=Sifluaallaqat shows u© two tendencies with regard to the poets0 moral attitude toward© their beloveds.

Although these two treads are interrelated and rather vagueo th@y can be discerned. The first is decency and courtesy mingled with a genuine feeling of grief. This can be sensed in 8Antarah"s amatory prelude of his

Mu6allaqah in particular» and his love-poetry in general.^

Zuhayr and al=HSrith b. Hillisah also declined to make O r- - » o any ©©ssual references in their amatory preludes of the

Elugallaqato They concerned themselves with their beloveds"

ruined abodes and their departure. Imru al<=QayG0 Tarafah and sAmr b. Suithim among others represented the second

tendency in their love-poetry, that is8 libertinism.

They depicted their love-adventures and spoke of their

1. Mu°ollaqat„ pp. 123=125 5 see also Antarah b.

Shaddad o Dlwam „ ed. by Karam al-Bustlali, Beirut0

19§8e pp. 288 76.

In tho early lolamie period lovo«=poetry came uinider religious restriction Th© libertine trend and lov©~ adventures faded for a while and poets did not go

punished o The poet Humayd bo ThawrP for instance,, addressed a tree as a symbol of his beloved instead of spelling out th© name of his mistress*. He says s

God forbade that this Sarhah (tree) should be outshone by any other tree of Idat How pleasant is it© fragrance How sweet is the freshness of its shadow when the sun risesi 1

In th© Umayyad period three poetical trends of love- poetry can be distinguished» • The first was the tradi• tional amatory prelude preceding the panegyrical odeo

Poets in this prelude walked the well-trodden paths of ancient poetso The second was the °Udhrite poetry„ an

independent theme which was characterised by its decency0 purity and profound grief» Th© third was th© °Umarite love poetry. °Umar Ibn Abl Rabl8ah was the head of this

a lo Mu allaqat„ ppa 64-670 80-890 108-109o

3 o Kinany o Cit po

c 3» Umdah0 ¥ol0 10 po 2140 2 J o

playful love~pootry0 making it am independent theme-

They also succeeded in [mirroring the depth of social

life of - al^Hijls at that time0 depicting a vivid picture

of the aristocratic class„ with its polish and affluent

lifCo1

"ttearit® poetry„ however0 did mot lack traces of

its connection with pagan love=poetry- It did not emerge unheralded and unconnected with the libertine trend which

had been represented by Imru* al-=Qays and other ancient

poetSo Love=adventures and love~affairs in general which

were depicted simply in al*41uGallaqat were cultivated by

the skilful hand of °Umar0 who had acquired first hand

experience in this respect which inspired him to

elaborate much moreo "Umarite poetry is characterised

by its playful and optimistic spirit filled with details

and novel pictures of womanc s indoor life at that time-

In the Diwan of °Umar love~adveiatures are numberless „

daring and clever- The season of pilgrimage was a season

of love and the mosques of Mecca and other religious sites were suitable places in which the poets took advantage of

the opportunities to choose their beloveds and approach

8 them- Like Umar0 many other poets had love=adventures

2 which were reflected in their poetry-

I- Dayfo al°Tatawwure p0 234; see Taha Husayn0 Hadlth y al~ArbT lPT~" Cairo 1937 „ Vol0 I0°P<> 333 „ pp- 235-340.

2o Dayfo Tatawwur0 pc 237; see Do U- pp0 280 40e B2D

80o 86 among others; see also Kinany^ op0 cito 0 ppo 206=207 o 274 o

sUmaK3(18 diction in his love^poetry is snarkod by

The style is elegant 0 simple and gemaiBe. However0 it

poetical conventions of Arab love=poetry. Although

the woman he loved seems to be intellectuala civilised

and clevero her physical charm is in harmony with the

traditional standard of beaisty which was adored by

the ancient Arab poets° sUmar's similes and images were almost all drawn from the ideal imago of woman which had come down from th© pagan period and become

S. a

timo=honotired standards., Umar also did not make any

radical changes in the structure of his amatory poetry.

Like others, he dwelled on the ruined abodes of his o

beloved describing her departure and litter. HoweverB

his personal touches are undeniable,, as was his first

hand experience. It may be said that he put new wine

into the old bottle.

In 8Udhrite love=poetry there is no room for love-

advanturos and playful spirit. The physical qualities

of woman received very scant attention. The poets took

love much more seriously and considered it their fore= most concern and inevitable doom. They wore chaste„

puritanical and faithful in their love without any traces

of sexual pleasure. Jamil Buthaynah represented this

1. Do U. pp0 138=136.

3. Ibido a ppo 22„ 26 8 42 e 71e 143 0 144 among others. poetical tread well. He summarised the ultimate goal of hi® lov© as followQS

I am pleased with very little things accorded to me by Buthaymah. If it were known by a calumiator he would not be annoyed with my lov© for her- I am pleased even when she sayss "no" or °I cannot0 and when she makes me live on a promiseo the one who waited for it was disappointedo I am pleased with a quick glance at h©r a&d even with spending a whole year without our meetingo neither at the beginning nor at the end.

Z^jp J>3 $f-XJ\

°Udhrite poets were destined to suffer in their

love and to bear lovesickness and frustrationB accepting this fate submissivlyo Many factor© contributed to bolster and nourish the development of this puritanical tread in Arab love-poetry. It is ou£ of the scope of this introduction to review them in detail. Stress„ howevero must be laid on the fact that traits of decency and profound grief in love-poetry can be traced back to the ancient poets and the early Islamic age. Religious elements had their bearing on this trend. It is likely that chastity and the puritanical spirit in °Udhrite love reflected a sort of compromise between love and religion.

Furthermoreo the refined and wealthy society of al-Hijlz

1. The Snglish version quoted from Kin'any opo clto 0 pQ

180. with some alterations „ see D. J. p0 1Q8. 27 So

which fostered tho cUimarit© poetry provided suitable soil for tho "Udhrl tread to grow as a spontaneous reaction against the libertine tendency-

The classical amatory preltade of the early Islamic poriod and -Umayyad ago still held its place in the

beginning of panegyrical odes- It was0 however„ not the main subject of the ode- Traditional poets treated it within the boundary of the ancient conventions as far as

the basic principles wore concernedo Accordingly0 these poetso more or less,, represented the continuation of the ancient form and the old scheme of the qasldah- The picture of their belovedss physical beauty was similar in many points to that drawn by the Jahilite poets; while the desert seems to have remained the scene of their love= i

poetry- Nevertheless0 a mutual influence took place between the classical amatory prelude- which was pursued

by traditionalist poets0 and the two independent trends

8 6 in love=poetry0 Udhrite and Umarite- In Jarlr'o amatory

prelude8 for instances traces of religious elements0 profound passions a spirit of decency and even a tinge

of love=sicknoss can bo sensed- Meanwhile0 Umarite love=adventures and daring remarks on love=affairs found 3 their echoes in the Bxwan of al^Farazdaq- Jarlrs

I- Kinany,op<, cito 0 p<> 310 5 al=Muna j jld, oj>?_cite 0 3-50

see also Jarl_r0 Da.wan Cairo 1313/1895» Volo Is pp-

24 0 33 o Volo Ho PP° 160=163 among others;

al~Farasdaq, Dl.wln9 edo Karam al=»Bustlnl0 Beirut 0

19600 pe 93o pps 66=676 144B among others-

So Jarlr0 Blwanp Vol0 I0 pp. 150 29 „ 41 „ 65 „ Vol- Ho po 161o

3o al=Farasdaq.0 Diwan „ Vol0 X„ pp° 209 „ 287=289- J o

engaging in a polemic poetical struggle with al=Fara?sdac|

criticised his opponent°s scandalous life amd referred i to a.t im his satire»

The "AbbSsid ago witnossod radical changes in all

walks of life compared with the previous period. Arab

power grow fainter while foreign elements of different

races missed with the Arab to form a new Islamic

civilisation. As time passed new values0 customs and

cultures gained a footing and established themselves.

The time=honoured Arab virtues suffered a setbackD or

were modified and adjusted to the new social life. In

breathed the spirit of the age and reflected many sides

tho social and political scene0 Arab women played a less

important role. Slave girls became the stars of parties

and assemblies and consequently the idols off love^poetry.

Meantime, an aberrant tendency towards boys became

epidomic in the society and poets reflected this sort of

debauchery in their poetry.

From the early 8Abblsid period independent love=

poetry which had been brought t to life by °Umar b. Kabisah

aad his colleagues was cultivated and elaborated to a

noticeable degree at the hand of the poets Bashshar b.

Burdo Mutl° b. lyas and Abu Nuwas. It became more '

brilliant, daring and sophisticated in images and style„

1. Jarlro DlwanB Vol. IID p0 137. filled with clove® hints and overloaded with soseual

1 remarks and obaeenitieoo Those three poets led gay lives and had first hand experiences.. They mirrored

their joyful and libertine lives in their love^poetry s in which the traditional standards of beauty and the

ideal woman were also changed in many respects0 Slav© girls of different coloured races became recurrent subjects in love~poetry and the image of woman in general

was different from that of the bedouin type8 The gaselle was no more beautiful than her and she was not like the

@un but the sun resembled her« Poets also paid attention to describing the intellectual qualities, behaviour and cleverness of their mistresses.,

In the fourth Islamic century the above-mentioned poetical trend in love-=poetry became widespread., In addition the aberrent tendency towards boys was still commono Bven the lady's charms were likened to those of boys. A glance at the Yatimah show© that these trends reached their peak in the fourth Islamic centuryPoets of both high and low standing spoke out boldly of their sexual experiences and loves filling their poetry with obscenitieso The decent trend in love-poetry in the

"Abbasid period seems to have faded» Al~sAbbas bo al-

Ahnaf was among the very few poets in the 6Afobasid period to confine himself to his love and maintain the spirit

L Oayf» al=Fann» pp„ 63=67»

2c al=Muna j jid „ opa cito •» pp<> 55 0 57, 620 69=81o of

traditioaalist poots in the °Abbasid period still clung

to the old poetical cosiveatioaoo They retained the

Abm Tammlm and al^Buhturi. among others well represented

this poetical trend» They also seem to be neare? to the

trend» In the fourth Islamic century there was a sort

of reaction against isrban life aiad its TOlaes o This

tendency was reflected in poetry in general and also mirrored in the amatory preludes of these poems „ Al=

Mutanabbl. was at the head of poote who expressed their admiration for and attachment to bedouin life and the deserts H© stressed his detestation of urban life and also urban womeno Although love seems to be a subordinate issue in his poetry,, h© made it clear that the beauty of urban women was artificial and lifeless and that of the bedouin was genuine and natural <> He often expressed his nostalgia for the desert in the amatory preludes of his odeso making no sexual remarEts in them. ^ Decency can be considered a visible aspect in it in comparison with the current poetical trend at that time. Our poet al=3Sadl not only followed al=41utanabb! in his attachment to bedouin lif© and values in his love«=po©try but he went

a 8 I. Iktikah wahbl al^Kha^ra jjLD Dlwan al° Abbas be al°Ahaaf ,

Cairo 1955e see introo0 ppe 15» 16D 555 see also

Tahl Husayn, Hadlfch, Voi0 I„ ppB 375=374o

So Do Mo Volo ID ppo 197=122>O 186-19O0 Volo II0 po 62 0 among others<, 280 o

3 = Al-Hadl^s love-poetry (Qha_sgal)

Al=Sada, composed two typeQ of love=poetry 0 the first

being tine aimatory preltades by which he used to opea his

panegyrical odes and tho second consisting of abowt forty

amatory odes called al-Hijaaiyyat « In the later odes

al=Sad1 treated love~poetry as an independent theme*. In

additiono he wrote some poetical pieces,, most of which

his fjpiendSo la one of these odes he described a black

slave=girl while in another he depicted a Persian boy°

Howevero al=Kadx ia these two odes and in a few others

demonstrated his descriptive talent in dealing with smch

a cuarrent susbject of that time<>

Generally speaking 0 al=ladl. paid great attention to

love~poetry as his Dlwan shows» He pretended to be like

those who had fallen in love and suffered griefs and

pains. Howevero there is no convincing evidence to show

affair in Baghdad, when ho lived there* or elsewhere..

Neverthelesso some modern scholars of Arabic literature

attempted to find traces of real love through al-^Radi's

1. Do Ro Volo IIo ppo 7220 755„ 888» love=poetry. Their conclusion is that they sense a heated passion is hio pooniDo It is difficult to make such judgement oa the basis of personal taste only, la

addition0 Arabic poetical language is often misleading owing to the fact that poets meed to exaggerate and pretend love, allegiaace and passion even if they had no peal connection with them. It is rather unsafe to draw on al=»RadX's poetry to trace the signs of his first hand experience in love, when our historical sources give us no information.

Al-Sada. himself has his own ideas of love. In one of his odes he denied that he suffered from the ardour of love. He alleged that he only lamented on his fate in his amatory poems. He sayss

fvly love-poetry is not due to anguish in my heart, but I weep and lament because of my f iiTie.e

2 '

In another ode he has a different attitude towards love, limiting it to the level of mere admiration. He says;

I fell in love but God knows I desire only to look, and lovers are of various kinds.

1. al°Basir, f x al^Ad.ab_al-•*!AbbBgl. pp» 433=436j 6All Jawad°al~Tahir, al^linhal fl al-Adab al-8Arabl, Baghdad, 1962, pp. 36-37„ see Zakl Mubarak, *Abqariyyat. Vol. II, pp. 77-99.

2. D. So Vol. I, p. 61. Al~Kad3, aloo oeetns to sustain a sort of inner conflict and contradiction,, As a man of unbounded ambition he

considered himself a lover of glory. Meanwhile0 he also

pretended to be a lover of beautyo HoweverB he seems not ready to sacrifice the former for the sake of the latter „ as his poetry indicates., He sometimes regarded his glorious goals as if they were his beloveds„• He sayss

I aspired to honour0 but they repelled my advance. The beloved always repels the lover»

These alternate tendencies between love of glory and love of beauty or women in al=ladlts poetry sometimes led him to make a decision in favour of glory., He also expressed

ideas of the irrelevance of woman and loves In one of his odes he sayss

I have nothing to do with white-skinned women0

and my quest is through lances0 horses and nights

1o Do So Yolo IP po 141o

3o Do So Volo IIo po 550o

So Do K, Yolo Ip po SOo 283 o

Ho suggested at times that love weakens his firmness and

his chivalrous character0 He sayss

I lost love in order to maintain my firmness 5 verily love is preserved in the heart of that whose determination is losto

It is interesting to note that al>=Mutanabbi and al~Radl have the same low opinion of woman and love when

they are dwelling on glory9 ambition and chivalrous deedso

Both express their preference for horses„ lances and swords rather than love and women.. Al=41utanabbl, for instancee in one of his odes sayss

May every mincing female walker be a ransom for every ea@y~paced afee.

He also gives reason for this judgement sayings

But they are the cords of lifee and trick the enemy„ and repel injury.

Al=>Hadi put forward the same idea in preferring horses

and mounts to womans he sayss

lo D0 Ho Volo II, ps 834,,

So Arberry0 Poems of al-=Mutanabbl„ p« 116; see Do Mo Volo I, ppo 37=39o The foam in the mouth of the mounts is sweeter than your lips„ and the desert shrubs are more appealing and pleasant than yota«

r LsuJ

1 J> Ho also says3

I desire not to shake hands with pretty women while my fingers engage with the reins of (the mount).

It is likely that such a preoccupation with glory and chivalry almost drove both poets to 'equate love of glory with love of women in their poetry. They found that to imagine a bedouin type of beloved was more suitable with their attachment to the bedouin life,, and the desert and the decent spirit in love more consistent with the values that they pretended to adore.

Al=Hadl has another problem in dealing with love- poetry. He found himself a captive in the rigidity of the conventions of his time. His religious position as a naqlb„ his soaring ambition and his ideal moral principles, all demanded of him exemplary behaviour and a high level of conduct in both his public and private life. It is very likely that he suffered frustration in trying to harmonise his human instincts .51:1.'. his puritanical religions

9o Do So Vol. II„ p» 910o moral ideals and integrity<> Al=I?ad2. tells us how he felt staeh an ixaner conflict between his reason- andl his deoireo He Qayos

hove tries to snake me bond down with rapture „ but I keep away from ito And youthfulness draws me to it „ bust I disdaino Decency forbids me (from love) as if there were a mountain between me and my desires,

Al~Sada. also made it clear that he never knew fornication o but by its description <, He used to be decent even when

3 he imagined or described his love=affairs in his poetry.

This suggests that our poet was denied the actual escperienc< of love. He suffered his torment, longing for women and living in a dream of desire and hope rather than engaging his love.

Al~Kadl lived in Baghdad where people of high and low classes enjoyed a tolerant and playful social life,

as w© have already seen.. Men of letters 0 for instance 0 who led self^indulgent lives used to speak openly of them in their composition<> Our poet found many reasons

L Do Ho Volo ID po 73O

3o Ibidoo p0 8So

3o Dc So Volo IIo po 897„ Volo X0 pQ 501»

4o We are referring to love0 not mere matrimony» to deny this sort of life0 seeking for compensation in his imaginary and Utopian life which he found to be the oisnpleo deeeat and bedouin typQo It is likely that these were some of the factors that determined the directions

of his amatory preludes and love<=pootry in general0 This tendency in his poetry assimilated the °Udhr3. spirit rather than any other as far as the moral values are concernedo ao we shall see later» Hijaso Najd„ religious sites and the desert in general are the scenes of love in hi© p.oetry rather than Baghdad and its suburbs „ In this respect the poet is consistent with his reaction against and rejection of city life as he reiterated in his poetryo

3 ~ Al°Radl8s amatory prelude

Al=»EadX in his amatory preludes» like other tradi•

tional Arab poets0 dwelt on his beloved's ruined abodese following up her caravan in a long journey „ longing for

days that are gone0 and describing his mistress's charmso

The names of his imaginary beloveds are many among which are Laimya's Zamyi". Umaymah and Layla- Our poet almost always preferred to name his beloved Layla and ascribe her to the tribe of Banu aljnirD the tribe of the famous sUdhri poet Majnun Layla» It is likely that al=ladl made this reference to stress the close connection between his love=poetry and gUdhra. poems o^" Places and sites like

Hajd0 Hijlso Zarudo Ramah al-Abraqayne Naqa and Samah are recurrent in his amatory preludes as much as in his

1. Do So Volo lit, ppo 5S40 $23o 98V.

other love=poetEiyo These sites not only indicate al=

s Hadl s close connection with desert life0 but also give his poems a sort of religious toneo

Al^Kadl in describing the ideal woman whom he presented in his amatory poetry stressed her nobility and moral qualitieso He sayss

They were noble women (kept from the outside world), chastity has taught them to keep procrastinating and put off contact*,

€MJ>

His imaginary beloveds also lived under the protection

and guardianship of strong people and tribes0 He describes their houses as followss

(They are) houses in . which their inhabitants give no rein to (anyone) by force, and their residents are not humbled*

1 "

As for the physical qualities of woman, al~Sadi does not pay them great attention* However» when he presents the picture of woman he draws on the traditional image of

the bedouin woman which recurs in classical love-poetry0

The favourite ideal lady in al~Kadi's eyes is of a bedouin

le Do So Vol* II. p» 634; see also Voie II„ pp° 599, 650o

2 o I bid og po 655 o nature. She does mot adorn her meek with embellishments because she io satisfied with her own natural beautyo

He likes to compare his mistress to a gasolle or ^abyaho

Like other ancient and traditionist poets0 he found simi-=

thick like sand hills0 She is always tall with a slender waist« In this picture al=Sadl did mot break with the traditional image of woman in Arab poetry<> He also did not make sessual remarks or obscenities; when he compared his mistress to a gazelle he used to call her a gazelle

or gabyah o In generalB al=Sadi gave nothing individual as far as tho physical charm of his beloved were concerned.

Three recurrent aspects are visible in al~Kadi9s amatory preludes° The first is the connection between

love and grey hair0 the second the conflict between glory

and loves which has already been discussed» the third his preference for meeting the imaginary image of his beloved instead of meeting his real mistress.. These three artistic aspects are traditional and frequent in classical love-poetry« However« al-Kadl found in them a sort of

As for the grey hairs it is traditional that poets

1. Do So Yolo I. pp. 114. 268„ 434, Yolo IIe p= 686.

So Do Eo Yolo I, pp0 144e Yolo II0 pa 520. 289.

rased to allege that the reason for the beloved°s indifference to hor lover was due to the emergence of greyiaooG in his hair. Al=>Kadl aloo referred to the with°

drawai of his beloved because of his grey hairo HoweverD

ho sometimes welcomed this white hair0 considering it as a sign of wisdom and roasono As a pessimistic man h© also conceived a close connection between death and grey hairo In general he expressed his preference for al°

shayb,, grey hair0 and found it a convincing reason to

abandon love0 as it indicated the end of the stage of n youtho He sayss

Verily darkness (in hair)p regardless of youth„

is blindnesso while whiteness (shayb)0

despite its weaknessD is discernments

Al<=Radi also seems to be careful to avoid any doubts of his decency and his puritanical attitude towards his

imaginary loveD as his amatory preludes indicateo He preferred to meet the nocturnal image of his beloved rather than have her actual presenceo It is interesting to note that al=SadI°© brother al=Murtada wrote a book o a - called Tayf al°Khayal. In this work he traced the traditional description of the nocturnal apparition

(al~tayf) in Arab love=poetryo He considered the visit of al°tayf a sort of enjoyment which had no connection

lo Do R. Volo lo PPo 146 „ 4,040 3700 Volc Ho p° 714*

3o Do So Volo I0 p0 with shame and fornication„ He also devoted a seetios of his work to tracing the use of this poetical osspreGsion in al-Hadl'o Xove-poetry» His remarks suggest that al=

Kadi walked the well-trodden paths of his predecessors..2

Howevero the section shows that our poet gave recurrent attention to this poetical aspect in his lovo=poetry»

He also freed himself to meet his beloved» imagining his

How nice it would be if a nocturnal image (al-tayf) guided by yearning set out from you to my bedo It spent the night giving me the honey of

its saliva9 while I thirsted and have never been quenched since*

C3 JLJ

4 i U> LrP

Before closing the observations on al-Sadl118 amatory

preludes e it is convenient to examine his success and failure in dealing with traditional images as far as

Xove=poetry is concerned. The first is the description of the ruined encampment of the beloved and the second the litter of the poet's mistress and her journey. As for the first, it is obvious that the description of the

1. al^lurtada o Tayf al"Khayal» ed<> by Hasan Kamel al~

sayraflp 1st odn. Cairo 1962 0 pp0 5-71, 36-37o

3» al=Murtada, Tayf , ppo 93=117 =

So Do So Volo I, ppo 260„ 369„ 453, ¥olQ II. PP° §428 <340<,

40 Do So Volo lo po 453o 391.

ruined abodes of the beloved had become a hackneyed poetical image in Arab lovo~poetry. It had been treated frequently from the pagan poets onwards. Many poets„

however0 tried to improve upon it and so did al-Sadio

He reproduced this traditional idea as followss

I stopped at the vernal habitations of my friends 0 but the hand of ruin had devastated their walls. And I wept till E3iy weary camel grets impatient and my fellow=travellers rebuked my delay. I then turned my eyes away from those mouldering remains 5 yet when hidden

from my sight D my heart still turned towards them. 1

1 J>

This poetical expression shows us how cleverly al-Sadl. approached the traditional images. His vocabulary in general is simple and genuine and does not lose eloquence.

Metaphors are used in harmony with his state of feeling

and the atmosphere of grief. The ravage of time0 for instance is embodied and given th© quality of a human being. The three lines are ..also characterised by the novelty and sequence of the scenes, well connected with the profound feelings of the poet.

Al^Radi shows his fair success in approaching another

1. Ibn Kh„ IIIo po 120.

2o D. E. Vol. Io po 145o 293o

ancient and traditional image related to the description of the beloved0a caravan and her journey« The scenes which al=Sadi reproduced reflect his experiences of desert life and its hardshipso He gave a vivid picture of those who journeyed through the desert•> Ho sayss

She looked out -• when night was all embracingo trailing its long garments = from the chinks- of the Howdaha„ while the driver^ notes were sounding across a wide valley,, And the necko of the travellers wore bending from the remains of the drunkenness of sleeplessnesso At sight of her they raised themselves

erect in their saddles0 their gaze following the light (of her countenance) <> He were in doubt 5 presently I said to thems this is not the rising of the moon.

1 J3. «=0 Li ^ ^J*

\ \s9

4 = al°Hi jaziyyat

The word al°Hi jaslyyat is a plural relative noun formed from Hijaso It is applied in Arab poetry to denominate almost forty odes of love=poetry written by al=Hadio It is difficult to discover whether this word o was first used by the poet himself or by those who

lo lo Go Volo So 19320 arto Literature Poetry0 B p0 ISlo

2o Do Ro Volo lo Po 394= collected his poemso HoweverB in many explanatory prefaces this word is used to distinguish two sorts of al°Hij'aziyy'ato The first is called al°Hijassiyyat and

0 0 the second is called the 'supplements or 'additions 0

It seems that the second word was used to define some amatory odes which were written by the poet after his return from his pilgrimage. This indicates that the first comprises those amatory odes which were written during his stay in Mecca while performing the pilgrimage or during his return journey. Nevertheless» there is no difference between these two types except that in the adadditions{"Lawah^iq)hd it ions ( Lawah^iq )e h econcerne d himself much more with

expressing his yearning towards HijIzB Mecca and other

religious and desert sites8 revealing his profound grief and longing for the days he spent there.

In al=H±jaaiyyat al=Sadl. tells us that he fell in love with anonymous women who came to perform their duty of pilgrimage from different countries. They were due to leave at the close of the season of pilgrimage.

Consequently8 such a sort of supposed love was destined to come to grief as it always lasted too short a period.

The scenes of this imaginary love were Mecca and other religious sites related to the process of pilgrimage.

The remains of this repeated story are the feeling of profound longing and the pretence of love-sickness which lasted a long time.

1. D. So Volo I„ p0 500s Yolo IIS ppe 573=574„ 791. As we have seen already D al~Kadi did not lack first hand experiences of desert life Moreover „ ho visited

Moeea snatay tisnos ao one of the leaders of the pilgrimage

caravans of Iraq- CkraQequemtlyD too became familiar with people wfcio came to Mecca from different eountrioQo and

also became acquainted with the places and sitesa

Howeve?, we have 210 firm evidence to prove that the poet had any actual experience of love=affairs» He went to

Mecca holding a position of high responsibility which demanded of him heavy commitments and exemplary conduct.

In additiono h© himself was too much concerned about his reputation and behaviour* These pointo do not support the theory that the poet had love=affairs or adventures in Mecca o Nevertheless» al~EadI. as a human being and a poet with emotions and instincts did not lack the opportunity of admiring beauty and taking a liking for charming women. It is also likely that al~Hij'aziyyat provided al=Sadi with a breathing space in which to stress his rejection of city life and to find reasons to express his attachment to desert life as he used to reiterate in hi© poetry as a whole.

The story in al°HijlsiyyatB however» is not fresh or newe The 8Umarite poets were the first to deal with their love affairs in Mecca and seise the opportunity afforded by performing the pilgrimage to gain access to women and indulge in love adventures sometimes shrouded in the joy and spirit of youth» Although al=Radi drew on their love-poetry he tried an individual approacho The love adventures which comprise a recurrent aspect in

0Umarite poetry rarely shows itself in al~Hijaziyyat<=

The joys and good huamotsr aye replaced by grief and sad seatiraeato There is mo miniate description of love affairs nor references to dating words and hints as fas'

as women are concerned. However0 the scenes 0 the season and the elements of these simple love tales are much the same in al=ladl's love~poetry as in the aUtmarite poems.

Al~Hadl in the remaining aspects of al-Hijasiyyat differs from the sUmarite school and comes closes? to 6Udhrite

poetry which is characterised by chastity 0 intensity and despairo These aspects recur in al°Hijasiyyat as we shall learn later.

Before analysing and assessing the artistic content and form of al~Hijaziyyat it is convenient to cite a typical ode of this love-=poetry. The poet sayss

At Mina I fell in love with Larnya „ whose dark lips are slaying me. She went away with the gazelles» having played with my heart as she wished.

Seeking requittal was shes

but this sore soul of mine8 who else wounded it?

She is like the suns on the day of parting» I kissed her neek but I dared not touch her lips. 0, day when the companions parted

with each other0 would they ever return to meet again? Said they to me8 hor phantom shall visit you by night „ coming from al=8Aqiq though it is so far. Then promises while you are away to ©end your

phantom 0 to eyelids trying in vain to sleepo 29Sc

Go tjcoe in a vale whooe ooil was act watered by anything otheip than my blood»

Shall may soul b© wasted QV©IP yoa ao0 without eve?? attaining ito hope? Hhos?© a?e th@ faceo that I love1? whoso w&noma I wioh I wes>©o Th© faces that 1 look fos1 among those who jpetts^ffl in th© ©veraingo n©ve3P to see them agaiaS AlasS aad wes5© it mot fop the blame

of eenstsjpQE'G0 I wotsld have cx*ied

' s • \ tt

i U9 UJU CJ^ J » CP

s -

-3

1. Do S. Volo IIo ppo 965~96

Al~Kadi in the above ode tells i@ that he fell in

5 love with Lastly!" 0 He alao indieateo that tfoic love

hio beloved and his lovec He concerns himself with

oppressing his grief 0 pain and the suffering of depri•

vation in loTCo Moreover0 he leaves the maim point and turns his attention to the departure of those whom he loves. Bi.® decency and chastity show themselves,. The

pretence of lovosieknoss is also clears In general0 the

ode does not esspreso any sort of love, adventurese meeting ox- real relationship with individual experiences.. However „ the poet pretends that he foil in love at first sight then he lives on his longing and profound yearning for his beloved after her departure*, He also makes it clear that he would be satisfied with his beloved's phantom rather than her physical presence

la al°Hijaziyyat many interesting aspects recur*,

The first is the increasing number of references to religious and Hijazi sites» with which pilgrims become familiar when they are performing their duty of pilgrimage,. These references to religious and other desert sites have historic charms in the depth of the

8 Arabs memorye attracting them to the type of simple and decent life devoid of artificiality and corruption,,

Sven up to today Arab people who lead an urban life express such an attachment., Keligious references and other phraseology related to the pilgrimage are visible in these poemso In one of them the poet oayos

Woe unto my heart for three nights at liait that they passed away* leaving nothing but the anguish of memory <, Alas for fair ones throwing the pebbles with laagowo Alas they were only throwing live coals into the bowels of loverso Said theys tomorrow is the date to hurry our descent from Minlo It displeased me that the re=union should have come at the moment

we were due to depart0

JJj

S J) J.

3> *<=» 1 i 9? $

Al^Katfi in these lines made reference to the three days which pilgrims spent at Minlo He likened the pebbles which were thrown by these women <, according to the rules

of performing the pilgrimageD to the live coals thrown into their lovers" bowelso He also mentioned the days

of departing from MinaCYawm al°Hafr)0 These references

g»ocur in al=Hijaziyyat<> Al=Sadi0 for instances sayss

Do H„ Volo I0 po 394o 0 gazelle between Waqa and al-Musalla „ my armour no longer stands up to your darts. Whenever an arrow is pulled out of my heart , another dart of yours returns to hit painfully.

You would not grant me your favour0 oia the day you left in a state of ritual consecration. 0, tell meo who made it lawful for you to deny me?

\ *• .... \

1 " ' ' S\ \ - * ' '

It is worth noting that 'Umarite poets used to make references to Mecca, the Ka8bah and other religious sites related to the performance of the pilgrimage.

They often found these places suitable for their love- adventures at the season of pilgrimage. But when they used religious words they did not pretend to be possessed with religious sentiment as the ®Udhrites did. sUdhri poetry is invested with religious character. Poets of this school turned towards God• imploring him to help

2 them in their despair and love-sickness. References to pilgrimage sites and other places in al-Hijaz sometimes occur in "Udhrite poetry, but there is no connection between these religious places and love-adventures as the 8Umarite poets used to relate. sUdhri poets mentioned them just to express their yearnings and profound longings

1. Do I. Vol. I, pp. 500-501.

2. Kinany op. cit. B p. 268; see also Piwan of Majnun Layla , annotated by 6 Abd al-Miita sal~al~3a flidi , Cairo, n.d. pp. 18, 37, 56j see D. J. pp. 74, iOl, 112. 300 o

for the beloved's residences. As for al=Sadl he seems to havo made a harmonious blond of certain aspects of the °Udhrite and GUmarite schools in his Hijasiyyat.

As we have already oeom0 there was a kind of imaginary love or perhaps .real admiration for a beautiful woman which was developed by the poet5s imagination into a love affair in the pilgrimage seasono In this respect our p©et earae nearer to the °Umarite trend of love~poetry.

Meanwhileo his observance of chastity is obvious and al=>ladl, paid much attention to expressing his burning feeling and deprivation of love<> He also coloured his

poems with religious elements0 grief and pain. In this respect he came closer to the °Udhriteoo

Al~Kadl in these poems also seems to be on the side of the °Udhrites as far as tho world of wishes„ hopes and visions is concerned. °Udhrl poets always observed chastity is their love while suffering the pangs of

unrequited desire0 Qays bo al«4/lulawwahe for instance B consoled himself with the thought that the breeze coming from his beloved0© abode still kept him in touch with her. Majnusa Layla also contented himself with the same dream. Jamil looked at the sky in the hope that his beloved Buthaynah was looking at the same time so that both their looks might meet. Another °Udhri poet addressed the breese of Wajd as follows?

1. Do J. pp. ISOo 179 5 Majnun Layla» Blwan8 pp. 150 17.

9o AghjanjL0 Vol0 Ho p<> 26 5 see Pi wan of Majnun Layla„ po 73 o

3o D. J. p0 92$ see Kinany„opa cito0 po 283. SOI.

Similar expressions of the cUdhrl spirit occur in

a al~Hljaaiyyat. Al=Kadi8 like the Udhrites 0 contented himself with a breeze passing over his beloved's lips and satisfied himself with a drop of liquor- coming from his beloved's teeth. He sayss

1-Jhat a sweet breese that passed to us from your lipsJ What a liquor into which you dipped your teeth I

Al=Sadi sometimes comforted himself with something trivial from his beloved. He was pleased to meet those people

who came from his beloved's district0 to have some news about his mistresses abode and her people. He found it enough just to smell the fragrance of Najd which still lingered on the garments of those who had lately returned from there. He sayss

0, my two friendsJ Stop and satisfy my wishes, give me news of the land of Najd. la the enclose of Wa"oa^ (the sandy grounds) covered with flowers?

1. Kinany. opa cito » 293 % see al^Marzlqlo al^Hamasah, Vol. Ill,, p. 1298.

2. D„ R. Vol. II o po S94o Have the pains 3?ef Hashed Khasnilah al =

Talh (the acaeia)D where £ 1 o us»ishod~t he willow and the latajpel?

l-Jheia they approachD the pa^f names of

Hajd breathe fjpoo theip gapracsto 0 so lately was it that they departed f^om that horaeo

. * 1 * to* • j LPL J> £ ...

Like the "Udhgl poetsD al°Sadl pretended to accept suffering and the deprivation of love.o He did not ask unos5© than to send his greeting to his beloved* He sayss

O0 you night-traveller speeding oa yomr way s will you carry a request froim one who is anguished and longing?

\ CP

IJr- 2

6Udhri poets also suffered frora lovesickmesso They believed that their beloveds were the cause and the only cu?e of their1 unhappiness and lovesicknesso^ °Abd Allah

1. Ibn Kho Vol0 po 119j compare with Ibn Khallikam

Arabic version0 Volo T9 o po 46 $ see D» S. Volo I. po S98o

9e Do So Volo II 0 Po 574o

So Do Jo pp0 21o S2j soe AghanX» Volo II0 po 20o bo al~0«may«ah tells wo that he tried everythiag to cure himself bat in vaisu Al=liad'i nloo protended that he was afflicted! by lovooiekiaeGO and round ao cure im

Ifaq. He wished that he would find it im Hajds

la vain I sought for my cure in lraq» Maybe you will find a physiciaa to cure me in Najdo

\JJs> c^l^V C-^^J' <-^-^-£

The ""Udhrx poet al=»Simmah al-Qushayrl B for instances, presented a vivid picture in which he described the moment of departure when he left his beloved°s place.

Ho sayas

I looked back towards my beloved's abode for so long that my neck ached.

J > cr' c J 4

Al~J3adi drew on.this picture and put it as followst

I took leave of you, looking just once in front of me, but looking towards you scores of times behind.

lo Kinanyo ops cite a p0 293.

2o Do So Volo II, po 967o

So D„ Jo p0 176; see Do Ho Vol. II, p0 691o

4o al=£larsuqi, al°Hamscaha Volo III, p. 1218. \1 V-*, ^ 1

0 AI~Kadi0 like Wdhra. poets „ also observed the secrecy of love despite its purity and innocence,, The °UdhrI poeto for instanceo kept his anguish and lovesiekness 2 in secrecy. Nusayb bo Sablh sayos

I once waylaid her in order to greet her secretly since she would not greet me openly. When she saw me she did not talk to me because of the watchers

round herQ But her eyes streamed with tears.

\A <^Ju> j

3 ) • \ \

11 in the method of °Udhrl poets pretended to keej his love secretly as well. He sayss

I make brief my greeting when I see you. 1 turn away for fear of arousing suspicion of me. I east down my eyos while their glances

are like flashes towards you0 and deep anguish stirs within my ribso

lo Bo I. Vol. IIo po 9S8o

2. Bo J. po S2o

3. Kinany op0 eito 0 pG 2975 see Aghanl0 Volo I« po 375. SOB o

The above examples will0 it is hoped0 illustrate the echoes of aUdhra. poetry to be found in al°Kijasiyyato

However0 it roust be borne ia mind that our poet„ as has

far as the repeated story of love0 the setting and time

are concerned. In general0 al=Sadi had reasonable success in gottiag his love poetry away from the amatory poems current in his time. He took pains to assort his

attachment to the deserto Hijase Najd and to admire bedouin

values and other traditional qualities. Nevertheless0 he did not escape the influence of urban life and its

reflection ia all walks of life at that time. ExaggerationB sophisticated images„ some degree of artificiality and other signs of modernisation were not absent from al=

Kadi's lovo=poetry in general and al°Hijaziyyat in particular. However„ al=Sadl limited them and kept his poems at the level of the recognised standard of tradi= tional poetry.

Before closing observations on al°Hijlalyyat 0 it is necessary to say a few more words on them. This type of love=>poetry has fascinated Arab readers both past and

1. D. H. Volo ID po 141o see p. 144. SOS o

present0 amd massy enthusiastic judgements have been made on them. Modern scholars who have an interest, in Arab poetry have a high regard! for i^hat al~Had! produced of 1 this typo of love~po©try. It has been recommended that al°Mija^iyyat should b© committed to memory by those who want to cultivate their poetical talento These poems are also ranked side by side with the Hashimiyyat of al =

Kumayto the wine=songs of Aba luwag D the ascetic poetry

G of Abu al~°Atahiyah. the poetry of Ibn al=Mu tazz0 famous for its simileso the panegyrics of al—Buhturl. This judgement shows us the place which al°Hijaziyyat holds

in Arab poetry. Howevere the above estimation seems to be rather vague as far as the details of this judgement are concerned. It seems to imply that the Ilijasiyyat of al—Radl had a remarkable hold in Arab poetry in general.

It is necessary to reconsider these poems at first hand in the light of the analyses which have already been given. It has become clear that the elements of this love=poetry can be traced to two poetical trends, the

°Udhrite and °Umarite. It must be borne in mind that our poet did not produce a new type of love=poetry. His contribution lies in the fact that he made an individual approach to these two poetical trends. He purged his

style from daring remarks and the frivolity of youth0 while making use of the elements of love story which

0 1= I. Abbas„ al°Sharif al°Kadl0 p. 264 5 Zakl MubarakD g Abqariyya_t0 Vol. II0 pQ 77 °p al~Bas!r,> fl al-Adab

al°"\A~bbaslo pp. 452=433; Dayf „ al°Pann „ p0 354.

2o 2aki Mubarak,, °Abqariyyat0 Vol. II o p<> 77. 30V.

repeatedly presented in °Umarite poetry. He aloe assimilated the aUdhra, expressions and developed them by his poetical talent. He kept a balance between these two types of lovo=>po©try in his Hijasiyyat and iatro- diaeed a poetical amalgam stamped by his own touch. It

±Q clear that h® failed to come up to the level of aUraar'i poetry as far as fresh experiences and minute description of women9o life are concerned. He also fell short in reviving the sUdhri poetry with its spontaneity,, simp~

lieity and genuineness. Howevera he was successful in using his poetical technique to adorn his love=poetry

and check artificialityD at least by comparison with his contemporaries. M°Sadi aloo expressed himself well.

As we have said„ he seems to have been deprived of actual love. Consequently„ he compensated by < ^imagining it and writing about it poetically. He sang of his yearning and tormented longing for women and love while he had little to say about his first hand experiences of them.

The sad feeling,, religious elementss profound sentiment and spirit of decency has made his lovo=poetry touching and fascinating to Arab readers.

Th© historical importance of al-Hijaziyyat in Arab poetry rests on the fact that many, poets who came after al=Kadl imitated their type and method. From the fifth

Islamic century onwards the amatory prelude of Arab classical poetry was overloaded with references to Hijas

Kajd8 Mecca and other religious and desert sites. Many «5C) Q o

poets pretended that they had fallen in love in Mecca 0

Hijlz on? somewhere related to them. It is obvious o

that those arban poets had little or mo real access to desert life and had nothing to do with Hijeus and Hajdo

Despite thiso they associated their longing and love 1 with these placeso As time passed al=Hija?siyyat set the pattern for a type of artificial amatory prelude in panegyrical odes and other themes for many centmries 2 after Al=Sadl»

8 8 L al~Ma jdMib0 al=Slurshid ila Fahm Ash 'ar al = Arabi,

Cairo 1955 „ Vol^^TT^TIis'rBay'f s aV-Fann"." ~~pY~g69o

So See Cho IIIB below. CHAPTER XI

AL-HADI'S POETICAL TBGHNIQUB

If the definition of a poem is a matter of so much difficulty and complexity, the discussion of the principles by which poetry should be judged may be expected to be confused

I. A. Kichards

in "principles of literary' criticism" p« 178. 510 o

1 = General remarks

Al^ISaolI, wao a poet with ai interest in literary criticism ao .far ao poetical composition was eomcermodo

He toad his judgements and estimations of Arab poetry and

other HOrtQo Accordingly 0 it io coavenient to examine his understanding and ideas in this respect and to consider how fas? he was consistent with his theories when h© put them into practice..

In his Da.wan he made it clear that he considered

hi© poems to be characterised by simplicity0 eloquence and fluencyo In his eyes they ar© also devoid of weak= ness of style and ideas. The most important point which al=RadI. stressed was the harmony and balance between meanings and wordSc "He described his poetry ao followss

The meaning has no preference over its word 8

nor has the word preference over the meaning0

He also referred to the question of words and meanings in his work Talkhls al~Bayan<> He pointed out that meta=> phorical figures and verbal embellishments must not be sought for their own sake. They should be used to elaborate and adorn the meaningso He remarked that a

1. D. lo Volo II„ po S>57„ 3X1 o

eloss connection should be maintained between the content and the form,. He emphasised this point once again declaring that words must ces=?e the meanings„^ Al-Sadx alao clarified his understanding of the question of borrowing ideaso images and expressions from ancient poets and previous poets in gemos?al. In his eyes contem= porary poets must malce their own approach when borrowing meanings from others» They were required to recast the previous meaning into something difforento He called upon them to improve the common and borrowed ideas and images and invent something originalo He advised them to add details to the ancient and previous meanings with which they dealt. Al~KadI added that if a contemporary poet failed in inventing and elaborating meanings he would not attain an individual approach and would lose the chance of being an industrious follower,,^

Before entering on al-Kadi's poetical technique comment may be made on the points of similarity between his poetical approach and that of al=Mutanabb!° As has

already been mentioned0 our poet imitated al=Mutanabb1

in al-Radl's DiwanB in particular the odes which were written in the early stages of his poetical development,,

Wot only did he admire al^Mutanabbl0s approach to figures of speech and similes bsat ho also took over some elements

1. Talkhis D pG 944„

go Maoa^il0 p« 88» Al=Kadl explained his ideas in correspondence with his friend al=8aba.o of his poetical shortcomings,, Although al~Had'i made

AX=$adio as we have already seen0 deemed the borrowing of old expressions and meanings excusable provided that the borrower took paias to enrich the conventional meanings.. It io necessary to ©ssaimin© this point in his poetry to see how far he succeeded in putting his theory

into practice° Ira the Jlhilite poetry a Imrta* al=Qays made a counparisioffl of lightning with human handss he sayss

Flashing like two hands now in the heaped=wpD crowned stormcloudo Brilliantly it shines - so flames the lamp of an anchorite as he slops the oil over the twisted wick. 1

4<-^ !

Al=Kadl took the above image and reintroduced it as follows §

On sickness of your heart0 deriving from a lightning^flash which illuminates and (then) is extinguished <> Over the eastern part of Najd - a pasture barren to your eyes = Just as a forearm flashes» having upon it a bracelet of pure gold„

lo Arberry» The Seven Odes,, London 19570 pc 66»

3o Mu8allaqat „ pp» 72~73o As if it were a fire or a high hill kindled into flame for the guests. Or sparks displayed c when the Xong=>treGsed slight io pitch~dark, By a man playing with his hands as lie bendo over the flint~otie&» Or a mistress of a house whose incense io moist upon the fire.

'Jus,

\ 'i2 u

U>1 \ cQ»)^>j>^

There is no doubt that Imx>v.s al~Qays introduced a splendid picture based on more than one point of similarity. This sort of simile is called al-ta^ghbih al~tamthllio The

style is concise0 well~built and full of novelty. The poet rested his images on two similes« Al~Sadi took over Itraru'9 al~Qays°s two linos and cleverly developed their images. In the first line he succeeded in attaching the state of sad feeling to the lightning in its flash and extinction. He also adorned the second hemistich of the first line with successful antethesis (tibaq) o Al-=

Kadi introduced four subsequent similes as well drawn

lo ArberryD Arabic Poetry0 p0 98.

2o Do So Vol. I0 pp0 189=1S0<. from desert lifeo Although he applied a short metre» ho did mot fail to complete his detailed and refined

Al-Kadl sometimes falls short in dealing with

ancient and conventional inraageQ and ideas8 when he uses

too many wordss causing the ideas to lose brightness and concision., He once imitated Tarafah9s ideas in which the poet expressed his painful sorrow on his relatives8 oppression of hiun- Tarafah sayss

Trulyo the tyranny of kinsfolk inflicts sharper anguish wpoa a man, than the blow of a trenchant Indian sabreo 1

Al<=Eadi tried to put the above poetical image into gnomic form making a slight change as far as the comparison is concerned.. He likened relatives' injustice to the blow of lances rather than to the sabre as Tarafah had done»

In another line he repeated the same idea„ which was superfluous as the poet had already completed his statement„ He sayss

To be humiliated amidst relatives is painful« while amongst very distant relatives it ia soothing*

when you incur men's biting words, the lances of closest kinsfolk are very injurious.

Al~Mutanabbl9s poetry was a basic source from which al-Radi borrowed meanings and drew ideas. Our poet

sometimes failed to come up to the level of al~Mutanabbi's

poetical composition while at other times he had consider•

able success. Al~MutanabbI0 for instance,, explained his idea on life from his own viewpoint as a cavalier and fighter. He says.

And do not reckon glory as a wineskin and a singing girl „ for glory resides only in

the sword and virgin violenceD and striking the necks of kings , and that there should be seen to you black dust and a mighty I host. 2 ^ _

Al~ladx took al=Mutanabbl's idea and put it as followss

Glory resides only in the invasion of tribes and the tying up of the mature and strong horses at the chambers of noble women, and sheathing the sword into every head and fixing the ends of lances in the eyes.

lo Do R, Vol. ID p. 200»

2o Arberry0 Poems of al-Mutanabbl, pp. 38=39.

3. D. R. Vol. IIo p. 557. AX<=Mad:L0 as his two lines showo mads no improvement on

c al-=£jutaaabbl. c idea- On the contrary0 he spoiled the splendour and nobility of al^B-luatanabbi's chivalrous imageo. Our poet ao his two lines indicate seems to be aggressive and cruel = while eager for violence„ he

defaced the image of chivalry <> HoweverD al~Kadx0 as his

Da.wan shows „ had some notable successes in his poetry in borrowing and improving on al-=41utanabbl0 s meanings»

Al^Mutanabba. „ for instance 0 praised his patron 8ayf al =

Dawlah as follows?

Do you not regard a victory as sweet0 except it be a victory in which the white Indian swords shake hands with the dusky locks?

Al=Sadl. transferred the meaning from panegyric to self = praiseo He described his courageous supporters as follows g

Cavaliers who attained their goal by their lances and shook hands with their objectives by their swordso

Al~Radi°s style in the above line is simple and eloquent as wello He adorned it with two successful paronomasias

1. Arberry o Poems of al*=Mutanabbi0 ppo 70=71«

2o Do Ko Volo ID PO 197O (Xinao) <. The first £Q between al^wtjana and al^ciama0 the

5 second between safjahu and Q±i&ha AQ for al-Sadl s

remaining viewpoints on poetical techniqueD it will be convenient to consider them in the coming observations

on his Qimiles „ metaphorical figures D verbal embellish^ moots and ot&er aspects of his poetical stylo.,

2 = Similes in al^E^dl's poetry

A simile in Arab rhetoric is to compare one thing

to another in order to clarifyD adorn and embellish the formero Arab rhetoricians divide similes into several

categories and introduce many terms related to them0

0 HoweverP this brief survey on al=Sadi 8 approach to this point will be confined to examining similes as a part of al=ladiss poetical technique.. Accordingly,, it will not bo overloaded by complicated terms i^hich occur in Arab technical treatises on rhetoric

Arab poets for many centuries had their own estab• lished and traditional cliches in similes„ The

generosity of a praised nrnn0 for instance0 was often

compared to rain clouds0 his courage to that of the lion and his firmness and wisdom to a deep-rooted mountain.,

In love=poetry also they had their conventional similes which were often repeated when poets described their beloved11 s charms or expressed their feelings <> Al^HadX was on the traditional side in dealing with different sorts of similes as far as the main principles are concerned,, In his praise the hands of his patron are ,11 So

likened to clouds amd his courage is compared to that of a lion. He says?

st^Jp t^^p cjy^l y>Jj^*j> U> ^jr? iJJ^]^ ^

In praising the Buwayhids he described them as if they were the rains and the people the green field» He says.

O, SI Buwayh0 you are the rains and the people the green fields.

Al=Radl. Qhows a preference for two sorts of simile. The first is al°tashblh al^baligh in which the point of similarity^wajh al~shabah)is omitted. The second is al°taahblh al°tamthXli in which there is more than one point of similarity between the two halves of tho simile.

In one of his panegyrical odes on Baha* al=Bawlah he used a sequence of similes as follows?

You are a holder and regulator of the world

and religiono splendour0 lights abundant rains and the foundation (of the state).

I. Do R. Vol. lo po 9.

20 Ibid.0 p0 320.

3o D. Rc Volo II„ po 731. SI 9.

0 8 5 c The four words splendour 0 "light „ "abundant raia and

0 "foundation of the state 0 - (BahaJ^) „ (0iya_^) , (Ghiyath),,

(Qawaro) were among the titles of the Buwayhid prince

5 Bah!" al=Dawlah» Meanwhile0 the poet used them as similes as wello

Al°tashbl,h al°tamthlil often occurs in al-=Hadx's poetryo He produced many interesting pictures in this respecto H© once likened himself to a spear then followed this simile by a novel picture in which he compared thei. entry of a spear into a throat with a viper forcing its way into a spring wello He sayss

s 1 -» The poet also gave attention to add details to the pictures

which were based on the point of similaritys In one of his odes he described the people's limited life and speedy departure as if they were camels in a state of alert» They came near to a mountain trail while behind them an adventurer chased them with his lance*, Al=Sadi's picture runs as follows %

lo Do So Volo Io pe 10o 1

Al=Kadi did not use similes for their own sake. He often o applied them side by side with other rhetorical figures to adorn and clarify his pictures and expressions. In one of his odes the poet embodied the insignificance of a certain tribe. He did not indicate this point directly.

He first used metonymy (kinayah) to illustrate the tribe's cupidity and miserable state. In his picture he shows us that the tribe's tents were of short pillars. He then likened these tents to ashen dogs sitting on their backsides. He sayss

The echo of al-Mutanabbi can be discerned in al~

Hadi's similes. We have already seen some aspects of this. However» another example may be quoted. Al-

MutanabbiD in his self praise likened himself to a spear.

He sayss

I am but a samhari spear carried by youo an ornament when slung casually, but terrible when directed.

1. D„ S. Vol. II„ p0 900o

2. D. S. Volo I, p0 315. 321.

Al-Kadl cleverly exploited al^ftlutasaabbi's imago0 applying the word sword instead of spear and drawing on the details of al<=Mutanabbi's similes* He sayss

He is the sword 0 if you sheathed it 0 it

would be decisive and wiseD and if you drew it, it would be terrible»

3 ~ Metaphorical figures in al°ladl"s poetry

,0 A metaphor o as ID A. Richards put it „ "is a shifts a carrying over of a word from its ..^normal use to a new

use. In a sense metaphorB the shift of the word is occasioned and justified by a similarity or analogy between 3 the object it is usually applied to and the new objecto"

In Arab rhetoric the word ma jas in its broadest sense seems to correspond to the Snglish term Metaphor<> Arab rhetoricians made no clear distinction between isti^arsjh and majaa in their early studies of the rhetorical arto

lo Arberryo Poems of al^Mutanabbl0 ppQ 82=830

2o Do lo Yolo IIo p° 983o

So lo Ao KichardSo Practical criticism„ London„ 1964,,

p0 221o

8 40 Sin'a atayn „ p0 270» Al=SadI. himself made no distinction between these terms as his book majasat shows. Later on» the term rnajls was used in the broadest sense., It comprises i^sti^'arah„

kinayah B majag^^jjarsal 0 and m^a^_^ajE]ll.. These terms are subdivided into many sorts as °A11 al~Jarim indicates

and clarifies in his book. Howevers in this survey stress will be laid on al=Sadlss approach to three figures of speech § metaphor (isti'arah), pathetic fallacy which is similar to al^rnajasg; al°6aqli and metonymy (kinayah) .

These sorts of rhetorical figures recur more than others in al=Sadl's poetry.

Al-Radl relies heavily on metaphorical figures plus similes in producing his poetical pictures. Isti'arah forms a fundamental means through which he parades his descriptive talent. In generals he draws on the tradi= tional methods which were usually used by Arab poets who preceded him. The increasing use of metaphors in his poetry has been examined by past and present Arab scholars. Ibn Sinan al~Khaf a jl (d. 466/1073) who analysed al-Sadl's use of figures of speech in general and isti'arah in particular came to the conclusion that the poet produced interesting metaphors„ but somewhat far-fetched and complicated. On the other hand, modern scholars appreciate al^Kada's figures of speech. Some

1. Majazat, pp. 105, 108, 294.

2-. * All al-Jarim and Mustafa Amln, al-»Balaghah al°

wadihah»— * , 17th edn. Cairo 1964, pp. 69-133.

3. Ibn Sinan Abu Muhammad *Abd Allah b. Muhammad al= Khafaj!, Sirr al-Fasahah ed. by 'Abd al^Muta'll al= Sa4idl, Cairo 1969,"pp. 114, 127, 130, IS8. 323 <>

of them regard him as being among the most successful

Arab poets in clever metaphorical figures„ and the avoidance of artificiality ia themo^

In the light of the recognised rules of Arab rhetoric„ inadequacy of statement or comparison and remoteness were

counted toehnieal shortcomings in figures of speech0

Abu Tammaraio for instance 0 was blamed by al=Jurjana. and al^Blqillana. among others owing to the remoteness and

Al=SadX wa80 to some extent0 fond of using remote and

complicated metaphors. However0 he usually drew on the poetical heritage and fully used it. Like other poets he likened the emergence of gray hair to the light of the rise of dawn. He sayss

He put the same image once again as followss

1. Mufafuz, al-Sharlf al°Radl, Beirut 19440 pp. 13 „ 68 o 8 72°0 74„ S ee^M a run Ab bull „ o_po_cit0 0 ppe 260=262.

2. JurjanlD pp. 640 76„ 311j see ®aqillaniD ppo 138=139.

3. Do So Vo^o lo po 200.

40 Ibidoo po 13. In his love=poetry the poet produced massy interesting metaphors <> He once described the seen© of departing from his beloved when they both burst into tears while trying to hide these tears by their bosoms° He used the word

5 Qteal°0 _nasrugu instead of the common word 'hide' making his metaphor in harmony with his emotional state. He sayss

Al«KadH also used metaphors when he intended to attach a particular significance and eminence to the subject of his descriptions In one of his dirges he compared the bier of the dead to a mountain walking on men's hands.

He says %

,J ^ & u

Remote and strange metaphors occur in various themes of al-Sa'dl's poetry* In one of his odes he described the anguish of love and presented it in the form of a metaphor as follows s

Love is a disease which fades as if its tired she-camels froth without foam

L Do 80 Vol., Hp po 578o 2o Ibidos po 666» I 3>

He failed to establish an adequate point of similarity

in ito In the same ode he praised the Caliph al-Ta^i8

as followso

A king ascended until he sealed the highest peak of sky and humiliated the upper part of the nose of time.

been quoted is filled with exaggeration and complicated

metaphorical figureso However0 the poem in question

was written in the early stages of al~Hadis8 poetical

development. Later on he dealt with these figures of

speech more successfully and skilfully°

AX~!adiss metaphorical language is also characterised

a by the increasing use of al°ma jaa al° aql'i0 "pathetic

fallacy'^ The poet often applied this figure of speechp

drawing on it in building up his descriptions and pictures0

Although these are sometimes strange and complicated

according to the traditional standards of Arab rhetoric •>

they are nevertheless interesting., Ibn Sinan criticised

lo Do lo Vol a IIo po 772 0 aX~SadlL for remoteness in the use of pathetic fallacy <>

Tills traditionist rhetorician comlcl not imagine "6 Si at darkness had a brain as al=Eadi describes it in on© of o his oclOQo^" Xba SinSn0© judgement is correct from a

traditioaal point of viewc yet al=Sadl°s descriptive talent in this respect is undeniable.. In his poetry he makes us imagine that longing has a sword by which it slaughters tears.. He sayss

>,<^>

> «. . . \ . - 1 . "ft

In the same ode he attaches illness to determination.

He sayss

The poet in another ode imagined his heart as a person.

He then likened patience to water*. He imagined that this heart drank patience., He sayss

4 ^vJp^^«/w

1. Ibn Sinan opB cito B pe 130o

3c Do Ec Yolo I, p0 240c

3 o Ibidoo p0 236o

4o D„ 1, Volo IIo p° 801o la the same ©die he produced a picture in which swords embrace him and lances kiss him as wollo

He also depicted darkness as if it had a baby and this baby is weaned by dawi. He sayoo

Metonymy (kjtnjtyah) is also used by al~3adx in his poetry btst ifi is less common than ±st±^arah and ma jag gaqllo In his love=poetry, however» it is an important elemento He preferred to call his beloved by the word

9gazelle9 rather than by her name. He also named his mistress by the word 5tree' (sarhah) <, He sayss

Oh tree in a vale whose soil was not watered by anything other than my bloods,

In other odes he called his beloved gabyaho He sayss

your own pasture=laada ' • . » - i v-

1. Bo So Volo II9 ps 801o

8o Ibid6 9 p* 803o

So jTbido o p» 96io

40 Ibido, pe 593* Al=3Radl often repeated sosn© traditional types of metonymy which wore common in Arab classical poetry» For instance ho deQcrifood the avarice of peopl© ssraeh tho oara© ao previous poetQ had dom©o M@ sayes

Before closing thes© remark© oa al=Hadl'@ use of metonymy it is convenient to present a comparison between him and ©1=41 tat ana bbi in this reopecto The comparison lias been snade by Blyl5 al~Bia Iba al=Ath1r ia his work al°

Ma thai al^SI^iro He cited al=MutanabbH5 a line which rums as follows 8

I ton al°Athl.r remarks that al=&lutamabbi had tried to iadieat© and aoso^t hiQ decency but fornication is better than .the chastity that al=Mutanabbl expressed in his

lime0 Al^Sadl deew on al=Mutanabbi's idea and improved upon ito Ibn al=Athl,r comments that al=Badi put al=

Mtstanabbl'e lime in a snore beautiful fornu The poet saya lo Do So Volo I„ po 441o

9 g So Dlyl' al~BIn Ibn al°Athir, alalia thai al°§i ir0 ed0 by

Muhammad Muhyl al=Da.n Abd al=Hamid 0 Cairo 1939 „ Volo

lie pp0 Sll=312o I am longing for what the veils and adornments contain but I abstain Strom what is under the security of the apfoao.

j,, . ° J>

^ •

0 It is plain that al~Sadl borrowed al=Mutanabbl s meaning 0 but he recast it cleverly and overcame the shortcoming in which ai^Mutanabbi failed by using the word sagawxlajtiha which ia considered a suggestive aad ugly word in this content o Al~Kada. avoided it and used the word ma^assia? which ia regarded a© acceptable and in its proper place.

4 =» Rhetorical embollishments

Al~Kadl applied different sorts of rhetorical adornments which were used by Arab poetso Mutabaqah

"antithesis9 was applied in his poetry much more than any others» He also proved hio poetical talent with

(Jinas) paroaosnasyo Other sorts of verbal and significative embellishments rate low in comparison. Three points can be discerned as far as al=Kadl's approach to rhetorical

adornments is concerned •> Firstly B the poet used these flowery expressions too often in the first stage of his

poetical development and they seem0 to some extent„ artificialo As time passed he depended much more on

metaphorical figures0 similes and tibaq while he paid

less attention to the otherso Secondly0 he did not fall into artificiality and verbal juggling as much as his

Kadi did not sacrifice the raeaaings for the sake of

stage of his maturity,, Accordingly it is safe to say

that al=Ka'-i23L0 s verbal and significative embellishments

or clarify and came coherently close to them.. However„

in order to explore al<=Sadi°s approach to these rheto=

rical adornments it is necessary to discuss their points

of interest and how far the poet succeeded or failed in

dealing with themo

Ao Mutabaqah and muqabalah

. The term mutlbaqahg 'antithesis9 means the mentioning

of the thing and its opposite.. As for muqabalah it is

a pair of contrasting ideas elaborated in balanced

compoundso These two types of rhetorical embellishments

are used to strengthen the meanings„ Al<=Sadi0 as it has

already been mentioned0 used them abundantlyo In this

respect the point of similarity between al~S?adl and al=

Mutanabbl is clear« 4s Taha Husayn suggests„ al=Mutanabb1

was fond of muqabalah and tibaq and this artistic aspect

grew steadily in his poetry»^ A close examination of

al^Sadi's poetical specimens shows us how far he depended

on tibaq and muqabalah to clarify and strengthen his

meanings< In one of his odes he sayss

6 lo Taha Husayn Ma a al=Mutsmabbi„ Cairo 19490 pp= 50-51. 0 O m " 1 r i • nr ii I . • u I B i-i i i- nil. The underlined words show us al=-Radi8s increasing use

of titoaq even in the stage of his maturity.. Meanwhile, metaphorical figures held their place as well while other

rhetorical embellishments decreased in importanceo In

additiont, he rarely falls into artificiality,, despite

the abundant use of tiblqo Muqabalah was used side by

side with tibaq when the poet intended to clarify a

statement or assumption. He sayss

1. Do H0 Yolo I, ppo 210=211« J>

In the first lino al^Kadl used tibSq twice while the second eoasistQ of mj^^bjilafoo

Al"Radio like other Arab poetsD described hi© state off suffering is love as being confronted by the double peril of fire from his burning heart and flood from his

brimming tearso He was fond of this image0 using the muqabalah and 'tibaq to preseat xto He says

You encompassed my heart with tears and my bowel with burningo I wonder„ how did you combine water with firef

\ 8 8

Al=Sadi dealt with the same meaning again with some o alterationo putting it in the form of muqlbalaho He says 3

{Because of you) my heart is in the heat of summero while my eyes are in a spring garden-

lo Bo So Yolo I, pffl SSo

2o B0 Ro Volo II0 po 889 o

So Do So Volo 10 p0 496o Ai^Kadl in the preceding line drew on al^Mutanabbi0s image which euao as follows %

My bowol is on the livo coals of - love while my eyes feast in the garden of beauty..

Al—Kadi put the idea in another form using muqabalaho

He sayss

BSy eyes take pleasure while my heart io in pain0 as if the latter was in a funeral ceremony while the former in a wedding feast.

fi^ 9^ lur

The above specimens show us how al=Sadi dealt with tibaq and muqabalah and how he drew on previous meanings„ The shadow of al=-Mutanabbi is present in this respect.

Bo Tajnls

Al«Radl used different types of tajnlsB but he was not taken with it to the extent of sacrificing the meaning for its sake» In general• he applied it master=

fully to adorn his poemso HoweverB when al=Radi does

lc D« U„ Volo II9 po 411c Before al=Mutanabbl, Abu Tammam dealt with the same idea which was first used by the poet *Abd Allah Ibn al=Dumaynah, see

p0 411e the footaoteso

2„ Do Ho Volo I. p« 425o «S4 o

increase the mse of tajnxo0 a trace of artificiality is apparento This point becomes clear as well when the poot intends to parade his talent for toying with verbal embellishmentso in one of his odes which may have been written in his youth the opening line is as follows %

i r

Al-Radi in the above mentioned line twice used the ta jnl; which is called al°Jinls_^aljjTiuharruf in which two words differ only in their vocalisation.. In the first hemistich there are al^'zuba which means the upper part of swords or lances and al=aiba which means gaselleso o__ , _ ^

In the second hemistich there are al«=tula which means necks and the second al-=tala which means love. In the same ode al~Rad1 devoted some lines to verbal embellish- o mentso He says8

_ * i '*-

The poet used various sorts of tajnis.. In the fis two lines he applied al~jinaa al~mudari° in which every two words differ only in regard to a single letter° The

lo Do So Yolo I0 po 29o

2o Do So Volo I, po 31o third contains two jinas » the first is jinas mmdari0 and the second jinlis^niaharrafo In the fourth line the poet used al"jinas al^trradari0 and combined it with tibaqo

Those lines shew us how al~Madi dealt with ta jnio when he sought for ito However„ it must be borne.in mind that the poet did not overload all his odes with these sorts of verbal embellishments„ He later on preferred to apply muqabalah and tibaq at the esspeno® of tajnlgo Sven in the early stage of hio poetical development tibaq and muqlballah rated higher than tajnlso A close examination of his odes shows us that the increasing use of tib'aq and wauqabalah coincided with the comparatively limited use of tajni,@o^

Go Husn al°ta6llls "ingenious assignment of cause"

This rhetorical adornment is applied by al~Radi in different themes of his poetry« He applied it in order to strengthen the steaSements he was making. He seems to be successful in using his own reasons and presenting them to clarify his eonvietions<. The poet once addressed

a his patron Baha al=Dawlah when the latter was illo He opened his ode using husn al°ta6lll as follows!

Oh mountain (Baha5 al~Dawlah) May calamities not shake you and may sickness beset your enemies o The lion might not be well but that

is not due to its weaknesss and the mountain=goat may be safe and soundo

lo Do Eo Volo I0 po 322j Volo Ho ppo 702 „ 704 0 among otherso 3 K 6 o

to «3

la another odo he praised himselfo He said that it was not strange that he followed his father as far as dignity and glory are concerned. The reason in al~Sadi9s eyes was that fire comes from wicks. He says.

Husn al°ta8lll also occurs in al=»Sadl's love-poetry.

He addressed his beloved as follows:

Don't deny my patience when time beat me severely» The slave is more patient physically but the free man is more patient in heart.

> '*

In one of his dirges he consoled Baha' al-Dawlah on the death of his son using husn al«ta6111 many times in order to comfort his patron. He sayss

1. Do 1. Vol* II, p. 612.

2. Ibidoe p» 649o g. Do So Vol. I, p« IBS. Al-=Sadl in the above=mentioaed lines concluded that if o the patroa was safe and sound it would do him no harm to lose anything elseo The poet put forward two ingenious assignments of causeo The first is that the mooa's status is not harmed by its solitariness and its light neither fades nor is blemished„ In the second line he made it clear that the departure of lion cubs did not mean that the lion would not be terribleo

Bo Exaggeration and_Jiyperbole

^Q6ge^&t±on mubalaghah and hyperbole ghuluw are types of rhetorical embellishment in Arab rhetorico

Critics and rhetoricians differ on the limitation of these two terms and the ruling principles which must be applied in dealing with them» However» exaggeration (mubala^ghah) as al~°Askari says is considered a rhetorical method of strengthening meanings and bringing them up to achieve o their ultimate objectiveso In his eyes hyperbole

(ghuluw) is excessive exaggeration which reaches the

lo Do So Volo I0 po 110O

c 9o Sina atayn0 pa 357% see also Baqillanio p<> 122o 0 o

stag© of absurdity or inconceivability. Such exeessivo exaggeration is called if rat by Ibn KajDh'Iqo^ Al~°Askari also considers hyperbole worse when it ia burdened with 3 ugly words aad inadequate metaphorso

Arab poetry was filled with exaggeration0 as Arab medieval critics conceded. Although they considered it acceptable in ancient poetry» they remarked that as time passed poets greatly increased the use of exaggeration and hyperbole. The Arab proverb "the best poetry is the most lying" shows us how far poets depended on snubllajgh and jjju&luwo^1 Al^Mutanabbi was ranked high in the list of poets who overloaded their poetry with exaggeration and hyperbole. The critic al=>Jur janl in al-Wasatah admits that excessive hyperbole and extravagant profuse- ness are found in al=Mutanabbx0s DXwan here and there.

Howevero he remarks that ifrat is the method of poets contemporary with him. He calls on poets to consider the limitation of the use of these rhetorical embellish^ meats.

Like al=Mutanabbl. and other poets al=Hadi. does show

exaggeration and hyperbole in some of his metaphors0 similes and other rhetorical figures. As has already

lo 'Sinl°atayn0 p» 363.

2o °Umdah0 Volo II0 p. 49.

s So §iaa atayn „ pD 363.

40 Qudamaho op0 cito D pc 26.

§o Jurjanio ppo 75 0 770 3110 317~318o been raentionedo his panegyrics0 self«=praise0 love~poetry and other themes show his tendency towards exaggeration,,

Accordingly <> it is needless to cite further specimens of

his poems in this connection.. HoweverD in al=Sad3.°s poetry the kind of excessive exaggeration which is considered a rhetorical blemish makes its appearance here and there.. In on© of his odes he praised the Caliph al-Ta^i0 as followss

A glory whicho were the star given its likes, it would have disdained to dwell in the sky-

(4 -J y 5 1 £

Al-Radl praised his family and relatives as follows? O

They entertain (people) and even when their guest missed them they spur on their high-bred she=camels towards him»

Torrents of tears are gushing through

the pupils of his eyes D

lo Do So Volo I0 po S o

2 o Ibido o po 7 8 o 840 o

In another ode ho also praised his people ia an extra•

S€

Al=!ad:L is on the side of al=Mutanabbl with regard to the increasing use of exaggeration and hyperbole. Taha

Husayn regards mubala_ghs as a characteristic aspect of al=Mutaaabbl0s poetry. He sometimes used it to the extent of spoiling his pootry. Al=»ladl9s poetry is also marked by exaggeration and hyperbole and the excessive use of them drove the poet sometimes to produce ridiculous and remote meanings.

me and rhythm

Every line of a poem in traditional Arab poetry must

with the same rhyme and this rhyme often occurs also at the end of first hemistich of the first line. Arab prosodists differ on the limitation and definition of

(qaf iyah). However,, they agree that the rhyming

lo Do So Volo II, p0 586o

So Do So Vol. lo po 30o

a So Taha HusaynJMa a al-=41utanabba.0 po 51. 341.

lotted is the operative consonant of the rhyme by which the odo is called a1 fra^ijxahi' 'lamiyyah0 and so on,1

In traditional Arab poetry the rhyming letter is applied in two formso The first is called al~qaffiyah al° tnuqayyadah in which the rhyming letter is vowellesso

The second in al~qafiyah al=mutlaqah in which the rhyming letter is pronounced with vowel points» The former is considered easier than the latter when it is applied in poetry because the poet is free from having to regard the vowel pointso

Arab poets are allowed to use any letter of the

Arabic alphabet as a rhyming letter in their poems. The

9 letters ba*e dal a ra' , mime lam and nun are very commono

s g J The letters hamaah „ ta'» jlm 9 ha » sin, ayn „ fa » cya f „ kaf and ya# are less common in comparison with the first groupo The letters dad, tl* and ha* are rarely used by

s poets while tha^ „ khi.* , dhal» zl' „ shin, sad. z& 0 ghayn and waw are very seareoo

In al=Sad1's poetry the frequency of different rhyming latters is as follows! ba9 21%, 11m 13%, ra* 11%» dal 10% , mlm 10% , nun 9% „ and jVjm 8%. The rhyming letters qlf, hamzah, ha^ and sin are less common in comparison. These simple statistics show al=Sadi in

line with other Arab poetse An interesting point to lo Ibrahim Anis» Muslqa al-Shi*r Cairo» 3rd edn» 1965 » ppo 246°247| see Safa* Khulusy^fann al-Taqtl8 al° Shi^rl wa al°qlf'iyah, Beirut, 3rd edo 1966 „ pp„ 213= 215 o

6 2o Khulusy D Fann al^Taqti » pp0 215=216; see An'is, ojQo_ cite o PP^ 247=248o aote in this respect is that the poet uses every letter

fehoQ® letters which are considered difficult and were

thas o ta* and aad in a considerable aumbsf of his odes

^ i - ; m m ._o. < p|

indicates that al~Radl9s vocabulary was wide and ample

and his acquaintance with Arabic of a high <3cgpeo0 He

composed two odes in which he applied the rhyming letter

thafo The first numbers forty seven limes and the second

fifty three; both were produced without shortcomings

except for the increasing use of some rare and rough-

sounding words. However, there is no doubt about the

odes0 eloquenceo The poet had the same success in applying

the letter sad and taa but the use of rare and rough- sounding words is noticeable in these odes as well*.

Three further points can be discerned in al-Sadl's

poetry with regard to rhyming letterso The first is that

his poetry. Secondly0 the poet gave importance to the

rhyming letters and their association with metres. He

once had poetical correspondence with his friend the

famous writer Abu Ishaq al~Sabi. The latter applied the letter nun as a rhyming letter and preferred it unvowelled.

The metre was tawll° He opened his ode as follows!

L Do Ho Yolo I, pp0 175°1780 178-181.

2o Ibido 0 ppo 4318 43g8 4450 446„ 449. AX=Kadi in his reply to hie friend used the earn© rhyming letter but he applied it pronounced with the vowel point

*kaogah = 1 ~c He also used the metre basi"t instead of tawilo The first line io as followss

.9 '

=uu / / =UU/=U==/=ttu/=U'=U

Th© poet justified this alteration on the grounds that there was incongruity between the mnvowelled letter mum and the tawil metre*. He found the metre baslt suitable

8 < o in

with the rhyming letter nunD using it with the vowel kasraho In general„ al^Kadi paid attention to the con= gruity between metres and rhyming letterso

The third interesting aspect in al~Hadl*s poetry as far as the rhyme and rhythm are concerned is the use of internal rhymes (al-tasri8)o The poet enriched his poems by rhyming the end of both hemistiches of the opening line of his odes, He also similarly rhymed

lo Do Ho Volo IX0 p0 945,

2o Ibido 8440

otisej? lines which came dialing the course of his odes.

In oae of his odes lie used Shis ornament twice. The

opening lino of his ode ia aa followsg

In the same ode he oayQS

In another * he usees taogl.0 freqtaentlyo He says:

> 5

Then he goes ons

> . .L. j^, o ^ fc*S=£» ««2> «^*» 0 j>

WgA .^A^1 ^r^-* 0 ^ V ,f=*^ tfrf3^ L=ekJ

2>f^ (-IwsJ1 ^

The poet used the internal rhythm (tarsiG)o which suggests,

by internal rhymeD the division of the line into several

sections. He sayss

1. D„ So Vol. I„ p. 64=67i see also Vol* II„ pp» 517=

5180 pp. 543* 6940

2. Do Ho Vol. I0 pp. 22=93o In another ode he also says:

Al~Kadl shows success in applying internal rhyme to attach importance to some statements he wanted to make> He once sayss , s

He also sayss

tarsi° with kinayah 0 tibaq mird.'. jinaso He sayss lo Do So Volo So p° 23o

2o Ibidoo po 173o

So Do So ¥olo IIB ppo 542=543»

4o Do So Volo lo Po 335» 34S.

6 = Metre

pitas al-majzu^at which are derived from the major metreso

The Arab poet is free to choose any of them and apply

it in his poetical composition. In the JIhilite age the

long metres o tawll 0 baslt P kamil may be regarded as the

main metres. Later on0 the short metres and j^jjnajjgu/aj;

command a noticeable place in poetry. Nevertheless0 the traditional metres never completely lost their hold.

Ibrahim Anls made an interesting investigation with regard to the frequency of different metres in Arab poetry. He came to the conclusion that a third of Arab poetry has been composed in tawll. In second place comes kamil and basalt then waf ir and Ichaflf. ^ The author made a

further study. He examined many Arab poetical anthologies up to the fourth Islamic century ° His statistics

'tawll 54% o kamil 19% „ baolt 17%D waf ir 13% o khaflf and rami 5%. In the Blwln of al=Mutanabbi the rates are as

1. Bo S. Vol. Io po 364.

2. Ibrahim Aals O£o__cito0 po 59j see Khulusy Fann al° 0 Taqtl o p0 43.

3. Ibrahim Anls opo eito 0 pp. S30 78. follows? tawil Itamil 19% 0 baslt 16% ;wafJLr 8 and

£ajas 3% o^

la al~Sadl°s poetry the rate of uso of taw'il is smash

the same as in that of al=Mnatanabb3.0 It rated 287» „

ECamil forrao 18% of al=Sa'dl's poetry s asad this percentage nearly equals that of al=Slutanabblo One obvious aspect of the us© of metre in al^Sadl's poetry is that the poet shows a liking for rajaz as we shall learn latero

Another is that the short metres form 9fo which indicates al=Sadl*a leaning to the lighter metres compared with

other poetso He applied them in his praise0 love=poetry and elegy and proved quite successful. In his love~poetry in particular o he used them with fair success.. In other poetical themes he used tawll» basit and kamil. The poet discerned that these metres were suitable to his self<=praise and hamasah* As for the metre kamil» al=

Kadi applied it successfully in his elegy as wello His

5 dirges on his friends al=8ablD al-Sahib bo Abbad and on

his mother and father, in which he used kamilB are a case in pointo

The other interesting aspect of al^Radl's poetical composition is the increasing ttQe»|r a jaz in different poetical themeso This metre is the oldest and the simplest of all Arab metreso It is considered himar al=shu*ara* owing to its simplicity. It occurred in

L Ibrahim Anl®,opa clt6, pp0 191=197o

2. Do So Volo I. ppe 18. 394s 3788 479s 490,

Volo Ho pp0 670, 736o 3480

Jahilite poetry and developed in the Bsnayyad age at the hand of the famous rajjaz al = °Ajija^ (do SO/708) and then

G finis son Ru^bah (do 145/762) o la the ; AbbaQid period

n ra jaa declinedo ^S=3SS ^ gcaeral 0 ia used in two formso

The first is similar to the qaoldah in which the poet applies it ia much the same way as other metreso The secondo which can be considered the traditional form,, is on© in which the poot rhymes each homiotieh of his i ur juzah by the came rhyming letter throughout the poem0

Al^Sada. used rajaz as one metre among others» He also composed the arajlz which forms 9fo of his Dlwano

This rate is rather high in comparison with his contemporarieso It is pl&in that al=Hadl made a contribution towards reviving this poetic art in a period of its decline* His pupil Mihyar also paid attention to raiaz as his Biwan shows» As for al=Sadl he applied rajag in his different poetical themeso It is likely ho found it well=>suited for certain types of themos* He applied it in self-praise when he intended to express 51 his emotional tension. He also .:tased it in elegising 4 his Bedouin friend and propagandist Ibn Layleu la his dirge on the philologist Abu * Ala. al=Parisl fa jaz was also appliedo The poet in this dirge paraded his subject's originality and his expert knowledge of Arabic<> Although the poet used rare words and archaic expression here and

10 Khuluoy, pp. cito 8 19669 pp. 123-124o

2o Ibrahim Anls,opa cito8 po 191*

So Do So Volo I, po 400« Vol* II. ppo 664D 767, 936„

4o D0 So Volo I, p0 431 among otherso

5o Do Ro Volo I, po 445o 349 o

there in his arajig» he exploited them well in conformity with his themeso

Before closing these observations on al-=Bads,*o metro it is necessary to stress that the poet proved his mastery in tackling various metres with which he dealt and discovered their congruity with his different themes.

In addition, metrical shortcomings rarely occur in his poetry. Traces of metrical deficiency can be found only in one ode in his bulky Diwan. In this ode he applied al=kaftiil al=ahadhdji in which the feet run as follows s

In some lines of the same ode he broke away from these feet and changed them into what is called al-kamil al-tamm. Its feet run thuss

However, the above mentioned metrical deficiency does not mar the high degree of al-Sadl's poetical talent displayed in his Diwan.

1„ D„ R. Vol. I. p. 381. 7 =» Al=-Badi°s poetleal j^ylg jaad^ vocabulary

0 Judging by wiat has already been mentioned0 al-KadX o

poetical style indicates hio tendency towards bedouin life

in spirit and to traditional diction in words0 with some

modification. His vocabularyD ideas and images were derived from the life of the desert rather than from the

environment in which he livedo Although some aspects

of urban life can be sensed in his style0 the desert

spirit overshadows them. This artistic return to a

conventional style in the fourth Islamic ceatury was

represented by al=Mutamabbl0 Abu Firls0 to some extent »

ai~!adl and his brother al=Murtada0 Our poet's share •j

in this is noticeable. In his poetry foreign words very rarely occur and' even popular expressions which had become common in his age are scarce. In additions

there is no room for philosophic and scientific terms.

As for verbal adornments which became wide-spread in al=

Kadi's timoo he is moderate in using them in comparison with his contemporaries. In this respect he stands side

by side with al=Mutanabbi and Abu Firas.

It is interesting to trace some stylistic aspects of al-Radi's poetical composition which seem to be inherited from al<=Mutanabbl. Although al~ladi took pains

to outgrow some of al=Mwtanabb1L' s poetical shortcomings and tried to assert his individual approach in his poetry» al=&3utanabbl0s shadow still hovered over him. Al=Sadi*s

1. al^Majdhubsop0 clt.0 Volo II0 pp. 183~184j see also

Ihsan "^bbaso al-Sharlf al=Kadl0 pp0 263^264° poetry gives ovidone© of a close connection between him and al-=MutanabbI. ao far as poetical technique is concerned.

Al=ft-mtanabb3,'o poetry 0 for iaotaiaeoc, io eharaeteriaed by the frequent rase of exceptional grammatical formso

As ShawqX Dayf observes 0 the poet shows a lilting for the

» ... . * 1 \ \*\

The underlined verb is in the dual0 although it precedes ito subjecto According to the accepted rules of ayntass,, the verb should to© in the singular form. Al^Madl used this kind of exceptional form many times„ He sayss

Here the verb is in th© feminine pluralD though preceding its subject. It should be in the feminine singular» In another ode he does the sane. He sayss

Al"=Mutanabbl was criticised for his excessive use of the demonstrative pronoun dha and dhio This is

lo Do Mo Volo I0 po 290$ see Shawql Dayf„al-Fann0 p» 338.

2o Bo So Volo II„ po 523o go Ibido o po 800o

4o Jurjanlo pc 73° considered a sign of weaknGQG in poetry = Al=Kadi also

©ft on used these two words iza his poetry» They occurred a lot in his poetry from the early stage of his poetical development and remained visible in the stage of his maturity."^ The frequent woe of diminutive forms is another joint aspect of both al^Sadi's and al=E«lutanabb'i9 s poetry» Al^Jwrjinl justified al^utanabbl'o use of these forms for various purposes.. Thus there are no grounds to raise objections to al~Kadl9s application of themo

The final point which may be mentioned is the tendency of al=MutanabbX and al~Hadi to apply rare and rough yet

eloquent verbs. However0 our poet is less prone to this than al=8rlutanabblo

As for the recurrent use of religious technical terms in al^Sadi's poetry» it has already been mentioned that

Shisite terms like Imam and al°fata often occur in his poetical composition,. The spirit of Nahj al^Balajghafa has already been shown,, Al=Sadi also borrowed from the Qur^an and such borrowing (Iqtibas) is considered a verbal rhetorical device in ArabiCo He sayss

We belong to God and our return is to him. For us Allah suffieeth and he is the best disposer, 2

Other references can be found in his Dlwan<> Qur anic

lo Do So Volo I( ppo 599 66„ 99„ 2168 Volo II. pp. 5810

6198 894 0 949o

j 2. Do S„ Volo lo po 685. See The Holy Qur an c tesst „ trans,

commentary by "Abd Allah Ysisuf "Alls Lahore 19698 Volo Is

p0 1686 The lyaj* 133 „ see also p<> 629 the Ayah 156o

3o D. I. Volo I, pQ 109o terms are also used. He applied the verb yansakhu which

means in the Qmr^anic sense that God abrogates a verse

of the Qur^an substituting for it another one. Al«=Sadi

used it in his poetry as follows?

Security may abrogate (yansakhu) fear and the hope may overcome frustration.

To sum upo al-Sadlo as his poetical technique shows„

succeeded to a noticeable degree in maintaining consistency

between his theory and practice in poetical composition.

He did not sacrifice the meaning for the sake of the word

and„ by comparison with other poets of his era0 economised in using verbal embellishments. He did not fall into verbal juggling as many of them did. The atmosphere of urban life is limited and his attachment is to desert life and bedouin scenes. His approach to his poetical technique did not lack individuality and originality in detailss and his genius is apparent in many respects.

The shadow of al-=Mutanabbi hovers over al-Radi's poetry here and there. However» al-Radi stood the test and did not lose his individual traits. Even when he imitated al-Mutanabbi and borrowed his meanings he did his best to

improve upon hime despite his occasional failures.

1. D. R. Vol. IB p. 185. GHAPTBK XII

AL-KADI9S PLAG1 IK ARABIC LITERARY HISTQ1Y

I asn the pure gold which is treasured, if put to the test by critic's hand. Al<=Hadl as a poet has been highly regarded by critics»

literary historians0 aad other men of letters oince the fourth Islamic century. His poems were admired in his

timo and requested toy famous personalities of his ago0 as ha© already been stiomtioaed. They also received a high and enthusiastic appreciation by his contemporaries. His teacher the famous philologist and grammarian Ibn Jinna. took pains to write a treatise on selected odes of al=

Hadx. Our poet was proud of this interest in his poems

shown by such a great and well-kmown figure of that time0 as his Piwan shows.^ The great writer Abu Ishlq al-Sabi regarded him as the best poet and writer who ever existed.

He said that nothing reached the ears better than al-Kadi's 2 poetry and prose.

Al=ladl°s contemporaryo the expert critic and anthologist al-Thaaalibi, illustrates the high place that al=Sadl held in his age as follows? "He is moreover the ablest poet of all the descendants of aAll Ibn Abi Talib, past or presents though many of them were eminent in that art 5 were 1 even to declare him the best poet ever produced

by the tribe of Quraysh0 I should not be far from the truth.

Al=Thacalibi made no analytical assessment or comparative

study of al—Rada. and his contemporariesB despite his familiarity with the poetical product of his time.

HoweverD he was impressed by the fact that al-Kadl's

1. Bo S. Vol. II, po 640.

8 2. Kasa il„ p0 94.

go Ibn Kho Vol. Ill 0 p. 119; see Jatlmah_. Vol. Ill o p° 136. poetry characterised by a combination of ease and

majooty0 facility with perfection of ar$. He added that

those poems contain thoughts easy of comprehension and

profound in meaning. Al-^Tha Galibl5 s zealous estimations

imply that the critic placed al=Sadl at the top of

c a Qurashite poets 0 among whom were Umar bo Ab'i Sabl ahi,

a Yasid bo Mu awiyah0 ai=»Wala.d bo Yazld, Ibn al^Ma^tazz,

Ibn Tabataba o al~r»1urtada and others. It is plain that O O O *

al=>Tha * alibi recorded his judgement with enthusiasm e lacking some degree of objectivity. He shows his preference

for al<=KadI's poetry and denies the :-original and individual aspects of those poets with whom he compared al=Sadi"8 other work. It is clear that somefQuraahite poets made remarks- able contributions to Arab poetpy. flUmar b. Abi Habl'ah and al-=Walid to. Yasid are cases in point.

6 Nevertheless8 al=Tha alibi's high estimation of al-

Sadl's poetry has been accepted for many centuries and handed down to us by historical and literary sources.

It found ardent supporters among modern Arab scholars * and some orientalists„ as we shall learn later. Ibn

Khallikan relatess

The Khatib al"Baghdad! says in his history of Baghdad» that,, being in the presence of Abu al=Husain b. Mahfuz, who held a high rank in the service of the empires he heard the Katib Abu *Abd Allah Muhammad Ibn 6Abd Allah say that some literary men declared» in his hearings that the Sharif was the best poet ever produced by the tribe of Koraish. On this Ibn Mahfuz saids "That is perfectly true; some poets there

were among them who expressed themselves welle but ij> 5 7 o

their compositions were not auraerotto; aoao of them shoae by the excellence and the quantity of hie works bsat al=Kadi„ 1

This judgement on al~Kad!°s poetry supports what al=

Tha"alibi had already declared in his Yatlmafa. However0

it lacks the basis of comprehensive and objective study.

preference for al~ladi„ to some eKtent, on the quantita•

tive elements of his poetry rather than on the qualitative

factors which rnuot form the main basis of any literary assessment. These sealous praises and overestimation of al^ladi's poems were repeated by many historians and biographers in Arabic literature. They mentioned them with warm response rather than with reservation or comments.

The only comment made on al^Sadl's poetry in the medieval age in a critical tone seems to have been that by the philologist and poet *Abd Allah b. Muhammad Ibn

Naqlya al-Baghdadl (d. 482/1089). He was asked to pass

judgement on al~Mutanabbl, Ibn Nubatah al-Sa'di and al-

Radi. He compared them with three men. The first (al-

Mutanabbl) set up high buildings and castles. The second

(Ibn Nubatah) came and pitched his tents and canopies around al-Mutanabbi's buildings. The third (al-Sharxf al-Radi) came to settle, sometimes here and sometimes

3 there. Ibn Naqiya's comparison is rather vague. However,

1. Ibn Kh. Vol* III, p. 121; see Tarikh, Vol. Ill, p. 246. 2. al-Qifti, sAli b. Yusuf al-Muhammadun min al-Shu'ara',

al-Kiyad 1970, pe 243; al-Uafl. Vol. II, p. 374; Ibn Kathlr op^_eit. , Vol. %II, p. 3; Abu al-falah al~

HanbalX Shadharat al=dhahab, Vola III, p» 182; among others.

So Yaqut, Vole V, pp. 218=219. it implies that he placed al-Kadi in the third position-•

Moreovero he indicated that ai~Sadi drew OE the other a two poets in his poetical composition,, In this respect

Ibn Naq&ya was,, to some extent,, unfair <> There is no doubt about al=Sad1°6 beisag influenced by al=Mutanabb:L » but Ibn Nubatahcs impact on his poems is too limited to give it ao much importance as Ibn NSqiya attached to ito

Nevertheless0 tho significance of this criticism lies in the fact that Ibn Naqlya freed himself from the dogma of aI=Sada.°Q poetical superiority which had already been atatedo

The echoes of al~Tha0alibi's judgement on al~Kadi and the others which were related by al~Ba_ghdadi can be traced down to modern Arab scholars and some orientalists 5 observations on al=Ka

B/Iubarak0s study on our poet. °Abd al~Rahman Shukrl in his essay on al=Hadl and his poetical characteristics shared with them the same overestimation of al~Radl's poetryo He wont so far as to place al=Kadl abovo Iba al=llml and Abu Tamuraam in certain aspects of their poetry»

In orientalist circles0 Po Krenkow0 for instance0

a lo al=Bas!r0 Wx al-Adab al° Abba3l„ p° i gakl Mubarak,, 8 Abqariyyat „ Volo I0 pp° 10 „ 150 2

2o °Abd al~Sahman Ohukrl 0 al"Sharif al°Eadl wa EChasa^is

Shi°rih0 Majallat al~Sisalah0 Cairo 19390 the seventh

yoar7~No0 3870 pp0 Sffo accepted <> to some degree0 al-Tha "alibi ° o high opiniora of al^Sadl^o poetify. He aayas roIf we talc© the meaaur© of so much inferior pootry eonipoood at: that time, for

Islamic century al=Sanaubarl and al~E3uta:aabb;L <> Ibn al~

height in his own sphere0 gasing from oa high0 at the 2 unfolding centuries of Arabic literature. "

Before estimating al<=Radi aa a poet and placing him

among his contemporaries and other Arab poets 0 it is convenient to see how much he influenced Arab poets of his time and after his death,, This point may show u© the poetical impact of our poet on Arab poetry and what sort of seal he left on it» It also helps us to consider the significance of this poet among other poets and to throw light on the place that al~Kadl held through hia practical influence..

In al=Radl03 time his brother the poet al-Murtada was the first to be influenced by al~Eadl° He modelled

3 some of his odes on those of al=Sadlo Our poet has a 0 famous amatory ode which had a wide reputation throughout

2o Eeso po 274o

So °Abd al=Kassaq Rluhyl al<=Din op0 cito 0 p» 228o

4o al^Waf3. o Volo II0 po 3780 of t-jhish runs as followos

t • . 1 X

Al=&3urtada composed an amatory ode on the same model as that of al=Kadl using the same metre and rhyme~lettero

He also borrowed many meanings from hia brother's ode

The explanatory preface of al=Murtada'o ode indicates 2 that he deliberately modelled hio ode on that of al=Sadlo o

Al=Sa"dl also influenced hia apprentice the poet

Mihyar al=Daylaml (d„ 428/1036). This poet had been a firo=worshipper but afterwards he made his eoafossion to

Islam to al^Eadi who was his tutor and under whom he 3 received hia training in poetry. Thia poetical apprentice^ ship is interesting.. It initiated a sort of poetical tendency as we shall see later» Mihyar himself made it clear that he had imitated al-^Sadi's poetry and followed his method in poetical composition,. He was also proud of being -»a faithful follower of al=Sadl as far as poetry

was concernedo He mentioned that hio tutor8 al=Sadi0 o admired his poetry and encouraged him to compose in the method of the latterA close examination of al=Radiss o

1. Do So Vole II, p0 593o

2o Do To Yolo IIe po 37§o

So Ibn Kho ¥ol0 III. po 517o

4. Do Yo Volo III. p0 370o glwjaia and that of Mihyar 3howo that the points of similarity between their poetry are snamy and evident.

Hot omly did R5i!sySr siodol many of lis odco oa those of

al-=®a<31.5 bunt he also borrowed! aI=Sadl°o meanings 0 images and eKpressiomso The bedouin spirit and religiouo tone which al=Sadi11Q poetry reflects found th©ir way into tlihylr's as well. In addition „ the Hijaziyyat of al =

1 Kada. were imitated by Eiihyar.

It is worth noting that the poetical importance and the range of al=Ead1s8 influence on Arab poets became visible and increased from the fifth Islamic century onwards. The poets who imitated al~Kadi's poetical method and modelled thoir odes on his a?e many. This poetical imitation took two directionso The first was that some poets imitated al=Kadl directly and the second that other poots were influenced by al=Sadl's pupil Mihyar. The latter also show their preference for ai=Sad3.°s poems

2 and bear their stamp..

p and al=TMghs?a' i (do 515/1121) were both influenced by al=Rad'i°Q poetry in many respects» M=Ta^hri'pi admired al=aititanabbi and al=Kadi's poetry from his youth but the mark of al=Rad1lis poetical influence became clearer later.

A.£)-'sAli Jawad al=Tahir suggests „ al-TOghra^i's lovo-poetry

lo Do Ko ."Vol. I, ppo 394, 2850 Vol. II0 pp° 894=897; compare with B. Y« Volo II« pp. 76=77 „ Vol. I. ppo 249=253,, Volo IV•> ppo 142=144.

a,l°Hijlaiyyat of al=>Kadi had a remarkable influence over

al^Taj^hra83. ° s poomoo Al<=Bad'I°s odes also oerved ao models

for many odes of al°Taj^hrag1o^ The latter composed a

woXI=known ode called n^mi^jjit__al^2AJigrc?" oa ^hich many

commemtaries were madoD ooie of which indicate that the

poet drew on a vast poetical heritage among which was al<=

2 Kadi8s poetryo

As for al=Ablwardi0 his Da.win shows the extent to

which he went in imitating al~Kad!°o poetry and modelling

his odes on those of al^Kadlo Both poets expressed their

preference for the desert and bedouin life and revealed

their profound longing for Majd0 Hijas and other places

with religious associations <> Moreover 0 al=Ablwardi

composed a quantity of odes called al°Hajdiyyat relating

to Najde There are points of similarity between al°

Hijaziyyat and al°E?ajdiyyafc. Furthermore« al=Sadi's

expressions and images found their equivalents in some 3 of al~Abiwardx's odes,

The poetical influence of ai—Kadi'o poetry can be

traced to the last decade of the siscth Islamic centuryo

Ibn Jubayr„ for instance, relates in his travels that he

1o 8All Jawad al~Tahir„ al°3hier al-'Arabl fi al°*Xraq wa Bilad al-^Ajam'fl al°"A87"al°8aljuqi„ Baghdad 1958-1961 „

Vole I, pe 82. Volo II. ppo 100, 201P 202* 209a

SU Khalll al=Safadi0 Sitab al°Ghayth al^Musjaia ff. Sharh

s Lamiyyat a£° Ajam. Cairo (1305/1887),, Vola L ppT 36, 63 6 8; see J a trial al-Dln Muhammad b. 'Umar bo Mubarak al = 8 a Hadramle Naohr al~ Alam°f1 Sharh Lamiyyat al- Ajam0

Cairo, 12l37l866s pp, 9, llT" ~~~

So Abu al~Muzaffar Muhammad bo Ahmad al~Ablward!„ Dlwaia 0

Beirut 1317/1899, pp0 686 810°82o Compare with Do 8» Volo lo po 170, ppo 197=199j see also al-Ablwardi,

jgiwaa. ppo 488 580 60 „ 100 0 123 0 262o met the famous historian and great man of letters Ibn al~Jaws'i (do 597/1200) „ and attended hio lectureso Ho aloo admired his poetry „ makiag an interesting comment on ito He described it as followss "His (Ibn al^Jawzl) verse is al=Radi°s in temper but after the manner of

1 ft'iihyar'"a This remark suggests that al~!adi°a and

Mihyar's poetry had overlapping influences on some poets „ and those who admired Bflihyar revealed their leaning towards his teacher al=>Sadl as wello Diya^ al=Da.n ibn al~Athir O O r shows us the tendency towards al=Sadi and Mihyar°s poetry in his conversation with a man of letters in Damascuso

This mam committed to heart some of al=Radl's and Mihyar's poomso Ibn al~Athlr tried to draw his attention to the amatory odes of Abu Tammam and al=Mutanabbio The man's answer was that the love-poetry of al~Radl and Mihyar is fluid and simple„ while that of Abu Tammam and al= 2

Mutanabbi is complicated and sophisticated. This view gives one convincing reason for the increasing influence and admiration of al=Sadl's poetry and that of his pupil

Mihyaro which lasted for many centurieso

Al=Hadl5s poetry not only left its mark on the poets

of Iraq and other neighbouring countriesB but went even further.. In al~Andalus this poetry was received with admiration and a warm respoaiseo The Judge Abu Bakr Ibn

Khayr al°Ishbil3. indicates that al=Sadl°s love-poetry lo Ibn Jubayr0 Abu al-Husayn Muhammad b» Ahmad0 Travels of Ibn Jubayro Tr» by Ko Jo Co Broadhurst„ London„

1953, p0 230«

So al—Habdawl oj>o cito 0 p0 625. 3640

became well=known and familiar in al=Andalue. Hio famous odo al~kafiyyah was imitated by many poets. Some of them mood it ao a model for their poems while others recast it

into j^humlsl form."'" The two fanouo poets in al=Andal«3 0

Ibn Darrij al=Qastali (do 422/1030) and Ibn Khafajah al=AadalUGi (do 539/1114) „ were fond of al=Badi's poetry.

Al =Tjh.a0alib 1 in his TajSlmafa cites some specimens of Ibm

Darrlj°s poetry. The first two odes of al=Tha8alibi5s selection show us that the poet drew on two of al-Kadi^o poems. He used the same metres and rhyme letters that al=SacTi applied to his odes. Other points of similarity can be discerned between these odes as far as images and 9 meanings are concerned. As for Ibn Khafajah he made it clear in the introduction to his Dlwan that he had been fond of the poetry of al<=>Kadl and Mihyar from his youth. His BHwan shows that he modelled some of his ode© 3 on those of al~Hadl and his pupil Bflihyaro

It is interesting to note that in the seventh Islamic century the Sufi poet Ibn al-Farld (do 632/1934) found in al=Hijasiyyat of al=Radl a major source on which he drew in some of the amatory preludes of hio odes. It is probable that the profound sorrow,, tender sentiment,, ecstasy of love and religious tone of al°Hijaaiyyat found

I. Ibn Khayr al°Ishblll. Fihrist. Saragossa 1894„ Vol.

I» p0 424.

2o Yatlmah 8 Volo II„ ppD 104=1055 see D. K. Vol. II„ ppo §93p Vol. II, pp. 865=868; see also Dayf„ al-Fann„

p0 428.

So Ibn Khafajahs Dlwan B ed. by al=Sayyid Mustafa Ghazi»

Alessandria 19600 introo 0 po 60 see pc 14 0 pp0 231=232. S65 o

a warm response from this Swfi poet, la the manner of

al*=lad"i ho expressed his longing for HajdD Hijas» Mecca

and other religious places related to the pilgrimage

Qu£% circles in general became familiar with al-Mad'i's love~poetry. His Hijlzlyyat found a brisk market in their

conversations and gatherings as Ibn 5Arabi indicates in his work Muhadarat al^Abrar. He cites many specimens of al=Rada.'3 love~pootry and many of al™Hijaziyyat side

by side with his own odes. It seems that Sufis found p something in common with al=Sadl's love<=poetry.

The influence of al~ladl9s poetry on Arab poets lasted aa far as the first flowering of the literary renaissance in the late nineteenth and early twentieth

centuries9 particularly in Iraq and Bgypt. In this period poets came to revive the old pattern of Arab qasldas and apply them to their old and new themes.. 'Abbasid poetry became a major poetical source and a favourite fountain of inspiration to these poets and a!-Kadi's odes were amongst these imitated and used as models. In Bgypt al~

Barudi modelled some of his poems on those of the

'Abbasid poets, in some of which he drew on al-Radl's poetry. In al=>Barudi.'s Pi wan there is an ode which was composed in the manner of one by al<=Kad1. The poet applied the same metre and rhyme letter as that of al=Sadl. The

1. Ibn al=Farid, D'iwan „ ed» by Karam al-Bustani, Beirut

1957. see ppe 7=13, 29, 33. 126, 128.

2. Ibn 'Arabl, Muhadarat al«=Abrar, Beirut 1968. Vol. I, pp. 145, 184. 196, 270, 411, Vol* II, pp. 153, 169, 212. chivalrous spirit and decency of al-Kadl casa be sensed o ija al~B5r«d3.0Q ode. Al=ladl'o olegy on his friend al-

Sabl also served as a model for al~Barudi0o dirge on-his wife» The poet borrowed some of al=Sadl5o meanings and

2 expressionso

In Iraq in the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth fcho poots who imitated al-Kadl and were influenced by his poetical composition and that of his psyipil Mihyar formed a considerable number. The list includes the poots Haydar al^Hilll (do 1883}.' „ °Abd al =

Muttalib bo al=Sayyid Dawud (do 1920). Saald al=Habbubl

(do 1916) and Hasan bo al-HIjj Muhammad (do 1901)«

Al~HabbubX'o PI,wan0 for instance „ shows that there are many things in common between him and al-Radlo They both were experts &a the religious fieldj both wrote love-

a 4 poetry with religious tones and Udhri decencyo Al=»

Sadl'o elegies were also exploited by al=Habbubl in some of his dirgeso He also borrowed meanings from a1-Kadi and followed his poetical method in some of his dirges.

In the light of what has already been said of al=

lo al-Barldl0 Dlwla•> Cairo 19480 Volo I0 p0 33 5 see D0 lo Volo I, po 8§.

3o al=BSrudl0 PI wan„ Volo X0 p0 172j see D. So Volo I0 q p0 294=.298$ see also Shawq'i Bayf9 al-Adab al- Arabi

al=Mu°asir fa. Misr0 Cairo 1957 „ pQ 78o

So Al-Baslr; Wahdat al°°Iraq al-Adablyyah fl al°qaen al-

a tasi °"Ashara Baghdad 1946 0 pp. 59„ SO 0 150 16 „ 303„

40 Jo Ao Haywood 0 Modern Arabic Literature, London 1971„

5o al°Habbubl^ Blwam0 edo by °Abd al=° Asls al~Jawahirl„

a E,ebaaon0 Day al = Irfan 1331/1912. pp» 196=205 „ 206= 210 o 367 o

Ka'd2.0s poetry and its expanding and lasting impact on

Arab poots it is fair to reconsider the assumption that the qaoldas of the last 160 years probably owe more to

-3 al=Llutanabbl than to any other classical poet. Al-=Hadl shared with al=Mutanabbl the poetical influence on Arab poetry in general and in the last 150 years in particular.

Furthermoreo al=Radl°s poetry exercised a notable range of impact on Arab poetry in both space and time. Of courseo our poet did not overshadow his master as far as the poetical influence in Arab poets is concerned.

However B al-Kada. seems to be able to stand on a par with him in this respect.

Al~Kacll can be placed in the top rank of poets 0 in comparison with his contemporaries like his brother al=

Murtada8 al~Salaml0 Ibn Nubatah and other poets who represented an urban trend in their poetry. As for those poets who involved themselves in verbal embroidery and

empty phrases0 there are no grounds for making a eompa- rison between them and al-Rada.. His brother al=Murtadi followed al=Buhturl's poetical method and in some ways lost variety in his poetical composition. He failed to come up to the level of his brother with regard to solf-

praise and hamasah. As for the poetical stylee al=Murtada did not pay constant attention to revising and improving his odes as al~Kadl did. Accordingly;, al-Sadi's poetical composition seems to be more perfect than that of his brother. In love<=poetry al~Hadl's melancholic sentiment

1. Concerning al=Mutanabbl8 s influence see Haywood c>jn

cit.a 1971„ p0 8. &<5 8.

and profound and tender feelings made hio ghaaal charming and torching while al=M»rtada foil short in "Shin reopeet.

In additiono there is no ground on which to compare al=>Sadl°8 elegies with those of al=&2urtada which seestio in contrasto to be artificial and lacking an individual

8 toucho Al=Salama.0 who was highly regarded by al-Tha alib1 also proved his descriptive talent in his poetry. However he failed to come up to the level of al=4Xadi in other poetical themes. Al~Eadl can stand the test of comparison with Ibn Nubatah al=Sasdi. This poet like al*=Radi represented a bedouin and traditional style in his poetry.

Neverthelesso the urban elements which were limited in al=Sadi5s poetry can be discerned here and there in Ibn

c Nubatah. Furthermore0 the latter s excessive exaggeration sometimes marred the charm of his poems. His approach seems to lack individuality compared with that of ai^Hadlo

It is convenient to draw up a comparison between al=Eadi and Abu Firas al~Hamdanl. Both had a glorious background combined with ambition. They both expressed themselves well in self~praise in which they advanced to the same level. Abu Firas distinguished himself by his

Rumiyyat which reflect his own bitter experiences in prison and exile. In other poetical themes al=Sadl seems

to be more successful0 particularly in elegy and love= poetry. As for poetical style „ al=Sadl is more competent and eloquent according to Arab traditional standards.

Abu Firas's style is fluid and sometimes its simplicity amounts to weakness. 8(59.

As for al~Kadi and his master al^-fvlutanabbl.0 .it has

become plain that our poet drew on this great poet aa

well ao other sources. Eoweve?» the qualifies of ai-

Llutanabbl o who eclipsed many poeto in Arabic, cannot

detract from al=ladl°s individuality. This is due in

part o to the fact that our poet exploited his acquaint

tance with the Arab poetical heritage very well. He

developed his poetical composition successfully and

improved rupon what he inherited from previous poets

despite his failure in some respectsD as indicated through-

out the present thesiSo He also was able to limit some

poetical shortcomings which he inherited from al =

Elutanabbi. His inclusion of technical terms„ such as

those of philosophy and sufism is limited0 and rare

expressions are not as frequently used as they are by his

mastero To the present writer, the musical elements in

al~Sada.'s poetry are superior in comparison with al =

Mutanabbi. The rough-sounding words which often occur in

his master"s poetry are weeded out0 to some extent, in

al-Kadl's poemso Nevertheless, there is no doubt that

al=Hadl failed to come up to the eloquence and skill of

al-Mutanabba.»s style according to Arab conventional standards.

Al-KadUs individual touches can be seen in his o

various poetical themes. In his praise he was among the

few in his time who refused to earn a iivlihood from

poetry. He regarded it as a means to an end0 making use

of it in his political life as a weapon to achieve his

ultimate goal. Accordingly, his praise had its political

function in his age. Al-Hadl also dealt with elegies successfully with many personal and individual touches in details. His contemporary al-Tha"alibi and those who came after him awarded al~Sadi the title of "a master af elegy". His Shi8ite odes - show us that the poet marked them by his own personal conviction and his openmindedness in a time of sectarian fanaticism. Al=-Rad3L5 s self-praise can be considered a record of his political career in its ups and downs, failure, ambitions frustration and aspiration. He expressed himself well and drew up his

Utopian ideas, depicting an interesting picture of the world he wanted to live in. The importance of al=Radi's love=poetry in general and al°Hijaziyyat in particular has already been shown. Nevertheless, it is necessary to stress again that the poetical amalgam which al~Radl introduced in his love-poetry and al-Hijaziyyat holds a unique place in Arab poetry. As for his poetical technique, his talent made itself felt in many ways and proved his high degree of experience and competence. He dealt with different kinds of figures of speech and verbal embellishments skilfully. In the light of this study al=

Radi can be considered a poet of undeniable talent. His individual aspects are plain, despite the fact that he did not create a new way in poetry. He proved his genius in presenting his own poetical method, and stamped his poems with his own characteristics. There is no doubt of his influence on Arabic poetry. Though not among the few greatest poets, still he carved out for himself a niche which is still acknowledged by those conversant with Arabic literature. 371.

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8 ^13-o X o Ac Malamih Qasidat al-Tashayyu wa tatawwuraha ila at al-QA-rn al •k'Tabi , Majallat al=Jami ah al- Mustansiriyyah, Baghdad, Vol» I,

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Mu6id Khan, Mo A. Al=8ahib b. aAbbld as a Writer and

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