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Home , 1610s, Arima Harunobu, Fort Richelieu, Gabriel Druillettes, Historiography of Canada, History of Canada

The Jesuit Mission to New Studies in the of Christian Traditions

General Editor Robert J. Bast Knoxville, Tennessee

In cooperation with Henry Chadwick, Paul C.H. Lim, Nashville, Tennessee Eric Saak, Liverpool Brian Tierney, Ithaca, New Arjo Vanderjagt, Groningen John Van Engen, Notre Dame,

Founding Editor Heiko A. Oberman†

VOLUME 151 Studies in the History of The Jesuit Mission to Christian Traditions

General Editor A New Interpretation in the Light of the Robert J. Bast Earlier Jesuit Experience in Knoxville, Tennessee

In cooperation with By Henry Chadwick, Cambridge Takao Abé Paul C.H. Lim, Nashville, Tennessee Eric Saak, Liverpool Brian Tierney, Ithaca, New York Arjo Vanderjagt, Groningen John Van Engen, Notre Dame, Indiana

Founding Editor Heiko A. Oberman†

VOLUME 151

LEIDEN • 2011 This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the cc-by-nc License, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited.

An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libraries working with Knowledge Unlatched. More information about the initiative can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org.

Cover illustration: Historic of New France. Partie de la Nouvelle France dedié a Monseigneur le Marquis de Seignelay, et Lonré, Baron de Sceaux; conseiller du Roy en tous ses conseils. Source: Library and /Credit: Hubert Jaillot/NMC 20685.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Abé, Takao. The Jesuit mission to New France : a new interpretation in the light of the earlier Jesuit experience in Japan / by Takao Abé. p. cm. — (Studies in the history of Christian tradition ; v. 151) Includes bibliographical references (p. ). ISBN 978-90-04-19285-0 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Jesuits—Missions—New France. 2. Jesuits—Missions—Japan. 3. Canada—History— To 1763 (New France) 4. Indians of —Missions—History—. 5. Jesuits—Missions—New France—. 6. Canada—History—To 1763 (New France)—Historiography. 7. Indians of North America—Missions—Historiography. I. Title. F1030.7.A34 2011 971—dc22 2010041728

ISSN 1573-5664 ISBN 978 90 04 19285 0

Copyright 2011 by Koninklijke Brill nv, , The . This work is published by Koninklijke Brill nv. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi and Hotei Publishing. Koninklijke Brill nv reserves the right to protect the publication against unauthorized use and to authorize dissemination by means of offprints, legitimate photocopies, microform editions, reprints, translations, and secondary information sources, such as abstracting and indexing services including databases. Requests for commercial re-use, use of parts of the publication, and/or translations must be addressed to Koninklijke Brill nv.

This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner. CONTENTS

List of Illustrations ...... vii

Introduction: Iberian and French Jesuits from an International Perspective ...... 1

I. Review of Literature on the Jesuit Missions to Japan and New France ...... 17 A. Historiography of the Jesuit Mission to Japan ...... 17 B. Historiography of the Jesuit Mission to New France ..... 31 C. Towards a Synthesis of ...... 44

II. Interpreting Non-Christian Cultures: Jesuit Biases ...... 47 A. The Jesuit Interpretation of Japanese Culture ...... 48 B. The French Jesuit Interpretation of Native Culture ...... 61 C. Jesuit Biases in Interpreting Non-Christian Cultures ..... 78

III. Preaching, Winning Converts and Educating Them: Evolving Multifaceted Strategies ...... 81 A. Japan ...... 82 B. New France ...... 101 C. A New Paradigm for the Strategy in New France ...... 127

IV. Organising a Mission for a Christian Community: Missionary Réductions Reconsidered ...... 129 A. The Prototypes for Amerindian Réductions ...... 130 B. A Comparison between Japan and Paraguay ...... 135 C. The Réductions in New France in Comparison with the Paraguayan and Japanese Models ...... 147 D. The International Evolution of Missionary Réductions 161

V. Accepting and Comprehending Christianity: Non-European Practice of the Religion ...... 165 A. Problems of Historical Epistemology ...... 165 vi contents

B. Japanese Acceptance and Comprehension of Christianity ...... 168 C. Amerindian Acceptance and Comprehension of Christianity ...... 179

Conclusion: The French Jesuit Mission Revisited ...... 201

Bibliography of Works Cited ...... 209 Appendices ...... 221 Index ...... 229 vi contents

B. Japanese Acceptance and Comprehension of Christianity ...... 168 C. Amerindian Acceptance and Comprehension of LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Christianity ...... 179 1. World Map ...... 13 Conclusion: The French Jesuit Mission Revisited ...... 201 2. Map of Kyushu, Japan ...... 14 3. Map of New France ...... 15 Bibliography of Works Cited ...... 209 4. First Ursuline Nuns with Native Pupils at ...... 86 Appendices ...... 221 5. Seventeenth-Century Japanese Folding Screens ...... 87 Index ...... 229 6. Huron Houses in Sainte Marie (replicas) ...... 124 7. Building in Sainte Marie (a replica) ...... 125 8. for Native Converts in Sainte Marie (a replica) ...... 126 9. Japanese Mould for Medals and Crucifixes in the Late Sixteenth or Early Seventeenth Century ...... 177 10. Seventeenth-Century Image of Native Women and Children Praying to ...... 186

INTRODUCTION: IBERIAN AND FRENCH JESUITS FROM AN INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVE

If interpreted in a broader international framework beyond North America rather than just within the regional history of New France, will the existing historical paradigms of the Jesuit missionary activity to Amerindians remain intact? This is the thematic issue that underlies this cross-cultural study. The Jesuit mission in seventeenth-century New France will be analysed as a series of incidents that developed, not simply as a domestic occurrence of North America, but out of the earlier mission of Francisco de Xavier in Japan. In this analysis, the Christian mission in Japan will be used as a tool to revise the cur- rently accepted historical interpretations of the French Jesuit mission. Through a diachronic global comparison encompassing the period from the mid-sixteenth century to the mid-seventeenth century, this investigation attempts to add a new revisionist perspective to the con- ventional understanding of the New France mission. More than half a century before French landed in North America in the early seventeenth century, another Jesuit group had already arrived in Japan. In 1549, the party of Father Xavier arrived at Kagoshima, on the southern tip of Japan. Among his accomplishments, French-educated Xavier had helped to establish the Society of [SJ] in Paris in 1534. Father Xavier’s contact with Japan was but the first of many such visits. Iberian Jesuits from , and Italy, under the patronage of the king of Portugal, followed. Although the Jesuit mis- sion to Japan experienced some success during the second half of the sixteenth century, strict legislation promulgated by the Japanese central authorities eliminated the Christian missions in the early seventeenth century. Meanwhile, as the Iberian mission was ending in Japan, the French Jesuits were beginning their own mission to New France. To understand the mission in New France, it must be discussed within both colonial North American and international contexts. Similarly the mission in Japan must be considered within the context of Iberian colo- nialism in this Asian country as well as within an international frame- work. Yet this international context has rarely, until now, been thoroughly

This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the cc-by-nc License. 2 introduction investigated by a single , either in Japan or in the West.1 Appar- ently those researching the history of Japan and those studying that of New France have been unaware of each other’s research. General histo- ries of the often deal with both missions in separate chap- ters, but the chapters do not draw comparisons.2 There is admittedly one historian whose work addressed both missions. Pierre-François-Xavier de Charlevoix, a French Jesuit Father of the eighteenth century, was the first and last individual to do so, but even he dealt with the respective missions in separate volumes with no attempt at synthesis. It is clear that Japan was no longer an unknown country for French Jesuit authors in the eighteenth century. In 1715, almost thirty years before his own history of New France was published in 1744, Charlevoix completed a series of volumes on the Japanese mission.3 In this work, he described Jesuit activity there as if he himself had been a missionary in this archipelago. Because eighteenth-century Japan maintained no regu- lar connections with Europeans, except via Dutch merchants, the only way that Charlevoix could have become acquainted with the ecclesias- tical history of this oriental country was by reading Jesuit missionary reports on Japan. -François Lafitau, his French-Jesuit contempo- rary of the eighteenth century, was also familiar with Japan, though he too had never visited it. In his anthropological monograph on native North Americans, Lafitau refers to Yezo, or today’s Hokkaido, as a pos- sible land of origin for indigenous North Americans.4

1 The only possible exception be Shenwen Li’s Stratégies missionaries des jésuites français en Nouvelle-France et en Chine au XVIIe siècle (-Nicolas, Québec: les Presses de l’Université Laval; Paris: Harmattan, 2001), which is based on a syn- chronic comparison of simultaneous events in the seventeenth century rather than a diachronic comparison based on historical cause and effect. Although Li’s treatise presents the Jesuit contribution to the establishment of cultural ties between the Occi- dent and the Orient, it does not present a revisionist interpretation that would affect existing perspectives on the Christian mission to New France. 2 E.g. Thomas J. Campbell, SJ, The Jesuits, 1534–1921: A History of the Society of Jesus from Its Foundation to the Present Time (New York: The Encyclopedia Press, 1921). 3 Pierre-François-Xavier de Charlevoix, SJ, Histoire de l’établissement, des progrès et de la décadence du christianisme dans l’ du Japon, où l’on voit les differentes révolutions qui ont agité cette Monarchie pendant plus d’un siècle (2 tomes, : Guillaume Behourt; Jacques Joseph le Boullenger; Pierre le Boucher, 1715.); and Charlevoix, Histoire et description générale de la Nouvelle France, avec le journal his- torique d’un voyage fait par ordre du roi dans l’Amérique septentrionale (3 vols., Paris: Didot, 1744). 4 Joseph-François Lafitau, SJ,Moeurs des savauge amériquains comparés aux moeurs des premiers temps (2 tomes, Paris: Suagrain l’aîné & Charles-Estienne Hocherau, 2 introduction iberian and french jesuits 3 investigated by a single historian, either in Japan or in the West.1 Appar- The Jesuit in seventeenth-century New France were familiar ently those researching the history of Japan and those studying that of with the mission to Japan because of the Society’s tradition of global New France have been unaware of each other’s research. General histo- correspondence. The superiors of the respective missionary provinces, ries of the Society of Jesus often deal with both missions in separate chap- which by 1615 counted thirty-two all over the world, provided annual ters, but the chapters do not draw comparisons.2 There is admittedly one reports of their provinces. Such reports provided fellow Jesuits with an historian whose work addressed both missions. Pierre-François-Xavier international exchange of information and advice. The successive superi- de Charlevoix, a French Jesuit Father of the eighteenth century, was the ors of the colonial French mission were included in this network.5 first and last individual to do so, but even he dealt with the respective Some familiarity with Japan, associated with this global information missions in separate volumes with no attempt at synthesis. exchange, can be detected even in the French reports on North America It is clear that Japan was no longer an unknown country for French that referred to the Iberian mission in Japan. From time to time the Jesuits Jesuit authors in the eighteenth century. In 1715, almost thirty years in New France visited their local superior in Quebec or , before his own history of New France was published in 1744, Charlevoix depending on where the colonial missionary station was, and they sent completed a series of volumes on the Japanese mission.3 In this work, he him annual journals. The Jesuit superior in New France included these described Jesuit activity there as if he himself had been a missionary in reports in his own Relations, and transmitted them to the French Jesuit this archipelago. Because eighteenth-century Japan maintained no regu- provincial at Paris, who supervised the colonial missions. Les Relations lar connections with Europeans, except via Dutch merchants, the only des Jésuites, or The Jesuit Relations, was the title of this series published way that Charlevoix could have become acquainted with the ecclesias- in France from 1632 to 1673. tical history of this oriental country was by reading Jesuit missionary There are several references to Japan in this French series, references reports on Japan. Joseph-François Lafitau, his French-Jesuit contempo- that are ignored in the of the Jesuit mission in New France. rary of the eighteenth century, was also familiar with Japan, though he Father Paul le Jeune’s Relation of the year 1635–1636 describes the too had never visited it. In his anthropological monograph on native Japanese nation as being just as superstitious as the native peoples of North Americans, Lafitau refers to Yezo, or today’s Hokkaido, as a pos- North America. He pointed to the Japanese belief in the need to assist sible land of origin for indigenous North Americans.4 the souls of the dead, which seemed to him as superstitious and absurd as that of the Amerindian Montagnais, or .6 The Relation also cites Father Xavier, who wrote that, in Asia, there was an island, 1 The only possible exception may be Shenwen Li’s Stratégies missionaries des probably Japan, where residents were religious enough to cry from jésuites français en Nouvelle-France et en Chine au XVIIe siècle (Saint-Nicolas, Québec: les Presses de l’Université Laval; Paris: Harmattan, 2001), which is based on a syn- chronic comparison of simultaneous events in the seventeenth century rather than a diachronic comparison based on historical cause and effect. Although Li’s treatise presents the Jesuit contribution to the establishment of cultural ties between the Occi- 1724), 32–33; Joseph-François Lafitau, SJ, Customs of the American Indians Compared dent and the Orient, it does not present a revisionist interpretation that would affect with the Customs of Primitive Times (ed. William N. Fenton & Elizabeth L. Moore, existing perspectives on the Christian mission to New France. 2 vols., : Champlain Society, 1974), 45. 2 E.g. Thomas J. Campbell, SJ, The Jesuits, 1534–1921: A History of the Society of 5 Marc Jetten, Enclaves amérindiennes (Sillery: Septentrion, 1994), 30. Jesus from Its Foundation to the Present Time (New York: The Encyclopedia Press, 6 Although Father Le Jeune did not specify the source of information, he had obvi- 1921). ously read Francisco de Xavier’s letter of 29 January 1552, addressed from Cochin to 3 Pierre-François-Xavier de Charlevoix, SJ, Histoire de l’établissement, des progrès et his companions in Europe. In it, Father Xavier related that Japanese people, by paying de la décadence du christianisme dans l’empire du Japon, où l’on voit les differentes a large amount in advance to Buddhist monks, believed superstitiously that it would révolutions qui ont agité cette Monarchie pendant plus d’un siècle (2 tomes, Rouen: attain a happier afterlife. See M. Joseph Costelloe, SJ (trans.), The Letters and Instruc- Guillaume Behourt; Jacques Joseph le Boullenger; Pierre le Boucher, 1715.); and tions of (St. Louis, Missouri: The Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1992), Charlevoix, Histoire et description générale de la Nouvelle France, avec le journal his- Document [ep., hereafter] 96, pp. 329–30. From another point of view, there wasa torique d’un voyage fait par ordre du roi dans l’Amérique septentrionale (3 vols., Paris: parallel with the Amerindian and Japanese belief in helping the souls of the dead, Didot, 1744). which Father Le Jeune was criticising, without acknowledging the similarity of this 4 Joseph-François Lafitau, SJ,Moeurs des savauge amériquains comparés aux moeurs concern with Christian beliefs. Prayers and Masses were said in the Roman Catholic des premiers temps (2 tomes, Paris: Suagrain l’aîné & Charles-Estienne Hocherau, Church for those souls of the dead in Purgatory. 4 introduction excessive heart-felt joy.7 About the same time, Father Jean de Brébeuf, SJ, implied that the Japanese, unlike the Amerindians, were already perfectly civilised. Later, in the annual report of 1637, Father Le Jeune quoted Father Pierre Pijart in the Huron country, who had read an account on Japan. In 1640, Father Le Jeune also mentioned the pos- sibility of reaching Japan and via the Saint Lawrence and the rivers. He suspected that what he took to be a sea west of these rivers would connect to the northern part of Nueva España, which he believed to be opposite Japan, not far across the Pacific Ocean. Other correspondents discussed this imaginary westerly route to Asia repeat- edly in the Relations. In the report of 1659–60, Father Jérôme Lalemant, SJ, imagined the distance from to Japan to be as short as 1420 leagues, or 6,800 kilometres, in other words only sixty per cent of the actual distance.8 As early as the sixteenth-century, the French regarded the mis- sion to Japan as an exotic and peculiar experience for the Jesuits. For example, once when the Jesuit Father Émond Auger was preaching to the residents of Valence in the French countryside, he was unable to communicate easily with the local people who spoke a regional lan- guage. He was surprised at how foreign they seemed in their reac- tion to his evangelistic message; so foreign, in fact, that the people of Valence made him imagine that he was in distant Japan rather than in France.9 It is in the published Iberian correspondence on Japan where one finds the best evidence of the French Jesuits’ familiarity with this east- ern edge of Asia. Throughout the second half of the sixteenth century and the seventeenth century, numerous printed editions of accounts about the Japanese mission were published in Europe. Although his- torians have never asked whether French Jesuits read the mission-

7 The only two possible island regions that Xavier visited are the Moluccas and the Japanese archipelago. Among the existing letters of Father Xavier, the reference closest to Le Jeune’s citation is the same letter as above. See ibid., ep. 96, pp. 331–32. 8 This paragraph is based on Reuben Gold Thwaites et al, The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents . . . [Relations, henceforth] (73 vols., Cleveland, OH: Burrows Broth- ers, 1896–1901), (Le Jeune) 8: 189 & 273; 12: 241; (Brébeuf) 10: 210; (the route to Japan) 18: 237–39; 45: 221; 66: 67; (Lalemant) 45: 223–25. 9 A. Lynn Martin, The Jesuit Mind: The Mentality of an Elite in Early Modern France (Ithaca & : Cornell University Press, 1988), 226–27. Martin cites Émond Auger’s letter to Borgia, Avignon, dating 30 January 1566; preserved as Gallia 81: Epistolae Galliae 1565–1568, f. 24v, Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, . 4 introduction iberian and french jesuits 5 excessive heart-felt joy.7 About the same time, Father Jean de Brébeuf, ary stories about Japan, there are numerous publications available on SJ, implied that the Japanese, unlike the Amerindians, were already the subject of these Asian islands. The large number of publications perfectly civilised. Later, in the annual report of 1637, Father Le Jeune makes it impossible today to determine through which particular vol- quoted Father Pierre Pijart in the Huron country, who had read an ume French Jesuits acquired information on the Japanese experience. account on Japan. In 1640, Father Le Jeune also mentioned the pos- It is, however, possible to determine which languages were used for sibility of reaching Japan and China via the Saint Lawrence and the communication between Jesuits: French, along with Italian and Latin, Ottawa rivers. He suspected that what he took to be a sea west of these although Latin was not commonly used. Before the Society of Jesus rivers would connect to the northern part of Nueva España, which he regulated its usage in 1576, forcing members to use Latin for official believed to be opposite Japan, not far across the Pacific Ocean. Other correspondence, many of the earlier French members received their correspondents discussed this imaginary westerly route to Asia repeat- theological education in Italy and were consequently far more fluent edly in the Relations. In the report of 1659–60, Father Jérôme Lalemant, in Italian than in Latin. They wrote in Italian to their superior generals, SJ, imagined the distance from Hudson Bay to Japan to be as short as such as Ignatius de Loyola, Diego Lainez and Francis Borgia, 1420 leagues, or 6,800 kilometres, in other words only sixty per cent and to all other Spaniards.10 One thus needs to search for published of the actual distance.8 reports on Japan in these three languages. As early as the sixteenth-century, the French regarded the mis- The reports on Japan were sent to Europe and published in various sion to Japan as an exotic and peculiar experience for the Jesuits. For European languages. The correspondence from local regions was cop- example, once when the Jesuit Father Émond Auger was preaching ied at least three times at the missionary station in Kyushu, the main to the residents of Valence in the French countryside, he was unable western island. One copy remained in Japan and others were mailed to communicate easily with the local people who spoke a regional lan- via the Portuguese and later the Spanish such as Macao, guage. He was surprised at how foreign they seemed in their reac- Malacca, Goa, and Nueva España. From the year 1579 onwards, tion to his evangelistic message; so foreign, in fact, that the people of rather than being sent from various individual correspondents, the Valence made him imagine that he was in distant Japan rather than local letters were compiled into an annual report called Carta annua in France.9 de Japão under the supervision of the superior of Japan. The Jesuits It is in the published Iberian correspondence on Japan where one in Europe published the reports in several languages in order to reach finds the best evidence of the French Jesuits’ familiarity with this east- more European readers.11 ern edge of Asia. Throughout the second half of the sixteenth century It is probably impossible to locate all the publications on the and the seventeenth century, numerous printed editions of accounts Japanese mission because they are spread throughout Europe and in about the Japanese mission were published in Europe. Although his- former European colonies. Yet Johannes Laures, SJ, made an extensive torians have never asked whether French Jesuits read the mission- search, based on the copies preserved as special collections in the librar- ies and archives in Japan.12 His bibliographical study provides sufficient data to prove the environment in which French Jesuits in Europe were 7 The only two possible island regions that Xavier visited are the Moluccas and the able to read the Iberian missionary accounts (See table 1 and appen- Japanese archipelago. Among the existing letters of Father Xavier, the reference closest to Le Jeune’s citation is the same letter as above. See ibid., ep. 96, pp. 331–32. dix 1). For the period 1552 to 1701, for example, the publications 8 This paragraph is based on Reuben Gold Thwaites et al, The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents . . . [Relations, henceforth] (73 vols., Cleveland, OH: Burrows Broth- ers, 1896–1901), (Le Jeune) 8: 189 & 273; 12: 241; (Brébeuf) 10: 210; (the route to Japan) 18: 237–39; 45: 221; 66: 67; (Lalemant) 45: 223–25. 10 Martin, op.cit., 55–56. 9 A. Lynn Martin, The Jesuit Mind: The Mentality of an Elite in Early Modern France 11 Matsuda Kiichi, Kinsei shoki nippon kankei nanban shiryô no kenkyû (Tokyo: (Ithaca & London: Cornell University Press, 1988), 226–27. Martin cites Émond Kazama shobô, 1967), 96–99. Auger’s manuscript letter to Borgia, Avignon, dating 30 January 1566; preserved as 12 Johannes Laures, SJ, Bunko: A Manual of Books and Documents on Gallia 81: Epistolae Galliae 1565–1568, f. 24v, Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, the Early Christain Mission in Japan (3rd ed., Tokyo: Sophia University, 1957). For Rome. selected details of the Jesuit publications, see appendix 1. 6 introduction

are available in nine languages, at least: Portuguese, Spanish, Italian, Latin, French, German, Dutch, English and Polish. Laures’s list includes 448 editions, of which 142 are in Italian, ninety-two in Latin and sixty in French. The Italian editions predominated during the sixteenth cen- tury. Yet, in the seventeenth century, when the French Jesuits began their mission in North America, Latin and French were used more frequently. Even just counting the small archival collections in Japan, there were at least 294 editions published in Europe in the three lan- guages easily understood by French Jesuits. A more extensive search focussing on the French editions, held in the USA and France, locates twenty-three additional publications, which increase the figure of sixty French editions up to eighty-three.13 Therefore, the actual figure in the three languages may exceed 294 quite considerably, which means that there is no doubt that many printed reports were available to French Jesuits. It seems obvious that the Jesuits in France were able to learn from their Iberian brethren who had worked in Japan, by means of these circulated European publications.

Table 1. European-Language Publications of the Missionary—Mostly Jesuit— Correspondence on Japan, 1552–1701 (based on the bibliography in Johannes Laures, Kirishitan Bunko, 1957) Period Portuguese/ Italian Latin French German Dutch English Others Subtotal/ Spanish Total 1552–1601 16 69 28 13 13 0 0 0 139 1602–1651 64 60 36 27 8 4 2 1 202 1652–1701 21 13 28 20 10 6 9 0 107 Subtotal/ 101 142 92 60 31 10 11 1 448 Total

13 The search is based on two online databases. One is the US library database of RLG’s Eureka® on eureka.rlg.ac.uk/Eureka/, and the other is the Bibliothèque nationale de France on www.bnf.fr/. Although the British and Vatican collections also include early modern missionary publications, neither the Vatican database on www.vatican library.vatlib.it/bavt/ nor the British one, called Copac, on copac.ac.uk/copac/ pro- vides any additional editions beyond the ones in Laures’s extensive bibliography. 6 introduction iberian and french jesuits 7 are available in nine languages, at least: Portuguese, Spanish, Italian, The historiography of the French Jesuit mission has never included Latin, French, German, Dutch, English and Polish. Laures’s list includes the Iberian mission in its discussion, on the assumption that it was 448 editions, of which 142 are in Italian, ninety-two in Latin and sixty unrelated to the history of New France. This historiography calls for in French. The Italian editions predominated during the sixteenth cen- revision. The French missionaries were aware that they were not the tury. Yet, in the seventeenth century, when the French Jesuits began first group of evangelists to preach outside Europe. From the frequent their mission in North America, Latin and French were used more publications in several languages, they knew that sixty or more years frequently. Even just counting the small archival collections in Japan, earlier Father Francisco de Xavier and his pioneer successors in Japan there were at least 294 editions published in Europe in the three lan- had already had as exotic an experience as they were having in North guages easily understood by French Jesuits. A more extensive search America. In the minds of French missionaries, the mission to Japan focussing on the French editions, held in the USA and France, locates was meaningful and worthy, although later have ignored twenty-three additional publications, which increase the figure of sixty or overlooked this connection. As stated above, in the eighteenth cen- French editions up to eighty-three.13 Therefore, the actual figure in the tury, Father Charlevoix dealt with the respective missions separately, three languages may exceed 294 quite considerably, which means that as if they had no relevance to each other. Ever since his substantial there is no doubt that many printed reports were available to French and influential monographs, historians have followed his framework, Jesuits. It seems obvious that the Jesuits in France were able to learn thereby excluding, for almost three centuries, the French memory of from their Iberian brethren who had worked in Japan, by means of Japan from discussions of the French Jesuit mission in colonial North these circulated European publications. America. As the review of literature on the Jesuit missions in the fol- lowing chapter argues, historians have always discussed the Jesuit Table 1. European-Language Publications of the Missionary—Mostly Jesuit— mission exclusively in a North American context as though French Correspondence on Japan, 1552–1701 missionaries were ignorant of Father Xavier and other Iberian mis- (based on the bibliography in Johannes Laures, Kirishitan Bunko, 1957) sionaries in Japan. Period Portuguese/ Italian Latin French German Dutch English Others Subtotal/ It is high time for the missionary history of New France to be dis- Spanish Total cussed in a comparative framework. A prototype for the French Jesuit 1552–1601 16 69 28 13 13 0 0 0 139 mission can be discovered in sixteenth-century Japan, which, without 1602–1651 64 60 36 27 8 4 2 1 202 doubt, influenced the later mission in North America. What appears 1652–1701 21 13 28 20 10 6 9 0 107 to have been original to New France may already have been experi- Subtotal/ 101 142 92 60 31 10 11 1 448 enced and narrated by Iberian missionaries, who worked unceasingly Total in sixteenth-century Japan. Interpretations that appear to be reason- able to Canadianists should now be placed in a broader perspective comprising the Iberian mission in the previous century. Existing inter- pretations of the French mission should take into account the experi- ence of Iberian priests, in order to distinguish what was unique to New France, while of course not overlooking the fact that each mis- sion shared certain common Jesuit outlooks and aims. The case of the mission to Japan provides an important clue to this international 13 The search is based on two online databases. One is the US library database of approach. RLG’s Eureka® on eureka.rlg.ac.uk/Eureka/, and the other is the Bibliothèque nationale There was also a by-product of the missionary endeavours. The de France on www.bnf.fr/. Although the British and Vatican collections also include Jesuit missions to these two regions inevitably involved inter- early modern missionary publications, neither the Vatican database on www.vatican library.vatlib.it/bavt/ nor the British one, called Copac, on copac.ac.uk/copac/ pro- cultural interactions between Euro- and non-European non- vides any additional editions beyond the ones in Laures’s extensive bibliography. Christians. To some degree, the Jesuit mission attempted acculturation 8 introduction of non-Christians and of colonial settlers as well. Christian beliefs, as practised by Japanese converts, may well throw further light on the limits of acculturation. The comparative case study of Japan could well lead to more plausible identification of native Amerindian customs than a narrow contextual assumption based only on French source material. Another consideration is possible from the comparative view of cul- ture. A thorough analysis of the Japanese case could well shed light on the apparent cultural biases both in the Jesuit missionaries’ approaches to non-Christian peoples and in their observations of foreign societies in general. This identification of themissionaries’ Euro-Christian biases may also shed light on ideologically-determined French misperceptions that have been accepted unconditionally as accurate interpretations by historians of New France. The influence of the Japanese experience on the French Jesuits is most clearly seen in missionary approaches to the native peoples. The missionary methods can be seen as encompassing the following five aspects: interpreting local cultures; winning converts; the education of proselytes; the indigenous practice of Christianity; and, more gener- ally, the establishment of the missionary church. A comparison of the two regional approaches may reveal both similarities and differences. Although external conditions in the two cases have resulted in differing manifestations, such superficial differences could sometimes be seen as concealing fundamental similarities in evangelistic methodology. There were three kinds of approaches used by missionaries in order to achieve success. First, they interpreted non-Christian cultures; sec- ond, they preached, won converts and then educated them; and third, they established indigenous Christian communities. In the chapters that follow chapter one, which is the review of literature on the Jesuit missions, an attempt will be made to analyse each of these methods and approaches in turn. To begin with, chapter two will focus on the importance which the Iberian and French missionaries attached to interpreting non-Christian cultures in order to make their preaching more effective. The mission- aries encountered a deep gulf between Christian and non-Christian cultures. From a contemporary sixteenth- or seventeenth-century standpoint, Jesuit priests were masters of Euro-Christian knowledge. Therefore, they were capable of understanding non-Christian cultures at least in their own systematic way. Within the confines of early- modern western intellectuals, their analysis, while biased, was the best 8 introduction iberian and french jesuits 9 of non-Christians and of colonial settlers as well. Christian beliefs, as available at the time. Historians today, however, often note that the practised by Japanese converts, may well throw further light on the Jesuit interpretation of native North Americans was biased and needs limits of acculturation. The comparative case study of Japan could well to be treated carefully. lead to more plausible identification of native Amerindian customs A more comprehensive analysis comprising the Jesuit interpretation than a narrow contextual assumption based only on French source of Japan will identify the missionary biases and reduce the needless material. scepticism of them. One will learn that, however biased the French Another consideration is possible from the comparative view of cul- missionary observations of the Amerindian peoples and cultures may ture. A thorough analysis of the Japanese case could well shed light on have been, they were not as biased as they are commonly considered to the apparent cultural biases both in the Jesuit missionaries’ approaches have been. In Canadian historiography, the lack of written Amerindian to non-Christian peoples and in their observations of foreign societies documents has forced westerners to qualify missionary interpretations in general. This identification of themissionaries’ Euro-Christian biases by speculation. Without written documentation, it is impossible to tell may also shed light on ideologically-determined French misperceptions how accurate the Jesuit interpretation of indigenous culture is. By con- that have been accepted unconditionally as accurate interpretations by trast, there exist today Japanese historical sources, relics and remains historians of New France. that can help to identify the mistakes and illusions of the Iberian Jesuits. The influence of the Japanese experience on the French Jesuits is Japan’s language, culture and national polity have survived, which thus most clearly seen in missionary approaches to the native peoples. The allows researchers today to view the misinterpretations made by mis- missionary methods can be seen as encompassing the following five sionaries of sixteenth-century Japanese. This identification of biases aspects: interpreting local cultures; winning converts; the education of can then be transferred to the North American context. proselytes; the indigenous practice of Christianity; and, more gener- Preaching, winning converts and educating them were the next ally, the establishment of the missionary church. A comparison of the composite methods, and are discussed together in the third chapter. two regional approaches may reveal both similarities and differences. Preaching and winning converts were too intertwined with educating Although external conditions in the two cases have resulted in differing Amerindians to be discussed separately. Education was a vital part of manifestations, such superficial differences could sometimes be seen as winning converts. It aimed at conscripting young Amerindians to act concealing fundamental similarities in evangelistic methodology. as liaisons between the Jesuits and indigenous communities. It was There were three kinds of approaches used by missionaries in order one of the most fundamental tasks set forth in preliminary discussions to achieve success. First, they interpreted non-Christian cultures; sec- which led to the establishment of the Society, and was just as impor- ond, they preached, won converts and then educated them; and third, tant as actual conversion to Christianity. While the Jesuits approached they established indigenous Christian communities. In the chapters socially influential Japanese adults for patronage, the targets of educa- that follow chapter one, which is the review of literature on the Jesuit tion were boys who would eventually play a vital role in helping Jesuits missions, an attempt will be made to analyse each of these methods to establish their colonial church. In order to educate these young lay and approaches in turn. assistants in Christianity and European languages, including Latin, To begin with, chapter two will focus on the importance which the Iberian Jesuits chose boys from influential groups and even Iberian and French missionaries attached to interpreting non-Christian dispatched some to Europe. French Jesuits had a similar approach, but cultures in order to make their preaching more effective. The mission- achieved far less success. It is important to understand the influence aries encountered a deep gulf between Christian and non-Christian of the Iberian educational example on the French mind and how this cultures. From a contemporary sixteenth- or seventeenth-century influence led French missionaries to fail. standpoint, Jesuit priests were masters of Euro-Christian knowledge. In Japan, the methods used for winning neophytes during this stage Therefore, they were capable of understanding non-Christian cultures were constantly revised throughout the sixteenth century. The approach at least in their own systematic way. Within the confines of early- by Father Xavier and his successors in Japan began and developed modern western intellectuals, their analysis, while biased, was the best gradually from Father Xavier’s reflection on his first mission during 10 introduction his brief sojourn in . The more Jesuits came to understand local people in Japan, the more effectivemethods they developed for gaining more converts by adapting methods to local culture. This evolution of approaches was also the case with French Jesuits in the seventeenth century. This transition, however, should not be considered as hav- ing been invented and developed originally by French missionaries in New France. A comparison of the two missions will reveal how much of the French methodology was original, and how much was in emula- tion of the Iberians. This third chapter raises two Canadian issues for reconsideration. In the first place, the international consideration will revise the exist- ing interpretation of the methodological difference between the and the Jesuits in the Saint Lawrence region. Were the Franciscan missionaries cultural absolutists compared with the Jesuit missionaries, as has been commonly maintained by the histories of New France? A better answer can be found in a more extensive discus- sion that involves the period starting from the mid-sixteenth century rather than just the seventeenth century. The answer will be negative, and will revise the existing perspectives drawn from the narrow frame- work of New France.14 In the second place, it is commonly accepted by Canadianists that educating children was of the utmost importance, and only later did the French Jesuits target adults. Is this really the most appropriate interpretation of the Jesuit approach? The Iberian examples will sug- gest that French Jesuits did not simply shift the targeted age groups from children to adults, but that they made a more complex adjust- ment in their approach. The third missionary approach was the establishment of mission communities called réductions, which chapter four will examine in a comprehensive manner. The French Jesuit missionaries designed native Christian communities. Within the realm of Canadian history, they are firmly believed to have been based entirely on Paraguayan models, which were called reducciónes. This stereotypical interpre- tation has prevented investigating further questions, such as ‘What was the prototype for the Paraguayan model?’ and ‘Why did the

14 For the existing perspectives of the Franciscans and Jesuits in their cultural atti- tudes, see Bruce G. Trigger, The Children of Aataentsic (Montreal & Kingston: McGill- Queen’s University Press, 1976), 376–81 & 467–69. 10 introduction iberian and french jesuits 11 his brief sojourn in India. The more Jesuits came to understand local réductions of New France differ from the reducciónes of Paraguay in people in Japan, the more effectivemethods they developed for gaining some aspects?’. more converts by adapting methods to local culture. This evolution of The answers to these questions will be found in a more comprehen- approaches was also the case with French Jesuits in the seventeenth sive analysis that includes Japan, Paraguay and New France. The argu- century. This transition, however, should not be considered as hav- ment will take account of fundamental Euro-Christian activity and the ing been invented and developed originally by French missionaries in institutional arrangements of the Roman . It will also New France. A comparison of the two missions will reveal how much distinguish the Jesuits’ creations of new missionary elements from of the French methodology was original, and how much was in emula- their introduction of basic Christian customs that predated the mis- tion of the Iberians. sion to Japan. A comparison will be made initially between Japanese This third chapter raises two Canadian issues for reconsideration. Christian villages and Paraguayan missionary settlements, and then In the first place, the international consideration will revise the exist- between the settlements of Paraguay and those of New France. The ing interpretation of the methodological difference between the Jesuit experiment in creating non-European Christian communities in Franciscans and the Jesuits in the Saint Lawrence region. Were the Japan of the previous century presents the concepts and precedents for Franciscan missionaries cultural absolutists compared with the Jesuit both the réductions and the reducciónes. missionaries, as has been commonly maintained by the histories of Next, it is important to understand how Amerindians and Japanese New France? A better answer can be found in a more extensive discus- practised Christianity, since the above evangelistic approaches, which sion that involves the period starting from the mid-sixteenth century the missionaries revised to suit them, were the primary determinants rather than just the seventeenth century. The answer will be negative, for the acceptance and comprehension of the faith. This is the subject and will revise the existing perspectives drawn from the narrow frame- of the fifth chapter. The annual Jesuit reports frequently applaud the work of New France.14 converts both in Japan and in New France. Without fully investigating In the second place, it is commonly accepted by Canadianists that the indigenous practice of Christianity, recent historians have merely educating children was of the utmost importance, and only later did debated whether native were socially subordinated by con- the French Jesuits target adults. Is this really the most appropriate verting to Christianity.15 Yet such perspectives, confined by the degree interpretation of the Jesuit approach? The Iberian examples will sug- of missionary success, do not reveal a true picture of the Christian gest that French Jesuits did not simply shift the targeted age groups practice by the indigenous people. from children to adults, but that they made a more complex adjust- If one examines missionary accounts from the point of view of an ment in their approach. historian familiar with both European Christianity and Japanese cus- The third missionary approach was the establishment of mission toms, one gains a far greater insight into the non-European ways of communities called réductions, which chapter four will examine in practising the Christian faith, and of the native customs that lived on a comprehensive manner. The French Jesuit missionaries designed after conversion. With the Iberian Jesuits’ case in mind, a considera- native Christian communities. Within the realm of Canadian history, tion of the practice of Amerindian converts will shed light on neglected they are firmly believed to have been based entirely on Paraguayan aspects of autochthonous customs that were viewed through the mis- models, which were called reducciónes. This stereotypical interpre- sionary lens without any attempt to identify those customs culturally. tation has prevented investigating further questions, such as ‘What The converts in New France seemed to have created a new version was the prototype for the Paraguayan model?’ and ‘Why did the of Christian practice, retaining most of their native habits in some

15 Karen Anderson, Chain Her by One Foot: The Subjugation of Women in Sev- 14 For the existing perspectives of the Franciscans and Jesuits in their cultural atti- enteenth-Century New France (London & New York: Routledge, 1991); and Carole tudes, see Bruce G. Trigger, The Children of Aataentsic (Montreal & Kingston: McGill- Blackburn, Harvest of Souls: The Jesuit Mission and in North America, Queen’s University Press, 1976), 376–81 & 467–69. 1632–1650 (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2000). 12 introduction form or another, while at the same time being recognised by Jesuits as model Christians. Finally, in the concluding chapter, with these methodological dis- cussions in mind, a more appropriate interpretation of the French Jesuit mission will be possible. The French mission will be considered within the context of the international influence that originated in the previous century. Also, in order to revise accepted interpretations of Christianisation among the Amerindian populations, missionary acculturation of native neophytes in New France will be compared to the same process among Japanese converts. Accepted interpretations, which have been based solely on a seventeenth-century North Ameri- can perspective, will be seen to be inappropriate, once these interpreta- tions are placed in an international perspective beginning with Father Xavier’s mission to Japan in the sixteenth century. Although there may be more points of view, this comparative discussion in a single monographic study is a first important step towards an international perspective of the French Jesuit mission. 12 introduction iberian and french jesuits 13 form or another, while at the same time being recognised by Jesuits as model Christians. Finally, in the concluding chapter, with these methodological dis- cussions in mind, a more appropriate interpretation of the French Jesuit mission will be possible. The French mission will be considered within the context of the international influence that originated in the previous century. Also, in order to revise accepted interpretations of Christianisation among the Amerindian populations, missionary acculturation of native neophytes in New France will be compared to the same process among Japanese converts. Accepted interpretations, which have been based solely on a seventeenth-century North Ameri- can perspective, will be seen to be inappropriate, once these interpreta- tions are placed in an international perspective beginning with Father Xavier’s mission to Japan in the sixteenth century. Although there may be more points of view, this comparative discussion in a single monographic study is a first important step towards an international perspective of the French Jesuit mission. 1. World Map 14 introduction

Yamaguchi

Hakata (today’s Fukuoka)

Hirado Ikitsuki Island Bungo Region Funai

Yokoseura Hizen Region Kutami Usuki

Gotô Islands Ômura

Nagasaki

Kuchinotsu

Ichiku Satsuma Region Kagoshima

2. Map of Kyushu, Japan 14 introduction iberian and french jesuits 15

Yamaguchi

Hakata (today’s Fukuoka) Laurence Saint Hirado Royal Ikitsuki Island of

Bungo Region Port Gulf Funai John

Yokoseura Saint Hizen Region Kutami Usuki

Gotô Islands Ômura

Nagasaki

Kuchinotsu Quebec oussac d (Ville-Marie) Ta Richelieu ’Orléans Trois-Rivières Sillery d le Fort Î Montreal Ichiku

Satsuma Region 3. Map of New France Kagoshima Caughnawaga Simcoe Lake

Marie Bay Georgian Sainte

2. Map of Kyushu, Japan

CHAPTER ONE

REVIEW OF LITERATURE ON THE JESUIT MISSIONS TO JAPAN AND NEW FRANCE

For over three centuries, scholars have studied the early Jesuit missions to Japan and New France. Academic works on the Japanese mission were originally produced by westerners, who were joined by Japanese scholars at the end of the nineteenth century. Scholarly studies of the Canadian mission have been made in France and North America since the eighteenth century. Based on sixteenth- and seventeenth-century sources, modern students have developed their perspectives on the Jesuit missions. Although much has been written and published on these two mis- sionary fields, there is room for further research. For instance, the Japanese mission, which provides both European and non-European perspectives, is overlooked by Canadianists. An historiographical over- view of the Roman Catholic mission in Japan during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries will demonstrate the need for revision.

A. Historiography of the Jesuit Mission to Japan

The academic studies about the Christian missions in Japan canbe divided into five groupings, of which four are western and one, Japanese. The first group consists of clerical editors of missionary documents to the end of the eighteenth-century. The second includes nineteenth- and early twentieth-century westerners, the first ones to attempt mod- ern historical writing on this subject. The third group, in the twentieth century, consists of specialists in ecclesiastical archives. In the fourth category is a broader spectrum of western students, mainly of the second half of the twentieth century. Finally a fifth group includes Japanese scholars who balanced western interpretations with their own analyses of the Japanese aspects of missionary history.

1. The Eighteenth Century Although publications on the mission in Japan began as early as the seventeenth century, most of these works in the first group, including

This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the cc-by-nc License. 18 chapter one those by Luis de Guzmán and Daniello Bartoli, did not go beyond mere compilations of Jesuit correspondence.1 Thus, an historiographical overview can only begin in the eighteenth century with Pierre- François- Xavier de Charlevoix, SJ (1682–1761). It was Father Charlevoix whose analytical and reconstructive style of description first bridged the gap between the reprinting of missionary letters and modern historiog- raphy based on primary sources. His history of attempts to convert the Japanese to Christianity remained in print through three revised editions for over a century, from the first edition of 1715 to the fourth edition of 1844.2 Charlevoix’s history is a chronicle of the Jesuit missions and of the Japanese authorities with whom missionary priests dealt. While admit- ting that the missionaries were deported or executed, and ultimately failed in their mission, throughout his monograph Charlevoix praised both the evangelistic efforts of the church and the strong faith of its congregations. He revealed a story of the Japanese church that was planted by and grew up under the Jesuits, and then was destroyed by central Japanese rulers.

2. The Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries After Father Charlevoix, modern western scholars in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, who represent the second group, kept track of the evangelistic heroes who led the missionary church in Japan. The scholars in this category include Léon Pagès (1814–86), Louis Delplace, Hans Haas (1868–1934), Otis Cary (1851–1932) and James Murdoch (1856–1921). Because these earlier historians had extremely limited access to Japanese sources, insufficient evidence in Europe and in Japan hampered their academic influence upon later historians. In his Histoire de la religion chrétienne au Japon depuis 1598 jusqu’à 1651, Léon Pagès, a civil Christian historian, viewed the Japanese church

1 E.g. Luis de Guzmán, SJ., Historia de las Missiones de la Compañía de Jesus (1601, revised in 1891) and Daniello Bartoli, SJ, Giappone: Istoria della Compagnia di Gesu (1660, Milano: Spirali, 1985). Bartoli (1608–1685) in Italy was in charge of compiling a chronology of the Jesuit missions in the Italian language for the Society of Jesus. 2 Pierre François Xavier de Charlevoix, Histoire de l’établissement, des progrès et de la décadence du christianisme dans l’empire du Japon, où l’on voit les différentes révolutions qui ont agité cette Monarchie pendant plus d’un siècle (Rouen: Guillaume Behourt; Jacques Joseph le Boullenger; Pierre le Boucher, 1715.); Histoire et description du Japon (4me édition, Tours: Ad Mame et Cie, 1844). 18 chapter one review of literature on the jesuit missions 19 those by Luis de Guzmán and Daniello Bartoli, did not go beyond mere sympathetically. He devoted almost his entire work to praising the piety compilations of Jesuit correspondence.1 Thus, an historiographical and unvanquished faith of the converts, while at the same time condemn- overview can only begin in the eighteenth century with Pierre- François- ing the Japanese political authorities and Protestant Dutch traders for the Xavier de Charlevoix, SJ (1682–1761). It was Father Charlevoix whose cruel torture and death suffered by local Christians and missionaries. analytical and reconstructive style of description first bridged the gap Despite his lack of analytical subtlety, his detailed narration became an between the reprinting of missionary letters and modern historiog- important and oft-cited work since it was the first major, western pub- raphy based on primary sources. His history of attempts to convert lication on the subject of Japanese history after modern Japan resumed the Japanese to Christianity remained in print through three revised diplomatic relations with European states in 1854.3 editions for over a century, from the first edition of 1715 to the fourth In the early twentieth century, for the first time, western historians edition of 1844.2 began to use Japanese documents, which they consulted while actually Charlevoix’s history is a chronicle of the Jesuit missions and of the living and studying in Japan. At the same time, European historians Japanese authorities with whom missionary priests dealt. While admit- continued to write about Jesuits in Japan without actually visiting the ting that the missionaries were deported or executed, and ultimately country. In 1909, Louis Delplace, SJ, wrote his Le catholicisme au Japon, failed in their mission, throughout his monograph Charlevoix praised which was no more than a modern version of Charlevoix’s history, with both the evangelistic efforts of the church and the strong faith of its additional material from missionary correspondence.4 congregations. He revealed a story of the Japanese church that was The first publications by westerners living in Japan appeared in planted by and grew up under the Jesuits, and then was destroyed by German and English. In German, one of the outstanding studies was central Japanese rulers. Hans Haas’s Geschichte des Christentums in Japan (1902–04), which deals with the first two decades of the Jesuit mission, from 1549 to 1570. 2. The Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries This Protestant missionary showed some cultural familiarity with Japa- nese spirituality, gained from first-hand experience in the archipelago. At After Father Charlevoix, modern western scholars in the nineteenth the same time, his adherence to Christian theology led to his apprecia- and early twentieth centuries, who represent the second group, kept tion of early Jesuit evangelistic work.5 In English, Otis Cary, an American track of the evangelistic heroes who led the missionary church in Japan. The scholars in this category include Léon Pagès (1814–86), Louis Delplace, Hans Haas (1868–1934), Otis Cary (1851–1932) and 3 Léon Pagès, Histoire de la religion chrétienne au Japon depuis 1598 jusqu’à 1651 James Murdoch (1856–1921). Because these earlier historians had (2 vols., Paris: Charles Douniol, 1869–70). Pagès’s other publications include Histoire extremely limited access to Japanese sources, insufficient evidence in des vingt-six japonais dont la canonisation doit avoir lieu à Rome le jour de la Europe and in Japan hampered their academic influence upon later Pentécôte 1862 (1862); La persécution des chrétiens au Japon et l’ambassade japonaise en Europe (1873); La déportation et l’abandon des morts: Cimètiere de Mery (1875) and historians. ‘Cerqueira, Conference Held by the Bishop Cerqueira on the Subject of Slaves Bought In his Histoire de la religion chrétienne au Japon depuis 1598 jusqu’à or hired and transported out of Japan, in 1598, extracted from the Archives 1651, Léon Pagès, a civil Christian historian, viewed the Japanese church of the Academy of History in Madrid by L. Pagès’, Japan Weekly Chronicle 29 Jan. 1902: 83–85. 4 Louis Delplace, SJ, Le catholicisme au Japon (2 vols., Bruxelles: Maline, 1909– 10). 1 E.g. Luis de Guzmán, SJ., Historia de las Missiones de la Compañía de Jesus (1601, 5 Hans Haas, Geschichte des Christentums in Japan (2 vols., Tokyo: n. p., 1902–04). revised in 1891) and Daniello Bartoli, SJ, Giappone: Istoria della Compagnia di Gesu Haas also published the following monographs and treatises on Japan and related (1660, Milano: Spirali, 1985). Bartoli (1608–1685) in Italy was in charge of compiling a subjects: Die Sekten des Japanischen Buddhismus: Eine Religionswissenschaftlich Stu- chronology of the Jesuit missions in the Italian language for the Society of Jesus. die (Heidelberg, 1905); ‘Die Religion der Japaner—2. Der Buddhismus’, in Edvard 2 Pierre François Xavier de Charlevoix, Histoire de l’établissement, des progrès et Lehman & A. Lehman (eds.), Die orientaliscen Religionen (Berlin & : B. G. Tübner, de la décadence du christianisme dans l’empire du Japon, où l’on voit les différentes 1906), 221–54; Zukunftsreligion (2. Aufl., Berlin: K. Curtis, 1907); ‘Amida révolutions qui ont agité cette Monarchie pendant plus d’un siècle (Rouen: Guillaume Buddha unsere Zuflucht’: Urkunden zum verständnis des Japanischen Sukhavati— Behourt; Jacques Joseph le Boullenger; Pierre le Boucher, 1715.); Histoire et description Buddhismus (Göttingen: Vandenhöck & Ruprecht; Leipzip: J. C. Hinrichs, 1910); du Japon (4me édition, Tours: Ad Mame et Cie, 1844). Bibliographie zur Frage nach den Wechselbeziehungen zwischen Buddhismus und 20 chapter one

Protestant missionary in Japan, shared with his predecessors an interest in the development and decline of the first Japanese mission during the preceding three and a half centuries. His in Japan6 is worth citing because its discussion of missionary failure considered also the changing political and economic environment of European- Japanese diplomatic relations. Like his ecclesiastical contemporaries, however, Cary was unable to revise the written observations of early modern Roman Catholic correspondents. In the same decade as the monographs of Haas and Cary, a more comprehensive history appeared in print. A History of Japan during the Early Foreign Intercourse is the second volume of James Murdoch’s three-volume history.7 In an attempt to revise the ecclesiastical approach that had been dominant since Charlevoix, Murdoch consulted not only European documents but also Japanese sources. For this demanding endeavour, he sought help from his Japanese colleague Isoo Yamagata. Murdoch’s secular background also escaped glorification of the Christian converts. To a considerable extent, he examined non-religious incidents in politics and international relations when discussing the mission. Con- sequently his monograph placed greater emphasis on political relations between missionaries and the Japanese authorities.

3. Specialists in Ecclesiastical Archives in the Twentieth Century It was only after the 1920s that German historians began to investi- gate the Japanese mission. These historians, who never visited Japan, let alone lived there, formed part of a third group. They uncovered new archival missionary sources. Among this group is the Franciscan Father Dorotheus Schilling (1886–ca.1960s) and two Jesuits, Georg Schurhammer (1882–1971) and Josef Franz Schütte. While sharing

Christentum (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1922), Buddha in der abendländlichen Legende (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1923). His interest in Japan grew to include the Ainu in his Die Ainu und ihre Religion (Leipzig: A. Deichert, 1925). 6 Otis Cary, A History of : Roman Catholic, Greek Orthodox, and Protestant Missions (2 vols., New York: Fleming H. Revell, 1909; reprint in 1976 as one volume by Tuttle in Ruthland, Vermont, & Tokyo, Japan). 7 James Murdoch and Isoh (sic) Yamagata, A History of Japan during the Century of Early Foreign Intercourse (1542–1651) (Kobe: Kobe Chronicle, 1903). He first pub- lished this work as an independent monograph. He later expanded his work into three volumes. He published a book on the previous period of Japan as the first volume of A History of Japan in 1910. Although he passed away before seeing a printed copy of the third volume which dealt with the years 1652–1868, Joseph H. Longford and L. M. C. Hall completed its publication in 1926. 20 chapter one review of literature on the jesuit missions 21

Protestant missionary in Japan, shared with his predecessors an interest with preceding authors an admiration for individual Christian mis- in the development and decline of the first Japanese mission during the sionary heroes, these three specialists at least inspired a source-based preceding three and a half centuries. His history of Christianity in Japan6 among later students. Because their publications brought is worth citing because its discussion of missionary failure considered more primary sources to light, Charlevoix, Pagès, Haas and Cary began also the changing political and economic environment of European- to be referred to less frequently in source citations in the second half Japanese diplomatic relations. Like his ecclesiastical contemporaries, of the twentieth century. however, Cary was unable to revise the written observations of early Dorotheus Schilling, OFM [the Order of the Friars Minors], contrib- modern Roman Catholic correspondents. uted to the study of the Japanese missions by editing archival manu- In the same decade as the monographs of Haas and Cary, a more scripts, especially those of Luis Frois, SJ, and Avila-Girón, a Spanish comprehensive history appeared in print. A History of Japan during merchant, whose documents had been extant for over three centuries. the Early Foreign Intercourse is the second volume of James Murdoch’s After searching for Jesuit documents copied in Macao, Schilling found three-volume history.7 In an attempt to revise the ecclesiastical approach the manuscript of Luis Frois’s Historia de Iapam. He discovered Father that had been dominant since Charlevoix, Murdoch consulted not only Frois’s manuscript written between 1583 and 1593, in Toulouse, France, European documents but also Japanese sources. For this demanding in 1931, and another manuscript written between 1578 and 1582, in endeavour, he sought help from his Japanese colleague Isoo Yamagata. in 1933.8 The part from 1578 to 1587 had not previously been Murdoch’s secular background also escaped glorification of the Christian known. Also in 1933–35, in collaboration with Fidel de Lejarza, Schilling converts. To a considerable extent, he examined non-religious incidents published Avila-Girón’s second edition of Relación del Reino de Nippon, in politics and international relations when discussing the mission. Con- which had remained in manuscript form since the early seventeenth sequently his monograph placed greater emphasis on political relations century. Besides his exploration of original sources, Schilling’s interest between missionaries and the Japanese authorities. extended to the Jesuits’ educational and technological contributions to Japanese society, as well as Japanese politics and religion during the 3. Specialists in Ecclesiastical Archives in the Twentieth Century period of the early missions.9 While also covering other themes extensively, the studies of Georg It was only after the 1920s that German historians began to investi- Schurhammer, SJ, were concerned with two Jesuit missionaries, Luis gate the Japanese mission. These historians, who never visited Japan, Frois and Francisco de Xavier of the sixteenth century. In the 1920s, let alone lived there, formed part of a third group. They uncovered Schurhammer edited another part of the manuscript of Luis Frois’s new archival missionary sources. Among this group is the Franciscan Historia de Iapam [or Japam] and published it in a German translation. Father Dorotheus Schilling (1886–ca.1960s) and two Jesuits, Georg He also uncovered and edited Xavier’s correspondence. His archival Schurhammer (1882–1971) and Josef Franz Schütte. While sharing investigation of original sources helped him publish numerous mono- graphs and treatises on the Jesuits and related matters. His study uncov- ered other documents concerning the Portuguese colonies. In addition, Christentum (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1922), Buddha in der abendländlichen Legende his religious interest grew to include Japanese Shintô.10 (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1923). His interest in Japan grew to include the Ainu in his Die Ainu und ihre Religion (Leipzig: A. Deichert, 1925). 6 Otis Cary, A History of Christianity in Japan: Roman Catholic, Greek Orthodox, and Protestant Missions (2 vols., New York: Fleming H. Revell, 1909; reprint in 1976 as one 8 Matsuda Kiichi, ‘Kaidai’, in Matsuda Kiichi & Kawasaki Momota (trans.), Furoisu volume by Tuttle in Ruthland, Vermont, & Tokyo, Japan). Nipponshi (Tokyo: Chuôkôronsha, 1977–1980), 27–28. 7 James Murdoch and Isoh (sic) Yamagata, A History of Japan during the Century 9 Doroteo Schilling, OFM, & Fidel de Lejarza (eds.), ‘Relación del Reino de Nippon’, of Early Foreign Intercourse (1542–1651) (Kobe: Kobe Chronicle, 1903). He first pub- Archivo Ibero-Americano 36 (1933): 481–531; 37 (1934): 5–48, 259–75, 392–434, 493– lished this work as an independent monograph. He later expanded his work into three 554; 38 (1935): 103–30, 216–39, 384–417; and Dorotheus Schilling, ‘Neue Funde zur volumes. He published a book on the previous period of Japan as the first volume of História de Japão von Luis Frois S. J.’, Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft 23 (1933): A History of Japan in 1910. Although he passed away before seeing a printed copy of the 337–43. See appendix 2 for Schilling’s list of other publications. third volume which dealt with the years 1652–1868, Joseph H. Longford and L. M. C. 10 Georg Schurhammer & E. A. Voretzsch (Hrsg. & Übers.), Die Geschichte Japans Hall completed its publication in 1926. (1549–1578) (Leipzig: Verlag der Asia Major, 1926); Georg Schurhammer, SJ, & J. Wicki, 22 chapter one

Schurhammer’s academic quest to discover Jesuit documents was fol- lowed by that of another German Jesuit, Josef Franz Schütte. Schütte’s exploration of the missionary sources started in Rome where he was assigned to the Jesuit archives, thereby gaining easy access to missionary sources. His research extended to manuscript material on the Japanese missions in the Jesuit archives and in the Vatican library in Rome, including Japanese Christian writings and drawings. His major work, based on the Jesuit-archival documents, is Valignanos Missionsgrund- sätze für Japan. In the 1950s, he began to do research in Portugal and Spain. In Madrid, he discovered Luis Frois’s original text on Japanese culture, and published it in German in 1955. In the early 1960s, he also created a bibliography of Japanese sources located in the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid. In the same years, he made a significant contribu- tion to Japanese missionary studies when he found the text of Igreja do Japão, which was written by João Rodriguez-Tçuzu in the seventeenth century. He also found new material in East Asia. Finally in 1968, his decades of research culminated in Introductio ad Historiam Societatis Jesu in Japonia, 1549–1650, an analytical description of the Jesuit mis- sions in Japan.11

4. A Broader Spectrum of Western Historians Contemporaries of these German clergymen were able to use recently- discovered sources for their studies. The major historians in the second and third quarters of the twentieth century include Johannes Laures, SJ (1891–1959), Charles Ralph Boxer (1904–2000) and George Elison (1937–), who represent the fourth historiographical group. These three historians finally attempted a synthesis based on both European and oriental scholarships. Although Johannes Laures was among the last generation of historians to take an heroic approach to the Jesuit mission, he did make a vital contri- bution to Japan-based archival research of Jesuit documents. His manual of Jesuit books and documents on Japan helped scholars to comprehend

SJ(eds.), Epistolæ S. Francisci Xavierii aliaque eius scripta (2 Tomus, Romæ: Monumenta Historica Soc. Jesu, 1944–45). See appendix 2 for Schurhammer’s numerous publica- tions. 11 Josef Franz Schütte, SJ, Introductio ad Historiam Societatis Jesu in Japonia, 1549– 1650, ac Prooemium ad Catalogos Japoniae Edendos ad Edenda Societatis Jesu Monu- menta Historica Japoniae Proylaeum (Romae: Institutum Historicum Soc. Jesu, 1968). For other works by Schütte, see appendix 2. 22 chapter one review of literature on the jesuit missions 23

Schurhammer’s academic quest to discover Jesuit documents was fol- the mission’s extensive publications in diverse languages.12 His most lowed by that of another German Jesuit, Josef Franz Schütte. Schütte’s analytical work on the Japanese missions is Geschichte der katholischen exploration of the missionary sources started in Rome where he was Kirche in Japan,13 which deals with these missions from the period of assigned to the Jesuit archives, thereby gaining easy access to missionary Xavier to the nineteenth century. Like his predecessors, he described the sources. His research extended to manuscript material on the Japanese rise and fall of the missions while estimating their degree of success. In missions in the Jesuit archives and in the Vatican library in Rome, addition, he examined the reasons for the success and failure of prosely- including Japanese Christian writings and drawings. His major work, tisation, while at the same time considering the feudal Japanese rulers’ based on the Jesuit-archival documents, is Valignanos Missionsgrund- intentions, in support or persecution of Christians. The monograph’s sätze für Japan. In the 1950s, he began to do research in Portugal and academic weakness is Laures’s all too rare indication of source mate- Spain. In Madrid, he discovered Luis Frois’s original text on Japanese rial, which may have been the result of his publisher’s decision to target culture, and published it in German in 1955. In the early 1960s, he also general readers or perhaps by the author’s own intention to publish only created a bibliography of Japanese sources located in the Real Academia a short monograph. de la Historia, Madrid. In the same years, he made a significant contribu- The access to both European and Oriental sources is more clearly tion to Japanese missionary studies when he found the text of Igreja do evident in the work of Charles Ralph Boxer, The Christian Century in Japão, which was written by João Rodriguez-Tçuzu in the seventeenth Japan, 1549–1650, published in 1951.14 Not only did Boxer take advan- century. He also found new material in East Asia. Finally in 1968, his tage of discovered or edited sources but also he contributed to pub- decades of research culminated in Introductio ad Historiam Societatis lishing western manuscript sources. He investigated the growth of the Jesu in Japonia, 1549–1650, an analytical description of the Jesuit mis- missionary church from a broader perspective rather than solely in terms sions in Japan.11 of the Jesuit priests, who were described not only as diplomats but also as traders. Also, he paid special attention to the Japanese and 4. A Broader Spectrum of Western Historians servants whose vital rôles had been underestimated by both his ecclesi- astical contemporaries and subsequent historians. The Japanese converts Contemporaries of these German clergymen were able to use recently- and martyrs were also favourably noted. His work, though written from discovered sources for their studies. The major historians in the second a western viewpoint, represented a revisionist perspective in Japanese and third quarters of the twentieth century include Johannes Laures, mission studies. Up to that time, scholars had paid attention only to SJ (1891–1959), Charles Ralph Boxer (1904–2000) and George Elison European priests and their political counterparts mainly through mis- (1937–), who represent the fourth historiographical group. These three sionary language and terminology. historians finally attempted a synthesis based on both European and By extensively consulting Japanese printed sources in his Deus oriental scholarships. Destroyed of 1973, George Elison delved into the problems and limits Although Johannes Laures was among the last generation of historians of the Jesuit mission far deeper than previous westerners.15 From an to take an heroic approach to the Jesuit mission, he did make a vital contri- bution to Japan-based archival research of Jesuit documents. His manual of Jesuit books and documents on Japan helped scholars to comprehend 12 Johannes Laures, SJ, Kirishitan Bunko: A Manual of Books and Documents on the Early Christian Missions in Japan (1940, 3rd ed., Tokyo: Sophia University, 1957). 13 Johannes Laures, SJ, Die Geschichte der katholischen Kirchen in Japan (Kaldenkirchen: SJ(eds.), Epistolæ S. Francisci Xavierii aliaque eius scripta (2 Tomus, Romæ: Monumenta Steyler, 1956). Its English edition appeared in print two years earlier under the title of Historica Soc. Jesu, 1944–45). See appendix 2 for Schurhammer’s numerous publica- The Catholic Church in Japan: A Short History (Tokyo: Tuttle, 1954). tions. 14 C. R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan, 1549–1650 (Berkeley & Los Angeles: 11 Josef Franz Schütte, SJ, Introductio ad Historiam Societatis Jesu in Japonia, 1549– University of California Press; London: Cambridge University Press, 1951). 1650, ac Prooemium ad Catalogos Japoniae Edendos ad Edenda Societatis Jesu Monu- 15 George Elison, Deus Destroyed: The Image of Christianity in Early Modern Japan menta Historica Japoniae Proylaeum (Romae: Institutum Historicum Soc. Jesu, 1968). (Harvard East Asian Monographs 141; Cambridge, MA: Council on East Asian Stud- For other works by Schütte, see appendix 2. ies, Harvard University, 1973). His other works are included in George Elison & 24 chapter one

acculturating point of view, he contended that Jesuit Christianisation was doomed by forces both within and without. He pointed to the limitations of the Christian influence upon Japanese society. By dealing with the failure of the Christian mission as a consequence of Christianity’s own inherent weakness, he was the first western historian not to devote much space to estimating evangelistic accomplishments. While they did not revise Boxer and Elison, historians of the 1990s developed or summarised the oriental and western scholarships. For example, focusing on specific missionaries, Joseph F. Moran’s (1937– 2005) treatise on Father Alessandro Valignano should be noted. Con- cerning the authors of more extensive works, one should mention Andrew C. Ross (1931–2008) and Neil Fujita (1934–). Ross outlined the whole Japanese mission in an heroic approach focussing on leading Jesuit priests in Japan. Bilingual in Japanese and English, Fujita wrote another version of Boxer’s history of the Christian century in Japan, by including more academic discoveries that had been made since the mid- twentieth century.16 There have been two major trends of western historical investigation in the field of Jesuit missions. One has been to discover hidden mate- rial and edit hand-written texts in print. The other has been to analyse incidents and synthesise a new theory by reinterpreting the newly- discovered and edited sources. These trends were shared by Japanese- language historians.

5. Japanese Historians from the Twentieth Century to the Present Japanese historians who studied the Christian mission form the fifth historiographical category. They began their investigations in the late nineteenth century simultaneously with the revival of Christian mis- sions to Meiji Japan. Twentieth-century Japanese approaches to mis- sionary history were developed mainly to understand evangelisation within the context of Japanese history rather than as mere incidents within the Christian church. There were, however, two problems in pursuing the topic from a Japanese point of view. One was that the

Bardwell L. Smith (eds.), Warlords, Artists, and Commoners: Japan in the Sixteenth Century (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1981). 16 J. F. Moran, The Japanese and the Jesuits: Alessandro Valignano in Sixteenth- Century Japan (London: Routledge, 1993); Andrew C. Ross, A Vision Betrayed: The Jesuits in Japan and China, 1542–1742 (: Edinburgh University Press, 1994); Neil S. Fujita, Japan’s Encounter with Christianity (New York & Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 1991). Fujita is fully discussed in the fifth historiographical category. 24 chapter one review of literature on the jesuit missions 25

acculturating point of view, he contended that Jesuit Christianisation was source material of the Japanese mission was scattered internation- doomed by forces both within and without. He pointed to the limitations ally; and the other was that the documents in Japan had been lost of the Christian influence upon Japanese society. By dealing with the or destroyed during the three-century proscription of the Christian failure of the Christian mission as a consequence of Christianity’s own faith. inherent weakness, he was the first western historian not to devote much The initial task of historians was thus to find fragments of evidence space to estimating evangelistic accomplishments. and to compile them into a manageable form. While the source study of While they did not revise Boxer and Elison, historians of the 1990s the Japanese missions was pursued by ecclesiastical historians in Europe, developed or summarised the oriental and western scholarships. For Murakami Naojirô (1868–1966), Okamoto Yoshitomo (1900–1972) and example, focusing on specific missionaries, Joseph F. Moran’s (1937– Matsuda Kiichi (1921–1997) contributed to the of remain- 2005) treatise on Father Alessandro Valignano should be noted. Con- ing Japanese sources as well as to the introduction of European mate- cerning the authors of more extensive works, one should mention rial to Japanese readers. To begin with, Murakami edited or translated Andrew C. Ross (1931–2008) and Neil Fujita (1934–). Ross outlined Jesuit correspondence, the journals of the Dutch commercial factory in the whole Japanese mission in an heroic approach focussing on leading Japan and other western documents.17 He compiled the correspondence Jesuit priests in Japan. Bilingual in Japanese and English, Fujita wrote between Japanese authorities and representatives of other nations.18 Also, another version of Boxer’s history of the Christian century in Japan, by he edited the documents written by Englishmen in feudal Japan, as well including more academic discoveries that had been made since the mid- as the journals of the English commercial factory in Japan.19 Murakami twentieth century.16 was followed by Okamoto Yoshitomo, who edited and published sev- There have been two major trends of western historical investigation eral missionary manuscript sources.20 More recently, since the 1990s, the in the field of Jesuit missions. One has been to discover hidden mate- Institute of the University of Tokyo has undertaken rial and edit hand-written texts in print. The other has been to analyse an on-going compilation of the Jesuit correspondence, in the original incidents and synthesise a new theory by reinterpreting the newly- European language and in Japanese translation.21 discovered and edited sources. These trends were shared by Japanese- language historians.

17 Murakami published the following edited monographs: Ikoku nisshishô (Tokyo: 5. Japanese Historians from the Twentieth Century to the Present Sanshûsha, 1911); Yasokai nenpô (Nagasaki: Nagasaki shiyakusho, 1926); Yasokai Nippon tsûshin: Keikihen (Tokyo: Sunnansha, 1927–28); Ikoku nikkishô (Tokyo: Japanese historians who studied the Christian mission form the fifth Sunnansha, 1929); Yasokai Nippon tsûshin: Bungo hen (Tokyo: Teikoku kyoikukai, historiographical category. They began their investigations in the late 1936); Deshima rankan nisshi (3 vols., Tokyo: Bunmei kyokai, 1938–39); Yasokai no nineteenth century simultaneously with the revival of Christian mis- Nippon nenpô (2 vols., Tokyo: Takubundô, 1943); Nagasaki Oranda shôkan no nikki (3 vols. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1956–58). sions to Meiji Japan. Twentieth-century Japanese approaches to mis- 18 Murakami Naojirô (trans.), Ikoku ôfuku shokanshû (Tokyo: Sunnansha, 1929). sionary history were developed mainly to understand evangelisation 19 Murakami Naojirô & Murakawa Kengo (eds.), Letters Written by English Resi- within the context of Japanese history rather than as mere incidents dents in Japan, 1611–1623 (Tokyo, 1900); Murakami Naojirô (ed.), Diary of Richard Cocks, Cape-Merchant in the English Factory in Japan, 1615–1622, with Correspondence within the Christian church. There were, however, two problems in (Tokyo, 1899). pursuing the topic from a Japanese point of view. One was that the 20 He edited and translated Frois’s report on the First Japanese embassy to Europe under Valignano: Okamoto Yoshitomo et al (eds.), La première Ambassade du Japon en Europe, 1582–1592 (Tokyo: Université Sophia, 1942) and Okamoto Yoshitomo (trans.), Kyushu sankô ken’ô shisetsu kôki (Tokyo: Tôyôdô, 1942). He co-edited Segunda parte Bardwell L. Smith (eds.), Warlords, Artists, and Commoners: Japan in the Sixteenth da Historia de Japam que trata das couzas, que socedarão nesta V. Provincia da Hera de Century (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1981). 1578 por diante, começãdo pela conversão del rey de Bungo (1578–1582) (Tokyo: Edição 16 J. F. Moran, The Japanese and the Jesuits: Alessandro Valignano in Sixteenth- da Sociedade Luso-Japonesa, 1938). He was also the editor of El Nippon y Philipinas sus Century Japan (London: Routledge, 1993); Andrew C. Ross, A Vision Betrayed: The Relaciones Historicos (Tokyo: Japan Times, 1945). As for Japanese material, he was the Jesuits in Japan and China, 1542–1742 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1994); editor of Gyosonki (Tokyo: Tôyôdô, 1946). Neil S. Fujita, Japan’s Encounter with Christianity (New York & Mahwah, NJ: Paulist 21 Tokyo daigaku shiryô hensanjo, Nippon kankei kaigai shiryô: Iezusukai Nippon Press, 1991). Fujita is fully discussed in the fifth historiographical category. shokanshû (6 vols. as of 2007, Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shiryô hensanjo, 1990–). 26 chapter one

Another linguistic expert was Matsuda Kiichi, who was the pioneer of the study of post-war sources on the Christian missions. Although not a Jesuit, he completed university education in 1944 at Jesuit Sophia University, where he met Professor Laures. Matsuda’s documentary studies of European-Japanese relations include a report on the docu- ments discovered inside Japanese folding screens at Evora, Portugal; a bibliographical catalogue of European-Japanese international relations; a source study of Japan-related documents in European collections, along with other works, all published in the 1960s.22 His Japanese translations of unpublished source material of the Jesuits include Historia de Iapam and the comparative cultural discussion of Japan, both by Luis Frois; Alessandro Valignano’s reports to on the Japanese church; and also Carta annua de Japão of the Society of Jesus, all of which were pub- lished in the last thirty years of the twentieth century.23 His publications encompass several monographs on specific but essential aspects of the Japanese missions.24 Based on these extensive source studies, twentieth-century Japanese research of the Jesuit mission developed mainly to understand evangeli- sation as episodes of Japanese history rather than as part of the growth and decline of the Christian church. Leading scholars in this field are Anesaki Masaharu (1873–1949), Okamoto Yoshitomo, Okada Akio (1907–82), Ebisawa Arimichi (1910–1992), Shimizu Hirokazu (1942–), Takase Kôichirô (1936–) and Neil S. Fujita (1934–), among others. Ane-

22 Ebisawa Arimichi & Matsuda Kiichi, Porutogaru evora shinshutsu byôbu monjo no kenkyû (Tokyo: Natsumesha, 1963); Matsuda Kiichi, Nichiô kôshôshi bunken mokuroku (Tokyo: Keibundo & Isseido, 1965), and Kinsei shoki Nippon kankei nanban shiryô no kenkyû (Tokyo: Kazama shobô, 1967). In addition, he wrote Nanban shiryô no hakken: Yomigaeru Nobunaga jidai (Tokyo: Chuô kôronsha, 1964). 23 Matsuda Kiichi & Kawasaki Momota (trans.), Furoisu Nipponshi (Tokyo: Chuô kôronsha, 1977–80); Matsuda Kiichi & Engelbert Jorisßen (trans.), Frois no Nippon oboegaki: Nippon to Yôroppa no fûshû no chigai (Tokyo: Chuô kôronsha, 1983); Matsuda Kiichi et al (trans.), Nippon junsatsuki (1965, Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1973); and Matsuda Kiichi (ed.), Jûroku-shichi seiki Iezusukai Nippon hôkokushû (17 vols., Kyoto: Dôhôsha, 1987–2000.); Matsuda Kiichi et al. (eds. & trans.) Nippon kankei Iezusukai genbunsho (Kyoto: Dôhôsha, 1987) 24 E.g. Matsuda, Kirishitan kenkyû (vol. I, Tokyo: Sôgensha 1953; vol. II, Tokyo: Kazama shobô, 1975); Nippo kôshôshi (1955, Tokyo: Kyôbunkan, 1963), Taikô to gaikô (Tokyo: Tôgensha, 1966); Nanban junrei (Tokyo: shinbunsha, 1967); Keichô shisetsu: Nipponjin hatsu no taiheiyô ôdan (Tokyo: Shin jinbutsu ôraisha, 1969); Hideyoshi no nanban gaikô: San Feripegô jiken (Tokyo: Shin jinbutsu ôraisha, 1972); Shitan tenshô ken’ô shisetu (Tokyo: Kôdan-sha, 1977); and Ômura Sumitada-den (1955, 3rd ed., Tokyo: Kyôbun-kan, 1978). 26 chapter one review of literature on the jesuit missions 27

Another linguistic expert was Matsuda Kiichi, who was the pioneer saki Masaharu was a pioneer who considered the Christian mission from of the study of post-war sources on the Christian missions. Although both European and Japanese viewpoints. not a Jesuit, he completed university education in 1944 at Jesuit Sophia Anesaki applied a cultural approach to European-Japanese relations. University, where he met Professor Laures. Matsuda’s documentary He considered two ideas: first, the influence of the Christian mission studies of European-Japanese relations include a report on the docu- upon the Japanese nation; and second, the negative effect on national ments discovered inside Japanese folding screens at Evora, Portugal; a growth of the Tokugawa authorities’ ban of Christianity. In indepen- bibliographical catalogue of European-Japanese international relations; a dent monographs, he considered five main aspects of the mission: the source study of Japan-related documents in European collections, along concealment of converts; the termination of missions; personal spiritual with other works, all published in the 1960s.22 His Japanese translations achievements; religious literature; and missionary activity itself.25 His of unpublished source material of the Jesuits include Historia de Iapam Kirishitan dendô no kôhai deals with the rise and fall of the Catholic and the comparative cultural discussion of Japan, both by Luis Frois; missions in Japan from 1549 to 1668. In this work, the mission’s posi- Alessandro Valignano’s reports to on the Japanese church; and also tive and negative influences on the Japanese rulers and ordinary people Carta annua de Japão of the Society of Jesus, all of which were pub- became his main concerns. On the Japanese authorities’ initially posi- lished in the last thirty years of the twentieth century.23 His publications tive and later negative response to the missions, he concluded that the encompass several monographs on specific but essential aspects of the Japanese central court suppressed anything in its way when the church Japanese missions.24 gradually became an obstacle to its rule. Another clue was the church’s Based on these extensive source studies, twentieth-century Japanese philanthropy, which helped Jesuits gain converts among ordinary people research of the Jesuit mission developed mainly to understand evangeli- by using the support of wealthy, influential Christian supporters. Because sation as episodes of Japanese history rather than as part of the growth of anti-Christian persecutions, the missionary church was no longer able and decline of the Christian church. Leading scholars in this field are to finance the philanthropy necessary to maintain the congregation. Anesaki Masaharu (1873–1949), Okamoto Yoshitomo, Okada Akio A less cultural and more political and economic approach to the same (1907–82), Ebisawa Arimichi (1910–1992), Shimizu Hirokazu (1942–), international relations can be found in Okamoto Yoshitomo. He analysed Takase Kôichirô (1936–) and Neil S. Fujita (1934–), among others. Ane- the triangular relationship among Portuguese traders, missionaries, and Japanese rulers. As a specialist on the relationship between European visi- tors and Japanese residents, he emphasised the leading diplomatic rôle of the Jesuit missionaries in the Portuguese trade with Japanese merchants, 22 Ebisawa Arimichi & Matsuda Kiichi, Porutogaru evora shinshutsu byôbu monjo no who were closely connected with local lords. He described the Jesuits as kenkyû (Tokyo: Natsumesha, 1963); Matsuda Kiichi, Nichiô kôshôshi bunken mokuroku (Tokyo: Keibundo & Isseido, 1965), and Kinsei shoki Nippon kankei nanban shiryô no diplomats who took advantage of international trade to enhance their kenkyû (Tokyo: Kazama shobô, 1967). In addition, he wrote Nanban shiryô no hakken: church; and he affirmed that the feudal lords had no choice but to wel- Yomigaeru Nobunaga jidai (Tokyo: Chuô kôronsha, 1964). 23 come Christian missions in order to invite Portuguese ships to their own Matsuda Kiichi & Kawasaki Momota (trans.), Furoisu Nipponshi (Tokyo: Chuô 26 kôronsha, 1977–80); Matsuda Kiichi & Engelbert Jorisßen (trans.), Frois no Nippon ports, even if they wanted no evangelisation in their territories. oboegaki: Nippon to Yôroppa no fûshû no chigai (Tokyo: Chuô kôronsha, 1983); Matsuda Another approach to missionary activity rather than the mission Kiichi et al (trans.), Nippon junsatsuki (1965, Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1973); and Matsuda Kiichi (ed.), Jûroku-shichi seiki Iezusukai Nippon hôkokushû (17 vols., Kyoto: Dôhôsha, itself was made by Okada Akio, an archivist at the Institute of Historical 1987–2000.); Matsuda Kiichi et al. (eds. & trans.) Nippon kankei Iezusukai genbunsho (Kyoto: Dôhôsha, 1987) 24 E.g. Matsuda, Kirishitan kenkyû (vol. I, Tokyo: Sôgensha 1953; vol. II, Tokyo: Kazama shobô, 1975); Nippo kôshôshi (1955, Tokyo: Kyôbunkan, 1963), Taikô to 25 Anesaki Masaharu, Kirishitan shûmon no hakugai to senpuku (Tokyo: Dôbunkan, gaikô (Tokyo: Tôgensha, 1966); Nanban junrei (Tokyo: Asahi shinbunsha, 1967); 1925); Kirishitan kinsei no shûmatsu (Tokyo: Dôbunkan, 1926); Kirishitan hakugaishichû Keichô shisetsu: Nipponjin hatsu no taiheiyô ôdan (Tokyo: Shin jinbutsu ôraisha, 1969); no jinbutsu jiseki (Tokyo: Dôbunkan, 1930); Kirishitan shûkyô bungaku (Dôbunkan, Hideyoshi no nanban gaikô: San Feripegô jiken (Tokyo: Shin jinbutsu ôraisha, 1972); 1932); and Kirishitan dendô no kôhai (Tokyo: Dôbunkan, 1930). Shitan tenshô ken’ô shisetu (Tokyo: Kôdan-sha, 1977); and Ômura Sumitada-den (1955, 26 Okamoto Yoshitomo, Jûroku seiki Nichi-Ô kôtsûshi no kenkyû (Tokyo: Kôbunsô, 3rd ed., Tokyo: Kyôbun-kan, 1978). 1936). 28 chapter one

Sources, the University of Tokyo. While consulting the Jesuit documents, he was one of those rare individuals who were not governed by them. With no apparent appraisal of the missionary efforts, he attempted to grasp the meaning of the missions and foreign intercourse in the light of Japanese society. His interest grew to include the western influence on life in Japan and the problems of cultural importation faced by the Christian converts. According to Okada, the Jesuit mission caused two social frictions: first a conflict between non-Christian feudal lords and the Christian God as the target for loyalty; and then withdrawal from social activities, many of them associated with traditional autochthonous customs, which the missionaries considered pagan. He affirmed that most proselytes simply replaced Japanese objects of worship with the Christian God while retaining the conventional framework of Japanese spiritual customs.27 In contrast to Okada’s thematic writings, Ebisawa Arimichi made more extensive analyses. He regarded the Japanese church as a com- munity of both missionaries and numerous converts rather than as the mere organisation of European priests. From his strict Protestant stand- point, the conflict was between feudal authorities and Christian com- munities, and not simply political tension between the top rulers and the missionaries.28 In Ebisawa’s Japanese history of Christians, the Christian mission had two special meanings apart from its attempt to Christianise pagans. According to this analysis, the mission introduced Japan to a view, which stimulated an awakening of self, as well as a new rational or scientific reasoning and a positive or critical spirit. In other words, Ebisawa gave Christianity credit for spiritually accelerating the devel- opment of Japan’s national identity. Also, the qualification for being a Christian in Japan, he claims, consisted simply in recognising the person of God and claiming to deny conventional beliefs, for the Jesuits were linguistically incapable of making their congregation understand fully the true faith. One basis for his assertion lay in the Jesuit publications of

27 Okada Akio, Nanban shûzokukô (Tokyo: Tajin shokan, 1942). His main articles are compiled into Okada Akio chosakushû (ed. Kodama Kôta, 6 vols., Tokyo: Shibun kaku, 1983–84). 28 Ebisawa Arimichi, Nippon kirishitanshi (Tokyo: Hanawa shobô, 1966); and Kiri- shitan no dan’atsu to teikô (Tokyo: Yûzan kaku, 1981). 28 chapter one review of literature on the jesuit missions 29

Sources, the University of Tokyo. While consulting the Jesuit documents, Japanese-language catechisms and the doctrine books, which were full of he was one of those rare individuals who were not governed by them. confusing Buddhist and Confucian terms.29 With no apparent appraisal of the missionary efforts, he attempted to After Ebisawa, one discerns two major trends in the Japanese perspec- grasp the meaning of the missions and foreign intercourse in the light tives on the missions. The first is to view the history of the evangelistic of Japanese society. His interest grew to include the western influence activity from the standpoint of its growing conflict with conservative on life in Japan and the problems of cultural importation faced by the autochthonous institutions. Within the context of Japanese politics, this Christian converts. According to Okada, the Jesuit mission caused two school, whose members include Murai Sanae (1946–), Shimizu Hirokazu social frictions: first a conflict between non-Christian feudal lords and (1942–) and Gonoi Takashi (1941–), discussed how missionaries were the Christian God as the target for loyalty; and then withdrawal from expelled and Christians were suppressed by the growing power of the social activities, many of them associated with traditional autochthonous central rulers.30 Shimizu Hirokazu, for instance, focussed on the reaction customs, which the missionaries considered pagan. He affirmed that of the Toyotomi and Tokugawa against the European enterprise most proselytes simply replaced Japanese objects of worship with the in Japan. His history of Christian proscription31 investigates the mis- Christian God while retaining the conventional framework of Japanese sion from a strictly Japanese standpoint, employing domestic sources spiritual customs.27 and printed foreign documents in order to examine the cause behind In contrast to Okada’s thematic writings, Ebisawa Arimichi made the Japanese authorities’ decision to prohibit Christianity and to expel more extensive analyses. He regarded the Japanese church as a com- European missionaries. His focus is on the domestic political powers munity of both missionaries and numerous converts rather than as the rather than on the mission itself. Based on his premise that Christianity mere organisation of European priests. From his strict Protestant stand- was destined to be expelled from the country, he attempted to find all point, the conflict was between feudal authorities and Christian com- possible reasons for this within national policies. munities, and not simply political tension between the top rulers and The second school of writers, which discussed the mission from the the missionaries.28 viewpoint of European colonisation, includes Takase Kôichirô (1936–), In Ebisawa’s Japanese history of Christians, the Christian mission Neil S. Fujita (1934–) and Takahashi Hirofumi (1960–).32 While Shimizu had two special meanings apart from its attempt to Christianise pagans. emphasised internal political attitudes, Takase Kôichirô, in his study According to this analysis, the mission introduced Japan to a new world of the Japanese Christian century, examined the Jesuit mission in the view, which stimulated an awakening of self, as well as a new rational light of the international relationships involving Iberians and Japanese. or scientific reasoning and a positive or critical spirit. In other words, Working on a global scale that emphasised Japan’s conflict with Iberian Ebisawa gave Christianity credit for spiritually accelerating the devel- colonies in the Pacific Ocean, he examined the secular activities of the opment of Japan’s national identity. Also, the qualification for being a Society of Jesus, including finance, trade and military affairs. The Jesu- Christian in Japan, he claims, consisted simply in recognising the person its, in his opinion, were also merchants and potent military invaders. of God and claiming to deny conventional beliefs, for the Jesuits were The mission was not only excluded by the political power but italso linguistically incapable of making their congregation understand fully the true faith. One basis for his assertion lay in the Jesuit publications of 29 Ebisawa, Nippon kirishitanshi, 23–37 & 92–119. 30 Murai Sanae, Bakuhan taisei to kirishitan kinsei (Tokyo: Bunken shuppan, 1987); Murai, Kirishitan kinsei to minshû no shûkyô (Tokyo: Yamakawa shuppan-sha, 2002); Gonoi Takashi, Nippon kirisutokyôshi (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kôbunkan, 1990); Gonoi, Tokugawa shoki kirishitan kenkyû (1983, rev ed. Tokyo: Yoshikawa kôbunkan, 1992); and Shimizu Hirokazu, Kirishitan kinseishi (Tokyo: Kyôikusha, 1981); Shimizu, Shokuhô 27 Okada Akio, Nanban shûzokukô (Tokyo: Tajin shokan, 1942). His main articles seiken to kirishitan (Tokyo: Iwata shoin, 2001). are compiled into Okada Akio chosakushû (ed. Kodama Kôta, 6 vols., Tokyo: Shibun 31 Shimizu, Kirishitan kinseishi (1981). kaku, 1983–84). 32 Takase Kôichirô, Kirishitan jidai no kenkyû (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1977); Neil 28 Ebisawa Arimichi, Nippon kirishitanshi (Tokyo: Hanawa shobô, 1966); and Kiri- S. Fujita, Japan’s Encounter with Christianity (Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 1991); and shitan no dan’atsu to teikô (Tokyo: Yûzan kaku, 1981). Takahashi Hirofumi, Iezusukai-no sekai senryaku (Tokyo: Kôdansha, 2006). 30 chapter one destroyed itself when priests became too absorbed in secular concerns. He maintains that the Iberian trade and the Jesuit mission ultimately shared the same fate, since the priests were involved both officially and privately in commerce. Neil S. Fujita’s Japan’s Encounter with Christianity, published in 1991, is an introductory monograph for non-academic readers and contains few source citations. He synthesised previous interpretations, using both European and Japanese sources in order to produce a more plausible perspective on the mission than earlier writers had done. Although his emphasis was on the Japanese religious mentality, he also focussed on how the Christian mission had failed in Japan despite its initial success. He also pointed to the cultural, ethnological and psychological factors of the Japanese people, concluding that the pre-modern Japanese spiritual tradition was alien to the Christian mentality with God at its heart. A more recent approach among this second trend can be found in Takahashi Hironobu’s Iezusukai-no sekai senryaku (2006). Although this title meant the global strategy of the Society of Jesus, the monograph was on the growth of the Portuguese Jesuit mission to India and Japan, under the leadership of Father Valignano during the fourth quarter of the sixteenth century. By illustrating the development of the Society’s military characteristics, Takahashi discussed that the Jesuit priests con- ceived Japan to be an object for Portuguese military invasion just as ear- nestly as to be a new evangelistic field. This perspective is worthwhile, since Takahashi’s argument was not so much based on a Japan-centred framework as based on a more extensive framework of the Portuguese Jesuit mission, which began in Europe and expanded to Japan. Not surprisingly western and Japanese academics have almost always differed in their interpretations. Western historians endeav- oured to define the story of the missions in the context of the Japanese church, which negotiated with the Japanese authorities. Western his- torians have measured missionary success in terms of the number of converts. They have also tried to find the causes of religious oppres- sion in the various motives of rulers. On the other hand, Japanese historians have generally tried to seek meaning, for Japanese society, in missionary activities. Even those who dealt with missionary accom- plishments were more interested in cultural influence on a traditional society than in the number of converts. When they examined the rea- for official persecution, they attempted to grasp the overall politi- cal and economic intentions of successive rulers rather than to analyse each daimyô’s actions. One could therefore say that the study of the 30 chapter one review of literature on the jesuit missions 31 destroyed itself when priests became too absorbed in secular concerns. Jesuit missions finally found a place in Japanese history when Japanese He maintains that the Iberian trade and the Jesuit mission ultimately historians clarified the meanings of the missionary enterprise for the shared the same fate, since the priests were involved both officially and nation. privately in commerce. Neil S. Fujita’s Japan’s Encounter with Christianity, published in 1991, B. Historiography of the Jesuit Mission to New France is an introductory monograph for non-academic readers and contains few source citations. He synthesised previous interpretations, using both The historiography of the Jesuit missionary work inNew France can European and Japanese sources in order to produce a more plausible be divided into six main categories. In the first category is one study, perspective on the mission than earlier writers had done. Although his published in France in the eighteenth century. The second and third emphasis was on the Japanese religious mentality, he also focussed on groups include French- and English-language histories in the nine- how the Christian mission had failed in Japan despite its initial success. teenth and early twentieth centuries. In the fourth and fifth categories, He also pointed to the cultural, ethnological and psychological factors of one finds secular scholarship and ecclesiastical accounts, from the ear- the Japanese people, concluding that the pre-modern Japanese spiritual lier twentieth century to the present. tradition was alien to the Christian mentality with God at its heart. A more recent approach among this second trend can be found in 1. The Eighteenth Century Takahashi Hironobu’s Iezusukai-no sekai senryaku (2006). Although this title meant the global strategy of the Society of Jesus, the monograph In the first category is a history of the early Jesuit mission inNew was on the growth of the Portuguese Jesuit mission to India and Japan, France that is based on the documents written by explorers and mis- under the leadership of Father Valignano during the fourth quarter of sionaries in the seventeenth century. The author of this history of New the sixteenth century. By illustrating the development of the Society’s France was Pierre-François-Xavier de Charlevoix, SJ (1682–1761), military characteristics, Takahashi discussed that the Jesuit priests con- who moved beyond mere documentation of the Jesuits into analyti- ceived Japan to be an object for Portuguese military invasion just as ear- cal narrative, and thus his history, published in 1744, remains useful nestly as to be a new evangelistic field. This perspective is worthwhile, today. Charlevoix was admired by later historians for sound source- since Takahashi’s argument was not so much based on a Japan-centred based descriptions covering global aspects of French colonial history framework as based on a more extensive framework of the Portuguese from the discovery and exploration in the early sixteenth-century to Jesuit mission, which began in Europe and expanded to Japan. the colonial rivalries of the early and mid-eighteenth century.33 Not surprisingly western and Japanese academics have almost As for his accounts of the Jesuit mission, however, his writing is always differed in their interpretations. Western historians endeav- primarily a summary of the evolution of ecclesiastical institutions and oured to define the story of the missions in the context of the Japanese practices. Throughout his accounts of the period from the through church, which negotiated with the Japanese authorities. Western his- the 1650s, Charlevoix kept close track of missionary among torians have measured missionary success in terms of the number of the Huron and neighbouring tribes. He applauded both the efforts of converts. They have also tried to find the causes of religious oppres- missionaries and the strong faith of native converts. Every incident sion in the various motives of rulers. On the other hand, Japanese that happened in the Huron missions was interpreted as helpful to the historians have generally tried to seek meaning, for Japanese society, growth of Christianity in New France. From the standpoint of the ben- in missionary activities. Even those who dealt with missionary accom- efits of French colonisation, he made an important contrast between the plishments were more interested in cultural influence on a traditional society than in the number of converts. When they examined the rea- sons for official persecution, they attempted to grasp the overall politi- 33 Pierre-Francois-Xavier de Charlevoix, SJ, Histoire et description générale de cal and economic intentions of successive rulers rather than to analyse la Nouvelle France, avec Le journal historique d’un voyage fait par ordre du roi dans each daimyô’s actions. One could therefore say that the study of the l’Amérique septentrionale (3 vols., Paris: Didot, 1744). 32 chapter one virtuous Hurons, allied with the French, and the vicious , who attacked the French colonies. This dualistic perspective on the native North American peoples was picked up and perpetuated by nineteenth- century historians.

2. French-language Histories in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries The second and third historiographical categories include studies of New France during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries pub- lished in France or in North America. These works were written by a wide assortment of authors, including secular , Jesuits and other priests, as well as anglophone North Americans. In the French-language, to begin with, the influential writers included François-Xavier Garneau (1809–66), Benjamin Sulte (1841–1923), Jean-Baptiste-Antoine Ferland (1805–65), Étienne-Michel Faillon (ca.1799–1870) and Camille de Rochemonteix (1834–1923). François-Xavier Garneau, born in (now part of Quebec), was a French-Canadian nationalist. His Histoire du Canada depuis sa découverte jusqu’à nos jours was first published in 1845.34 In it, he argued that the Jesuit missions had retarded the development of the and nineteenth-century liberalism. His anti-clerical attitude provoked pro- clerical reproaches from conservative francophone readers. Although he regarded Charlevoix as the best early historian of Canada because of his exact and minute descriptions as well as his simple and natural style, he considered Charlevoix’s ecclesiastical view of the colony outdated and irrelevant for contemporary readers living under British rule. Garneau dismissed missionary enterprises and experiences. He also neglected the native population, to whom the Jesuits had preached.35 Another secular francophone author was Benjamin Sulte, whose extensive publications included his Histoire des Canadiens-français,

34 Garneau, Histoire du Canada depuis sa découverte jusqu’à nos jours (1845, 4e éd., 4 tomes., Montréal: Beauchemin & Valois, 1882). The first edition of 1845 in three volumes was enlarged to four volumes as the second edition in 1852. The third edition was published finally as a complete set in 1859, and was further enlarged as the fourth edition in 1882. An English edition is available as , from the Time of Its Discovery till the Union Year 1840–41 (trans. of rev. 1859 ed. by Andrew Bell, 2 vols., Montréal: John Lovell, 1862). 35 Garneau, History of Canada, vol. I, xx–xxi; Histoire du Canada, vol. I, vi–viii. 32 chapter one review of literature on the jesuit missions 33 virtuous Hurons, allied with the French, and the vicious Iroquois, who 1608–1880.36 In recounting events in seventeenth-century Canada, Sulte attacked the French colonies. This dualistic perspective on the native often referred to Jesuit missionaries critically, mainly through the eyes North American peoples was picked up and perpetuated by nineteenth- of French colonists in North America. His condemnation of the Jesuits century historians. was demonstrated by his criticism of The Jesuit Relations, in which the missionaries were absorbed in their Christianising activity. Nor was Sulte 2. French-language Histories in the Nineteenth and Early sympathetic to the Huron nation. Like Garneau, he described what Jesuits Twentieth Centuries and native converts had done against the French settlers. In his opinion, the Jesuits could be appreciated only for their valiant, but impossible The second and third historiographical categories include studies of and ineffective, mission to the native population which would have been New France during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries pub- better off if it had become acquainted with the true Christian God. lished in France or in North America. These works were written by By contrast, clerical historians admired and emulated Charlevoix’s a wide assortment of authors, including secular French Canadians, pro-Jesuit point of view. Jean-Baptiste-Antoine Ferland, a Roman Catho- Jesuits and other priests, as well as anglophone North Americans. In lic in Quebec, interpreted Jesuit activity as one of the grand suc- the French-language, to begin with, the influential writers included cesses of the French colony. Jesuit missionaries were colonial heroes. To François-Xavier Garneau (1809–66), Benjamin Sulte (1841–1923), explain the failure of the mission and the dispersal of the Hurons, Fer- Jean-Baptiste-Antoine Ferland (1805–65), Étienne-Michel Faillon land resorted to a seventeenth-century Jesuit convention, which inter- (ca.1799–1870) and Camille de Rochemonteix (1834–1923). preted the failure and dispersal as a divine sign that God was displeased François-Xavier Garneau, born in Lower Canada (now part of Quebec), with the insufficient outcome. In other words, God permitted the Huron was a French-Canadian nationalist. His Histoire du Canada depuis sa people to join the Christians, and then He decided to abandon these découverte jusqu’à nos jours was first published in 1845.34 In it, he argued objects of conversion, despite a Jesuit victory over the Hurons.37 that the Jesuit missions had retarded the development of the colony and Along the same line, Étienne-Michel Faillon and Camille de nineteenth-century liberalism. His anti-clerical attitude provoked pro- Rochemonteix, SJ, both writing in France, dealt with the missions in clerical reproaches from conservative francophone readers. Although he terms of the efforts of the French to convert the Huron and other native regarded Charlevoix as the best early historian of Canada because of his peoples. These two historians’ interest in the Hurons consisted onlyin exact and minute descriptions as well as his simple and natural style, he showing how the Amerindians were different from Christians and how considered Charlevoix’s ecclesiastical view of the colony outdated and they could have been converted to lead a Christian life. These authors irrelevant for contemporary readers living under British rule. Garneau found it unnecessary to make references to native cultural aspects, such dismissed missionary enterprises and experiences. He also neglected the as social structures and dietary habits, which had little to do with Chris- native population, to whom the Jesuits had preached.35 tianisation. Rochemonteix’s monograph especially turned out to be no Another secular francophone author was Benjamin Sulte, whose more than an heroic collective biography of missionaries and a chronol- extensive publications included his Histoire des Canadiens-français, ogy of the mission.38

36 Benjamin Sulte, Histoire des Canadiens-français, 1608–1880 (8 vols., Montréal: 34 Garneau, Histoire du Canada depuis sa découverte jusqu’à nos jours (1845, 4e éd., Wilson, 1882–84). Two other examples of his works are Histoire de la ville des Trois- 4 tomes., Montréal: Beauchemin & Valois, 1882). The first edition of 1845 in three Rivières et de ses environs (Montréal: Eusèbe Sénécal, 1870); and La guerre des Iroquois, volumes was enlarged to four volumes as the second edition in 1852. The third edition 1600–1653 (Ottawa: J. Durie; Toronto: Copp Clark, 1897). was published finally as a complete set in 1859, and was further enlarged as the fourth 37 Jean-Baptiste Ferland, Cours d’histoire du Canada (2 tomes., Québec: Augustine edition in 1882. An English edition is available as History of Canada, from the Time of Côté, 1861–65). Its Discovery till the Union Year 1840–41 (trans. of rev. 1859 ed. by Andrew Bell, 2 vols., 38 Étienne-Michel Faillon, Histoire de la colonie français en Canada (3 tomes, Ville- Montréal: John Lovell, 1862). marie: Bibliothèque Paroissiale, 1865–66); and Camille de Rochemonteix, SJ, Les Jesuites 35 Garneau, History of Canada, vol. I, xx–xxi; Histoire du Canada, vol. I, vi–viii. de la Nouvelle-France aux 17me siècle (3 tomes, Paris: Letouzey et Ané, 1895–96). 34 chapter one

3. English-language Histories in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries While French-language scholars of the Jesuit mission in Canada were at the forefront, there were several English-speaking historians, who form the third category. Among these historians are William Smith (1769– 1847), John Mercier McMullen (1820–1907), Francis Parkman (1823– 93) and Thomas J. Campbell (1848–1925). Smith and McMullen should be noted for their ignorance of the Jesuit mission. In writing about the same seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Canada that French-language contemporaries dealt with, Smith totally omitted the Jesuit missionary activity from his account. Born in New York and educated in , Smith was an Anglo-Saxon bureaucrat in Lower Canada, home of the majority of French Canadians. For Smith to keep the peace and to main- tain his position as a career civil servant, it was no doubt wise to omit any negative comments on the Jesuits in Lower Canada, lest he should incur the wrath of the overwhelming francophone majority.39 Similar omissions can be found in the general history of John M. McMullen, an Irish Canadian in Canada West, now part of . As in the monograph by Smith, the seventeenth-century under the Jesuit leadership was outside McMullen’s academic concerns. Thus, he merely touched on the mission and native peoples in one short passage. In his Anglo-centric version of Canadian history, Canada had progressed by turning its back on fierce native populations to welcome Anglo-Saxon immigrants, who became his main focus.40 On the other hand, although he was an Anglophone Protestant, the American historian Francis Parkman treated the Jesuit mission as the central subject of study in his classic The Jesuits in North America in the Seventeenth Century.41 There are two significant points in Parkman’s

39 William Smith, History of Canada; from Its First Discovery till the Year 1791 (2 vols. Québec: John Neilson, 1815). The first volume has the titleHistory of Canada; from Its First Discovery till the Peace of 1763, but it is altered as above in the second volume. His work did not appear in print immediately and became available as late as 1826. For Smith’s socially complicated situation, see J. M. Bumsted, ‘William Smith Jr. and The History of Canada’, in Lawrence H. Leder (ed.), Loyalist Historians, Vol. I of Colonial Legacy (New York: Harper & Row, 1971), 182–201; and Bumsted, ‘William Smith’, Vol. VII of Dictionary of Canadian Biography (1988), 816–19. 40 John M’Mullen [McMullen], The History of Canada from Its First Discovery to the Present (Brockville, C. W.: J. M’Mullen [McMullen], 1855), pp. xiv & 31. The book was revised and enlarged in 1867 and 1892. 41 Francis Parkman, The Jesuits in North America in the Seventeenth Century (1867, Williamstown, : Corner House, 1980). 34 chapter one review of literature on the jesuit missions 35

3. English-language Histories in the Nineteenth and Early work of 1867. First, it is a pioneer English-language study of Jesuit influ- Twentieth Centuries ence among native peoples. Second, he was also the first historian to use a biographical approach to the French missions. This biographical While French-language scholars of the Jesuit mission in Canada were at style would be followed by his contemporary Jesuit historians, such as the forefront, there were several English-speaking historians, who form Rochemonteix in France and Campbell in the United States. the third category. Among these historians are William Smith (1769– Parkman discussed the Jesuit mission through the biographies of 1847), John Mercier McMullen (1820–1907), Francis Parkman (1823– Jesuit priests, who became his protagonists. His focus was on the mis- 93) and Thomas J. Campbell (1848–1925). Smith and McMullen should sionary undertakings among the Huron and other native peoples until be noted for their ignorance of the Jesuit mission. In writing about the the dispersion of the Huron nation in 1649. He applauded the Jesuits for same seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Canada that French-language their achievements among native people, and praised the native converts contemporaries dealt with, Smith totally omitted the Jesuit missionary in terms of both their number and spirituality. At the same time, he activity from his account. Born in New York and educated in England, did not agree with the Jesuits’ view of life, which was totally dominated Smith was an Anglo-Saxon bureaucrat in Lower Canada, home of the by God. Instead, he criticised them from the perspective of Unitarian majority of French Canadians. For Smith to keep the peace and to main- humanism. This critical attitude could be explained by his background. tain his position as a career civil servant, it was no doubt wise to omit any He was an American, with little connection to Canadian society. Nor was negative comments on the Jesuits in Lower Canada, lest he should incur he a priest. It was only his academic interest in colonial North America the wrath of the overwhelming francophone majority.39 that connected him with New France. Similar omissions can be found in the general history of John M. Towards the end of the nineteenth century there was a dramatic change McMullen, an Irish Canadian in Canada West, now part of Ontario. As in research on the Jesuit mission. From 1896 to 1901, thirty years after in the monograph by Smith, the seventeenth-century under the Jesuit Parkman, the English translation of the Jesuit missionary correspon- leadership was outside McMullen’s academic concerns. Thus, he merely dence was produced by Reuben Gold Thwaites, with the help of others.42 touched on the mission and native peoples in one short passage. In his Consequently English-speaking historians such as Thomas J. Campbell, Anglo-centric version of Canadian history, Canada had progressed by SJ (1848–1925), had easy access to the Jesuit correspondence. turning its back on fierce native populations to welcome Anglo-Saxon Campbell published Pioneer Priests of North America, 1642–1710 in immigrants, who became his main focus.40 1908 and The Jesuits, 1534–1921 in 1921.43 His approach in the first On the other hand, although he was an Anglophone Protestant, the book is a hybrid blend of secular American historians such as Parkman American historian Francis Parkman treated the Jesuit mission as the and the ecclesiastical work of priests like Ferland or Rochemonteix. central subject of study in his classic The Jesuits in North America in Campbell’s publication is a collective biography of the North American the Seventeenth Century.41 There are two significant points in Parkman’s Jesuit missionaries among the Amerindians who lived in the Valley of the Saint Lawrence. Missionary activity was reconstructed by tracing the 39 William Smith, History of Canada; from Its First Discovery till the Year 1791 (2 vols. Québec: John Neilson, 1815). The first volume has the titleHistory of Canada; from Its First Discovery till the Peace of 1763, but it is altered as above in the second volume. 42 Reuben Gold Thwaites et al (eds.), The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents: His work did not appear in print immediately and became available as late as 1826. For Travels and Explorations of the Jesuit Missionaries in New France, 1610–1791 (73 vols., Smith’s socially complicated situation, see J. M. Bumsted, ‘William Smith Jr. and The Cleveland: Burrows Brothers, 1896–1901). History of Canada’, in Lawrence H. Leder (ed.), Loyalist Historians, Vol. I of Colonial 43 Thomas J. Campbell, Pioneer Priests of North America, 1642–1710 (3 vols. New Legacy (New York: Harper & Row, 1971), 182–201; and Bumsted, ‘William Smith’, York: The America Press, 1908–1911), whose sequel isPioneer Laymen of North Amer- Vol. VII of Dictionary of Canadian Biography (1988), 816–19. ica (New York: The American Press, 1915). As a Jesuit, Campbell’s continuing interest 40 John M’Mullen [McMullen], The History of Canada from Its First Discovery to the in Jesuit missionary activities produced the following books: Out of the Grave: The Dis- Present (Brockville, C. W.: J. M’Mullen [McMullen], 1855), pp. xiv & 31. The book was covery of Fort St. Charles in 1908 (St. Boniface, , 1915); The Jesuits, 1534–1921: revised and enlarged in 1867 and 1892. A History of the Society of Jesus from Its Foundation to the Present Time (New York: 41 Francis Parkman, The Jesuits in North America in the Seventeenth Century (1867, The Encyclopedia Press, 1921); and The Martyrs of the Mohawk (Apostleship of Prayer, Williamstown, Massachusetts: Corner House, 1980). 1926). 36 chapter one efforts of the Jesuit fathers. Campbell used the contents of the missionary reports relatively faithfully and uncritically, exercising judgement only in determining which part of the reports to select in order to narrate the story. His work, unlike Parkman’s, represents almost no change from seventeenth-century Jesuit documents in the interpretation of either Amerindians or mission. The other monograph by Campbell is a general history of the Soci- ety of Jesus. It deals briefly with both missions, in New France and in Japan, along with other missions throughout the world. Nevertheless, he deals with the two missions in separate chapters as if they were unrelated with each other.

4. Secular Scholarship in the Twentieth Century After the first quarter of the twentieth century, the historical study of the earlier French mission experienced a turning point. In the 1920s, archaeologists and anthropologists undertook research on the historic native peoples. The indigenous peoples along the Saint Lawrence became the subjects of academic investigation and, gradually, an attempt was made to overcome embedded national or religious biases that had been a characteristic of many previous histories of the Jesuit mission. Among the archaeological researchers were R. B. Orr, T. F. McIlwraith, R. E. Popham, Wilfrid Jury, Elsie McLeod Jury, J. N. Emerson and Martha A. Latta. As early as 1922, Orr began to research the Hurons. McIlwraith’s archaeological team pursued a survey of Huron country in the early 1940s. In 1950, Popham endeavoured to identify the his- torical of the Huron nation. The former Jesuit mission sites of Sainte-Marie and Saint-Louis were investigated by Kenneth E. Kidd in the 1940s and by Wilfrid Jury and Elsie McLeod Jury in the 1950s. In the 1960s, Emerson surveyed the historic Huron site of Cahiagué. In the 1980s, Latta endeavoured to identify the Jesuit mission sites in eastern Huronia.44

44 R. B. Orr, ‘The Hurons’, 33rd Annual Archaeological Report 1921–22, Appendix to the Report of the Minister of Education, Ontario (Toronto, 1922): 9–23; T. F. McIlwraith et al., ‘Archaeological Work in Huronia’, The Canadian Historical Review 27 (1946): 394–401; R. E. Popham, ‘Late Huron Occupations of Ontario: An Archaeological Survey of Innisfil Township’, Ontario History 42 (1950): 81–90; Kenneth Earl Kidd, The Exca- vation of Sainte-Marie I (Toronto: Press, 1949); Wilfred Jury & Elsie McLeod Jury, Sainte-Marie among the Hurons (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1954) and Jury & Jury, Saint Louis: Huron Indian Village and Jesuit Mission Site, Uni- versity of Western Ontario, Museum of Indian Archaeology, Bulletin No. 10 (London, 36 chapter one review of literature on the jesuit missions 37 efforts of the Jesuit fathers. Campbell used the contents of the missionary Further work in anthropology and related fields was carried out reports relatively faithfully and uncritically, exercising judgement only in by Henry Morgan, Diamond Jenness, W. Vernon Kinietz, James V. determining which part of the reports to select in order to narrate the Wright, Elizabeth Tooker, Conrad E. Heidenreich, John Steckley and story. His work, unlike Parkman’s, represents almost no change from Marguerite Tehariolina Vincent. Although Morgan’s anthropological seventeenth-century Jesuit documents in the interpretation of either classic on the Iroquois, published first in the mid-nineteenth century, Amerindians or mission. does not necessarily belong to this category, because the Iroquois The other monograph by Campbell is a general history of the Soci- nation was never part of the active Jesuit mission, the frequent reprints ety of Jesus. It deals briefly with both missions, in New France and in of his academic contribution repeatedly stimulated later anthropolo- Japan, along with other missions throughout the world. Nevertheless, gists of the twentieth century. Jenness studied the native groups of he deals with the two missions in separate chapters as if they were Canada, and in 1932 published a general guidebook. In 1940, Kinietz unrelated with each other. focussed on the Huron and Algonquian groups along the and attempted to explain their culture. In 1955, Wright collected the 4. Secular Scholarship in the Twentieth Century research data of the Iroquoian tribes of the part of New France that is part of today’s Ontario, and discussed their cultural development. After the first quarter of the twentieth century, the historical study of In 1964, Tooker consulted the accounts of de Champlain, the earlier French mission experienced a turning point. In the 1920s, founder of New France in the early seventeenth century, as well as archaeologists and anthropologists undertook research on the historic accounts of missionaries, in order to create Huron ethnography. In native peoples. The indigenous peoples along the Saint Lawrence became the 1960s and 1970s, Heidenreich discussed the the subjects of academic investigation and, gradually, an attempt was of the Huron country as well as the cultural interaction through trade. made to overcome embedded national or religious biases that had been In 1982, Steckley re-examined Tooker’s article of 1970, on the socio- a characteristic of many previous histories of the Jesuit mission. political organisation of Huron clans. Finally, in 1984, Vincent pub- Among the archaeological researchers were R. B. Orr, T. F. McIlwraith, lished a synthesis of ethnographic works and available historical data R. E. Popham, Wilfrid Jury, Elsie McLeod Jury, J. N. Emerson and of the Huron nation.45 Martha A. Latta. As early as 1922, Orr began to research the Hurons. McIlwraith’s archaeological team pursued a survey of Huron country in the early 1940s. In 1950, Popham endeavoured to identify the his- Ontario, 1955); J. N. Emerson, ‘Cahiagué 1961’, Ontario History 54 (1962): 136–37; and torical geography of the Huron nation. The former Jesuit mission sites Martha A. Latta, ‘Identification of the seventeenth century French Missions in Eastern of Sainte-Marie and Saint-Louis were investigated by Kenneth E. Kidd Huronia’, Journal of Canadian Archaeology 9 (1985): 147–71. in the 1940s and by Wilfrid Jury and Elsie McLeod Jury in the 1950s. 45 Henry Morgan, The League of the Ho-de’-no-sau-nee, Iroquois (Rochester: Sage & ; New York: Mark H. Newman; Boston: Gould & Lincoln, 1851), or The League In the 1960s, Emerson surveyed the historic Huron site of Cahiagué. of the Iroquois (1851, reissue ed., A Citadel Press Book, New York: Carol Publishing In the 1980s, Latta endeavoured to identify the Jesuit mission sites in Group, 1993); Diamond Jenness, The Indians of Canada (Ottawa: National Museum of eastern Huronia.44 Canada, 1932); W. Vernon Kinietz, The Indians of the Western Great Lakes, 1615–1760 (Ann Arbor: U of P; Rexdale: John Wiley & Sons Canada, 1940); J. V. Wright, ‘The Middleport Horizon’, Anthropologica 2 (1960): 113–20; Wright, The Ontario Iro- quois Tradition National Museum of Canada Bulletin No. 210, Anthropological Series 44 R. B. Orr, ‘The Hurons’, 33rd Annual Archaeological Report 1921–22, Appendix to No. 75 (Ottawa, 1966); Elizabeth Tooker, An Ethnography of the Huron Indians, 1615– the Report of the Minister of Education, Ontario (Toronto, 1922): 9–23; T. F. McIlwraith 1649, Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 190 (Washington, D. C., 1964); Tooker, et al., ‘Archaeological Work in Huronia’, The Canadian Historical Review 27 (1946): ‘Northern Iroquoian Sociopolitical Organization’, American Anthropologist 72 (1970): 394–401; R. E. Popham, ‘Late Huron Occupations of Ontario: An Archaeological Survey 90–97; Conrad E. Heidenreich, ‘Indian Occupance of Huronia, 1600–1650’, in Canada’s of Innisfil Township’, Ontario History 42 (1950): 81–90; Kenneth Earl Kidd, The Exca- Changing Geography (ed. R. Louis Gentilcore, Scarborough: Prentice-Hall of Canada, vation of Sainte-Marie I (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1949); Wilfred Jury & 1967); Heidenreich, Huronia: A History and Geography of the Huron Indians, 1600–1650 Elsie McLeod Jury, Sainte-Marie among the Hurons (Toronto: Oxford University Press, (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1971); Conrad E. Heidenreich & Arthur J. Ray, The 1954) and Jury & Jury, Saint Louis: Huron Indian Village and Jesuit Mission Site, Uni- Early Fur Trades: A Study in Cultural Interaction (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, versity of Western Ontario, Museum of Indian Archaeology, Bulletin No. 10 (London, 1976); John Steckley, ‘The Clans and Phratries of the Huron’, Ontario Archaeology 37 38 chapter one

The above studies developed in parallel with historical works about seventeenth-century Canada. In addition to works of francophone historians, more and more English-speaking scholars in the fourth historiographical category produced works related to the Jesuit mis- sions. This group included Alfred Goldsworthy Bailey (1905–1997), John Hopkins Kennedy, Cornelius J. Jaenen (1927–), Olive Patricia Dickason (1920–), Bruce G. Trigger (1937–) and John Webster Grant (1919–). French-language historians Marcel Trudel (1917–) and Lucien Campeau (1914–2003) should also be noted as representing the fifth category. The subject of cultural exchange between the French and Amerindians was first introduced by Alfred Goldsworthy Bailey, whose work wasa turning point in the historical study of the native Canadian people. The Conflict of European and Eastern Algonkian Cultures, 1504–1700, Bailey’s excellent monograph, was published in just prior to the Second World War, and after the War it gradually attracted the attention of North American academic readers. His discussion of the is noteworthy as it sets up for the first time an inter- cultural theme of the native responses to the European colonisation of Canada.46 During the years before Bailey’s publication was properly appre- ciated, John Hopkins Kennedy, an American historian, produced a more conventional study entitled Jesuit and Savage in New France.47 Kennedy investigated the development of the methods or stages by which the French gradually came to view the Amerindians. Above all, he argued about the French missions in the seventeenth century, all from the point of view of his own period. Rather than discuss- ing the native peoples, he focussed on the images of the indigenous

(1982): 29–34; and Marguerite Tehariolina Vincent, La nation huronne: histoire, sa culture, son esprit (avec la collaboration de Pierre H. Savignac, Québec: Éditions du Pelican, 1984). 46 Alfred Goldsworthy Bailey, The Conflict of European and Eastern Algonkian Cul- tures, 1504–1700: A Study in Canadian Civilization (1st ed., Saint John: New Brunswick Museum, 1937; 2nd ed., Toronto & Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1969). Because of the limitation of funds, the concluding chapter was published separately, in Bailey, ‘Social Revolution in Early ’, The Canadian Historical Review 19 (1938): 264–76. Other relevant articles include ‘The Significance of the Identity and Disappear- ance of Laurentian Iroquois’, Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 3rd series, section II, 28 (1933): 97–108; and ‘Social Revolution in Early Eastern Canada’, The Canadian Historical Review 19 (1938): 264–76. 47 John Hopkins Kennedy, Jesuit and Savage in New France (New Haven: Yale Uni- versity Press, 1950). 38 chapter one review of literature on the jesuit missions 39

The above studies developed in parallel with historical works about people established through the eyes of those who grew up in European seventeenth-century Canada. In addition to works of francophone culture. Although his conclusions are not always new, at least he historians, more and more English-speaking scholars in the fourth successfully illustrated seventeenth-century missionary views of native historiographical category produced works related to the Jesuit mis- peoples. He argued that such notions themselves weakened the evan- sions. This group included Alfred Goldsworthy Bailey (1905–1997), gelistic enterprise in the end. Although his study was squarely in the John Hopkins Kennedy, Cornelius J. Jaenen (1927–), Olive Patricia Eurocentric tradition, it did advance beyond the ethnocentrism of Dickason (1920–), Bruce G. Trigger (1937–) and John Webster Grant the previous centuries. He saw the misinterpretations of the French, (1919–). French-language historians Marcel Trudel (1917–) and Lucien whereas previous historians, or many of them, had worked within Campeau (1914–2003) should also be noted as representing the fifth those preconceptions. category. During the twentieth century, the archaeological and anthropological The subject of cultural exchange between the French and Amerindians study of Amerindians in the Saint Lawrence region was firmly estab- was first introduced by Alfred Goldsworthy Bailey, whose work wasa lished. After Kennedy came Marcel Trudel, who produced abundant turning point in the historical study of the native Canadian people. The works on the colonial period of Canada during his tenure at Laval Uni- Conflict of European and Eastern Algonkian Cultures, 1504–1700, Bailey’s versity, in 1947–1965, and later at the University of Ottawa. Histoire de excellent monograph, was published in New Brunswick just prior to la Nouvelle-France, his masterpiece, based on accumulated research over the Second World War, and after the War it gradually attracted the forty years, is an attempt at an historical synthesis of the development of attention of North American academic readers. His discussion of the the French colony in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.48 Algonquian peoples is noteworthy as it sets up for the first time an inter- Although he focussed on French-language Quebec, as had Garneau, cultural theme of the native responses to the European colonisation of Ferland and Sulte, Trudel was at least free from ecclesiastical or national- Canada.46 ist views. He never criticised the Jesuit mission in terms of its influence During the years before Bailey’s publication was properly appre- upon the New France church or the francophone population. Instead, the ciated, John Hopkins Kennedy, an American historian, produced a missionary activity is discussed in terms of the failure of the Europeans more conventional study entitled Jesuit and Savage in New France.47 to dominate the native population. In this light, Trudel evaluated the his- Kennedy investigated the development of the methods or stages by torical Jesuit mission in terms of how poorly it helped to develop French which the French gradually came to view the Amerindians. Above settlement. He thus maintained only a negative perspective on the mis- all, he argued about the French missions in the seventeenth century, sionary activity in the Saint Lawrence region. all from the point of view of his own period. Rather than discuss- The interpretive focus on European colonisation, or what one ing the native peoples, he focussed on the images of the indigenous may today call Eurocentrism, began to be addressed in the work of Cornelius J. Jaenen, who dealt not only with the Amerindian-European relationship, as had Bailey, but also with native education and the 49 (1982): 29–34; and Marguerite Tehariolina Vincent, La nation huronne: Son histoire, Christian church in the colony. Among his publications, Friend and sa culture, son esprit (avec la collaboration de Pierre H. Savignac, Québec: Éditions du Pelican, 1984). 46 Alfred Goldsworthy Bailey, The Conflict of European and Eastern Algonkian Cul- tures, 1504–1700: A Study in Canadian Civilization (1st ed., Saint John: New Brunswick 48 Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle-France (3 tomes, Montréal & Paris: Les édi- Museum, 1937; 2nd ed., Toronto & Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1969). Because tions Fides, 1963–83). of the limitation of funds, the concluding chapter was published separately, in Bailey, 49 As to the relations between the French and the Amerindians, Jaenen wrote the fol- ‘Social Revolution in Early Eastern Canada’, The Canadian Historical Review 19 (1938): lowing: ‘Problems of Assimilation in New France, 1603–1645’, French Historical Studies 264–76. Other relevant articles include ‘The Significance of the Identity and Disappear- 4 (1966): 265–89; ‘The Meeting of the French and Amerindian in the Seventeenth ance of Laurentian Iroquois’, Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 3rd series, Century’, Revue de l’Université d’Ottawa 43 (1973): 128–44; ‘Amerindian Views of section II, 28 (1933): 97–108; and ‘Social Revolution in Early Eastern Canada’, The French Culture in the Seventeenth Century’, The Canadian Historical Review 55 (1974): Canadian Historical Review 19 (1938): 264–76. 261–91; The French Relationship with the Native Peoples of New France andAcadia 47 John Hopkins Kennedy, Jesuit and Savage in New France (New Haven: Yale Uni- (Ottawa: Canadian Government Publishing Centre, 1984); The Role of the Church in versity Press, 1950). New France (Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1976); ‘Education for Francisation: the 40 chapter one

Foe of 1976 examines the trend of European-dominated studies of Amerindian-European relations. Among Canadian historians, Bailey was the first to introduce the subject of European domination, but he had focussed solely on the Eastern Algonquian peoples. Other groups in the , including the Huron and Iroquois nations, were examined by Jaenen, who incorporated modern anthropology and Amerindian-centred study into his work. In this monograph, he emphasised the cultural gap between Europeans and Amerindians, a major contributing factor to the European misperception of the latter. He did not limit his analysis of the Jesuit mission to religious endea- vours. Instead, he stressed the cultural interaction between European immigrants and native peoples.50 Along the same line, Olive Patricia Dickason discussed French colo- nisation in terms of French images of the native peoples, as well as intercultural relations based on these images. As one of Jaenen’s stu- dents, Dickason denied the conventionally-assumed cultural dichot- omy in Canada between the ‘savage’ people without order and the civilised European with order, and instead sought another explanation for the Jesuits’ cultural approach to the native population. According to Dickason, the Jesuits intuitively rather than logically built a native Christian church without totally replacing the original culture with Christianity. Through their preaching and teaching about the Chris- tian God, the French missionaries separated their converts socially from traditional communities, thereby disorienting and disorganising native society. Dickason concluded that the Euro-Christian and Amer- indian cultures never became one, and thus native culture was never eradicated or even reformed by European cultures.51 Another revisionist was Bruce G. Trigger. Among his publications related to the Jesuit mission, three stand out. The first,The Huron: Farmers of the North, published in 1969, is an historical ethnography of the Huron

Case of New France in the Seventeenth Century’ in The Legacy, Vol. I of Indian Edu- cation in Canada (ed. Jean Barman, Yvonne Hébert & Don McCaskill, : University of Press, 1986). 50 Cornelius J. Jaenen, Friend and Foe: Aspects of the French-Amerindian Cultural contact in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976). 51 Olive P. Dickason, Myth of the Savage and the Beginnings of French Colonialism in the Americas (Edmonton: University of Press, 1984), 251–278. Dickason is also the author of Canada’s : A History of Founding Peoples from Earliest Times (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1992). 40 chapter one review of literature on the jesuit missions 41

Foe of 1976 examines the trend of European-dominated studies of people that deals with the way they interacted with nature, and with each Amerindian-European relations. Among Canadian historians, Bailey other in large social units. Trigger argued that in order to understand a was the first to introduce the subject of European domination, but he culture, one has to know how that culture developed. Seven years later, had focussed solely on the Eastern Algonquian peoples. Other groups in 1976, he completed The Children of Aataentsic, which was an attempt in the Great Lakes region, including the Huron and Iroquois nations, to cast aside the European-dominated trend of native historical study. were examined by Jaenen, who incorporated modern anthropology In addition, he attempted to understand Huron mentality by recreat- and Amerindian-centred study into his work. In this monograph, he ing pre-contact culture, then comparing it to the culture that developed emphasised the cultural gap between Europeans and Amerindians, a during European-Amerindian interactions. The historiographical signifi- major contributing factor to the European misperception of the latter. cance in these two publications is that he paid much more attention to He did not limit his analysis of the Jesuit mission to religious endea- the Huron nation than previous scholars had done, analysing not only vours. Instead, he stressed the cultural interaction between European the French-Amerindian relations but also Huron society itself. He con- immigrants and native peoples.50 sulted sources written by seventeenth-century French missionaries and Along the same line, Olive Patricia Dickason discussed French colo- explorers in order to gain a deeper understanding of native society. His nisation in terms of French images of the native peoples, as well as attempts were limited by the lack of sources on the native side, and thus intercultural relations based on these images. As one of Jaenen’s stu- he was often obliged to rely on archaeological studies with their necessar- dents, Dickason denied the conventionally-assumed cultural dichot- ily limited evidence. Trigger’s third influential monograph, Natives and omy in Canada between the ‘savage’ people without order and the Newcomers, was published in 1984. It examines the relations between civilised European with order, and instead sought another explanation French and Amerindians in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In for the Jesuits’ cultural approach to the native population. According this iconoclastic study, he went beyond explorers and priests as heroic to Dickason, the Jesuits intuitively rather than logically built a native figures during the two centuries of colonisation, paying equal attention Christian church without totally replacing the original culture with to traders and lay missionary assistants.52 Christianity. Through their preaching and teaching about the Chris- tian God, the French missionaries separated their converts socially 5. Ecclesiastical Contribution in the Twentieth Century from traditional communities, thereby disorienting and disorganising Another group, modern ecclesiastical historians, constitute the fifth native society. Dickason concluded that the Euro-Christian and Amer- category. They continued to discuss seventeenth-century Jesuit mis- indian cultures never became one, and thus native culture was never sions, seeking to reconcile their sympathy for missionary activity with eradicated or even reformed by European cultures.51 a recognition of its cultural biases. Such clerical historians include Another revisionist was Bruce G. Trigger. Among his publications John Webster Grant, a United Church clergyman in Ontario, and related to the Jesuit mission, three stand out. The first,The Huron: Farmers Lucien Campeau, SJ, in Quebec. In the Moon of Wintertime,53 Grant of the North, published in 1969, is an historical ethnography of the Huron described the encounter of European Christians with native people from the colonial period until the twentieth century. Unlike Dickason or Jaenen, Grant considered the Christian evangelisation as an Case of New France in the Seventeenth Century’ in The Legacy, Vol. I of Indian Edu- cation in Canada (ed. Jean Barman, Yvonne Hébert & Don McCaskill, Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1986). 50 Cornelius J. Jaenen, Friend and Foe: Aspects of the French-Amerindian Cultural 52 Bruce G. Trigger, The Huron: Farmers of the North (1st ed., New York: Holt, 1969; contact in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, rev. ed. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990); Trigger, Children of Aataentsic: A 1976). History of the Huron People to 1660 (Kingston & Montréal: McGill-Queen’s University 51 Olive P. Dickason, Myth of the Savage and the Beginnings of French Colonialism in Press, 1976); and Trigger, Natives and Newcomers: Canada’s ‘‘Heroic Age’’ Reconsidered the Americas (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1984), 251–278. Dickason is also (Kingston & Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1985). the author of Canada’s First Nations: A History of Founding Peoples from Earliest Times 53 John Webster Grant, Moon of Wintertime: Missionaries and the Indians of Canada (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1992). in Encounter since 1534 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984). 42 chapter one enterprise to impose Christian beliefs and values on indigenous people without appreciating their culture. Thus, Grant’s conclusions are simi- lar to Parkman’s, though unlike the American historian, Grant insisted that the mission had a limited effect upon native socio-economic pat- terns. Like Parkman, Grant evaluated the fervour and commitment of native converts, and concluded that they merely changed their eco- nomic or social behaviour without assimilating Christian values. Unlike Grant’s general ecclesiastical history, Lucien Campeau’s histo- ries concentrate on the Jesuit mission itself. His thorough, source-based study has produced several monographs.54 In La mission des Jésuites chez les Hurons, 1634–1650, published in 1987, Campeau focussed on how the missionaries christened the Huron people. His aim in this monograph was to challenge Trigger’s thesis, in Children of Aataentsic, that the main reason for the political destruction of the Huron nation was the cultural shock caused by Jesuit contact. Although presenting few clear antitheses, Campeau implied that the militarily powerful Iro- quois, and not the Jesuits, were solely responsible for the destruction of the Huron confederacy. Also, like ecclesiastical historians of the previous centuries, Campeau celebrated Jesuit accomplishments in converting indigenous people to Christianity. What is different from his predecessors is that he did not describe missionaries as heroic, instead treating them collectively as an evangelistic corporation. A more significant contribution by Campeau is his compilation of Jesuit correspondence, entitled Monumenta Novae Franciae.55 Here, he brought to light handwritten letters that had been preserved in man- uscript form for more than three centuries at the Jesuit archives in Rome. Because he did not publish the with general read- ers in mind, all the letters were simply transcribed into print in their original languages. Without his editorial efforts, however, few students would have had access to Jesuit documents beyond Thwaite’s edition of The Jesuit Relations, published in 1896–1901.

54 Lucien Campeau, SJ, La première mission d’Acadie (1602–1616) (Roma: Monu- menta Historica S. I.; Québec: les Presses de l’Université Laval, 1968.); Campeau, La première mission des Jésuites en Nouvelle-France, 1611–1613 (Montréal: Bellarmin, 1972); and Campeau, La mission des Jésuites chez les Hurons, 1634–1650 (Vol. XLVI de Bibliotheca Instituti Historici S. I., Montréal: Bellarmin; Roma: Institutum Histori- cum S. I., 1987). 55 Lucien Campeau, SJ (ed.), Monumenta Novae Franciae (9 vols., Roma: Institu- tum Historicum Societas Iesu; & Montréal: Bellarmin; or Québec: l’Uviversité Laval, 1967–2003). 42 chapter one review of literature on the jesuit missions 43 enterprise to impose Christian beliefs and values on indigenous people 6. Recent Scholarship without appreciating their culture. Thus, Grant’s conclusions are simi- More recent, and perhaps too new to fully identify their historiograph- lar to Parkman’s, though unlike the American historian, Grant insisted ical significance, are the publications by Dominique Deslandres, Karen that the mission had a limited effect upon native socio-economic pat- Anderson, Carole Blackburn and Nicholas P. Cushner.56 In her Croire terns. Like Parkman, Grant evaluated the fervour and commitment of et faire croire of 2003, Deslandres dealt with the French missionary native converts, and concluded that they merely changed their eco- activity from a perspective different from the French colonialism of nomic or social behaviour without assimilating Christian values. North America. By focussing on the European origins of the evange- Unlike Grant’s general ecclesiastical history, Lucien Campeau’s histo- lists, she examined the historical significance of the New France mis- ries concentrate on the Jesuit mission itself. His thorough, source-based sion in the context of more extensive ecclesiastical French religious study has produced several monographs.54 In La mission des Jésuites restoration beyond North America. chez les Hurons, 1634–1650, published in 1987, Campeau focussed on The underlying themes of Anderson’s Chain Her by One Foot of how the missionaries christened the Huron people. His aim in this 1991, and Blackburn’s Harvest of Souls of 2000 were missionary suc- monograph was to challenge Trigger’s thesis, in Children of Aataentsic, cesses and failures in subjugating native peoples. Within the frame- that the main reason for the political destruction of the Huron nation work of gender-related acculturation, Anderson affirmed that the was the cultural shock caused by Jesuit contact. Although presenting Jesuit missionaries had transformed native society, which was based few clear antitheses, Campeau implied that the militarily powerful Iro- on gender-equality, into a patriarchy by imposing European pater- quois, and not the Jesuits, were solely responsible for the destruction nal cultural values on Amerindians. By contrast, Blackburn applied of the Huron confederacy. Also, like ecclesiastical historians of the a rhetorical analysis to The Jesuit Relations in her endeavour to prove previous centuries, Campeau celebrated Jesuit accomplishments in the Jesuits’ failure in colonising native people under their European converting indigenous people to Christianity. What is different from authority, despite their claims of evangelistic accomplishments in his predecessors is that he did not describe missionaries as heroic, their Relations. According to Blackburn, the Hurons wilfully accepted instead treating them collectively as an evangelistic corporation. Jesuit messages and teachings in a way advantageous to themselves, and A more significant contribution by Campeau is his compilation of subverted the evangelistic intent of the missionaries, along with their Jesuit correspondence, entitled Monumenta Novae Franciae.55 Here, he European authority. brought to light handwritten letters that had been preserved in man- More polemical is Cushner’s Why Have you Come Here?, whose uscript form for more than three centuries at the Jesuit archives in discussion entails the entire missionary activities in the Americas. Rome. Because he did not publish the manuscripts with general read- Objecting to modern cultural anthropologists’ idea that one belief ers in mind, all the letters were simply transcribed into print in their system cannot replace another, Cushner considers how successfully original languages. Without his editorial efforts, however, few students Jesuit evangelists replaced native American religion with Christianity. would have had access to Jesuit documents beyond Thwaite’s edition His unspoken premise is that Amerindian peoples had a religious sys- of The Jesuit Relations, published in 1896–1901. tem fully compatible with Christianity, which he remains to prove. He

54 Lucien Campeau, SJ, La première mission d’Acadie (1602–1616) (Roma: Monu- menta Historica S. I.; Québec: les Presses de l’Université Laval, 1968.); Campeau, La première mission des Jésuites en Nouvelle-France, 1611–1613 (Montréal: Bellarmin, 56 Dominique Deslandres, Croire et faire croire: Les missions française au XVIIe 1972); and Campeau, La mission des Jésuites chez les Hurons, 1634–1650 (Vol. XLVI siécle (1600–1650) (Paris, Fayard, 2003; Karen Anderson, Chain Her by One Foot: The de Bibliotheca Instituti Historici S. I., Montréal: Bellarmin; Roma: Institutum Histori- Subjugation of Women in Seventeenth-Century New France (London & New York: cum S. I., 1987). Routledge, 1991); Carole Blackburn, Harvest of Souls: The Jesuit Mission and Coloni- 55 Lucien Campeau, SJ (ed.), Monumenta Novae Franciae (9 vols., Roma: Institu- alism in North America, 1632–1650 (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s Univer- tum Historicum Societas Iesu; & Montréal: Bellarmin; or Québec: l’Uviversité Laval, sity Press, 2000); and Nicholas P. Cushner, Why Have You Come Here? (New York: 1967–2003). Oxford University Press, 2006). 44 chapter one

contends that the replacement process was incomplete and yet effec- tive enough to ‘ensure a lasting foothold’.57

C. Towards a Synthesis of Historiographies

Within the framework of historical analysis, one can view clear differ- ences and similarities. On the one hand, the Iberian missionary studies of Japan take into account only the missionary church with no consid- eration of the entire Japanese nation. On the other hand, the colonial French studies largely discuss the growth of a European colony; and with it, the native church. In terms of ethnicity, western historians discussed the Christian mission within the concept of the mission- ary church or the European colony while Japanese authors illustrated the mission within Japanese society or the foreign relations of Asia. In general, most western scholars have not considered seriously the development of the non-Christian nations, in Canada and in Japan. There is one example of French colonial interpretations that should be reinterpreted from a broader international perspective. Affirming that the missionary martyrs in the 1640s were rhetorical fictions of The Jesuit Relations, Guy Laflèche ascribes the myths to the personal ini- tiatives of missionary correspondents like Fathers François le Mercier and Jérôme Lalemant. Laflèche implicitly assumes that they were per- sonally responsible for creating the ‘spirituality’, or the aura, of mar- tyrdom, which was, in effect, foreign to the Ignatian spirituality. This may be the most plausible interpretation that could be gleaned from the reports from New France.58 Nevertheless, a further consideration of the contemporary Jesuit publications back in France will prove that Le Mercier and Lalemant do not deserve such an indictment. It was rather the Jesuit order, back in France of the early seventeenth century, that began to include martyrdom in its publications. When Jesuits experienced numerous executions of missionaries and converts in Japan during the first half of the seventeenth century, the Society of Jesus published the French translations of Iberian accounts that dealt

57 Cushner, op. cit., 3 & 198. 58 Guy Laflèche, ‘Les Jésuites de la Nouvelle-France et le mythe de leurs martyrs’, Les Jésuites parmi les hommes aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles: Actes du Colloque de Clermont- Ferrand (avril 1985) (ed. G. et G. Demerson, B. Dompnier et A. Regond, n.p. (France): Associations des Publications de la Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines de Clermont-Ferrand, 1987), 35–45. 44 chapter one review of literature on the jesuit missions 45

contends that the replacement process was incomplete and yet effec- with their deaths as martyrs. Before Le Mercier and Lalemant took tive enough to ‘ensure a lasting foothold’.57 charge of the reports on New France, they were simply trained back in France during the very decades when the martyrdom in Japan was one of the main themes for the French Jesuit publications.59 Therefore, C. Towards a Synthesis of Historiographies the correspondents from New France never created or initiated the rhetoric of martyrdom. Within the framework of historical analysis, one can view clear differ- A summary of academic contributions in the two geographic fields ences and similarities. On the one hand, the Iberian missionary studies brings to light some neglected international considerations as well as of Japan take into account only the missionary church with no consid- some important clues for further investigation. The historiography of eration of the entire Japanese nation. On the other hand, the colonial the French Jesuits and that of the Iberian Jesuits have been divorced French studies largely discuss the growth of a European colony; and from each other. Historians in one field are ignorant of historians in with it, the native church. In terms of ethnicity, western historians the other. In the case of Japan, non-western historical documentation discussed the Christian mission within the concept of the mission- and perspectives do not match the solely western historical observa- ary church or the European colony while Japanese authors illustrated tions and interpretations. A historian of the French Jesuits should the mission within Japanese society or the foreign relations of Asia. realise the characteristics of each document and work out the cultural In general, most western scholars have not considered seriously the influence on its contents. Thus, from an international standpoint, there development of the non-Christian nations, in Canada and in Japan. still seems to be room for revisions or even for unexpected perspec- There is one example of French colonial interpretations that should tives on the French Jesuit mission, to be discussed fully in succeeding be reinterpreted from a broader international perspective. Affirming chapters. that the missionary martyrs in the 1640s were rhetorical fictions of The Jesuit Relations, Guy Laflèche ascribes the myths to the personal ini- tiatives of missionary correspondents like Fathers François le Mercier and Jérôme Lalemant. Laflèche implicitly assumes that they were per- sonally responsible for creating the ‘spirituality’, or the aura, of mar- tyrdom, which was, in effect, foreign to the Ignatian spirituality. This may be the most plausible interpretation that could be gleaned from the reports from New France.58 Nevertheless, a further consideration of the contemporary Jesuit publications back in France will prove that Le Mercier and Lalemant do not deserve such an indictment. It was rather the Jesuit order, back in France of the early seventeenth century, that began to include martyrdom in its publications. When Jesuits experienced numerous executions of missionaries and converts in Japan during the first half of the seventeenth century, the Society of Jesus published the French translations of Iberian accounts that dealt

57 Cushner, op. cit., 3 & 198. 58 Guy Laflèche, ‘Les Jésuites de la Nouvelle-France et le mythe de leurs martyrs’, Les Jésuites parmi les hommes aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles: Actes du Colloque de Clermont- Ferrand (avril 1985) (ed. G. et G. Demerson, B. Dompnier et A. Regond, n.p. (France): Associations des Publications de la Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines de Clermont-Ferrand, 1987), 35–45. 59 See appendix 1.

CHAPTER TWO

INTERPRETING NON-CHRISTIAN CULTURES: JESUIT BIASES

Historians today agree that the Jesuit interpretation of foreign nations was biased and needs to be treated carefully. In Canadian historiogra- phy, for example, there remain three questions on the Jesuit observa- tions of native peoples and their culture. First, in what way and at what points are the Jesuit observations about the First Nations wrong and distorted? Second, given that the European missionaries were preju- diced in their interpretations, what were their biases and mistakes? Third, what are the alternative explanations of the non-Christian cul- tures, based on the answers to these two earlier questions? Answering these questions is not an easy task, for the lack of written indigenous documents has forced scholars to revise missionary inter- pretations by relying on speculation, albeit cautious speculation. It is also well known to scholars who have studied human psychology that understanding by analogy will always be the first approach to a newly- encountered, foreign culture. Given the absence of counter- evidence from the voiceless indigenous peoples, one may find it difficult to identify the European or Christian biases and errors in one-sided observations. It may be impossible to tell how inaccurate the Jesuit interpretation of native Canadian cultures is so long as the consider- ation remains within a limited North American scope. By contrast, Japan’s language, culture and tradition have survived, which thus allows more scope for modern researchers to identify the misinterpre- tations made by western missionaries about the Japanese. A tangible identification of European missionary biases, at least better than one based merely on ambiguous speculations, is possible through examination of the mission in Japan. Japanese historical knowledge may help to verify the misinterpretations of the Jesuits. The Jesuit experience in this archipelago will help to answer the first and second questions above. The general identification of western biases can then be transferred to the North American context in order to find clues that may answer the third question. The sections below will make a threefold argument. First, Jesuit interpretations of Japanese culture will be contrasted with Japanese

This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the cc-by-nc License. 48 chapter two reality that can be recognised from a thorough non-European stand- point and thus is independent of the influence of Euro-Christian missionaries. This contrast will reveal the probable epistemological mistakes and cultural biases of the priests. Second, this identification of misunderstandings and biases will be applied to the written cul- tural observations of the evangelistic successors, the Jesuits of New France. Third, probable biases will be eliminated from the reading of the French missionary accounts to arrive at a more plausible image of several aspects of Amerindian culture.

A. The Jesuit Interpretation of Japanese Culture

To prepare for effective preaching, the Jesuits in Japan attempted a thorough observation of the nation, as is documented in their corre- spondence. The Jesuit biases are evident in two categories of observa- tions. One group consists of first-hand observations based mainly on their five senses, while the other group consists of second-hand obser- vations or knowledge acquired from local informants.

1. First-hand Observations Direct observations can be found in the descriptions of the Japanese people. In the first place, this type of description was influenced by what may be called a wilful manipulation of direct observations. An example can be found in two letters of Father Francisco de Xavier. One letter admires the Japanese people while the other criticises them. In his letter of 5 1549, only three months after his arrival at Kagoshima, Father Xavier commented: First of all, the people with whom we have thus far conversed are the best that have as yet been discovered; and it seems to me that no other pagan race will be found that will surpass the Japanese. They have, as a race, very fine manners; and they are on the whole good and not mali- cious. They have a marvellous sense of honour and esteem it more than anything else. As a race they are generally poor, but the poverty that is found among the nobles and those who are not is not deemed to be a matter of reproach.1

1 To his companions living in Goa, from Kagoshima, 5 November 1549, in M. Joseph Costelloe, SJ (ed.), The Letters and Instructions of Francis Xavier (St. Louis, Missouri: The Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1992), epistola [ep., hereafter] 90, p. 297, in 48 chapter two interpreting non-christian cultures 49 reality that can be recognised from a thorough non-European stand- In another letter addressed to Father Simão Rodrigues in Portugal, point and thus is independent of the influence of Euro-Christian dating 8 1552, after he left Japan for India, he related: missionaries. This contrast will reveal the probable epistemological . . . they [Carlos V, Spanish Emperor, and Felipe and Isabella, the king mistakes and cultural biases of the priests. Second, this identification and queen of Castile] should not send any more fleets from of misunderstandings and biases will be applied to the written cul- to discover Silver Islands [Japan]; for . . . they would be lost; and even if tural observations of the evangelistic successors, the Jesuits of New they were not lost at sea and reached the islands of Japan, the people France. Third, probable biases will be eliminated from the reading of there are so belligerent and avaricious that they would seize all the ships the French missionary accounts to arrive at a more plausible image of coming from New Spain. . . . Further, as I have already indicated, the Jap- several aspects of Amerindian culture. anese are so greedy that they would slay all of them in order to obtain their weapons and the wares. . . .2 These remarks by Father Xavier are not contradictory, even though A. The Jesuit Interpretation of Japanese Culture they appear so. He did not intend to deceive his correspondents. He simply emphasised two different aspects of the nation, with two differ- To prepare for effective preaching, the Jesuits in Japan attempted a ent purposes in mind. He was a pioneer missionary to Japan. When he thorough observation of the nation, as is documented in their corre- sent the letter in 1549, he had to justify his choice of this nation as the spondence. The Jesuit biases are evident in two categories of observa- object for Christianisation, and pointed to the positive aspects of the tions. One group consists of first-hand observations based mainly on people. In Japan, he had limited access to overseas information, but their five senses, while the other group consists of second-hand obser- once in Goa, he obtained more information about Spanish colonisa- vations or knowledge acquired from local informants. tion in the South China Sea. The Portuguese and Spanish in East Asia were about to enter into conflict in the 1550s. According to his second 1. First-hand Observations letter, he learnt of a Spanish plan to reach Japan from the , Direct observations can be found in the descriptions of the Japanese which had just been conquered by the Spanish fleet. Either he wanted people. In the first place, this type of description was influenced by to maintain the Jesuit of the mission over Japan by dis- what may be called a wilful manipulation of direct observations. An suading Spanish Friars; or he was worried about a war between Spain example can be found in two letters of Father Francisco de Xavier. One and Portugal over Japan, whose silver mines were invaluable. Thus, he letter admires the Japanese people while the other criticises them. In urged Father Rodrigues to speak on his behalf to the Spanish emperor his letter of 5 November 1549, only three months after his arrival at directly, or indirectly through the Portuguese King or Queen. Depend- Kagoshima, Father Xavier commented: ing on Father Xavier’s objectives, the Japanese were either well suited to become Christians or a belligerent enemy of Iberian colonisation. First of all, the people with whom we have thus far conversed are the This comparison of two apparently contradictory passages by Father best that have as yet been discovered; and it seems to me that no other pagan race will be found that will surpass the Japanese. They have, as a Xavier shows that missionary descriptions were determined pragmati- race, very fine manners; and they are on the whole good and not mali- cally by current intentions. cious. They have a marvellous sense of honour and esteem it more than In the second place, the Jesuit observations of the Japanese were influ- anything else. As a race they are generally poor, but the poverty that is enced by interpretive biases. Because of their European and Christian found among the nobles and those who are not is not deemed to be a origin, Jesuit missionaries were prone to interpret their experience by matter of reproach.1

Kôno Yoshinori, SJ (ed.), Sei Furanshisuko Zabieru zenshokan (Tokyo: Heibon-sha, 1 To his companions living in Goa, from Kagoshima, 5 November 1549, in 1985), ep. 90, p. 471. M. Joseph Costelloe, SJ (ed.), The Letters and Instructions of Francis Xavier (St. Louis, 2 To Father Simão Rodrigues, in Portugal, from Goa, 8 April 1552, in Costelloe, op. Missouri: The Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1992), epistola [ep., hereafter] 90, p. 297, in cit., ep. 108, p. 378, Kôno, op. cit., ep. 108, pp. 617–18. 50 chapter two what they believed to be common sense. The Jesuit observations cover a wide spectrum of Japanese culture, which include two basic groups of subjects. The first group comprises climate, weather, diet, agricul- tural product, protocol, peace and order, and architecture. Except in rare cases, the missionaries normally made objective interpretations on these topics. The second group involves physical appearance and behavioural patterns. It is mainly in the observations of these second themes that the Jesuits were unable to escape their interpretive biases. To the Jesuits, physical appearance was the first detectable differ- ence. Their criterion for judging was apparently skin colour—the lighter the better. In 1565, Father Luis Frois wrote that the people of Japan had fair skin and a well-proportioned physique.3 The same year, Father Gaspar Vilela shared the same observation by noting that the complexion of every Japanese was fairer than that of the Portuguese.4 The Jesuit fathers used the references to fair complexions for their appraisal of the people whom they intended to Christianise. A contrast is found in the observations of the Visiting Father, or padre visitador, Alessandro Valignano’s confidential letter to the Jesuit general superior. Father Valignano criticised Father Francisco Cabral, ex-vice-superior of Japan, and wrote that Father Cabral erred in deal- ing with Japanese brothers by treating them like servants. According to Josef Franz Schütte, SJ, who thoroughly studied Father Valignano’s confidential correspondence preserved in Rome, the visiting father wrote in 1595 that Father Cabral had spoken to them harshly and angrily and had called them ‘Negroes [Neger]’ and ‘low-class people [niedriges Volk]’.5 In this case, Father Cabral used the colour of skin in order to demean his Japanese colleagues. The colour of a non- European

3 Luis Frois, to his companions in India and China, from Kyôto, 20 1565, in Matsuda Kiichi et al. (eds.), 3rd ser. of Jûroku-shichi seiki Iezusukai Nip- pon hôkokushû (Kyôto: Dôhô-sha, 1988–1996), vol. 2, 304–05 [hereafter, Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 2: 304–05]. 4 Gaspar Vilela, to the fathers in Avis, Portugal, from Sakai, 15 September 1565, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 3: 20–21. Cf. Okada Akio (ed.), Yôroppa bunka to Nippon bunka (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1991), 18. 5 These phrases are based on Josef Franz Schütte’s citation of a letter of Alessandro Valignano, to the general superior in Rome, from Goa, 23 November 1595. Schütte writes, ‘er [Cabral] sprach sehr hart zu ihnen und mit viel Zorn, nannte sie Neger, niedriges Volk, und gab ihnen andere beleidigende und unhöfliche Ausdrücke.’ Father Valignano’s original Latin words are not quoted. See Josef Franz Schütte, SJ, Valig- nanos Missiongrundsätze für Japan (2 parts, Roma: Edizioni de Storia E Letteratura, 1951–58), part 1, 325–31, esp. 325; and Josef Franz Schütte, SJ, Valignano’s Mission Principles for Japan (2 parts, St. Louis: The Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1980), part 1, 255–60, esp. 255. 50 chapter two interpreting non-christian cultures 51 what they believed to be common sense. The Jesuit observations cover complexion was described either ‘as fair as Europeans’ or ‘as dark as a wide spectrum of Japanese culture, which include two basic groups Africans’, depending on intent. of subjects. The first group comprises climate, weather, diet, agricul- More detailed descriptions are found in Father Frois’s cultural com- tural product, protocol, peace and order, and architecture. Except in parison between Europe and Japan, whose long title ends with rare cases, the missionaries normally made objective interpretations e esta provincia de Japão [Cultural Comparison, henceforth].6 The con- on these topics. The second group involves physical appearance and tent of his comparison, often irrelevant to evangelistic promotion, may behavioural patterns. It is mainly in the observations of these second have been useful only to his brethren in Japan and may have been themes that the Jesuits were unable to escape their interpretive biases. insufficient for enlightening European readers. The manuscript thus To the Jesuits, physical appearance was the first detectable differ- remained unpublished throughout the missionary period. Although ence. Their criterion for judging was apparently skin colour—the this pamphlet represents overall an objective comparison, it contains lighter the better. In 1565, Father Luis Frois wrote that the people of some remarks that suggest his cultural prejudice. For instance, Father Japan had fair skin and a well-proportioned physique.3 The same year, Frois seems to have found it difficult to understand the metaphorical Father Gaspar Vilela shared the same observation by noting that the proof of bravery in war as demonstrated by a scar on the face. He complexion of every Japanese was fairer than that of the Portuguese.4 noted that ‘while we Europeans consider ourselves to be ugly with a The Jesuit fathers used the references to fair complexions for their scar on the face, Japanese men are proud of their ugly scarred face appraisal of the people whom they intended to Christianise. that they do not treat well’. Second, he did not agree with the fashion A contrast is found in the observations of the Visiting Father, or among the wealthy men, who wore patchwork coats decorated with padre visitador, Alessandro Valignano’s confidential letter to the Jesuit brocades of gold and other attractive colours. He remarked that while general superior. Father Valignano criticised Father Francisco Cabral, patchworks were extremely demeaning to Europeans, the Japanese ex-vice-superior of Japan, and wrote that Father Cabral erred in deal- treasured a whole patchworked qimão [kimono] or dóbuqu ing with Japanese brothers by treating them like servants. According [dôbuku, a kind of overcoat for the upper classes]. Third, he com- to Josef Franz Schütte, SJ, who thoroughly studied Father Valignano’s mented, with reference to a fur dôbuku, that ‘it would be insane for us confidential correspondence preserved in Rome, the visiting father to wear uncut and unsewn clothes’. Fourth, as far as he was concerned, wrote in 1595 that Father Cabral had spoken to them harshly and walking without socks was unacceptable even in the humid climate of angrily and had called them ‘Negroes [Neger]’ and ‘low-class people Japan. He wrote that if a woman strolled around without socks, Euro- [niedriges Volk]’.5 In this case, Father Cabral used the colour of skin in peans [‘we’, including Frois] would think her crazy or shameless. Fifth, order to demean his Japanese colleagues. The colour of a non- European he was also unable to appreciate the smell of natural hairdressing oils for women. He noted that, while European women rendered their hair fragrant with perfumes, Japanese women always smelt foul because of 3 Luis Frois, to his companions in India and China, from Kyôto, 20 February the oil on their hair.7 1565, in Matsuda Kiichi et al. (eds.), 3rd ser. of Jûroku-shichi seiki Iezusukai Nip- pon hôkokushû (Kyôto: Dôhô-sha, 1988–1996), vol. 2, 304–05 [hereafter, Matsuda, Father Frois also condemned . The Jesuits were displeased Hôkokushû 3, 2: 304–05]. with anything that they believed was unacceptable to Christianity. 4 Gaspar Vilela, to the fathers in Avis, Portugal, from Sakai, 15 September 1565, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 3: 20–21. Cf. Okada Akio (ed.), Yôroppa bunka to Nippon They considered pagan idols hideous and inferior to Christian images. bunka (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1991), 18. Father Frois related that while Christian icons were beautiful and 5 These phrases are based on Josef Franz Schütte’s citation of a letter of Alessandro induce devotion, Japanese Buddhist icons were unsightly and instilled Valignano, to the general superior in Rome, from Goa, 23 November 1595. Schütte writes, ‘er [Cabral] sprach sehr hart zu ihnen und mit viel Zorn, nannte sie Neger, niedriges Volk, und gab ihnen andere beleidigende und unhöfliche Ausdrücke.’ Father Valignano’s original Latin words are not quoted. See Josef Franz Schütte, SJ, Valig- 6 Tratado em que se contem muito susintae abreviadamente algumas contradições nanos Missiongrundsätze für Japan (2 parts, Roma: Edizioni de Storia E Letteratura, e diferenças de custumes antre a gente de Europa e esta provincia de Japão (1585). 1951–58), part 1, 325–31, esp. 325; and Josef Franz Schütte, SJ, Valignano’s Mission The text this study uses is Okada Akio (ed.), Yôroppa bunka to Nippon bunka (1965, Principles for Japan (2 parts, St. Louis: The Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1980), part 1, Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1991). 255–60, esp. 255. 7 Okada, op. cit., chap. 1, articles [art., hereafter] 11, 41 & 57; chap. 2, art. 4 & 20. 52 chapter two feelings of horror because they resembled Satan being consumed by fire.8 According to Father Vilela, in another document, there were ugly drawings in those shrines that were dedicated to the sun, the moon, or a demon itself.9

2. Second-hand Observations The Jesuit biases were not limited to first hand observations. They also acquired information indirectly. This indirect information gleaned from their native informants was filtered through a Jesuit bias. The missionaries’ foci in their accounts were what they considered to be pagan religions and social structures. These were the two aspects of Japanese culture that they needed to study for combating paganism and for gaining local support in a foreign country. a. Interpreting Non-Christian Worship To begin with, the Jesuits relied on a Christian framework in order to interpret Buddhism, Shintô, and other forms of worship. In 1552, for example, to identify the Japanese deity, or to constitute a parallel to the Christian God, Father Xavier looked for a Supreme Being that was the object of Japanese worship, since he assumed that there must be a single God-like Being that was worshipped in Japan. He identi- fied Shaka and Amida as the two main Buddhist idols for worship and pointed to the sun and the moon as other objects of veneration. Another appellation he applied to each of them was ‘demon’, which he and his brethren should defeat with God’s help.10 Along the same lines, in 1557, Father Vilela also tried to discover what object or ‘god’ the Japanese would worship. He enumerated Amida, Shaka, the sun, the moon and demon-representing beasts.11 Father Cosme de Torres added kannon, a bodhisattva, to this list in 1561.12 It was in 1585 when Father Frois categorised these objects of worship into two groups of

8 Okada, op. cit., chap. 5, art. 8. 9 Gaspar Vilela, to his companions in India and Portugal, from [Hirado,] Japan, 29 Octber 1557, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 1: 263. 10 Francisco de Xavier, to his companions in Europe, from Cochin, 29 January 1552; Xavier, to his companions in Goa, from Kagoshima, 5 November 1549, in Costelloe, ep. 90 & 96, 298, 327 & 336–37, in Kôno, ep. 90 & 96, 472–73, 522 & 536. 11 Gaspar Vilela, to his companions in India and Portugal, from [Hirado,] Japan, 29 Octber 1557, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 1: 262–63. 12 Cosme de Torres, to Antonio de Quadros in India, from Bungo, 8 1561, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 1: 340–41. 52 chapter two interpreting non-christian cultures 53 feelings of horror because they resembled Satan being consumed by fire.8 deities: ‘kami’, or Japanese deities, and ‘hotoke’, or Buddhas. In Father According to Father Vilela, in another document, there were ugly Frois’s statement, Buddhas included Shaka, Amida and other Buddhist drawings in those shrines that were dedicated to the sun, the moon, idols while the kami included, inter alia, the sun deity, the harvest deity or a demon itself.9 and war deity. He noted that people sought the forgiveness and assis- tance that they would need in the afterlife from Buddha, and that they 2. Second-hand Observations wished to obtain from the kami such material benefits as health, lon- gevity, wealth, childbirths and victory in war.13 The Jesuit biases were not limited to first hand observations. They also There is one misunderstanding in this search for worshipped objects. acquired information indirectly. This indirect information gleaned The Jesuits seem to have asserted that Buddhist icons represented the from their native informants was filtered through a Jesuit bias. The core of Buddhism just as God was at the core of Christianity. The missionaries’ foci in their accounts were what they considered to be problem was that they relied on a Christian paradigm, and thus they pagan religions and social structures. These were the two aspects of failed to understand that there was a mystical law at the core of Bud- Japanese culture that they needed to study for combating paganism dhism and that Shaka or Amida was the individual who was believed and for gaining local support in a foreign country. to have fulfilled this law and enlightened himself as a Buddha. Even though they noted the absence of Christian thought among a. Interpreting Non-Christian Worship the Japanese, the Jesuits continued to interpret Japanese spirituality To begin with, the Jesuits relied on a Christian framework in order through the lens of Christianity. Probably assuming that the Apostle to interpret Buddhism, Shintô, and other forms of worship. In 1552, Thomas had preached Christianity in eastern parts of the Asian conti- for example, to identify the Japanese deity, or to constitute a parallel nent, a widely held myth since the first century, Father Frois affirmed to the Christian God, Father Xavier looked for a Supreme Being that that common Christian concepts, like the Creator, the Saviour, the was the object of Japanese worship, since he assumed that there must immortality of the soul, the glory of God and eternal happiness, had be a single God-like Being that was worshipped in Japan. He identi- disappeared, since Thomas’s visit, from the memory or knowledge fied Shaka and Amida as the two main Buddhist idols for worship of the Japanese.14 Ironically this missionary interpretation depended and pointed to the sun and the moon as other objects of veneration. heavily on these Christian frameworks, which, Father Frois admitted, Another appellation he applied to each of them was ‘demon’, which were entirely absent among this nation. he and his brethren should defeat with God’s help.10 Along the same Heaven was a key, and the Jesuits believed that it was a part of lines, in 1557, Father Vilela also tried to discover what object or ‘god’ Japanese spirituality. Accordingly, at Sakai in the early 1560s, Father the Japanese would worship. He enumerated Amida, Shaka, the sun, Vilela attempted to learn how people understood heaven. His account the moon and demon-representing beasts.11 Father Cosme de Torres described what he considered to be a false heaven. His understand- added kannon, a bodhisattva, to this list in 1561.12 It was in 1585 when ing was that the Japanese people believed in numerous heavens where Father Frois categorised these objects of worship into two groups of welcomed their adherents. According to him, Kannon fol- lowers wished to reach a heaven located under the sea, and Amida sectarians would go to another heaven.15 His idea of this Buddhist 8 Okada, op. cit., chap. 5, art. 8. heaven is problematic because a Christian concept of heaven does not 9 Gaspar Vilela, to his companions in India and Portugal, from [Hirado,] Japan, 29 Octber 1557, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 1: 263. 10 Francisco de Xavier, to his companions in Europe, from Cochin, 29 January 1552; Xavier, to his companions in Goa, from Kagoshima, 5 November 1549, in Costelloe, 13 Luis Frois, to the general superior, from Nagasaki, 27 1585, in Matuda, ep. 90 & 96, 298, 327 & 336–37, in Kôno, ep. 90 & 96, 472–73, 522 & 536. Hôkokushû 3, 7: 61–63. 11 Gaspar Vilela, to his companions in India and Portugal, from [Hirado,] Japan, 14 Luis Frois, to his companions in China and India, from Kyoto, 20 February 1565, 29 Octber 1557, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 1: 262–63. in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 2: 306–07. 12 Cosme de Torres, to Antonio de Quadros in India, from Bungo, 8 October 1561, 15 Gaspar Vilela, to his companions, from Sakai, 1562, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 1: 340–41. 2: 82–83. 54 chapter two lead to an understanding of the Buddhist afterworld. In Buddhism, people could go to a sky world above the human realm after death, but that is only the fifth world from the top in the Buddhist ten-level hierarchy of enlightenment and obviously not a desired physical desti- nation. What Buddhists hope to reach in their afterlife is the world of Buddha, which they believe to exist at the summit, far above the sky. What Father Vilela considered to be the Japanese version of heaven can be either a one-level-higher sky or the highest spiritual state of Buddhism, or even some ambiguous confusion of both. The Creation was another concept used by the Jesuits in their attempt to understand the Japanese idea of the world’s origins. In 1563, Father Vilela heard about a Japanese concept of Creation from the people in Kyoto. He explained three ideas about this concept with- out clarifying their spiritual origins. The first one was a secular story. The world was initially shaped like an egg. When a storm broke it, the albumen became the sky and the yolk and shell became the sea and land, from which creatures were born. The second one was almost a Buddhist view although Father Vilela did not recognise it as such. The beginning of the world was nothingness with no creation or genesis myth, as in Christianity. Everything visible came into existence only through a natural power. Father Vilela did not recognise the Japanese idea of Creation directly within the range of what the Jesuits regarded as Japanese spirituality, and thus resorted to an ancient myth of this country. The archipelago of Japan was created in a huge lake by a kami called Izanami, and all the inhabitants were descendants of Izanami and his Izanagi.16 Also, the Christian concept of Sin, Judgement and Atonement informed the missionary understanding of Buddha’s rôle in the after- life. In 1571, Father Frois commented on what he took to be a Bud- dhist form of remission of sins. He failed to understand that there was no Japanese custom of begging Buddha for the forgiveness of sin at the time of death. In the text, Father Frois made his Japanese Bud- dhist informant say that whichever sin one commits, merciful Shaka would forgive every sin with the help of his virtuous deeds. Father

16 Gaspar Vilela, to his companions in India, from Sakai, 27 April 1563, in Mat- suda, Hôkokushû 3, 2: 171–72. Father Vilela confused Izanagi and his wife Izanami, and quoted them in the opposite way. Although Vilela seemingly did not notice the importance of the last story, it is indirectly relevant with Shintô. In the myth, Izanagi was the of the Japanese sun deity. 54 chapter two interpreting non-christian cultures 55 lead to an understanding of the Buddhist afterworld. In Buddhism, Frois seemingly borrowed a Christian framework and simply replaced people could go to a sky world above the human realm after death, ‘God’ with ‘Shaka’, and ‘heavenly love’ with ‘virtuous deeds’.17 but that is only the fifth world from the top in the Buddhist ten-level One of the most frequent and extensively-used expressions of the hierarchy of enlightenment and obviously not a desired physical desti- Jesuit reporters was a demon or a devil. The notion of the devil is close nation. What Buddhists hope to reach in their afterlife is the world of to the Buddhist idea of ma, or māra in Sanskrit, which means the Buddha, which they believe to exist at the summit, far above the sky. evil deity hindering virtuous deeds. In a pre-scientific society such as What Father Vilela considered to be the Japanese version of heaven sixteenth-century Japan, the causes of bodily illness were thought of as can be either a one-level-higher sky or the highest spiritual state of evil spirits, which Shintô priests or other shamans would try to exor- Buddhism, or even some ambiguous confusion of both. cise. In a similar way, the Jesuits ascribed serious sickness to demons The Creation was another concept used by the Jesuits in their throughout the second half of the sixteenth century. For example, attempt to understand the Japanese idea of the world’s origins. In when Brother Duarte da Silva was repeatedly faced with paroxysm- 1563, Father Vilela heard about a Japanese concept of Creation from stricken people in Kutami, in Bungo of Kyushu in 1555, he concluded the people in Kyoto. He explained three ideas about this concept with- that demons possessed them. Brother Miguel Vaz reported also on out clarifying their spiritual origins. The first one was a secular story. Kutami that a demon had possessed a diseased Christian woman who The world was initially shaped like an egg. When a storm broke it, the was inflicted with severe symptoms and almost died before she was albumen became the sky and the yolk and shell became the sea and helped by a Jesuit prayer. In the annual reports for 1583 and 1591–92, land, from which creatures were born. The second one was almost a Father Frois referred to several ill residents in Bungo, who he believed Buddhist view although Father Vilela did not recognise it as such. The were possessed by demons and had to be helped by the Christian faith. beginning of the world was nothingness with no creation or genesis In this second report, Father Frois noted that demons ailed the bodies myth, as in Christianity. Everything visible came into existence only of people causing not only illness but also death.18 The Jesuits pre- through a natural power. Father Vilela did not recognise the Japanese sented no other possibility in diagnosing paroxysms and diseases. idea of Creation directly within the range of what the Jesuits regarded The Jesuits, however, extended the term of devils or demons to a as Japanese spirituality, and thus resorted to an ancient myth of this wider spectrum of life and used the term casually. A dualistic attitude country. The archipelago of Japan was created in a huge lake by a kami to God and His enemy seems to have persuaded them to deem any called Izanami, and all the inhabitants were descendants of Izanami spirit that they found against God to be demons. To be more precise, and his wife Izanagi.16 ‘the meditation of the two standards’ in The Spiritual Exercises written Also, the Christian concept of Sin, Judgement and Atonement by Father Ignatius de Loyola is likely to have encouraged this con- informed the missionary understanding of Buddha’s rôle in the after- cept of duality. According to Father Loyola, Christian life is a strug- life. In 1571, Father Frois commented on what he took to be a Bud- gle between the poles of Jesus Christ and of Lucifer. This first general dhist form of remission of sins. He failed to understand that there was superior was a former soldier who organised the Society of Jesus along no Japanese custom of begging Buddha for the forgiveness of sin at the time of death. In the text, Father Frois made his Japanese Bud- dhist informant say that whichever sin one commits, merciful Shaka would forgive every sin with the help of his virtuous deeds. Father 17 Luis Frois, from Kyoto, 10 1571, the recipient is missing, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 4: 57–58. 18 Duarte da Silva, to his companions in India, from Japan [Bungo probably], 16 Gaspar Vilela, to his companions in India, from Sakai, 27 April 1563, in Mat- 20 September 1555, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 1: 210–12; and Miguel Vaz, to his suda, Hôkokushû 3, 2: 171–72. Father Vilela confused Izanagi and his wife Izanami, companions in Japan, from Bungo, 16 September 1566, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, and quoted them in the opposite way. Although Vilela seemingly did not notice the 3: 166; Luis Frois’s report on 1583, to the general superior, 2 January 1584, in Matsuda, importance of the last story, it is indirectly relevant with Shintô. In the myth, Izanagi Hôkokushû 3, 6: 201–02; Luis Frois’s report on 1591–1592, to the general superior, was the ancestor of the Japanese sun deity. 1 October 1592, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 1, 1: 292–94. 56 chapter two military lines by giving superiors military titles. The use of the military metaphors would be perfectly natural for a Jesuit.19 As the pioneer missionary in Japan, Father Xavier, a contemporary companion of Ignatius Loyola, was the first to refer to the ‘demons’ in Japan. In 1551, when the mission of Father Torres and Brother Juan Fernández, working in Yamaguchi, was hindered by civil war, Father Xavier ascribed the cause of the warfare to the secret operation of the devil. He also asserted that Shaka and Amida, whom people wor- shipped, were not men but pure inventions of demons.20 Later Jesuits in Japan shared this basic idea of demons. The Jesuits extended the term of demons to almost any non-Christian spirit-like beings opposite to God. The three key phrases they associated with demons were first, worshipped idols; second, non-Christian—or pagan in a Jesuit sense—organisations; and third, spiritual practitioners. First, any non-Christian idols for worship were labelled demons in missionary accounts. For example, not only did Father Frois refer to Amida and Shaka as demons but he extended such appellations to include Kôbôdaishi, the founder of the Tendai Buddhist sect. After enumerating different icons that represented kami, Buddhist statues and popular deities such as beasts and natural products, Father Vilela maintained that the devils were responsible for misleading people to pray to all these allegedly demonised idols. In his explanation, there was no fundamental distinction among various sects of Buddhism and Shintô, and other popular forms of worship because all their objects of worship were commonly manipulated by the devil.21 Second, the Jesuits regarded any church-like organisation as a place for demonic activity. Father Frois contended that the Kasuga Shintô

19 Pierre Wolfe (ed.), The Spiritual Excercises of Saint Ignatius (Liguori, Missouri: Triumph, 1997), the fourth day of the second week, notes 136–48, pp. 38–40 & 145–46. 20 Francisco de Xavier, to his companions in Europe, from Cochin, 29 January 1552, in Costelloe, op. cit., ep. 96, 337–39, & in Kôno, ep. 96, 536–39. 21 Luis Frois, to his companions in China and India, from Kyoto, 20 February 1565, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 2: 306–10; Gaspar Vilela, to his companions at Avis in Portugal, from Goa, 6 October 1571, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 4: 148. Father Vilela enumerated ten objects of veneration he described as ‘kami’, including Benzai, Bishamon, Daikoku, Monju, Fudô, Kannon, Taga Daimyôjin, Yakushi, Marishiten and Hachiman; two Buddhas, Shaka and Amida; as well as seven other popular idols: foxes, snakes, bulls, deers, turtles, trees and stones. This represents an interesting mix of Shintô and Buddhist figures. It must be noted, however, that the syncretic image of Shintô and Buddhism was originally a Japanese tradition. With the spread of Buddhism in Japan, there developed a synchretic idea called ‘Honji Suijaku’, which showed that the Japanese kami was a form of the appearance, or Suijaku, of Buddha, or Honji. 56 chapter two interpreting non-christian cultures 57 military lines by giving superiors military titles. The use of the military shrine in Nara deified a demon, but he did not apparently know that metaphors would be perfectly natural for a Jesuit.19 its enshrined deity was the of the historic Fujiwara , As the pioneer missionary in Japan, Father Xavier, a contemporary which had dominated imperial politics as regents from the ninth to the companion of Ignatius Loyola, was the first to refer to the ‘demons’ in eleventh centuries. This means that any convert who followed Father Japan. In 1551, when the mission of Father Torres and Brother Juan Frois’s preaching about the Kasuga shrine had to agree that a devil Fernández, working in Yamaguchi, was hindered by civil war, Father was the ancestor of the noble Fujiwara . Also, Father Vilela con- Xavier ascribed the cause of the warfare to the secret operation of tended that Buddhist temples belonged to demons and that Buddhists the devil. He also asserted that Shaka and Amida, whom people wor- adored them. He wrote, in 1571, that all the two hundred Buddhist shipped, were not men but pure inventions of demons.20 temples on Mount Atago, ten kilometres west of Kyoto, were, together Later Jesuits in Japan shared this basic idea of demons. The Jesuits with the mountain itself, devoted to demons.22 extended the term of demons to almost any non-Christian spirit-like Third, the missionaries described as an agent of the devil any non- beings opposite to God. The three key phrases they associated with Christian who claimed that he or she possessed the power to deal with demons were first, worshipped idols; second, non-Christian—or pagan souls or spirits. Besides temple Buddhists, the Jesuits found another in a Jesuit sense—organisations; and third, spiritual practitioners. type of devil worshipper. In the sixteenth century, the only possible First, any non-Christian idols for worship were labelled demons in method for ordinary Japanese to cure disease was to exterminate the missionary accounts. For example, not only did Father Frois refer to evil spirit inside the body of a patient with the help of shamans. The Amida and Shaka as demons but he extended such appellations to Jesuits explained that the shamans were servants of evil spirits, or the include Kôbôdaishi, the founder of the Tendai Buddhist sect. After devil itself. Yamabushi, or mountain ascetics, were the devil’s servants, enumerating different icons that represented kami, Buddhist statues as far as Fathers Frois and Cabral were concerned. According to them, and popular deities such as beasts and natural products, Father Vilela Yamabushi adored the devil and devoted themselves to demonism. maintained that the devils were responsible for misleading people to The missionaries stated that these mountain ascetics made a contract pray to all these allegedly demonised idols. In his explanation, there with Satan to perform and exorcise demons from a human was no fundamental distinction among various sects of Buddhism and body.23 Thus, by blurring fundamental differences among the forms Shintô, and other popular forms of worship because all their objects of of worship, the Jesuits placed all kinds of Japanese beliefs under the worship were commonly manipulated by the devil.21 single appellation of demonism or diabolism. Second, the Jesuits regarded any church-like organisation as a place for demonic activity. Father Frois contended that the Kasuga Shintô b. The Social Structure The social structure of the Japanese was of further cultural interest to the Jesuits. Their European or Christian perspective helped the mis- 19 Pierre Wolfe (ed.), The Spiritual Excercises of Saint Ignatius (Liguori, Missouri: sionaries to understand Japanese feudal society. Their key words were Triumph, 1997), the fourth day of the second week, notes 136–48, pp. 38–40 & 145–46. power and authority, which came empirically from feudalism and 20 Francisco de Xavier, to his companions in Europe, from Cochin, 29 January 1552, in Costelloe, op. cit., ep. 96, 337–39, & in Kôno, ep. 96, 536–39. 21 Luis Frois, to his companions in China and India, from Kyoto, 20 February 1565, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 2: 306–10; Gaspar Vilela, to his companions at Avis in Portugal, from Goa, 6 October 1571, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 4: 148. Father Vilela enumerated ten objects of veneration he described as ‘kami’, including Benzai, 22 Luis Frois, to his companions in China and India, from Kyoto, 20 February 1565, Bishamon, Daikoku, Monju, Fudô, Kannon, Taga Daimyôjin, Yakushi, Marishiten and in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 2: 306–10; Gaspar Vilela, to his companions at Avis in Hachiman; two Buddhas, Shaka and Amida; as well as seven other popular idols: foxes, Portugal, from Goa, 6 October 1571, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 4: 134–35. snakes, bulls, deers, turtles, trees and stones. This represents an interesting mix of 23 Luis Frois, to his companions in China and India, from Kyoto, 20 February Shintô and Buddhist figures. It must be noted, however, that the syncretic image of 1565, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 2: 306–10; Francisco Cabral, to his companions in Shintô and Buddhism was originally a Japanese tradition. With the spread of Buddhism Portugal, from Kuchinotsu, 9 September 1576, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 4: 285–86; in Japan, there developed a synchretic idea called ‘Honji Suijaku’, which showed that Luis Frois, from Kuchinotsu, 13 February 1583 (the recipient is missing), in Matsuda, the Japanese kami was a form of the appearance, or Suijaku, of Buddha, or Honji. Hôkokushû 3, 6: 161–63. 58 chapter two theocracy in Europe. Despite the differences between the European and Japanese feudal societies, the Jesuit interpretation of Japanese society, with a focus upon these two words, worked well in negotia- tions with the political authorities. Their accounts are partly on the subject of political negotiations with local and central rulers. For example, upon arriving in Japan, Father Xavier intended to meet the Japanese Emperor in Kyoto, a meeting that, as it turned out, never took place.24 The local Ômura, Arima and Ôtomo clans in Kyushu were always referred to as pro-Christian patrons in other reports. The correspondence from the Kansai regions in the third quarter of the sixteenth century often describes the missionary efforts at gaining the patronage of powerful warrior lords like Oda Nobunaga and his suc- cessor .25 The Jesuits tried to make an analogy with power structures in Europe and studied the Japanese structure of power and authority to figure out the best evangelistic approach. In 1561, Father Torres pointed to three kinds of rulers. The first kind was the top priest of the Buddhist hierarchy, whom he considered to be a spiritual head. The second was the Emperor, whom he regarded as an honorary secular authority. Torres enumerated the nobility in Kyoto as the third kind of ruler. In his interpretation, this nobility had the political power and was in charge of the judiciary and administration.26 Father Frois amended this interpretation by referring to two kings. One was a king of power and political authority, or kôbôsama. He was probably referring to the shogunate, which enjoyed a degree of politi- cal authority but had lost administrative power in the civil war of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The other was a king with spiritual authority, the Emperor. While Father Torres initially considered the Emperor to be a secular authority, later Father Frois corrected his idea and described the Emperor as a king of spiritual authority.27 In 1583, Father Valignano summarised Jesuit knowledge of the Japanese hierarchy in his confidential report to General Superior

24 Francisco de Xavier, to his companions living in Goa, from Kagoshima, 5 Novem- ber 1549; Francisco de Xavier, to his companions in Europe, from Cochin, 29 January 1552, in Costelloe, op. cit., ep. 90 & 96, 310 & 332. 25 This approach of winning over social leaders first was generally a standard Jesuit approach, not peculiar to the missionaries in Japan. 26 Cosme de Torres, to Father Antonio de Quadros, superior of India, from Bungo, 8 october 1561, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 1: 338–40. 27 Luis Frois, to his companions in China and India, from Kyoto, 20 February 1565, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 2: 306. 58 chapter two interpreting non-christian cultures 59 theocracy in Europe. Despite the differences between the European Claudio Aquaviva in Rome. He pointed to the Japanese type of sei- and Japanese feudal societies, the Jesuit interpretation of Japanese gneurial system based on the redistribution of estates, in which a society, with a focus upon these two words, worked well in negotia- daimyô had absolute power over the lives and property of his retainers. tions with the political authorities. Their accounts are partly on the He also divided Japanese feudal society into five social strata, which subject of political negotiations with local and central rulers. For included first, daimyô as the top class; second, bonzes, or Buddhist example, upon arriving in Japan, Father Xavier intended to meet the priests; third, warriors; fourth, merchants and artisans; and last, at the Japanese Emperor in Kyoto, a meeting that, as it turned out, never bottom, peasants and servants.28 took place.24 The local Ômura, Arima and Ôtomo clans in Kyushu Father Frois’s letter of 1569 represents the most perceptive account were always referred to as pro-Christian patrons in other reports. The of this social hierarchy. He proposed that the missionaries should first correspondence from the Kansai regions in the third quarter of the gain the patronage of national or domain rulers and then use their sixteenth century often describes the missionary efforts at gaining the favour and appreciation for Christian priests to achieve success among patronage of powerful warrior lords like Oda Nobunaga and his suc- the nobility and populace.29 The limitation of these missionary analyses, cessor Toyotomi Hideyoshi.25 however, was due to the fact that the priests were unable to under- The Jesuits tried to make an analogy with power structures in stand the source of Japanese power and authority, which was derived Europe and studied the Japanese structure of power and authority from the creators of the Japanese islands in ancient mythology. to figure out the best evangelistic approach. In 1561, Father Torres pointed to three kinds of rulers. The first kind was the top priest of the 3. Jesuit Biases Buddhist hierarchy, whom he considered to be a spiritual head. The Jesuit interpretations of Japanese culture were influenced by a combi- second was the Emperor, whom he regarded as an honorary secular nation of wilful descriptive manipulations and Euro-Christian biases. authority. Torres enumerated the nobility in Kyoto as the third kind The intention of a correspondent sometimes determined which piece of ruler. In his interpretation, this nobility had the political power and of information he would emphasise in his letter. It also determined was in charge of the judiciary and administration.26 how he would present his observations, either negatively or positively. Father Frois amended this interpretation by referring to two kings. Moreover, the cultural observations about non-Christian objects were One was a king of power and political authority, or kôbôsama. He was influenced by interpretive biases. The European and Christian ori- probably referring to the shogunate, which enjoyed a degree of politi- gins made the missionaries interpret the physical experience within cal authority but had lost administrative power in the civil war of the the context of their own common sense. In viewing the opponents’ or fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The other was a king with spiritual potential converts’ physical appearances and characteristics, the Jesuits authority, the Emperor. While Father Torres initially considered the were unable to escape from their own European cultural values. They Emperor to be a secular authority, later Father Frois corrected his idea saw, for example, any non-Christian spiritual idols to be an unaccept- and described the Emperor as a king of spiritual authority.27 able pagan symbol. In 1583, Father Valignano summarised Jesuit knowledge of the Jesuit biases also influenced the second-hand information gleaned Japanese hierarchy in his confidential report to General Superior from their native informants, and the biases were most conspicuous in the comprehension of Japanese beliefs and social structures. The 24 Francisco de Xavier, to his companions living in Goa, from Kagoshima, 5 Novem- Jesuits relied on a Christian framework of religion in order to interpret ber 1549; Francisco de Xavier, to his companions in Europe, from Cochin, 29 January 1552, in Costelloe, op. cit., ep. 90 & 96, 310 & 332. 25 This approach of winning over social leaders first was generally a standard Jesuit approach, not peculiar to the missionaries in Japan. 28 Alejandro Valignano, S. I., Sumario de las cosas de Japón (1583). The text used 26 Cosme de Torres, to Father Antonio de Quadros, superior of India, from Bungo, in this study is Matsuda Kiichi et al. (eds.), Nippon junsatuki (Tokyo: Heibon-sha, 8 october 1561, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 1: 338–40. 1973), 6–8. 27 Luis Frois, to his companions in China and India, from Kyoto, 20 February 1565, 29 Luis Frois, to Father Belchior de Figuereido, from Kyoto, 12 1569, in Matsuda, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 2: 306. Hôkokushû 3, 3: 341–42. 60 chapter two

Buddhism, Shintô, and other beliefs. Although they were aware that Japanese spirituality was different from Christianity, they still relied on basic Christian concepts to understand different Japanese customs within an assumed unity of the Japanese ‘religion’. Consequently what they described conveniently as the Japanese ‘religion’ was a demonic synthesis of all non-Christian spiritualities that accurately represented neither Buddhism nor Shintô nor any other belief. In their understand- ing of the social structure, the Jesuits focussed on how to take advan- tage of it for a successful mission, but their study of the social structure did not help the missionaries to understand the Japanese spirituality that lay behind it. There is, nevertheless, one fact that has to be borne in mind when discussing the biases of missionary accounts—that is the identity of the anticipated readers of each report. All the readers would be European brethren and supporters, who had no knowledge of Japan. The Jesuit correspondents were responsible for describing their experiences and observations as comprehensibly as possible. The readers would natu- rally understand the reports in a European language and with familiar references to European culture. That is how the missionaries had to communicate with the European readers no matter how accurately and truthfully the priests analysed the non-Christian nation. This nec- essary, rhetorical compromise is likely to have further exacerbated the interpretive biases, which may have been smaller in the minds of the Jesuits working in the archipelago. Therefore, the actual Jesuit biases need to be discounted to some extent.

4. Propositions for New France The Iberian mission to Japan presents two proposed ideas for con- sidering the French case in North America. The first idea is that the situations of the missionaries at each developmental stage of the mis- sion generally determined the interpretations or the descriptions of non-Christian culture. However personal the written observations may appear to be, the thematic and interpretive descriptions were influenced more by the interests of the Jesuit religious order than by personal initiatives. The second idea is that the biases that affected the cross-cultural understanding of Japan were not peculiar to the Iberian Jesuits. For discussing the missionary interpretations of non-Christian cultures in this respect, it is not important to examine how often or how seldom 60 chapter two interpreting non-christian cultures 61

Buddhism, Shintô, and other beliefs. Although they were aware that the French missionaries read the Japan reports; in short, the issue is not Japanese spirituality was different from Christianity, they still relied to determine how carefully the Jesuits read the accounts of Japan in on basic Christian concepts to understand different Japanese customs French or in other languages. TheFrench missionaries did not recogn- within an assumed unity of the Japanese ‘religion’. Consequently what ise that they might be repeating the same erroneous analysis that their they described conveniently as the Japanese ‘religion’ was a demonic Iberian predecessors had made in their established style of reports, synthesis of all non-Christian spiritualities that accurately represented because they were unable to learn from the Iberian mistakes. Admit- neither Buddhism nor Shintô nor any other belief. In their understand- tedly there may have been differences in time and in origins between ing of the social structure, the Jesuits focussed on how to take advan- the sixteenth-century Iberian Jesuits and the seventeenth-century tage of it for a successful mission, but their study of the social structure French Jesuits.30 Yet this kind of difference was minimal compared did not help the missionaries to understand the Japanese spirituality with the vast cultural differences between European perspectives and that lay behind it. Japanese or Amerindian ones. There is, nevertheless, one fact that has to be borne in mind when In the established rhetoric of the Jesuit reports, the seventeenth- discussing the biases of missionary accounts—that is the identity of the century French missionaries made an epistemological misjudgement anticipated readers of each report. All the readers would be European similar to that of the sixteenth-century Iberian missionaries, since brethren and supporters, who had no knowledge of Japan. The Jesuit European readers in those centuries lacked an entirely non-Christian correspondents were responsible for describing their experiences and perspective that may have helped them to identify the Iberian misun- observations as comprehensibly as possible. The readers would natu- derstandings. So long as the missionaries corresponded with the readers rally understand the reports in a European language and with familiar both in a European language and according to the Euro-Christian cul- references to European culture. That is how the missionaries had to tural value systems, their written accounts were ruled by European or communicate with the European readers no matter how accurately Christian biases. These two identifications of biases will thus shed light and truthfully the priests analysed the non-Christian nation. This nec- on the French interpretations of Amerindian culture. essary, rhetorical compromise is likely to have further exacerbated the interpretive biases, which may have been smaller in the minds of the B. The French Jesuit Interpretation of Native Culture Jesuits working in the archipelago. Therefore, the actual Jesuit biases need to be discounted to some extent. From a contemporary seventeenth-century standpoint, Jesuit mission- aries were masters of Euro-Christian knowledge and thus as capable 4. Propositions for New France of understanding non-Christian cultures as were any other European. The Iberian mission to Japan presents two proposed ideas for con- The problem was they were able to do so only in their own systematic sidering the French case in North America. The first idea is that the way. When approaching potential converts, the European missionaries situations of the missionaries at each developmental stage of the mis- sion generally determined the interpretations or the descriptions of 30 non-Christian culture. However personal the written observations For example, northern Europeans were affected by a witch-hunting mania in the , and this would have affected the priests’ view of alien spiritual beliefs. Also, may appear to be, the thematic and interpretive descriptions were there were all sorts of differences among people who did not follow the Roman Catho- influenced more by the interests of the Jesuit religious order than by lic Church. In addition to Christians who continued to believe in the old popular reli- gions, there were Muslim descendents in Portugal and Spain while Protestants were personal initiatives. making inroads in France in the sixteenth century. Until Spain conquered the Islamic The second idea is that the biases that affected the cross-cultural kingdom of Granada in 1492 for the completion of the Reconquista, the Iberian Pen- understanding of Japan were not peculiar to the Iberian Jesuits. For insula had been a place for Muslim residents ruled by the Nasrid dynasty. See, for example, William A. Christian, Local Religion in Sixteenth-Century Spain (Princeton, discussing the missionary interpretations of non-Christian cultures in NJ: Princeton UP, 1981); and L. P. Harvey, Muslims in Spain, 1500 to 1614 (Chicago & this respect, it is not important to examine how often or how seldom London: University of Chicago Press, 2005). 62 chapter two encountered a wide gap between Christian and non-Christian cultures. Within the confines of early-modern western intellectual concepts, their analysis, albeit biased, was the best available at the time. Histori- ans today, however, agree that the missionary interpretation of Amer- indians is biased enough to be treated with caution. The problem is that few authors have ever substantially identified the exact nature of the European and Christian biases that ruled seventeenth- century missionaries. In Les Hurons-Wendats, for example, Georges E. Sioui implies that Jesuit comments on the indigenous people are not only culturally and religiously biased but also contemptuous, scoffing, or indifferent.31 Sioui, who claims to be of Wendat descent, frequently cites The Jesuit Relations for sustaining his ideas about an aboriginal heritage, but his lengthy monograph fails to illustrate how and where Jesuit accounts are biased. Also, Carole Blackburn, in Harvest of Souls, argues that the Relations are unreliable because the missionary descriptions of autochthonous customs are distorted.32 She is silent, however, when it comes to providing the reader with a con- example of what she calls unreliability and distortions. Some of the rare attempts to specify Jesuit biases can be found in the works of Elizabeth Tooker and Bruce G. Trigger. Tooker main- tains that the missionaries had obvious biases in their observations of Amerindians, but she only gives one example, that is the mission- ary tendency to see demonism in native beliefs. Trigger focusses on thematic biases. The Jesuit attempts to analyse native culture, he con- tends, were pragmatic, and directed towards winning converts to Christianity. He affirms that the missionaries felt obliged to take note only of law, government and religion, which were vital in their deal- ings with indigenous people. Trigger also argues that the missionaries considered it unnecessary to write about other aspects, such as the kin- ship system, subsistence activities, trade and warfare. As for the biases of interpretations, his concerns are merely with the possible alterations

31 Georges E. Sioui, Les Hurons-Wendats: Une civilisation méconnue (Sainte-Foy, Québec: Les Presses de l’Université Laval, 1994), 264; Sioui, Huron-Wendat: The Heri- tage of the Circle (Vancouver & Toronto: University of British Columbia Press; & East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1999), 136. 32 Carole Blackburn, Harvest of Souls (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s Uni- versity Press, 2000), 4–5. 62 chapter two interpreting non-christian cultures 63 encountered a wide gap between Christian and non-Christian cultures. during the editorial process, including the mutilations or poor copies Within the confines of early-modern western intellectual concepts, of manuscripts and the distortions of original meanings.33 their analysis, albeit biased, was the best available at the time. Histori- However biased, the French Jesuits attempted a thorough observa- ans today, however, agree that the missionary interpretation of Amer- tion of their evangelistic subjects as did the Iberian missionaries. The indians is biased enough to be treated with caution. Jesuits who experienced Amerindian culture landed first in The problem is that few authors have ever substantially identified the in the , following which they established a base in Quebec in exact nature of the European and Christian biases that ruled seventeenth- 1625. As in the Iberian case, their biases are evident in two basic cat- century missionaries. In Les Hurons-Wendats, for example, Georges egories, direct or first-hand observations and indirect or second-hand E. Sioui implies that Jesuit comments on the indigenous people are observations, although such a distinction is not entirely clear in some not only culturally and religiously biased but also contemptuous, descriptions. scoffing, or indifferent.31 Sioui, who claims to be of Wendat descent, frequently cites The Jesuit Relations for sustaining his ideas about 1. First-hand Observations an aboriginal heritage, but his lengthy monograph fails to illustrate Fathers Pierre Biard and Énemond Massé were the Jesuit pioneers in how and where Jesuit accounts are biased. Also, Carole Blackburn, in North America, but their situation was different from Father Xavier’s. Harvest of Souls, argues that the Relations are unreliable because the These two Fathers were not pioneer missionaries in French North missionary descriptions of autochthonous customs are distorted.32 She America, because Father Jessé Fléché, a priest of the diocese of Langre, is silent, however, when it comes to providing the reader with a con- had been there for a year when they arrived in Acadia in 1611. This crete example of what she calls unreliability and distortions. complex factional situation seems to have coloured the Jesuit observa- Some of the rare attempts to specify Jesuit biases can be found in tion of the Mi’kmaq and the Maliseet, the native peoples in Acadia, the works of Elizabeth Tooker and Bruce G. Trigger. Tooker main- just as the Iberian descriptions of the Japanese as potential Christian tains that the missionaries had obvious biases in their observations converts were adjusted, depending on the intention of the reporter. of Amerindians, but she only gives one example, that is the mission- The initial Jesuit task in their correspondence was to criticise the ary tendency to see demonism in native beliefs. Trigger focusses on effort of Father Fléché. Father Biard commented harshly on thefive thematic biases. The Jesuit attempts to analyse native culture, he con- native converts, seemingly healthy adults, who had been baptised by tends, were pragmatic, and directed towards winning converts to their missionary predecessor. According to the Jesuit father, these Christianity. He affirms that the missionaries felt obliged to take note native converts at Port Saint John did not understand his question as only of law, government and religion, which were vital in their deal- to whether or not they were Christians. When they were asked alterna- ings with indigenous people. Trigger also argues that the missionaries tively whether they were baptised, the very best they could answer was considered it unnecessary to write about other aspects, such as the kin- that the had made them like Normans. Father Biard there- ship system, subsistence activities, trade and warfare. As for the biases fore asserted that there was no genuine conversion before the Jesuits of interpretations, his concerns are merely with the possible alterations arrived, and that the indigenous people were just as savage as they had been even after their alleged conversions by Father Fléché.34

31 Georges E. Sioui, Les Hurons-Wendats: Une civilisation méconnue (Sainte-Foy, 33 Elizabeth Tooker, An Ethnography of the Huron Indians, 1615–1649 (1964, Québec: Les Presses de l’Université Laval, 1994), 264; Sioui, Huron-Wendat: The Heri- Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1991), 07; and Bruce G. Trigger, The Huron (New tage of the Circle (Vancouver & Toronto: University of British Columbia Press; & East York: Holt, 1969), 4–5; Bruce G. Trigger, The Children of Aataentsic (Kingston & Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1999), 136. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1976), 17. 32 Carole Blackburn, Harvest of Souls (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s Uni- 34 Pierre Biard, to Father Christophe Baltazar, provincial of France at Paris, from versity Press, 2000), 4–5. Port Royal, 10 1611, in Reuben Gold Thwaites et al. (eds.), The Jesuit Relations 64 chapter two

Unlike Father Xavier, who had to justify his own choice of the Japa- nese as missionary objects, the Jesuits in Acadia were under no obliga- tion to describe the Amerindian population in a positive way. Father Biard’s direct observations of the Amerindians as potential Christians were thus simply negative. In his account of 1611, the nation was ‘savage’, ‘or sauvage’, which meant uncivilised, and the ‘savage’ people were full of bad habits. The people were haunting the woods, ignorant, lawless and rude. Given to any kind of lewdness, they were also venge- ful, lazy, gluttonous, profane and treacherous. They were vainglorious because they believed themselves to be more valiant, more ingenious and wealthier than the French. In the Relation, or the annual report, of the years 1613 and 1614, whose authorship may be either Father Biard or Father Massé, the tone becomes even more scornful. The people were united by no mutual interests, possessing no arts, and indolent in every occupation. On the whole, they were considered to be hardly above the beasts.35 The negative tone disappears in the Relation of 1616, three years after the armed English colonists drove the Jesuits out of Acadia. After a few years of missionary work, the Jesuit attitude changed to one of justification of their own activity. Perhaps in the hope of resuming the Acadian mission, Father Biard, then in Paris, finally attempted to jus- tify the indigenous people as an appropriate missionary object. He now called the people ‘our Savages’, or ‘nos Sauvages’, a term that implied possessiveness of spirit, with little malice, as if to say that ‘nos Sauvages’, though happy, could be improved by Christian salvation. Also, their physical appearance was handsome and well shaped, which, like the light skin colour of the Japanese, made them appear to be good can- didates for Christian conversion.36 A similar bias is detected in the observation of the historical Montagnais, now called ‘Innu’, belonging to the East Algonquian lan- guage group.37 In 1625, three Jesuit missionaries joined the Récollet Franciscans, who had been ministering in the settlement of Quebec

and Allied Documents (Cleveland, OH: Burrows Brothers, 1896–1901), vol. 1, 163–65 [henceforth, Relations 1: 163–65]. 35 Ibid., in Relations 1: 173; and Relatio rerum gestarum in Novo-Francica missione, annis 1613 & 1614, in Relations 2: 201. 36 Pierre Biard’s Relation of 1616, from Paris, in Relations 3: 73–75. 37 The East Algonquian people maintained their hunting and gathering culture. They included the Algonquin, Mi’kmaq, Maliseet, Innu and Ojibwa. For the rela- tionship between the name of ‘Montagnais’ and that of ‘Innu’, see Paul Charest, ‘Les 64 chapter two interpreting non-christian cultures 65

Unlike Father Xavier, who had to justify his own choice of the Japa- since 1615. In 1632, after an interruption in their activity caused by the nese as missionary objects, the Jesuits in Acadia were under no obliga- English rule of Quebec from 1629 to 1632, the Jesuits alone returned tion to describe the Amerindian population in a positive way. Father to New France, and among them was Father Paul le Jeune, the supe- Biard’s direct observations of the Amerindians as potential Christians rior of New France. The initial Jesuit observations of the Innu were were thus simply negative. In his account of 1611, the nation was pessimistic. The expressions Fathers Charles Lalemant and Le Jeune ‘savage’, ‘or sauvage’, which meant uncivilised, and the ‘savage’ people applied to them included naked, beggars, licentious, lazy, rude, inca- were full of bad habits. The people were haunting the woods, ignorant, pable of comprehension, fickle, capricious, polygamous, dirty in diet, lawless and rude. Given to any kind of lewdness, they were also venge- vermin eaters, given to treachery in war, and cannibalistic or cruel to ful, lazy, gluttonous, profane and treacherous. They were vainglorious enemies.38 because they believed themselves to be more valiant, more ingenious The disdain ofthe Jesuits decreased drastically in the later account of and wealthier than the French. In the Relation, or the annual report, of Father Le Jeune, who camped out with an Innu band during the winter the years 1613 and 1614, whose authorship may be either Father Biard of 1633–1634. After some missionary experience with Innu traders at or Father Massé, the tone becomes even more scornful. The people Quebec, he decided to learn more about this people by actually living were united by no mutual interests, possessing no arts, and indolent with them. Once he tried to include the Innu within the missionary in every occupation. On the whole, they were considered to be hardly flock of lost sheep, he also altered his assessment of them as missionary above the beasts.35 subjects. Father Le Jeune’s Relation of 1634 uses such positive words The negative tone disappears in the Relation of 1616, three years as tall, erect, strong, well proportioned, and agile, with no effeminate after the armed English colonists drove the Jesuits out of Acadia. After characteristics. He also described the ‘savages’, probably with the Innu a few years of missionary work, the Jesuit attitude changed to one of mainly in mind, as having a good quality of mind, for they have well- justification of their own activity. Perhaps in the hope of resuming the formed bodies and well-regulated organs. He expounded that their Acadian mission, Father Biard, then in Paris, finally attempted to jus- savage condition was only caused by the lack of education and instruc- tify the indigenous people as an appropriate missionary object. He now tion. He even admired their generosity by pointing to the absence of called the people ‘our Savages’, or ‘nos Sauvages’, a term that implied orphans among them. This was a dramatic change in attitude because possessiveness of spirit, with little malice, as if to say that ‘nos Sauvages’, he never wrote well of them throughout his Relation of 1632. The most though happy, could be improved by Christian salvation. Also, their positive thing he said about them there was that they had good minds, physical appearance was handsome and well shaped, which, like the in spite of their barbarity and lack of formal education.39 light skin colour of the Japanese, made them appear to be good can- As for the Hurons, who belonged to the Iroquoian language group,40 didates for Christian conversion.36 the situation was somewhat different. The semi-sedentary Hurons A similar bias is detected in the observation of the historical were important trade partners of the French ever since the establish- Montagnais, now called ‘Innu’, belonging to the East Algonquian lan- ment of Quebec. Their country near and guage group.37 In 1625, three Jesuit missionaries joined the Récollet Franciscans, who had been ministering in the settlement of Quebec Montagnais d’autrefois, les d’aujourd’hui’ in Cap-aux-Diamants 85 (printemps, 2006): 10–15. and Allied Documents (Cleveland, OH: Burrows Brothers, 1896–1901), vol. 1, 163–65 38 Charles Lalemant, to Jérôme Lalemant, from Quebec, 1st August 1626, in Rela- [henceforth, Relations 1: 163–65]. tions 4: 197–99, 219; and Paul le Jeune’s Relation of 1632, in Relations 5: 23–29, 53 & 35 Ibid., in Relations 1: 173; and Relatio rerum gestarum in Novo-Francica missione, 137. The cited descriptions may also refer to Huron traders who commuted annually annis 1613 & 1614, in Relations 2: 201. to Quebec. 36 Pierre Biard’s Relation of 1616, from Paris, in Relations 3: 73–75. 39 Paul le Jeune’s Relation of 1634, in Relations 6: 229–31 & 239; and Le Jeune’s 37 The East Algonquian people maintained their hunting and gathering culture. Relation of 1632, in Relations 5: 31–35. They included the Algonquin, Mi’kmaq, Maliseet, Innu and Ojibwa. For the rela- 40 The Iroquoians formed semi-sedentary farming societies. They included the tionship between the name of ‘Montagnais’ and that of ‘Innu’, see Paul Charest, ‘Les Huron confederacy, later called Wendat, and the Iroquois nations. 66 chapter two had been a missionary target since the arrival of the Franciscans in 1615. Because of the delayed participation of the Jesuits in the Quebec mission, Fathers Jean de Brébeuf and Anne de Nouë joined the Franciscans among the Hurons in 1626. The English occupation of Quebec from 1629 to 1632 also delayed a Jesuit report on the Huron nation. When Father Brébeuf finally had an opportunity to comment on the Hurons in 1635, the mission had been undertaken for two decades. Given the existence of the Huron mission, Father Brébeuf’s only option for his comments was justification of the Hurons as potential Christian converts. In the Relation of 1635, he made positive comments about the Hurons to show the ease of converting them to Christian- ity. He pointed to their peaceful and flexible minds, which he found agreeable to Christian faith and law, besides their horticultural customs. As far as he was concerned, their vices and superstitions were due to minds that were untrained and untamed by Jesuit teaching.41 Father Brébeuf’s observations contrast with the comment by Father Le Jeune, who was not in charge of the Huron mission and knew the Hurons merely as traders visiting Quebec. Father Le Jeune’s negative comments on the Innu, who were ‘sauvages’, do not refer specifically to a single tribe, and refer to Huron traders also. In addition, he intro- duced them to the reader as skilled thieves who, he guessed, tried to show their intelligence through thefts.42 The above three cases of Acadia and the Saint Lawrence, along with the case of Father Xavier in Japan, indicate two intertwined aspects that influenced the French Jesuit observations of the indigenous peoples. They were, first, the value of the native people’s importance as a mis- sionary object and, second, or furthermore, the possibility for the suc- cessful evangelistic activity among them. When an observer, whether Iberian or French, commented on his missionary objects, he always tried to find some reason to expect them to accept Christianity. All priests, whether Iberian or French, always lived in hope of convert- ing the non-Christian people. In the Iberian reports, the belligerent and avaricious Japanese in some accounts became the best-qualified candidates for Christianity in others. In the accounts of New France

41 Jean de Brébeuf’s Relation of 1635, in Relations 8: 151–53; Lucien Campeau (ed.), Monumenta Novae Franciae (Roma: Monumenta Historica Soc. Iesu; Québec: & Montréal: Bellarmin; or Québec: Les Presses de l’Université Laval, 1967–2003), vol. 3 (1987), 114–15 [henceforth, Campeau, Monumenta, 3: 114–15]. 42 Paul le Jeune’s Relation of 1633, in Relations 5: 241–43. 66 chapter two interpreting non-christian cultures 67 had been a missionary target since the arrival of the Franciscans in also, the Amerindians were no different from wild beasts when 1615. Because of the delayed participation of the Jesuits in the Quebec regarded as unsuited for missionary activity. Yet they were described mission, Fathers Jean de Brébeuf and Anne de Nouë joined the as good-natured people with docile minds once counted as potential Franciscans among the Hurons in 1626. The English occupation of converts. When recording observations of the indigenous people, the Quebec from 1629 to 1632 also delayed a Jesuit report on the Huron priests wrote implicitly of their missionary plan in a new land rather nation. When Father Brébeuf finally had an opportunity to comment than of their objective ideas of the Amerindians’ genuine character. on the Hurons in 1635, the mission had been undertaken for two decades. 2. Second-hand Observations Given the existence of the Huron mission, Father Brébeuf’s only Just as with the direct observations, the indirect observations based option for his comments was justification of the Hurons as potential on the information obtained from their Amerindian informants were Christian converts. In the Relation of 1635, he made positive comments also not free of biases. Despite the difference of locations, the main about the Hurons to show the ease of converting them to Christian- themes for the second-hand observations had not changed since the ity. He pointed to their peaceful and flexible minds, which he found time of the Jesuit pioneer Francisco de Xavier. The French missionar- agreeable to Christian faith and law, besides their horticultural customs. ies’ written concerns were with the non-Christian religion and social As far as he was concerned, their vices and superstitions were due to structure. These were the two aspects of culture they investigated in minds that were untrained and untamed by Jesuit teaching.41 order to replace paganism with Christianity and to win the support of Father Brébeuf’s observations contrast with the comment by Father native society as well. Le Jeune, who was not in charge of the Huron mission and knew the Hurons merely as traders visiting Quebec. Father Le Jeune’s negative a. Non-Christian Worship comments on the Innu, who were ‘sauvages’, do not refer specifically to a single tribe, and refer to Huron traders also. In addition, he intro- The non-Christian religion, to begin with, was a primary theme in the duced them to the reader as skilled thieves who, he guessed, tried to Jesuit accounts of native culture, just as Japanese spirituality was in show their intelligence through thefts.42 the Iberian accounts. This conceptual framework has not been revised The above three cases of Acadia and the Saint Lawrence, along with substantially even in most of the twentieth- and twenty-first-century aca- the case of Father Xavier in Japan, indicate two intertwined aspects that demic publications, except in The Huron by Trigger.43 Back in 1626, influenced the French Jesuit observations of the indigenous peoples. after failing to detect native religion, Father Charles Lalemant pointed They were, first, the value of the native people’s importance as a mis- to the lack of any institutional form of divine worship. Similarly Father sionary object and, second, or furthermore, the possibility for the suc- Le Jeune asserted, in 1632, that the Amerindian people knew little reli- cessful evangelistic activity among them. When an observer, whether gion if any, let alone the worship of any particular divinity. In 1635, Iberian or French, commented on his missionary objects, he always Father Le Jeune more confidently noted that the people were devoid of tried to find some reason to expect them to accept Christianity. All priests, whether Iberian or French, always lived in hope of convert- ing the non-Christian people. In the Iberian reports, the belligerent 43 Trigger, op. cit., 90–93. Although he deals with collective beliefs rather than reli- and avaricious Japanese in some accounts became the best-qualified gion in this work, native religion is the common framework of many other influential candidates for Christianity in others. In the accounts of New France publications. See, for example, Alfred Goldsworthy Bailey, The Conflict of European and Eastern Algonkian Cultures, 1504–1700 (1937, second ed., Toronto & Buffalo: University of Toronto Presss, 1969), 126–47; W. Vernon Kinietz, The Indians of the Western Great Lakes, 1615–1760 (1940, n.p.: Ann Arbor, 1965), 122–60; Tooker, 41 Jean de Brébeuf’s Relation of 1635, in Relations 8: 151–53; Lucien Campeau op. cit., 72–121; Lucien Campeau, La mission des Jésuites chez les Hurons, 1634– (ed.), Monumenta Novae Franciae (Roma: Monumenta Historica Soc. Iesu; Québec: 1650 (Montréal: Bellarmin; & Rome: Institute Historicum S. I., 1987), 97–112; and & Montréal: Bellarmin; or Québec: Les Presses de l’Université Laval, 1967–2003), Shenwen Li, Stratégies missionnaires des jésuites français en Nouvelle-France et en vol. 3 (1987), 114–15 [henceforth, Campeau, Monumenta, 3: 114–15]. Chine au XVIIe siècle (Saint-Nicolas, Québec: les Presses de l’Université Laval; & Paris: 42 Paul le Jeune’s Relation of 1633, in Relations 5: 241–43. Harmattan, 2001), 61–75. 68 chapter two any religious notions. As late as 1710, Father Joseph Jouvency reviewed the Jesuit activity of the previous century and affirmed that there was ‘no system’ of religion in the native culture.44 This French denial of native religion is reminiscent of the Iberian priests’ failed attempts to detect traces of the Apostle Thomas’s Chris- tianity in Japan.45 In each case, the missionaries refused to equate non- Christian customs with formal religion, since they were too rigid to go beyond the existing Christian framework of religion. TheJesuits initially believed that the First Nations had neither religion nor divine worship. Thus, one might assume that the missionaries interpreted native beliefs within a conceptual framework based on the Christian religion and divine worship. It is necessary to examine whether the French Jesu- its made the same mistake as their Iberian predecessors, who recon- structed various Japanese beliefs into a single framework, which they thought logical, but which turned out to be rather chaotic. Despite the initial denial of a native religion’s existence, the French Jesuits employed basic Christian notions to understand the equivalents within Amerindian spirituality, just as did the Iberian missionaries. For example, the missionaries began their research with a presuppo- sition that there should be some pagan idol for worship, since they assumed that Amerindians were pagans. Father Biard’s report of 1616 shows his earnest attempt to find a native deity, which he managed to identify as the sun. According to him, the people in Acadia claimed that they believed in a god, but he was sceptical because they knew no prayers or any form of worship except for admiration of Niscaminou, the name of the sun. The evangelists, however, did not remain as uncomprehending or as intolerant as Father Biard. The shift of interpretations about Amerin- dian ideas indicates that their observations improved towards the mid- seventeenth century. In 1626, Father Charles Lalemant identified the sun as an object for some native prayers although he maintained that

44 Charles Lalemant to Jérôme Lalemant, from Quebec 1st August 1626, in Rela- tions 4: 201–03; Paul le Jeune’s Relation of 1632, in Relations 5: 33–35; Le Jeune’s Relation of 1635, in Relations 8: 185; and Josepho Juvencio, SJ, De regione et moribus Canadensium seu barbarorum Novae Franciae (Rome: Ex Typographia Georgii Plachi, 1710), edited in Relations 1: 239–98, see esp. 287–89. 45 The influence of the Apostle Thomas’s Christianity has not been confirmed in the history of Japan. Most probably Christianity was not imported to Japan before the Jesuit mission. See for example, Takao Abé, ‘The Seventeenth-Century Jesuit Mission- ary Reports on Hokkaido’, Journal of Asian History 39 (2005): 111–28. 68 chapter two interpreting non-christian cultures 69 any religious notions. As late as 1710, Father Joseph Jouvency reviewed the indigenous people knew no authentic prayers like the ones repre- the Jesuit activity of the previous century and affirmed that there was sented at the Christian church. Father Brébeuf explained, in 1636, that ‘no system’ of religion in the native culture.44 the Hurons addressed themselves to some demon that resided in the This French denial of native religion is reminiscent of the Iberian earth, rivers, lakes, and above all, the sky. They also worshipped rocks. priests’ failed attempts to detect traces of the Apostle Thomas’s Chris- On their way to Quebec, Father Brébeuf noticed that the Huron traders tianity in Japan.45 In each case, the missionaries refused to equate non- revered an enormous rock. According to legend, the rock had once Christian customs with formal religion, since they were too rigid to go been a man. Father Brébeuf also noted that they would seek recourse beyond the existing Christian framework of religion. TheJesuits initially to the sky in order to obtain daily necessities. He noted the native believed that the First Nations had neither religion nor divine worship. respect for the great divine bodies in the sky.46 Thus, one might assume that the missionaries interpreted native beliefs When interpreting worshipped objects, the Jesuits also searched for within a conceptual framework based on the Christian religion and a native god, which they somehow assumed to be the native Creator. divine worship. It is necessary to examine whether the French Jesu- Father Le Jeune, in 1632, referred to the Creator and the restorer of its made the same mistake as their Iberian predecessors, who recon- all things, whose Algonquian names were Atahocan, or Atachocam, structed various Japanese beliefs into a single framework, which they and Messsou. He maintained that this Creator implied some idea of thought logical, but which turned out to be rather chaotic. a god. Later in 1634, he added Nipinouskhé and Pipounoukhe, who Despite the initial denial of a native religion’s existence, the French brought the seasons, as well as Khichikouai, who taught men where Jesuits employed basic Christian notions to understand the equivalents to hunt game. And yet he failed to find any hint of veneration in the within Amerindian spirituality, just as did the Iberian missionaries. way that the indigenous people treated these ‘’. In the case of the For example, the missionaries began their research with a presuppo- Hurons, Father Brébeuf attempted to understand how the indigenous sition that there should be some pagan idol for worship, since they people saw their gods by citing the fables of their origin. To the reader assumed that Amerindians were pagans. Father Biard’s report of 1616 in France, he introduced a Huron version of the Creation story, with a shows his earnest attempt to find a native deity, which he managed to focus on Aataentsic, her unnamed and their two boys called identify as the sun. According to him, the people in Acadia claimed Tawiscaron and Iouskeha, or Jouskeha. According to him, while travel- that they believed in a god, but he was sceptical because they knew no ling in Heaven to find some healing fruit for her ill husband,Aataentsic prayers or any form of worship except for admiration of Niscaminou, fell from Heaven onto a giant Turtle on the earth and brought forth the name of the sun. two boys, and these three people created all the creatures on the land The evangelists, however, did not remain as uncomprehending or as and in the water. This Aataentsic was the moon and Iouskeha was the intolerant as Father Biard. The shift of interpretations about Amerin- sun.47 dian ideas indicates that their observations improved towards the mid- Accordingly the Creation story became another notion by which seventeenth century. In 1626, Father Charles Lalemant identified the the Jesuits attempted to understand native culture. Father Brébeuf’s sun as an object for some native prayers although he maintained that account of Aataentsic and other Creators, cited above, shows his attempt to learn about the Huron idea about Creation. He also tried to learn who created Heaven and earth, but was unable to elicit any 44 Charles Lalemant to Jérôme Lalemant, from Quebec 1st August 1626, in Rela- tions 4: 201–03; Paul le Jeune’s Relation of 1632, in Relations 5: 33–35; Le Jeune’s Relation of 1635, in Relations 8: 185; and Josepho Juvencio, SJ, De regione et moribus Canadensium seu barbarorum Novae Franciae (Rome: Ex Typographia Georgii Plachi, 46 Pierre Biard’s Relation of 1616, in Relations 3: 133–35; Charles Lalemant, to 1710), edited in Relations 1: 239–98, see esp. 287–89. Jérôme Lalemant, 1 August 1626, in Relations 4: 203; and Jean de Brébeuf’s Relation 45 The influence of the Apostle Thomas’s Christianity has not been confirmed in of the Huons of 1636, in Relations 10: 159–61 & 165. the history of Japan. Most probably Christianity was not imported to Japan before the 47 Paul le Jeune’s Relation of 1632, in Relations 5: 151–57; Le Jeune’ Relation of Jesuit mission. See for example, Takao Abé, ‘The Seventeenth-Century Jesuit Mission- 1634, in Relations 6: 157–59 & 173; and Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in ary Reports on Hokkaido’, Journal of Asian History 39 (2005): 111–28. Relations 10: 127–139. 70 chapter two

concrete idea from his Huron informants. Fathers Brébeuf and Le Jeune both explained that the Algonquin and Huron peoples believed in the great turtle that held up the earth at the time of Creation. Both priests, however, clearly recognised that the native Creation myth was a fable with no religious overtones.48 The native Creator was not in the least an object for religious worship. Their reference to the native Creation myth was thus mainly to show their effort and solution for expounding the Christian idea of the Creation in a way comprehen- sible to non-Christian people. It may be an inappropriate historical interpretation to describe this world-construction fable as the main element for Jesuit comprehension of the Amerindian religion as do W. Vernon Kinietz and Lucien Campeau, who has apparently accepted the seventeenth-century missionaries’ rhetorical paradigm of religion as the universal framework that is even now applied to Amerindian spirituality.49 To understand Amerindian spirituality, the Jesuits had recourse to the Amerindian ideas about the immortality of the soul, both in Acadia and in the Saint Lawrence. Their focus, however, seems to have been on whether irreligious Amerindians were capable of understanding the Christian notion of the soul, just as the Iberian Jesuits confirmed the Japanese recognition of the soul through the Buddhist belief in an afterlife. Father Biard’s Relation of 1616 suggests that he tried to find out whether or not they understood the idea of a soul. His conclusion was that the native idea of the soul existed but that they were not clear about the soul’s immortality and about the future reward and punish- ment to the soul. Father Charles Lalemant in Quebec seems to have made the same attempt in 1626, even though he wrote instead that the Amerindians believed in the immortality of souls.50 The native idea of the soul was beyond the understanding of French missionaries. According to Father Charles Lalemant in 1626 and Father Le Jeune in 1637, the Algonquin imagined that, in the other

48 Jean de Brébeuf’ Relation of the Hurons of 1635, in Relations 8: 147; Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in Relations 10: 129; and Paul le Jeune’s Relation of 1637, in Relations 12: 73–75. 49 W. Vernon Kinietz, op. cit., 122–23; and Lucien Campeau, op. cit., 106–08. Oth- ers like Elizabeth Tooker and George E. Sioui are more cautious in dealing with the Huron idea of Creation and discuss it in the category of myths. See Tooker, op. cit., 145–48; and Sioui, op. cit., 16–19. 50 Pierre Biard’s Relation of 1616, in Relations 3: 133–35; and Charles Lalemant, to Jérôme Lalemant, 1 August 1626, in Relations 4: 201–03. 70 chapter two interpreting non-christian cultures 71

concrete idea from his Huron informants. Fathers Brébeuf and Le world after death, the souls would eat and drink and speak with each Jeune both explained that the Algonquin and Huron peoples believed other, as did the living. Later, in 1639, Father Le Jeune realised that the in the great turtle that held up the earth at the time of Creation. Both people distinguished more than one soul in one body. In the Huron priests, however, clearly recognised that the native Creation myth was country also, Father Brébeuf retrieved from his informants an indig- a fable with no religious overtones.48 The native Creator was not in enous interpretation about the fate, or the destination, of the soul after the least an object for religious worship. Their reference to the native death. After learning that the destination was somewhere to the west Creation myth was thus mainly to show their effort and solution for of the earth, he was reportedly astounded to learn of their solid faith expounding the Christian idea of the Creation in a way comprehen- in this oral tradition about the soul because the Christian interpreta- sible to non-Christian people. It may be an inappropriate historical tion about it was the only truth, as far as he was concerned. It is pos- interpretation to describe this world-construction fable as the main sible that what the missionaries depicted as the Amerindian souls was element for Jesuit comprehension of the Amerindian religion as do W. something beyond the soul, or even something else like symbolic and Vernon Kinietz and Lucien Campeau, who has apparently accepted eternal spirits that could shift from one body after death and eventu- the seventeenth-century missionaries’ rhetorical paradigm of religion ally to another body at birth.51 as the universal framework that is even now applied to Amerindian The lack of references to the native idea of births prevented further spirituality.49 consideration, however. All the missionaries persisted in the notion of To understand Amerindian spirituality, the Jesuits had recourse to the soul and commonly explained that the contradiction was caused by the Amerindian ideas about the immortality of the soul, both in Acadia a superstition or an erroneous idea of the indigenous people. Concen- and in the Saint Lawrence. Their focus, however, seems to have been trating too much on the indigenous people’s familiarity with the soul, on whether irreligious Amerindians were capable of understanding the Jesuits never thought of going outside the Christian paradigm. the Christian notion of the soul, just as the Iberian Jesuits confirmed Heaven was another convenient clue to identifying the destina- the Japanese recognition of the soul through the Buddhist belief in an tion of souls after death. In 1626, Father Charles Lalemant learnt that afterlife. Father Biard’s Relation of 1616 suggests that he tried to find native souls, after death, would go to the other world. His Christian out whether or not they understood the idea of a soul. His conclusion bias helped him to leap to a conclusion that this other world was the was that the native idea of the soul existed but that they were not clear same as what Christians called Heaven. Later correspondents, how- about the soul’s immortality and about the future reward and punish- ever, did not repeat this interpretation. In 1636, Father Brébeuf noted ment to the soul. Father Charles Lalemant in Quebec seems to have that the Huron otherworld was somewhere far away on the earth, and made the same attempt in 1626, even though he wrote instead that the thus he did not call it Heaven. Instead, he presented the notion of the Amerindians believed in the immortality of souls.50 sky, which was at least closer to the Christian Heaven.52 In truth, the The native idea of the soul was beyond the understanding of French Amerindians did not have a concept of Heaven as the settlement of missionaries. According to Father Charles Lalemant in 1626 and the virtuous. Father Le Jeune in 1637, the Algonquin imagined that, in the other As was the case with Iberian missionaries, the conflict between God in Heaven and some rival spirits seems to have ruled the French inter- pretation of the Amerindian deity. The Jesuits found some supernatural 48 Jean de Brébeuf’ Relation of the Hurons of 1635, in Relations 8: 147; Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in Relations 10: 129; and Paul le Jeune’s Relation of 1637, in Relations 12: 73–75. 49 W. Vernon Kinietz, op. cit., 122–23; and Lucien Campeau, op. cit., 106–08. Oth- 51 Charles Lalemant, to Jérôme Lalemant, 1 August 1626, in Relations 4: 201–03; ers like Elizabeth Tooker and George E. Sioui are more cautious in dealing with the Paul le Jeune’s Relation of 1637, in Relations 12: 27–29; Paul le Jeune’s Relation of Huron idea of Creation and discuss it in the category of myths. See Tooker, op. cit., 1639, in Relations 16: 191–93; and Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in Rela- 145–48; and Sioui, op. cit., 16–19. tions 10: 143–149. 50 Pierre Biard’s Relation of 1616, in Relations 3: 133–35; and Charles Lalemant, to 52 Charles Lalemant, to Jérôme Lalemant, 1 August 1626, in Relations 4: 201–03; Jérôme Lalemant, 1 August 1626, in Relations 4: 201–03. and Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in Relations 10: 143–149 & 159–61. 72 chapter two spirit in the native culture. The Algonquian name of the native spirit was ‘manitou’ while its Huron or Iroquoian name was ‘oki’ in the sin- gular or ‘ondaki’ in the plural. Because it was different from a Chris- tian spirit, the Jesuits did not hesitate to call it the devil or a demon. Father Le Jeune first learnt that the Innu people believed it to be an angel or some powerful being which was a source of evil and the cause of illness. He enumerated three kinds of manitou, or demons: first, the originator of disease; second, the cause of death; and third, manitou that presided over war and created the earth. To Father Le Jeune, a Christian, to think that a demon created the earth must have been too difficult and too confusing to understand. Suddenly at this point, his account abandons the devil when referring to this third manitou and instead calls it a god. He questioned his informant as to where this god was before Creation, but the informant was unable to answer any further. Father Le Jeune’s category of manitou is limited to the first two kinds later in the same report, and the third kind of manitou as the Creator never reappears in his or other accounts.53 The missionaries in the Huron country tried to explain the oki in a way comprehensible to European Christians. Father Brébeuf inferred that his Hurons honoured a demonic divinity called ‘oki’ or ‘ondaki’, which they imagined to be in the sky and to control the seasons of the year. Father Paul Ragueneau explained that his Hurons accepted any unnatural or extraordinary happening as a spiritually powerful oki. He also learnt that the native people believed that an oki, or a powerful genie, would enter shamans’ bodies or appear in their dreams, and would show them supernatural wonders. In addition, Father Brébeuf recognised that the oki was also used metaphorically, referring to those esteemed individuals who had performed miracles.54 The use of an oki as a simplistic synonym for a devil or a demon is found, for example, in the following three Jesuit reports. Father François-Joseph le Mercier called an oki a demon which, according to a Huron charlatan, lived in the house of ondaki under the ground before surfacing. Also, Fathers François du Péron and Jérôme Lalemant

53 Paul le Jeune’s Relation of 1633, in Relations 5: 157; Le Jeune’s Relation of 1634, in Relations 6: 175; & 7: 181–83; and Le Jeune’s Relation of 1636, in Relations 9: 81–83, 125–27 & 209–11. 54 Jean de Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1635, in Relations 8: 99–101; Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in Relations 10: 49 & 161; and Paul Raguenau’s Relation of the Hurons of 1648, in Relations 33: 193 & 211. 72 chapter two interpreting non-christian cultures 73 spirit in the native culture. The Algonquian name of the native spirit simply called this native spirit ‘the devil’ or ‘the demon’ who spoke was ‘manitou’ while its Huron or Iroquoian name was ‘oki’ in the sin- to Hurons in dreams, in the form of a crow, a serpent, other animals, gular or ‘ondaki’ in the plural. Because it was different from a Chris- a flame or a ghost. In these forms, recounted Father Lalemant, the tian spirit, the Jesuits did not hesitate to call it the devil or a demon. demons reportedly revealed the secret of good fortune in the recovery Father Le Jeune first learnt that the Innu people believed it to be an of health or in achieving success in work. Considering all the state- angel or some powerful being which was a source of evil and the cause ments by these six Jesuit correspondents, the native manitou or an of illness. He enumerated three kinds of manitou, or demons: first, the oki was something more complex than the devil. In this Jesuit rheto- originator of disease; second, the cause of death; and third, manitou ric, however, there was no other appellation but ‘demon’ or ‘devil’ for that presided over war and created the earth. To Father Le Jeune, a indicating any non-Christian spirit holding supernatural power, the Christian, to think that a demon created the earth must have been too power that in Christianity was exercised by God.55 This was also the difficult and too confusing to understand. Suddenly at this point, his case in the Iberian accounts. account abandons the devil when referring to this third manitou and In connection with the devil, the Jesuit missionaries paid attention instead calls it a god. He questioned his informant as to where this to two aspects of Amerindian culture: native shamans and rituals, such god was before Creation, but the informant was unable to answer any as feasts or ceremonies. These are also reflected in Father Brébeuf’s further. Father Le Jeune’s category of manitou is limited to the first observation of the Huron people, that they had neither temples, nor two kinds later in the same report, and the third kind of manitou as priests, nor feasts, nor any ceremonies. His statement represents the the Creator never reappears in his or other accounts.53 Jesuit idea about these four necessary religious components. Although The missionaries in the Huron country tried to explain the oki in a the missionaries found no temples among them, they detected native way comprehensible to European Christians. Father Brébeuf inferred shamans, as the equivalents for priests, and indigenous rituals, as that his Hurons honoured a demonic divinity called ‘oki’ or ‘ondaki’, equivalents for feasts and ceremonies. which they imagined to be in the sky and to control the seasons of the Just as the Iberian missionaries made frequent references to Bud- year. Father Paul Ragueneau explained that his Hurons accepted any dhist bonzes and Shintô priests, the French missionaries paid critical unnatural or extraordinary happening as a spiritually powerful oki. He attention to native shamans. The reporters used a variety of terms, also learnt that the native people believed that an oki, or a powerful which included sorcerers, soothsayers, jugglers, charlatans, magicians, genie, would enter shamans’ bodies or appear in their dreams, and medicine men, deceivers and ministers of Satan or of Hell.56 Their would show them supernatural wonders. In addition, Father Brébeuf analysis of the rôle of shamans was directed towards interpreting what recognised that the oki was also used metaphorically, referring to those the people expected and anticipated from the Amerindian spirits that esteemed individuals who had performed miracles.54 they called demons. According to Father Le Jeune, for example, the The use of an oki as a simplistic synonym for a devil or a demon Innu believed that their sorcerers could kill people with charms by is found, for example, in the following three Jesuit reports. Father communicating with manitou. He also referred to an Innu ‘juggler’ François-Joseph le Mercier called an oki a demon which, according to a Huron charlatan, lived in the house of ondaki under the ground 55 François-Joseph le Mercier’s Relation of the Hurons of 1637, in Relations 13: before surfacing. Also, Fathers François du Péron and Jérôme Lalemant 105–07; and François du Péron, to Joseph-Imbert du Péron, from Ossossané, 27 April 1639, in Relations 15: 177; and Jérôme Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1639, in Relations 17: 153–55. 56 Pierre Biard, to the general superior, from Port Royal 31 January 1612, in Rela- 53 Paul le Jeune’s Relation of 1633, in Relations 5: 157; Le Jeune’s Relation of 1634, tions 2: 75; Paul le Jeune’s Relation of 1635, in Relations 8: 123–25; Le Jeune’s Rela- in Relations 6: 175; & 7: 181–83; and Le Jeune’s Relation of 1636, in Relations 9: 81–83, tion of 1636, in Relations 8: 273; Jean de Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, 125–27 & 209–11. in Relations 10: 197; Le Mercier’s Relation of the Hurons of 1637, in Relations 13: 54 Jean de Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1635, in Relations 8: 99–101; 105–07; Jérôme Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1639, in Relations 16: 195–97; Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in Relations 10: 49 & 161; and Paul Lalemant’s Relation of 1640, in Relations 19: 83 & 179; and Paul Ragueneau’s Relation Raguenau’s Relation of the Hurons of 1648, in Relations 33: 193 & 211. of the Hurons of 1648, in Relations 33: 203–07. 74 chapter two who was believed by his country people to restore the health of the sick by dealing with manitou, only in exchange for treasures like por- celain, beads necklace and beaver pelts. As a faithful reader of accounts of the Japanese mission, Father Le Jeune compared this native shaman scornfully to Japanese bonzes, who claimed the power to lead their wealthy supporters to paradise, or, to be more precise, to the world of Buddha, provided they paid a fortune. Apparently the shaman never provided the same services to the poor. Father Brébeuf, too, noticed that the Huron sorcerers attempted to cure diseases only after having received generous presents and good pay.57 The Jesuit interpretations of Huron shamans were more detailed than the interpretations of Innu shamans because of their regular resi- dence in the Huron country, even though missionaries’ basic attitude was the same as Father Le Jeune’s. Father Brébeuf learnt that there were four kinds of Huron shamans who would perform their duties allegedly with the assistance of native genies. The first kind of shaman was presumed to command the rain and winds. The second kind pre- dicted future events. The third kind tried to find lost objects. And the fourth kind would restore health to the ill. As to the last type of sha- man, Father Jérôme Lalemant later distinguished two further kinds: magicians, who determined the nature of diseases and those who give remedies. He also differentiated metaphorically between magicians and sorcerers. According to him, the Hurons distinguished successful shamans from unsuccessful ones by their ability to predict the identity, number and locations of their enemies in war. The former, or magi- cians, were honoured publicly as angels of light, and the latter, or sor- cerers, were abominated as angels of darkness.58 Despite all these differences, the Jesuit accounts treat all the sha- mans commonly as demonic agents allegedly communicating with the devil, as does the Iberian correspondence against the Buddhist and Shintô practitioners in Japan. It is true that the priests’ attitude repre- sented their firm belief in monotheism, in which there is only one true God and other supernatural beings must be false or antagonistic. Yet

57 Paul le Jeune’s Relation of 1636, in Relations 8: 271–73; and Le Jeune’s Relation of 1637, in Relations 12: 07; and Jean de Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1635, in Relations 8: 123. 58 Jean de Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in Relations 10: 193–95; Jérôme Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1639, in Relations 17: 211–13; and Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1640, in Relations 19: 183. A more detailed description of the Huron shamans is in Kinietz, op. cit., 131–35. 74 chapter two interpreting non-christian cultures 75 who was believed by his country people to restore the health of the more significantlythe French missionaries repeated the mistakes of the sick by dealing with manitou, only in exchange for treasures like por- Iberian missionaries, since the Iberian predecessors themselves failed celain, beads necklace and beaver pelts. As a faithful reader of accounts to recognise their epistemological errors and did not admit them in of the Japanese mission, Father Le Jeune compared this native shaman their reports. scornfully to Japanese bonzes, who claimed the power to lead their Some native rituals were aspects of demonism from a Jesuit perspec- wealthy supporters to paradise, or, to be more precise, to the world of tive. In the Relation of 1636, Father Brébeuf referred to four kinds of Buddha, provided they paid a fortune. Apparently the shaman never Huron feasts: feasts of or gratitude; farewell feasts; feasts provided the same services to the poor. Father Brébeuf, too, noticed for singing and eating; and feasts for deliverance from an illness. Later that the Huron sorcerers attempted to cure diseases only after having in the same report, he added the feast of the dead, held every twelve received generous presents and good pay.57 years, in which people confirmed their friendship and harmony. Father The Jesuit interpretations of Huron shamans were more detailed Brébeuf gave no detailed explanation for thanksgiving. According to than the interpretations of Innu shamans because of their regular resi- him and other missionaries, farewell feasts were held by a dying indi- dence in the Huron country, even though missionaries’ basic attitude vidual for his friends and prominent people. Singing feasts were held was the same as Father Le Jeune’s. Father Brébeuf learnt that there when a person had performed a notable act, when a person intended were four kinds of Huron shamans who would perform their duties to take a new name, and when the people planned to go to war. Father allegedly with the assistance of native genies. The first kind of shaman Jérôme Lalemant’s interpretation was more controlled by demonism. was presumed to command the rain and winds. The second kind pre- In his observation of the Neutrals, or the Atiwandaronk, in 1642, he dicted future events. The third kind tried to find lost objects. And the related that most of the feasts were sacrifices to the devil. What the fourth kind would restore health to the ill. As to the last type of sha- Jesuits most commonly associated with the devil were, however, the man, Father Jérôme Lalemant later distinguished two further kinds: feasts or rituals for healing the sick.59 magicians, who determined the nature of diseases and those who give To the French missionaries, the native healing ceremonies, which remedies. He also differentiated metaphorically between magicians included no European-style medical treatments, represented demonic and sorcerers. According to him, the Hurons distinguished successful , as did the healing activity of Japanese yamabushi to shamans from unsuccessful ones by their ability to predict the identity, Iberian missionaries. Father Brébeuf referred to a curing feast or chant number and locations of their enemies in war. The former, or magi- when his Huron hosts sang to eliminate the demon that had caused cians, were honoured publicly as angels of light, and the latter, or sor- a disease. He also recounted two healing games for curing the sick, cerers, were abominated as angels of darkness.58 directed either by a shaman or by a dream. He learnt that the native Despite all these differences, the Jesuit accounts treat all the sha- shamans would perform such rituals as feasts, dances and songs for mans commonly as demonic agents allegedly communicating with the determining which evil was the cause of disease. As far as Father devil, as does the Iberian correspondence against the Buddhist and Lalemant understood, the native dances, feasts and other curing cer- Shintô practitioners in Japan. It is true that the priests’ attitude repre- emonies were taught by demons. In his written opinion, the dances sented their firm belief in monotheism, in which there is only one true and feasts for healing the ill and the success of the native social activity God and other supernatural beings must be false or antagonistic. Yet always accompanied a desire inspired by a demon. Thus, most feasts

57 Paul le Jeune’s Relation of 1636, in Relations 8: 271–73; and Le Jeune’s Relation of 1637, in Relations 12: 07; and Jean de Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1635, in 59 Jean de Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in Relations 10: 59–61, 143, Relations 8: 123. 177–81, 265–67 & 279–303; Le Mercier’s Relation of the Hurons of 1638, in Relations 58 Jean de Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in Relations 10: 193–95; Jérôme 15: 67; Paul Ragueneau’s Relation of the Hurons of 1649, in Relations 34: 113; and Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1639, in Relations 17: 211–13; and Lalemant’s Jérôme Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1642, in Relations 23: 185–87. The Jesuits Relation of the Hurons of 1640, in Relations 19: 183. A more detailed description of also imagined that fornication was inspired by the devil. See, for example, J. Lalemant’s the Huron shamans is in Kinietz, op. cit., 131–35. Relations of the Hurons of 1642 and 1643, in Relations 23: 63; & 26: 227–29. 76 chapter two were considered as sacrifices to the devil. He wrote also that the entire occupation of chiefs was obeying the devil, in presiding over Hell- ish ceremonies as well as in exhorting young people to dances, feasts, nudity and lewdness.60 The difference between these two missionaries is that Father Brébeuf considered most feasts and rituals to be fake or superficial demonism while Father Lalemant did not question their authenticity.61 There have been two basic opinions about the Jesuit use of demon- ology. One is that the Jesuit missionaries were obsessed by demons and attempted to wage war against them, as can be seen in James Axtell’s The Invasion Within and Bruce G. Trigger’s The Children of Aataentsic. They note that the Jesuits employed a military metaphor to justify their missionary goals and methods, and deal with the mis- sionary observations of demonism as faits accomplis that do not need to be examined. The other is that the Jesuits did not believe in native demonism, as Peter Goddard contends. He maintains that the use of the term ‘devil’ is the result of the linguistic deficiency of the priests, and that there was no actual demonism in New France. This discussion, however, has not yet considered the readers in Europe, who were unable to share any physical American experience with the missionaries. From the Christian view that there is only one true God, all other reputed supernatural beings must be false or anti- Christian. Thus, the identification of native divinities with demons came naturally to a Christian perspective. Christians believed that evil spirits could take possession of a person and that the removal of these unclean spirits by exorcism was a priestly function. Although demons most probably existed, outside Christendom, predominantly in the Euro-Christian belief and rhetoric of the mis- sionaries, demonism helped these Jesuit reporters to explain nature- based and non-Christian rituals dealing with evil spirits in a way

60 Father Lalement’s criticism was common to seventeenth-century religious zeal- ots of the Roman Catholic faith, including Jesuit missionaries. They believed that the spirit and the physical desires were in conflict with each other and that the pious had to subjugate the desire for physical comfort and gratification. See Peter Moogk, La Nouvelle France: The Making of French Canada—A (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2000), 253–56. 61 This paragraph is based on Jean de Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1635, in Relations 8: 123; Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in Relations 10: 185– 89; Jérôme Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1639, in Relations 17: 153–55; and Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1642, in Relations 23: 185–87. 76 chapter two interpreting non-christian cultures 77 were considered as sacrifices to the devil. He wrote also that the entire comprehensible to European readers in the pre-scientific seventeenth occupation of chiefs was obeying the devil, in presiding over Hell- century. Demonism was not alien to the knowledge of Christians in ish ceremonies as well as in exhorting young people to dances, feasts, Europe. Simultaneously they made use of the concept of demonism in nudity and lewdness.60 The difference between these two missionaries order to demonstrate the need for Christian missionaries who, in the is that Father Brébeuf considered most feasts and rituals to be fake name of God, would combat the devil in New France.62 This Ignatian or superficial demonism while Father Lalemant did not question their military metaphor was the same with the Iberian references to demon- authenticity.61 ism in Japan. There have been two basic opinions about the Jesuit use of demon- ology. One is that the Jesuit missionaries were obsessed by demons b. The Social Structure and attempted to wage war against them, as can be seen in James The Amerindian social structure, especially of the Huron, Innu and Axtell’s The Invasion Within and Bruce G. Trigger’s The Children of Algonquin peoples, was as important a theme as their spirituality. As Aataentsic. They note that the Jesuits employed a military metaphor in Japan, power and authority seem to have been the basic ways for to justify their missionary goals and methods, and deal with the mis- the Jesuit analysis in New France. Whether in Japan or in New France, sionary observations of demonism as faits accomplis that do not need or even in other colonies probably, the believers in authoritarianism to be examined. The other is that the Jesuits did not believe in native tended to seek out leadership and attempt to influence most societies demonism, as Peter Goddard contends. He maintains that the use of through those leaders. The frequent references to native headmen the term ‘devil’ is the result of the linguistic deficiency of the priests, and councils were made from this perspective. The names of native and that there was no actual demonism in New France. chiefs included, for example, Membertou, a Mi’kmaq chief mentioned This discussion, however, has not yet considered the readers in by Father Biard; Makheabichtichiou, an Algonquin chief mentioned Europe, who were unable to share any physical American experience by Father Le Jeune; and Aenons and Anenkhiondic, Huron chiefs with the missionaries. From the Christian view that there is only one referred to by Father Brébeuf.63 Among them, the description of Huron true God, all other reputed supernatural beings must be false or anti- headmen was the most detailed, for the Huron mission was the first Christian. Thus, the identification of native divinities with demons mission established in native country well to the west of the French came naturally to a Christian perspective. Christians believed that evil settlements along the Saint Lawrence during the first half of the sev- spirits could take possession of a person and that the removal of these enteenth century. unclean spirits by exorcism was a priestly function. Through an analysis of the Huron chiefs, the Jesuits seem to have Although demons most probably existed, outside Christendom, tried to figure out whom to approach or where to find influential predominantly in the Euro-Christian belief and rhetoric of the mis- authority. Father Brébeuf paid special attention to the old men in a sionaries, demonism helped these Jesuit reporters to explain nature- village, who determined all matters and advised their people on how to based and non-Christian rituals dealing with evil spirits in a way do everything. He also recognised two kinds of chiefs. One kind was a war chief. The other kind was a sachem in charge of the affairs of state,

60 Father Lalement’s criticism was common to seventeenth-century religious zeal- ots of the Roman Catholic faith, including Jesuit missionaries. They believed that the spirit and the physical desires were in conflict with each other and that the pious had 62 James Axtell, The Invasion Within (New York & Oxford: Oxford University to subjugate the desire for physical comfort and gratification. See Peter Moogk, La Press, 1985), 91–94; Trigger, The Children of Aataentsic, 503; and Peter A. Goddard, Nouvelle France: The Making of French Canada—A Cultural History (East Lansing: ‘The Devil in New France: Jesuit Demology, 1611–50’, in The Canadian Historical Michigan State University Press, 2000), 253–56. Review 78 (1997): 40–62. 61 This paragraph is based on Jean de Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1635, 63 Pierre Biard, to Christphe Baltazar, provincial of France, in Paris, from Port in Relations 8: 123; Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in Relations 10: 185– Royal, 10 June 1611, in Relations 1: 155, 165 & 177; Paul le Jeune’s Relation of 1637, 89; Jérôme Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1639, in Relations 17: 153–55; and in Relations 11: 149–83 & 241; and Jean de Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1642, in Relations 23: 185–87. in Relations 10: 231, 235 & 303. 78 chapter two such as feasts, dances, games, lacrosse matches and funeral ceremonies. There were as many kinds of chiefs as of tribal affairs. Certain chiefs held their pre-eminence because of their intellectual superiority, popularity, wealth, eloquence, generosity, courage and wise conduct. Father Jérôme Lalemant learnt in 1639 and 1642 that chiefs were responsible for making announcements and managing ceremonials, which included dances, feasts and other performances.64 The Jesuit reporters also referred to councils, in which they seem to have tried to locate power. According to Father Brébeuf, power was manifested in the chief’s house where the council was held. Father Le Mercier noted, for example, that the council of war was held in the house of the war chief, and the council for the affairs of the country or the observance of law and order was held in the council house, which was probably the civil chief’s dwelling. Yet the missionaries recognised that the village government was a civil one and had only partial power over people. The chiefs did not govern their subjects by means of com- mand and absolute power, nor had they any force at hand to compel people to their duty. The council’s rôle was instead to represent what was to be done for the good of the village or of the entire country.65

C. Jesuit Biases in Interpreting Non-Christian Cultures

Of course European priests were not the only people who were influ- enced by their own culture and religion. Yet in a comparative consid- eration of Iberian and French Jesuits, it seems clear that the Jesuits in New France described native culture in their own ideological way. The biases of the European missionary correspondents are difficult to identify within the Canadian historical framework based solely on the reading of colonial French missionary accounts. First, the Jesuit observations and interpretations of non-Christian peoples are more restricted and distorted by a wilful manipulation of information as well as by the limitation of their cultural scope. The written observations represent what image and idea the missionaries wished their readers

64 Jean de Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in Relations 10: 15, 229–31; JérÔme Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1639, in Relations 17: 129; and Lale- mant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1642, in Relations 23: 185. 65 Jean de Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in Relations 10: 233–35 & 261–63; and Le Mercier’s Relation of the Hurons of 1637, in Relations 13: 59. 78 chapter two interpreting non-christian cultures 79 such as feasts, dances, games, lacrosse matches and funeral ceremonies. to hold about the indigenous people and their culture, and not what There were as many kinds of chiefs as of tribal affairs. Certain chiefs they actually were. The Jesuit annalists manipulated their observations held their pre-eminence because of their intellectual superiority, of Amerindians for many possible reasons. For example, they seem to popularity, wealth, eloquence, generosity, courage and wise conduct. have used the correspondence to criticise other missionary groups that Father Jérôme Lalemant learnt in 1639 and 1642 that chiefs were preceded them. For this purpose, native people with whom non-Jesuit responsible for making announcements and managing ceremonials, missions had dealt were depicted as too barbaric to appreciate Christi- which included dances, feasts and other performances.64 anity. The Relations were also tools for justifying their choice of mis- The Jesuit reporters also referred to councils, in which they seem to sionary subjects, who were described as superstitious and thus needing have tried to locate power. According to Father Brébeuf, power was Christian education. When placed within the range of Jesuit activity, manifested in the chief’s house where the council was held. Father Le those people who had once been barbarians under another missionary Mercier noted, for example, that the council of war was held in the order were deemed to be qualified for Christian instruction. house of the war chief, and the council for the affairs of the country or The Euro-Christian cultural framework employed for interpreting the observance of law and order was held in the council house, which native culture was first restricted by the cultural framework of priests, was probably the civil chief’s dwelling. Yet the missionaries recognised and then further distorted by the personal priorities of reporters. The that the village government was a civil one and had only partial power missionaries interpreted Amerindian culture from within a Euro- over people. The chiefs did not govern their subjects by means of com- Christian value system. What they, as Christians, could not accept was mand and absolute power, nor had they any force at hand to compel elucidated negatively, and what they intended to accept as a potential people to their duty. The council’s rôle was instead to represent what hint for becoming Christian was recounted positively. was to be done for the good of the village or of the entire country.65 Second, the Euro-Christian biases and the observational or interpre- tive mistakes can be attributed to the missionaries’ failure to understand the native culture in a native way, and in their misconception that they C. Jesuit Biases in Interpreting Non-Christian Cultures understood it well. The Iberian experience in Japan helps to affirm that the French missionaries relied heavily on their own existing cultural Of course European priests were not the only people who were influ- framework to understand foreign customs, especially beliefs. Even enced by their own culture and religion. Yet in a comparative consid- though they were aware that the native beliefs were myth and super- eration of Iberian and French Jesuits, it seems clear that the Jesuits stitions rather than religion, the Jesuits still employed Euro-Christian in New France described native culture in their own ideological way. religious concepts in interpreting them. Whenever they could not The biases of the European missionary correspondents are difficult understand the spiritual custom, they supplemented the mystery with to identify within the Canadian historical framework based solely on superstitions and demonism as the easiest explanation. the reading of colonial French missionary accounts. First, the Jesuit The Jesuits were diplomatic enough to search for power and author- observations and interpretations of non-Christian peoples are more ity. These two aspects were important for them to find their potential restricted and distorted by a wilful manipulation of information as well patrons and to figure out whom to approach first. The Jesuit reports as by the limitation of their cultural scope. The written observations on Japan and New France are full of accounts of negotiations with represent what image and idea the missionaries wished their readers influential men. Their analysis of the Amerindian social structure was directed pragmatically towards this strategic end. The priorities of the French Jesuits therefore limited missionary interpretations. For exam- 64 Jean de Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in Relations 10: 15, 229–31; ple, they did not explain why native authority and power were less JérÔme Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1639, in Relations 17: 129; and Lale- effective than they needed them to be for spreading Christianity. mant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1642, in Relations 23: 185. 65 Jean de Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in Relations 10: 233–35 & Considering both Iberian and French correspondents, however, 261–63; and Le Mercier’s Relation of the Hurons of 1637, in Relations 13: 59. the Jesuit reporters seem to have adjusted their expressed impressions 80 chapter two according to the cultural and linguistic comprehension of the readers in their home country. When the priests wrote of their experience, they had to decide what to mention and how to describe it. What the evangelists saw and learnt may have been interpreted better in their own minds than in their written accounts that were culturally trans- lated for a French mentality. Third, the Iberian mistakes will lead to alternative interpretations, or hypotheses, of Amerindian culture. The cultural framework that the French Jesuits forced upon their interpretation of the native reli- gion helped them to understand it, but at the same time it helped them to ignore differences of each element. The native religion that the Jesuits claimed to have discovered may not have been a coherent religion and may have been instead a series of independent beliefs and fables that were not necessarily relevant with one another. As was the result in Japan, the French Jesuits’ academic achievement is that they reconstructed, for the imagination held by their European readers back home, a Jesuit version of Amerindian religion that had perhaps never existed as the systematical counterpart of their Euro-Christian religious concept. There may be alternative interpretations when the Euro-Christian biases are considered in the Jesuit descriptions. For example, just as the concept of the Creation is alien to Buddhism, the Amerindian Crea- tor may not have been an important component in the Huron belief in spirits. The Creator was not an object for religious worship. There was no ‘Heaven’ in indigenous beliefs. The native notion of the soul and its immortality was different from the Christian idea, and may have been something like eternal spirits that were believed to move from one body to another in a single secular world that lacked a Heaven. The concept of manitou or oki may have been related to these eternal spirits although the missionaries did not even hint at the connection between them. The indigenous people believed in supernatural powers and called them ‘manitou’ or ‘oki’, but they should not be connected imme- diately with the deity that was equivalent to the opponent to the Chris- tian God. The native manitou or oki could be both good and bad, and the notion of devils or demons did not exist among the Amerindians before the mission. 80 chapter two according to the cultural and linguistic comprehension of the readers in their home country. When the priests wrote of their experience, they had to decide what to mention and how to describe it. What the CHAPTER THREE evangelists saw and learnt may have been interpreted better in their own minds than in their written accounts that were culturally trans- PREACHING, WINNING CONVERTS AND EDUCATING THEM: lated for a French mentality. EVOLVING MULTIFACETED STRATEGIES Third, the Iberian mistakes will lead to alternative interpretations, or hypotheses, of Amerindian culture. The cultural framework that Preaching the Gospel to non-Christian people with the aim of con- the French Jesuits forced upon their interpretation of the native reli- verting them to Christianity was the fundamental rôle of missionaries. gion helped them to understand it, but at the same time it helped Interpreting how the multifaceted strategies of the Jesuits evolved over them to ignore differences of each element. The native religion that time presents its own problems. In Japan, the Jesuits constantly revised the Jesuits claimed to have discovered may not have been a coherent their methods throughout the second half of the sixteenth century. The religion and may have been instead a series of independent beliefs more they understood local people, the better they became at gaining and fables that were not necessarily relevant with one another. As was converts. The same can be said of the French missionaries inNew the result in Japan, the French Jesuits’ academic achievement is that France in the seventeenth century. As they became acquainted with they reconstructed, for the imagination held by their European readers the local people, their educational methods improved, resulting in back home, a Jesuit version of Amerindian religion that had perhaps more converts. never existed as the systematical counterpart of their Euro-Christian For a better understanding of the evolution of strategies of the religious concept. Christian mission in New France, one needs to place it in a longer There may be alternative interpretations when the Euro-Christian and broader perspective. In other words, one should also investigate biases are considered in the Jesuit descriptions. For example, just as the activities of Jesuit missionaries who were at work a half century the concept of the Creation is alien to Buddhism, the Amerindian Crea- earlier outside North America. When the Jesuit missions began in North tor may not have been an important component in the Huron belief in America, the priests had already established some of their methods spirits. The Creator was not an object for religious worship. There was based upon two things: the initial plan for founding the Jesuit order; no ‘Heaven’ in indigenous beliefs. The native notion of the soul and its and the order’s experience in other non-Christian regions through- immortality was different from the Christian idea, and may have been out the world. Comparing the methods used in New France with the something like eternal spirits that were believed to move from one approaches undertaken by predecessors, such as those in Japan, will body to another in a single secular world that lacked a Heaven. The demonstrate the various approaches that served as the prototypes for concept of manitou or oki may have been related to these eternal spirits French missionary strategies. although the missionaries did not even hint at the connection between In order to understand this evolution in methods, it is important to them. The indigenous people believed in supernatural powers and address two issues. First is the question of whether or not one should called them ‘manitou’ or ‘oki’, but they should not be connected imme- label the Franciscan missionaries cultural absolutists, and whether or diately with the deity that was equivalent to the opponent to the Chris- not one should label the Jesuit missionaries cultural relativists. The tian God. The native manitou or oki could be both good and bad, and second issue is whether the Jesuits approached the local population the notion of devils or demons did not exist among the Amerindians using one method only. Or did they use a variety of methods, separate before the mission. yet interconnected? If they used one single method, did the Jesuits then pick and choose certain individuals whom they wanted to convert? Also to be kept in mind is how missionaries modified their single- minded method over time. On the other hand, if the Jesuits were using a multifaceted or parallel approach from the outset, they must have

This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the cc-by-nc License. 82 chapter three envisaged two target age groups: children and adults, as well as two genders: male and female. If that assumption is correct, the Jesuits may have attempted to interconnect all these groups throughout the contact periods. Because a multifaceted approach is by its very nature broader and more inclusive, there was no need to shift approaches when dealing with potential converts to Christianity. With these two issues in mind, the earlier evolution in Japan will be used here as a basic evangelistic experience to be learnt by later missionaries, or in order to discuss the later development of multifaceted strategies in New France.

A. Japan

1. Missionary Methods in Japan a. Early Cultural Accommodation and Father Francisco de Xavier When Father Francisco de Xavier opened the mission to Japan, the first method he developed was a culturally accommodative, if imper- fect, approach to individuals. His cultural adaptation was limited to preaching without using European languages or enforcing them upon Japanese neophytes. And yet this attempt is worthy of mention as an initial step towards the cultural accommodation the Jesuits developed through the second half of the sixteenth century. Discussion of Father Xavier’s initiatives when preaching in Japan will require brief consid- eration of his experience in India in the 1540s, since his approach was based on his own soul-searching about his experience in India. Since most missionaries, including Father Xavier, were unable to comprehend Tamil, a local Indian tongue, all their communication with local people was conducted through native interpreters. The missionaries were not familiar with Indian customs, and thus they failed to see that people of India comprehended little of what the Jesuits were teaching. Of course, the priests failed to comprehend the answers given by the Indians, and the priests only half understood what the interpreters were saying. Because the people had to learn prayers that they did not fully under- stand, they were baptised without a deep knowledge of Roman Catholic doctrine.1

1 Kishino Hisashi, Zabieru to Nippon (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kôbun-kan, 1998), 93. 82 chapter three preaching, winning converts and educating them 83 envisaged two target age groups: children and adults, as well as two This poor communication with East Indians made Father Xavier genders: male and female. If that assumption is correct, the Jesuits pessimistic about the future of the Indian missions. In his corre- may have attempted to interconnect all these groups throughout the spondence of 1549, three months before his party left for Japan, he contact periods. Because a multifaceted approach is by its very nature pointed to the negative characteristics of the Indian population, whom broader and more inclusive, there was no need to shift approaches he considered unsuitable to become Christians. Because Father Xavier when dealing with potential converts to Christianity. With these two preached only in Portuguese or Spanish through interpreters, he found issues in mind, the earlier evolution in Japan will be used here as a it difficult to make himself understood to a people who, he realised, basic evangelistic experience to be learnt by later missionaries, or in did not know God and did not listen to Christian reason because of order to discuss the later development of multifaceted strategies in ingrained and barbarous habits of living in sin. Father Xavier contended New France. that the Society of Jesus could in no way be perpetuated by Indians alone, for he believed that they would remain Christians only as long as the European missionaries should remain in India.2 A. Japan The effort and time spent to learn Tamil by one of his brethren inspired Father Xavier to believe that the Japanese mission would be 1. Missionary Methods in Japan successful by communicating in Japanese to each individual. Father a. Early Cultural Accommodation and Father Francisco de Xavier Henrique Henriques was the first missionary in India to learn to com- municate in fluent Tamil. He baptised selected individuals by repeat- When Father Francisco de Xavier opened the mission to Japan, the edly preaching to them until they abandoned their Hindu religion.3 first method he developed was a culturally accommodative, if imper- Father Xavier applauded Father Henriques as a virtuous and admirable fect, approach to individuals. His cultural adaptation was limited to person who knew how to speak and write Tamil. According to Father preaching without using European languages or enforcing them upon Xavier, because of Father Henriques’s knowledge of the Tamil tongue, Japanese neophytes. And yet this attempt is worthy of mention as an the Christian converts had a tremendous love for him and treasured initial step towards the cultural accommodation the Jesuits developed him for his sermons and speeches given in their own language. Father through the second half of the sixteenth century. Discussion of Father Xavier concluded that the efforts of Father Henriques had been the Xavier’s initiatives when preaching in Japan will require brief consid- most successful in the mission because of his linguistic skill.4 eration of his experience in India in the 1540s, since his approach was Upon reaching Japan, Father Xavier made it a priority to learn the based on his own soul-searching about his experience in India. Since and to understand this non-Christian society and most missionaries, including Father Xavier, were unable to comprehend culture so that the Jesuits might produce pious Christians. In 1549, he Tamil, a local Indian tongue, all their communication with local people wrote to Father Loyola from Cochin that he would report on Japanese was conducted through native interpreters. The missionaries were not customs and writing. In the same year, he wrote to Father Simão familiar with Indian customs, and thus they failed to see that people of Rodrigues in Portugal that, after reaching the archipelago, he would India comprehended little of what the Jesuits were teaching. Of course, find out what was written in the Japanese religious texts.5 the priests failed to comprehend the answers given by the Indians, and the priests only half understood what the interpreters were saying. Because the people had to learn prayers that they did not fully under- 2 Xavier to Father Ignatius de Loyola, in Rome, from Cochin, 12 January 1549; stand, they were baptised without a deep knowledge of Roman Catholic in in M. Joseph Costelloe, SJ (trans.), The Letters and Instructions of Francis Xavier doctrine.1 (St Louis, Missouri: The Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1992), ep. 70, pp. 215–23. 3 Kishino, op. cit., 93–95. 4 Costelloe, op. cit., ep. 70, pp. 215–23, esp. 221. 5 Xavier to Father Ignatius de Loyola, from Cochin, 12 January 1549; and Xavier to Father Simão Rodrigues in Protugal, from Cochin, 20 Janaury 1549; in Costelloe, op. 1 Kishino Hisashi, Zabieru to Nippon (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kôbun-kan, 1998), 93. cit., ep. 70 & 73, pp. 215–23 & 229– 33. 84 chapter three

Although Father Xavier was unable to make himself understood in Japanese during his brief stay of just over two years, his frequent refer- ences to his effort to learn Japanese and his detailed descriptions of the culture in his correspondence demonstrate a clear recognition of the importance of communicating in Japanese and of preaching Christi- anity in a way that was understandable to the people. For example, he asserted that if he and his brethren knew how to speak Japanese, many people would become Christians. He added that his party had already learnt to explain the Ten Commandments in Japanese. In his corre- spondence, he also gave a full description of Japanese temples and Japanese habits as though they were the keys to finding appropriate ways to explicate religious terms in Japanese.6 Consequently, except for those who had not yet learnt enough Japanese, the Jesuit missionaries followed Father Xavier’s advice and communicated with individual people in Japanese throughout the mission period in Japan. b. Hierarchical and Political Approach The other method that Father Xavier and other Jesuits applied to Japan was a community-based, political approach. Father Xavier, however, did not devise it from scratch after arriving in Japan, for he had already developed this mass-based and hierarchical approach in India in order to achieve large-scale, even if superficial, conversions to the faith. In 1545, for example, Father Xavier and his brethren baptised more than ten thousand people in one month. Native community leaders in southern India who wished to trade with the Portuguese were kindly disposed to the missionaries. Upon being invited to a village, Father Xavier and his companions would gather all the men and boys in one place. After preaching, the priests baptised them and then encouraged them to bring their and other family members to be baptised.7 Father Xavier applied this method to the missions in Japan. From the first contact in Japan, the Jesuits made it a practice to approach the rulers of local domains, or daimyô. The first task for Father Xavier, as a pioneer missionary to the country, was to secure the patronage of both the local and national rulers. His enthusiasm even made him seek an

6 Xavier to his companions living in Goa, from Kagoshima, 5 November 1549; in Costelloe, op. cit., ep. 90, pp. 292–313, esp. 300. 7 Xavier to his companions living in Rome, from Cochin, 27 January 1545; in Costelloe, op. cit., ep. 48, pp. 116–20. 84 chapter three preaching, winning converts and educating them 85

Although Father Xavier was unable to make himself understood in audience with the Japanese emperor in Kyoto even though there was Japanese during his brief stay of just over two years, his frequent refer- no chance of such an audience, and this would not have been appro- ences to his effort to learn Japanese and his detailed descriptions of the priate since the emperor had little power. culture in his correspondence demonstrate a clear recognition of the After introducing himself to local rulers, Father Xavier sought to importance of communicating in Japanese and of preaching Christi- obtain permission to preach to the residents in their fiefs. At the second anity in a way that was understandable to the people. For example, he audience with Ôuchi Yoshitaka in 1551, Father Xavier gave him expen- asserted that if he and his brethren knew how to speak Japanese, many sive foreign gifts as the ambassador of the Indian Governor Garcia de people would become Christians. He added that his party had already Sá and on behalf of the Indian Bishop Juan de Albuquerque. TheFather learnt to explain the Ten Commandments in Japanese. In his corre- accordingly secured a residence for priests and obtained the authorisa- spondence, he also gave a full description of Japanese temples and tion for preaching in Ôuchi’s territory.8 Japanese habits as though they were the keys to finding appropriate The Jesuit missionaries emulated the approach of Father Xavier. ways to explicate religious terms in Japanese.6 Consequently, except for In Kyoto, for example, in 1560, they obtained official permission for those who had not yet learnt enough Japanese, the Jesuit missionaries their preaching from Shogun Ashikaga Yoshiteru, and later from his followed Father Xavier’s advice and communicated with individual successor Ashikaga Yoshiaki in 1569.9 In other regions of western Japan, people in Japanese throughout the mission period in Japan. the Jesuit fathers obtained the patronage of local daimyô, including the Takayama clan in as well as the Ômura and Arima clans, both in b. Hierarchical and Political Approach Hizen, the modern-day Nagasaki and Saga Prefectures. Their authori- sation allowed the missionaries to preach to the daimyô’s retainers, as The other method that Father Xavier and other Jesuits applied to Japan well as to ordinary residents in their domains. With the support of was a community-based, political approach. Father Xavier, however, central or local rulers, the missionaries tried to secure buildings for use did not devise it from scratch after arriving in Japan, for he had already as churches and more opportunities for their activity. developed this mass-based and hierarchical approach in India in order Father Luis Frois’s advice to Father de Figuereido in Bungo to achieve large-scale, even if superficial, conversions to the faith. In seems to represent the basic idea of the Jesuit strategy for gaining 1545, for example, Father Xavier and his brethren baptised more than converts in Japan. After approaching Oda Nobunaga and the Ashikaga ten thousand people in one month. Native community leaders in shogunate in Kyoto, Father Frois assessed the Japanese power struc- southern India who wished to trade with the Portuguese were kindly ture and recognised the importance of obtaining the patronage of disposed to the missionaries. Upon being invited to a village, Father the upper echelons of society. As Father Frois saw it, in order to gain Xavier and his companions would gather all the men and boys in one evangelistic fruit among all echelons of Japanese society, the Jesuits place. After preaching, the priests baptised them and then encouraged needed to win the hearts of national and local rulers and, in turn, the rulers them to bring their wives and other family members to be baptised.7 had to demonstrate to the lower classes their love of the missionaries Father Xavier applied this method to the missions in Japan. From and appreciation of the mission. Otherwise, noted Frois, the mis- the first contact in Japan, the Jesuits made it a practice to approach the sionaries could never protect themselves from anti-Christian parties, rulers of local domains, or daimyô. The first task for Father Xavier, as a including Buddhist priests. Without powerful patrons, the Christian pioneer missionary to the country, was to secure the patronage of both the local and national rulers. His enthusiasm even made him seek an 8 Xavier to his companions in Europe, from Cochin, 29 January 1552; in Costelloe, ep. 96, pp. 326–343, esp. 332–33. 9 José Wicki, SJ (ed.) Historia de Japam (by Luís Froís, SJ, 4 vols., Lisboa: Biblioteca 6 Xavier to his companions living in Goa, from Kagoshima, 5 November 1549; in nacional de Lisboa, 1976–84), primeria parte, capitulo 25 [Frois, Historia, part I, chap. 25, Costelloe, op. cit., ep. 90, pp. 292–313, esp. 300. henceforth]; part I, chap. 86; part II, chap. 76 ; and Matsuda Kiichi & Kawasaki 7 Xavier to his companions living in Rome, from Cochin, 27 January 1545; in Momota (eds.), Furoisu Nipponshi (12 vols., Tokyo: Chûô kôron-sha, 1977–80), part I, Costelloe, op. cit., ep. 48, pp. 116–20. chaps. 25 & 86; part II, chap. 76. 86 chapter three 4. image) Quebec (a twentieth-century at Pupils Native with Nuns Ursuline First Source: Source: Library and Archives Canada/Credit: Lawrence R. Batchelor/Lawrence R. Batchelor Services collection/C-010520; Government and Canada (2010) ©Library Works Public of the Minister the permission of with and Canada; reproduced Archives 86 chapter three preaching, winning converts and educating them 87 5a. The Left Screen 5. a Set Screens, Two of Folding Japanese Seventeenth-Century 4. image) Quebec (a twentieth-century at Pupils Native with Nuns Ursuline First This screen depicts an Iberian ship arriving at Nagasaki in the late sixteenth century. sixteenth Nagasaki in late the at arriving an Iberian ship This depicts screen Source: Source: Library and Archives Canada/Credit: Lawrence R. Batchelor/Lawrence R. Batchelor Services collection/C-010520; Government and Canada (2010) ©Library Works Public of the Minister the permission of with and Canada; reproduced Archives 88 chapter three 5b. 5b. The Right Screen The busy port town of Nagasaki and a Jesuit church building are depicted. are building church Jesuit a and Nagasaki of town busy port The 88 chapter three preaching, winning converts and educating them 89 5b. 5b. The Right Screen The busy port town of Nagasaki and a Jesuit church building are depicted. are building church Jesuit a and Nagasaki of town busy port The The architecture of church buildings was in an Oriental style despite the crucifix on the roof. on crucifix the the stylean Oriental despite was in buildings church of architecture The 5c. Christian Missionaries in a Church Building with a Crucifix on the Rooftop (the upper right of 5b) upper right (the on a CrucifixRooftop the with Building in a Church Missionaries 5c. Christian 90 chapter three , The Nagasaki Museum of History and Culture History and of Museum Nagasaki u , The z 5d. 5d. 5b) of right (the lower Merchants and Priests European Nanbanjin raichô-no raichô-no Nanbanjin (5a/5b/5c/5d) Source: 90 chapter three preaching, winning converts and educating them 91

preaching would garner no social support.10 In this way, the vital matter in Japan was determining whom to approach for patronage rather than considering whether the missionaries should preach to the young or the old.

c. Social Improvements In territories governed by pro-Christian daimyô, preaching was com- bined with philanthropy and education, which followed two important Jesuit principles of the mission. Social service was encouraged both by the Formulae of the Institute of the Society of Jesus and by the Constitutions of the Society. According to these constitutions, the Jesuits should propagate the Christian faith through missionary visitations, caring for the sick, teaching Christian doctrine to the young, and through works of charity.11 From a Japanese perspective, the philanthropy carried out by the missionaries and their converts was also a valuable service and a motive for baptism among the ordinary population of all ages and both genders especially because the civil war had left them destitute. (1) Philanthropy From the commencement of the missions, the Jesuit correspondence mentions cases of almsgiving guided by missionaries and organised by local residents. In 1554, the Jesuits decided to provide the residents of Yamaguchi with monthly food rations after preaching about the

, The Nagasaki Museum of History and Culture History and of Museum Nagasaki u , The Ten Commandments. In Bungo under the rule of the Ôtomo clan in z the late 1550s, the local Christian church collected donations from those who attended Sunday Mass so that priests and their Japanese assistants might later preach to and help the sick and destitute. By

5d. 5d. 5b) of right (the lower Merchants and Priests European 1560, under the direction of Father Cosme de Torres, who succeeded Father Xavier as vice-superior, the Funai church in Bungo established

10 Luis Frois to Melchior de Figuereido in Bungo, from Kyoto, 12 July 1569; in Matsuda Kiichi et al (eds.), 3rd ser. of Jûroku-shichi seiki Iezusukai Nippon hôkokushû (Kyoto: D ôhô-sha, 1988–1998), vol. 3, pp. 329–47, esp. 341–42 [henceforth, Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 3: 329–47]. 11 ‘Formulas of the Institute of the Society of Jesus’ in John W. Padberg, SJ (ed.), The Nanbanjin raichô-no raichô-no Nanbanjin (5a/5b/5c/5d) Source: Constitutions of the Society of Jesus and Their Complementary Norms (Saint Louis: The Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1996), article 1; ‘The Constitutions of the Society of Jesus’ in Padberg, op. cit., part vii, chap. 4, article 9, paragraphs 650–51; and Joseph F. Conwell, SJ, Impelling Spirit (Chicago: Loyola Press, 1997), 163–82. 92 chapter three a medical hospital and philanthropic confraternities12 called ‘irmãos da misericordia’, or ‘Brothers of Charity’. In this way, the Jesuits had their Christian converts help their neighbours who were ill, injured or destitute.13 This type of Christian community based on philanthropy wasnot unique to the towns of Funai and Yamaguchi. The Jesuits attempted to organise communities in other regions under the patronage of Japanese nobility. According to a record for the year 1565 on Hirado, ruled by the Matsuura clan, the missionaries organised a confraternity. Four secretaries were elected to collect donations and to take care of the destitute. There was another confraternity in Takayama of Settsu, ruled by Takayama Hidanokami, a pious Christian patron. In the 1570s, Lord Takayama promoted conversions to Christianity in his domain by arranging philanthropy. In other words, in the absence of a local missionary, he acted as the religious leader on behalf of the mission- aries. In another piece of correspondence, Father Frois referred to Nagasaki, the domain of Lord Ômura Sumitada. In Nagasaki, which was ceded by this lord to the Jesuits in 1580, the Jesuits had local Christians build a leprosarium and a shelter to help the destitute in the surrounding areas. Father Frois commented that this service attracted the inhabitants of surrounding areas to Nagasaki, and helped the missionaries to win them to Christianity.14 (2) Basic Medical Care Another charity that attracted people was basic medical service. The Jesuits worked through reciprocity. They exchanged medical knowl- edge with Japanese physicians, whom they welcomed as brethren. On the one hand, to save the patients who gathered at the missionary residence of Funai, for example, Father Torres learnt from a Japanese physician how to make Chinese-style medicines. On the other hand,

12 Religious confraternities, or confrarias, usually existed for shared devotions for a particular saint, a member of a holy family, or a cult, e.g. the . Charity would be a secondary function. 13 Pedro d’Alcáçova to his companions in Portugal, form Goa, 1554; Baltasar Gago to his companions in India, from Bungo, 1st November 1559; and Gonçalo Fernándes to an unknown addresse at the College of Coimbra, from Goa, 1st 1560; in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 1: 107–22, 285–97, & 327–33. 14 Juan Fernández to his companions in China, from Hirado, 23 September 1565; Luis Frois to an unknown addresse, from Usuki, 20 August 1576 [or 1577]; Father Frois’s annual report of 1583 to the general superior, 2nd January 1584; in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 3: 45–55; 4: 365–78; & 6: 175–212. 92 chapter three preaching, winning converts and educating them 93 a medical hospital and philanthropic confraternities12 called ‘irmãos Brother Luis d’Almeida, who was well versed in European medicine, da misericordia’, or ‘Brothers of Charity’. In this way, the Jesuits had passed on his surgical techniques to his Japanese brethren.15 their Christian converts help their neighbours who were ill, injured or The possibility of receiving medical help provided a strong motive destitute.13 for the acceptance of Christianity. To care for the sick, the Jesuits ran a This type of Christian community based on philanthropy wasnot hospital in Funai under the leadership of Brother Luis d’Almeida. The unique to the towns of Funai and Yamaguchi. The Jesuits attempted to hospital was sponsored by a local Christian community, Portuguese organise communities in other regions under the patronage of Japanese merchants and Lord Ôtomo Yoshishige. In the late 1550s, this hospital nobility. According to a record for the year 1565 on Hirado, ruled by accommodated more than one hundred patients, in addition to ill or the Matsuura clan, the missionaries organised a confraternity. Four injured outpatients.16 secretaries were elected to collect donations and to take care of the Brother D’Almeida’s devotion to surgery ended abruptly after July destitute. There was another confraternity in Takayama of Settsu, ruled 1560, however, when the Jesuit headquarters’ prohibition of 1558 on by Takayama Hidanokami, a pious Christian patron. In the 1570s, direct involvement in medical treatment reached Japan. From that Lord Takayama promoted conversions to Christianity in his domain point on, the European Jesuits no longer gave medical treatment at by arranging philanthropy. In other words, in the absence of a local the hospital, which declined gradually under the sole management of missionary, he acted as the religious leader on behalf of the mission- Japanese physicians.17 In Japan, there were no further hospitals or aries. In another piece of correspondence, Father Frois referred to clinics established by the Jesuits, except for some leprosaria. This 1558 Nagasaki, the domain of Lord Ômura Sumitada. In Nagasaki, which shift from an emphasis on saving both lives and souls towards a focus was ceded by this lord to the Jesuits in 1580, the Jesuits had local on saving only souls determined some characteristics of the New Christians build a leprosarium and a shelter to help the destitute in the France missions, as will be discussed later. surrounding areas. Father Frois commented that this service attracted (3) Elementary and Nursery Education the inhabitants of surrounding areas to Nagasaki, and helped the The third type of social service offered by the Jesuits was in the sphere of missionaries to win them to Christianity.14 education, which included two basic types of instruction. The first was (2) Basic Medical Care rudimentary instruction explaining basic Christian doctrine and some Another charity that attracted people was basic medical service. The non-religious subjects through basic Japanese-language instruction, even Jesuits worked through reciprocity. They exchanged medical knowl- though the Constitutions of the Society provided that, because of the edge with Japanese physicians, whom they welcomed as brethren. On dearth of members, the Jesuits should give no elementary education to the one hand, to save the patients who gathered at the missionary teach how to read and write.18 The second kind of education was to train residence of Funai, for example, Father Torres learnt from a Japanese future assistants and priests. Education was a fundamental activity for physician how to make Chinese-style medicines. On the other hand, missionaries rather than a strategic creation of the Japanese mission. Yet it provided a framework for managing local Christian communities.

12 Religious confraternities, or confrarias, usually existed for shared devotions for a particular saint, a member of a holy family, or a cult, e.g. the Immaculate Conception. Charity would be a secondary function. 15 Frois, Historia, part I, chap. 19; Matsuda & Kawasaki, op. cit., 6: 200–06; and 13 Pedro d’Alcáçova to his companions in Portugal, form Goa, 1554; Baltasar Gago Baltasar Gago to the companions in India, from Bungo, 1st November 1559; in Matsuda, to his companions in India, from Bungo, 1st November 1559; and Gonçalo Fernándes Hôkokushû 3, 1: 285–97. to an unknown addresse at the College of Coimbra, from Goa, 1st December 1560; in 16 Baltasar Gago to the companions in India, from Bungo, 1st November 1559; Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 1: 107–22, 285–97, & 327–33. and Aires Sanches to the companions in Portugal, from Bungo, 11 October 1562; in 14 Juan Fernández to his companions in China, from Hirado, 23 September 1565; Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 1: 285–97; & 2: 31–38. Luis Frois to an unknown addresse, from Usuki, 20 August 1576 [or 1577]; Father 17 Higashino Toshio, Nanban’i arumeida (Tokyo: Kashiwa shobô, 1993), 171–72. Frois’s annual report of 1583 to the general superior, 2nd January 1584; in Matsuda, 18 ‘The Constitutions of the Society of Jesus’ in Padberg, op. cit., part iv, article 3C, Hôkokushû 3, 3: 45–55; 4: 365–78; & 6: 175–212. paragraph 451. 94 chapter three

The Jesuits hoped that general instruction in the Christian faith would result in the formation of local religious groups of adults. There was one problem, however. Before the missionaries began tutelage of boys in Bungo, for example, the sons of newly-converted Christians were already commuting to Buddhist temples to learn how to read and write. To eliminate this Buddhist influence upon the children of neophytes, the missionaries had to provide a replacement for this tra- ditional education. They did so by re-interpreting the Jesuit regula- tion that ‘because of the lack of members these elementary subjects are not ordinarily taught’.19 Brother Juan Fernández, who worked in Bungo, stated that, from his own Christian standpoint in 1561, the boys studying at Buddhist temples learnt ‘vices and evil habits’. The Jesuits, he continued, decided to have the children of their converts come to their residences instead so that they could teach them to read and write Japanese, in addition to Christian doctrine. In Kuchinotsu, in the domain of Arima, the missionaries had difficulty in persuading their congregation not to return to the service of Buddhist temples. To solve this problem, Brother Luis d’Almeida set up an elementary school in 1563 for the children of converts to learn both written Japanese and Christian doctrine. He concluded that, from that time onwards, former visitors to the church and their children who had been study- ing at Buddhist schools returned to the Jesuits.20 Passages in the Jesuit correspondence suggest that the mission- ary residence functioned also as a nursery for even younger children of both existing and potential adult converts. In 1561, for example, Brother D’Almeida referred to the childcare service on Ikitsuki Island, near Hirado. At the Jesuit residence, which could accommodate over six hundred visitors, Christians gathered every morning and eve- ning to hear sermons. The Jesuits arranged a day-care service for the children of those converts who were working in the fields during the day. Another reference to Jesuit childcare is Father Frois’s account of Takushima Island, also near Hirado. In 1564 Brother Fernández and Father Frois spent a year on the island. According to Father Frois, they were successful in winning converts by schooling the children of

19 Loc. cit. 20 Juan Fernández to the Jesuit companions, from Bungo, 8 October 1561; in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 1: 349–65, esp. 351–52; and Luis d’Almeida to the companions in India, from Yokoseura, 17 November 1563; in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 2: 99–136, esp. 119–20. 94 chapter three preaching, winning converts and educating them 95

The Jesuits hoped that general instruction in the Christian faith existing and potential adult converts. For teaching Christian doctrine, would result in the formation of local religious groups of adults. There the missionaries not only gathered local teenagers in church in the was one problem, however. Before the missionaries began tutelage of evenings after their daily field labour, but they also had little children boys in Bungo, for example, the sons of newly-converted Christians visit them twice a day, in the early morning and at noon.21 were already commuting to Buddhist temples to learn how to read and write. To eliminate this Buddhist influence upon the children of d. Seminary Education neophytes, the missionaries had to provide a replacement for this tra- The Jesuit education for Japanese children, which began in the early ditional education. They did so by re-interpreting the Jesuit regula- 1560s, eventually led to the establishment of two seminaries, which tion that ‘because of the lack of members these elementary subjects were designed to train boys for the priesthood. These seminaries began are not ordinarily taught’.19 Brother Juan Fernández, who worked in as late as 1579 or 1580 under the leadership of Father Alessandro Bungo, stated that, from his own Christian standpoint in 1561, the Valignano, the padre visitador who was in charge of the entire East boys studying at Buddhist temples learnt ‘vices and evil habits’. The Asian mission. One seminary was built at Azuchi, in the Oda clan’s Jesuits, he continued, decided to have the children of their converts territory, in 1579, and the other was established at Arima, in the Arima come to their residences instead so that they could teach them to read clan’s territory, in 1580. Select boys boarded with the missionaries and and write Japanese, in addition to Christian doctrine. In Kuchinotsu, their assistants, away from their . This type of seminary was in the domain of Arima, the missionaries had difficulty in persuading one of the first such institutions for non-European boys and became their congregation not to return to the service of Buddhist temples. To the prototype for the seminaries for native boys near the French settle- solve this problem, Brother Luis d’Almeida set up an elementary school ments in seventeenth-century North America. It was also one of the in 1563 for the children of converts to learn both written Japanese prototypes for residential schools for Amerindians in nineteenth and and Christian doctrine. He concluded that, from that time onwards, twentieth century Canada. former visitors to the church and their children who had been study- Father Valignano hoped that these seminaries would strengthen ing at Buddhist schools returned to the Jesuits.20 Christian communities under the guidance of Japanese priests, rather Passages in the Jesuit correspondence suggest that the mission- than simply educating boys. In his report to the general superior in ary residence functioned also as a nursery for even younger children 1583, he discussed the need for a seminary in Japan. He listed three of both existing and potential adult converts. In 1561, for example, reasons for creating a seminary by following the examples of the Jesuits Brother D’Almeida referred to the childcare service on Ikitsuki Island, in Europe and India. First, the seminaries would prevent Japanese near Hirado. At the Jesuit residence, which could accommodate over boys from becoming unruly and self-indulgent. Second, early educa- six hundred visitors, Christians gathered every morning and eve- tion in Latin and other academic subjects would relieve the Japanese ning to hear sermons. The Jesuits arranged a day-care service for the of ignorance and make them capable of becoming missionaries. Third, children of those converts who were working in the fields during the the Jesuits should eliminate the traditional Buddhist rôle in educa- day. Another reference to Jesuit childcare is Father Frois’s account of tion, replacing it with Christian schooling. With these three reasons Takushima Island, also near Hirado. In 1564 Brother Fernández and in mind, Father Valignano intended to train seminarians to become Father Frois spent a year on the island. According to Father Frois, Jesuits or assistants.22 they were successful in winning converts by schooling the children of

21 Luis d’Almeida to Father Antonio de Quadros, the superior of the Indian mission, 19 Loc. cit. and other companions, from Bungo, 1st October 1561; in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 2: 20 Juan Fernández to the Jesuit companions, from Bungo, 8 October 1561; in 369–89; Frois, Historia, part I, chap. 52; Matsuda & Kawasaki, op. cit., 9: 172–73. Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 1: 349–65, esp. 351–52; and Luis d’Almeida to the companions 22 Matsuda Kiichi (ed.), Nippon junsatsuki (Tokyo: Heibon-sha, 1973), 77–80; based in India, from Yokoseura, 17 November 1563; in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 2: 99–136, on Sumario de las cosas que pertenecen a la provincia de Japon y al gobierno della, esp. 119–20. compuesta por el P. Alexandre Valignano, Visitador de las de Oriente dirigido 96 chapter three

There are two characteristics to note in the Jesuit plan for these seminaries. One is that the Jesuits did not teach Portuguese to semi- narians despite their Portuguese royal patronage. Another is that Father Valignano intended to use the seminaries to gain the support of influential Japanese patrons if possible, just as his brethren in Europe used the Jesuit colleges for the same purpose. In the same report, he proposed that the seminaries should accommodate the sons or younger brothers of aristocrats, of domain rulers and of their vassals, should there be any extra time, funding, or personnel. For the Jesuits, there- fore, securing local elite patronage was more important than bringing up future Japanese priests, for education was possible only with the support of the local nobility. e. Attempts at Baptism The Jesuits attached importance to post-baptismal preaching but only gradually did they emphasise pre-baptismal instruction. When early Jesuits began to work in the Japanese missions in the 1550s, their lack of command of Japanese forced them to depend on their Japanese assistants, who did the preaching. They were thus barely capable of confirming each proselyte’s avowed comprehension of the faith and belief in it. Initially the only option was mass baptism without much instruction. Father Xavier, for example, reported that his party had conducted one hundred baptisms in Kagoshima, another one hun- dred in Hirado and more than five hundred in Yamaguchi during his two-year sojourn.23 Three decades later in 1583, as the superior of the Japanese mission, Father Valignano, proposed more systematic instruction before bap- tism. According to these instructions, candidates should be baptised after a seven-day period of instruction. In the first three days, priests were supposed to expound on two fundamental points: the salvation of souls through God; and the concept of the eternal soul. In addi- tion, four days should be spent on further study of Roman Catho- lic doctrine. After this seven-day course, those who sought baptism were instructed to write several prayers in Japanese as prerequisites for

a N.P. Gen. Claudio Aquaviva, preserved in Biblioteca da Ajuda. Cód. 49–IV–56. ff. 55–114v, 116–145v. 23 Xavier to his companions in Europe, from Cochin, 29 January 1552; in Costelloe, ep. 96, pp. 326–343, esp. 330–35. 96 chapter three preaching, winning converts and educating them 97

There are two characteristics to note in the Jesuit plan for these baptism. Father Valignano admitted that, even after this type of bap- seminaries. One is that the Jesuits did not teach Portuguese to semi- tismal instruction, a fresh convert would still need to be trained in a narians despite their Portuguese royal patronage. Another is that church to become a fine Christian.24 Father Valignano intended to use the seminaries to gain the support of This training sequence indicates that the Jesuits spent less time influential Japanese patrons if possible, just as his brethren in Europe preaching and training the congregation before baptism than Father used the Jesuit colleges for the same purpose. In the same report, he Valignano had proposed. From another point of view, the instruction proposed that the seminaries should accommodate the sons or younger and standard for baptism grew strict enough for Japanese candidates brothers of aristocrats, of domain rulers and of their vassals, should to identify themselves as Christians or to distinguish themselves from there be any extra time, funding, or personnel. For the Jesuits, there- Shinto or Buddhist believers. To confirm a candidate’s faith in God, fore, securing local elite patronage was more important than bringing the missionaries either instructed or obliged neophytes to discard non- up future Japanese priests, for education was possible only with the Christian icons and scriptures.25 By approaching communities rather support of the local nobility. than individuals, the evangelists were able to baptise from a few hundred to thousands annually at the respective local residences until the early e. Attempts at Baptism seventeenth century.26 The Jesuits attached importance to post-baptismal preaching but only 2. The Jesuits and the Franciscans in Japan gradually did they emphasise pre-baptismal instruction. When early Jesuits began to work in the Japanese missions in the 1550s, their lack Thus, the Jesuit strategies for preaching and winning converts were of command of Japanese forced them to depend on their Japanese not only based on the Society’s Formulae and Constitutions but also assistants, who did the preaching. They were thus barely capable of on cautious observation of the complex situation of the mission in confirming each proselyte’s avowed comprehension of the faith and Japan. The Jesuits learnt some Japanese in order to communicate with belief in it. Initially the only option was mass baptism without much converts. The only other option was to force these converts to speak instruction. Father Xavier, for example, reported that his party had Portuguese, which they did not even try to teach to their Japanese conducted one hundred baptisms in Kagoshima, another one hun- students. As a fundamental policy, the missionaries approached local dred in Hirado and more than five hundred in Yamaguchi during his two-year sojourn.23 24 Ibid., 74; Thomas Uyttenbroeck, Jûroku naishi jûshichi seiki no Nippon ni okeru Three decades later in 1583, as the superior of the Japanese mission, Furanshisukokaishitachi (trans. Ishii Kengo, Tokyo: Chûô shuppansha, 1980), 56–57. Father Valignano, proposed more systematic instruction before bap- 25 Fernão Guerreiro, SJ, Relação anual das coisas que fizeram os padres da Companhia tism. According to these instructions, candidates should be baptised de Jesus nas suas missões do Japão, China, Cataio, Tidore, . . . Goa, . . . Cabo Verde e : Nos anos de 1600 a 1609... (1603–1611, three vols., 2nd ed., Coimbra & Lisboa, after a seven-day period of instruction. In the first three days, priests 1930–42), tomo I, parte primeira, livro secundo, 69–164, edited in Matsuda, Hôkokushû were supposed to expound on two fundamental points: the salvation 1, 3: 151–302, esp. 198, 213–214; Luis Frois’s report of 1583 to the general superior, of souls through God; and the concept of the eternal soul. In addi- from Japan, 2nd January 1584, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 6: 173–212, esp. 197–99; and Frois to the general superior, from Nagasaki, 20 August 1585, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû tion, four days should be spent on further study of Roman Catho- 3, 7: 1–93, esp. 15–16. lic doctrine. After this seven-day course, those who sought baptism 26 See ’s report of 1588 to the general superior, 24 February 1589, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 1, 1: 1–93, esp. 20–24; Coelho’s report of 1589 to Alessandro were instructed to write several prayers in Japanese as prerequisites for Valignano, from Kadsusa, 7 October 1589, in Matsuda 1, 1: 113–138, esp. 125; Luis Frois’s report of 1595 to the general superior, 20 October 1595, from Kyoto, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 1, 47–88, esp. 69–70 & 74; Luis Frois’s report of 1596, from Nagasaki, 13 December 1596, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 1, 125–271, esp. 147–48, 177–84, 191–95, 226 a N.P. Gen. Claudio Aquaviva, preserved in Biblioteca da Ajuda. Cód. 49–IV–56. ff. & 261–62; Fernão Guerreiro, op. cit., tomo I, parte segunda, livro primeiro, 169–234, 55–114v, 116–145v. edited in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 1, 4: 67–172, esp. 83, 94, 99–100 & 158–59; and Fernão 23 Xavier to his companions in Europe, from Cochin, 29 January 1552; in Costelloe, Guerreiro, op. cit., tomo III, livro terceiro, 115–231, edited in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 1, 5: ep. 96, pp. 326–343, esp. 330–35. 121–299, esp. 223. 98 chapter three rulers for patronage. Once they gained the daimyô’s authorisation and sponsorship, they preached Christianity in Japanese to residents. The Jesuit schooling for young seminarians consisted of teaching Christi- anity and Latin along with basic subjects. These methods lasted under the Jesuit monopoly of the missions until the early . One further point to note in this regard is that, whereas it was the Jesuits who followed the Franciscan mission in New France, it was the Franciscan friars who followed the model of the Jesuit mission in Japan. In 1584, four friars under Spanish royal patronage arrived at Hirado from Manila. They were welcomed by Lord Matsuura Shigenobu of Hirado, and then they returned to Manila and reported that the prospects for a successful mission were good. Again, in 1593, the Franciscan Father Pedro Bautista’s party reached Japan, and began their Christian preaching the following year.27 The Franciscan approach to preaching was similar to the Jesuit one in terms of the above-mentioned hierarchical approach and social improvements. The Franciscans were wise enough to recognize that they were burdened with two disadvantages: They were foreign and they were in the minority. They quickly learnt to operatetheir own mission using many of the strategies developed by the Jesuits in Japan. Accord- ingly, unlike their compatriots in the Philippines who worked under the umbrella of Spanish colonial rule, the Franciscans in Japan did not attempt to impose themselves and their theology on the Japanese. The first task for the Franciscans was to obtain the patronage of Japanese rulers following the example of the pioneer Jesuits. As the Spanish emissary from Manila, Father Bautista managed to receive an audience with Toyotomi Hideyoshi, who controlled most parts of central and western Japan in the 1590s. Father Bautista also asked Hideyoshi for permission to stay in Japan as a missionary. Once the mission was authorised, or more to the point, once the Franciscan friars assumed that it was authorised,28 the Franciscans began preaching the Gospel in

27 Pablo Pastells, SJ, Jûroku jûshichi seiki Nippon Supein kôshôshi (trans. Matsuda Kiichi, Tokyo: Taishûkan shoten, 1994), 07 & 77–98. 28 There was disagreement on the authorisation for the Franciscan mission. The Franciscan Father Bautista’s interpretation of what the Friars had been granted by Hideyoshi was the sponsorship and authorisation of their sojourn as well as their evangelistic activity in Kyoto. The Jesuit Father Luis Frois reported later, in 1597, that Father Bautista had misinterpreted the message of Hideyoshi, who had really only given permission to the Franciscans to promote international trade. Father Frois believed that Father Bautista had been wrong because Hideyoshi gave the Jesuits the same 98 chapter three preaching, winning converts and educating them 99 rulers for patronage. Once they gained the daimyô’s authorisation and their limited Japanese, assisted by their interpreters in Kyoto, Osaka sponsorship, they preached Christianity in Japanese to residents. The and Nagasaki. In preaching and baptising people, they were assisted Jesuit schooling for young seminarians consisted of teaching Christi- by Father Pedro Gómez, the Jesuit vice-superior of Japan. Thus, the anity and Latin along with basic subjects. These methods lasted under Franciscans followed, from the outset, the existing guidelines estab- the Jesuit monopoly of the missions until the early 1590s. lished by Father Valignano. The Franciscans also began to found One further point to note in this regard is that, whereas it was the noviciates and hospitals in Kyoto. Despite a short break from 1597 Jesuits who followed the Franciscan mission in New France, it was to 1602,29 the Franciscans succeeded in organising ten noviciates and the Franciscan friars who followed the model of the Jesuit mission seven hospitals from the 1590s to the mid-1610s.30 in Japan. In 1584, four friars under Spanish royal patronage arrived Although the Franciscans followed the Jesuit model, there were at Hirado from Manila. They were welcomed by Lord Matsuura some variations, at least initially. For example, the Jesuit Father Shigenobu of Hirado, and then they returned to Manila and reported Frois wrote in 1597 that the Franciscan Father Bautista had begun to that the prospects for a successful mission were good. Again, in 1593, preach openly in public in Kyoto even though the Jesuit activity had the Franciscan Father Pedro Bautista’s party reached Japan, and began remained underground since Hideyoshi’s proscription of Christianity their Christian preaching the following year.27 in 1586.31 In order to claim that the Franciscans, but not the Jesuits, The Franciscan approach to preaching was similar to the Jesuit one were responsible for causing the execution of twenty-six Christians in in terms of the above-mentioned hierarchical approach and social 1597,32 Father Frois blamed Father Bautista’s failure to obey the orders improvements. The Franciscans were wise enough to recognize that of Hideyoshi. It must be said that, only after having won converts they were burdened with two disadvantages: They were foreign and they during the first stage of the missionary work, the Franciscans would were in the minority. They quickly learnt to operatetheir own mission have been able to proceed to the second stage, which involved assisting using many of the strategies developed by the Jesuits in Japan. Accord- those lay Christians in order to win more converts, as did the Jesuits ingly, unlike their compatriots in the Philippines who worked under in their underground missions. Thus, by beginning only with under- the umbrella of Spanish colonial rule, the Franciscans in Japan did not ground activity, the Franciscans could never have been able to expect attempt to impose themselves and their theology on the Japanese. The missionary success. first task for the Franciscans was to obtain the patronage of Japanese rulers following the example of the pioneer Jesuits. As the Spanish emissary from Manila, Father Bautista managed to receive an audience with Toyotomi Hideyoshi, who controlled most parts of central and order—that the European visitors were to promote international trade only. Father Frois’s idea was that Hideyoshi only overlooked the Jesuit priests’ stay in Nagasaki for western Japan in the 1590s. Father Bautista also asked Hideyoshi for promoting international trade and had not withdrawn his anti-Christian proscription permission to stay in Japan as a missionary. Once the mission was issued in 1586 before the arrival of Father Bautista. For Father Frois’s opinions, see authorised, or more to the point, once the Franciscan friars assumed his own report on the twenty-six martyrs in Nagasaki in 1597, made to the general 28 superior at Rome (from Nagasaki), 15 March 1597, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 1, 3: 1–82, that it was authorised, the Franciscans began preaching the Gospel in esp. 6–9; and Cooper, Tsûji Rodorigesu (trans. Matsumoto Tama, Tokyo: Hara shobô, 1991), 102–103. For Father Bautista’s perspectives, see Uyttenbroek, op. cit., 33–35 & 42–44. 29 In 1597, Hideyoshi removed all eleven Franciscan missionaries from Japan 27 Pablo Pastells, SJ, Jûroku jûshichi seiki Nippon Supein kôshôshi (trans. Matsuda by executing six and deporting five. Hideyoshi died in 1598. was Kiichi, Tokyo: Taishûkan shoten, 1994), 07 & 77–98. successful in reorganising the power structure of Japan by 1603. 28 There was disagreement on the authorisation for the Franciscan mission. The 30 Uyttenbroeck, op. cit., 33–63. Franciscan Father Bautista’s interpretation of what the Friars had been granted by 31 Frois’s report on the twenty-six martyrs in Nagasaki in 1597, made to the general Hideyoshi was the sponsorship and authorisation of their sojourn as well as their superior at Rome (from Nagasaki), 15 March 1597, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 1, 3: 1–82, evangelistic activity in Kyoto. The Jesuit Father Luis Frois reported later, in 1597, that esp. 6–9; and Michael Cooper, op. cit., 102–103. Father Bautista had misinterpreted the message of Hideyoshi, who had really only given 32 Twenty-six Christians, mainly Franciscan missionaries and their Japanese assistants, permission to the Franciscans to promote international trade. Father Frois believed who had been arrested in Kyoto and Osaka by the order of Toyotomi Hideyoshi in that Father Bautista had been wrong because Hideyoshi gave the Jesuits the same December 1596, were taken to Nagasaki and executed there in February 1597. 100 chapter three

Another difference was that the Franciscans initially walked barefoot and dressed in rags in order to fulfil their vow of poverty. They did so in spite of the fact that the Jesuits had already adopted the Japanese clothes well before the 1590s.33 However, this does not mean that the Franciscans imposed their choice of attire on their converts. Rather, they dressed in rags as a way of letting the Japanese know that another Roman Catholic religious order had arrived. Therefore, this contrast in clothing style, between the Franciscans and the Jesuits, does not repre- sent any differences between the two orders, as far as cultural tolerance is concerned. Moreover, these distinctly different styles take nothing away from the argument that there was a continuity of methodologies between the Jesuits and the Franciscans.34

3. Hypotheses for New France The case of the missionary strategies in Japan yields two general hypotheses. First, it is inappropriate to consider the Franciscans to have been different from the Jesuits in terms of the instillation ofEuro- Christian culture. Despite their poor adaptation to Japan in the early stage, the Friars from the Spanish colony of the Philippines followed, to a large degree, the missionary conventions that the Jesuits had devised through their forty-year experience in this archipelago. Second, in the Jesuit strategy, no priority was given to the conver- sion of adults or youth. Converting the general adult population and educating children were two parallel activities with differing motives. Notwithstanding the fact that there was some overlap between these activities, the former was essential for establishing a Christian com- munity and the latter was originally based on the instructions of the Ignatian Formulae and Constitutions. It is now possible to examine these hypotheses with regard to the missionary experiment in New France.

33 Neil S. Fujita, Japan’s Encounter with Christianity (New York & Mahwah, N. J.: Paulist Press, 1991), 132–33. 34 Cf. Fujita, loc. cit. 100 chapter three preaching, winning converts and educating them 101

Another difference was that the Franciscans initially walked barefoot B. New France and dressed in rags in order to fulfil their vow of poverty. They did so in spite of the fact that the Jesuits had already adopted the Japanese 1. The Question of Cultural Absolutism and Relativism clothes well before the 1590s.33 However, this does not mean that the a. The Franciscan Missions Franciscans imposed their choice of attire on their converts. Rather, they dressed in rags as a way of letting the Japanese know that another The Jesuits succeeded the Friars in New France. True, the Jesuits Roman Catholic religious order had arrived. Therefore, this contrast in did arrive in the French colony of North America earlier than the clothing style, between the Franciscans and the Jesuits, does not repre- Franciscans. Yet their missions ended within three years when the sent any differences between the two orders, as far as cultural tolerance French abandoned Acadia in 1613. managed to is concerned. Moreover, these distinctly different styles take nothing raise funds in 1614 to bring Récollet Franciscans inland to the Saint away from the argument that there was a continuity of methodologies Lawrence Valley, west of Acadia. They reached Quebec the following between the Jesuits and the Franciscans.34 year.35 It was ten years later, in 1625, that the Jesuits finally joined the mission as ecclesiastical reinforcements for New France. 3. Hypotheses for New France In recent Canadian historiography, several scholars have dealt with the differences in these two religious orders’ approaches to evangelis- The case of the missionary strategies in Japan yields two general tic activity. These differences have often been attributed to the separate hypotheses. First, it is inappropriate to consider the Franciscans to have origins of each missionary organisation. One common opinion, espoused been different from the Jesuits in terms of the instillation ofEuro- first by Bruce Trigger in 1976, was the contrast between the cultural Christian culture. Despite their poor adaptation to Japan in the early absolutism of Franciscans and the cultural relativism of Jesuits. The stage, the Friars from the Spanish colony of the Philippines followed, Franciscans, contended Trigger, believed that the indigenous peoples, to a large degree, the missionary conventions that the Jesuits had in order to become true Christians, should become French in language devised through their forty-year experience in this archipelago. and culture. The Jesuits, on the other hand, rejected this policy of Second, in the Jesuit strategy, no priority was given to the conver- cultural imperialism as a necessary condition for the Amerindians to sion of adults or youth. Converting the general adult population and be evangelised. Trigger affirmed that this policy difference originated educating children were two parallel activities with differing motives. in the ideological distinction between these missionary organisations, Notwithstanding the fact that there was some overlap between these and had nothing to do with the experimental transition from activities, the former was essential for establishing a Christian com- Franciscans to the Jesuits. His opinion has gained the support of many munity and the latter was originally based on the instructions of the contemporary scholars ever since, including John Webster Grant in Ignatian Formulae and Constitutions. It is now possible to examine these 1985, Charles Principe in 1987, Roger Magnuson in 1992, Anya Mali hypotheses with regard to the missionary experiment in New France. in 1996 and Carole Blackburn in 2000.36

35 W.L. Grant (ed), Voyages of Samuel de Champlain, 1614–1618 (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1907), 270–271. 36 Bruce G. Trigger, The Children of Aataentsic (Montreal & Kingston: McGill- Queen’s University Press, 1976), 376–81 & 467–69; Trigger, Natives and Newcomers (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1985), 200–02; John Webster Grant, Moon of Wintertime (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984), 38 & 46; Charles Principe, ‘Les Jésuites missionnaires auprès des Amérindiens du Canada’ in G. Demerson et al, Les Jésuites parmi les hommes aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles (Association des 33 Neil S. Fujita, Japan’s Encounter with Christianity (New York & Mahwah, N. J.: Publications de la Faculté des Lettres et Science Humaines de Clermont-Ferrand, 1987), Paulist Press, 1991), 132–33. 309–20, esp. 317; Roger Magnuson, Education in New France (Montreal & Kingston: 34 Cf. Fujita, loc. cit. McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1992), 19–20; Anya Mali, ‘Strange Encounters: 102 chapter three

An opposing interpretation focusses on the cultural argument that the missionaries’ approach to foreign cultures developed continually throughout the seventeenth century, irrespective of the difference in religious orders. Cornelius J. Jaenen, for example, maintained in 1976 that the Jesuits perpetuated the Franciscan missionary policy and gradually adapted their approach in their negotiations with indigenous people. Along the same lines, in 1984 James Axtell argued that the Jesuit programme of conversion resembled the Franciscan programme of cultural assimilation throughout the . Then in the 1640s, the Jesuits turned to establishing native reserves, where they tried to settle down nomadic peoples.37 Few other historians support these contentions. To date, there has been little discussion and thus no compromise between these schools of thought. Among Canadian historians, it is almost impossible to determine whether the difference of attitudes was the result of a distinction between the principles of the two ecclesiasti- cal orders or of an evolution in their strategies. A broader perspective that considers the relationship between the Franciscans and the Jesuits half a century before in Japan could well help to clarify this question. It is an oversimplification to attribute methodological differences to the stated goals and ideals of religious bodies. Both the Jesuits and the Franciscans in Japan were clever diplomats who were able to analyse their political situation in a foreign land and to figure out the best pos- sible approach. The Franciscans in Japan carefully adopted a method based on the accumulated experience of the Jesuits and were in no way culturally more aggressive than the Jesuits. In other words, the putative contrast between the culturally aggressive Friars and the culturally accommodative Jesuits needs to be reconsidered. No matter how Eurocentric from a cultural perspective the mission- ary strategy of the French Friars may have been, it was not because they were Franciscans but because they were the pioneer missionaries with little practical experience. The only strategy initially open to them was to encourage indigenous people to live in the French settlement so that they might learn to communicate in French and learn European customs.

Missionary Activity and Mystical Thought in Seventeenth Century New France’, History of European Ideas 22 (1996): 67–92; and Carole Blackburn, Harvest of Souls (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2000), 130–31. 37 Cornelius J. Jaenen, The Role of the Church in New France (Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1976), 22–30; and James Axtell, The Invasion Within (New York & Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984), 59–64. 102 chapter three preaching, winning converts and educating them 103

An opposing interpretation focusses on the cultural argument that Only this enterprise seemed possible for them at this initial stage although the missionaries’ approach to foreign cultures developed continually it proved impossible later. throughout the seventeenth century, irrespective of the difference in This limited capacity of the early mission to communicate in religious orders. Cornelius J. Jaenen, for example, maintained in 1976 Amerindian languages can be illustrated by its attempt at education. that the Jesuits perpetuated the Franciscan missionary policy and The education that Franciscans introduced to native boys in 1620at gradually adapted their approach in their negotiations with indigenous Notre-Dame-des-Anges, near Quebec, followed the assimilation model, people. Along the same lines, in 1984 James Axtell argued that the Jesuit since there was not yet an Amerindian prototype for formal education. programme of conversion resembled the Franciscan programme of In 1616, the Friars endeavoured to bring young Amerindians to their cultural assimilation throughout the 1630s. Then in the 1640s, the Jesuits French settlement, expecting that they would grow up to embrace Chris- turned to establishing native reserves, where they tried to settle down tianity, as well as French culture. Ultimately the missionaries hoped, nomadic peoples.37 Few other historians support these contentions. these boys would help the missionaries promote Christianity. Usually To date, there has been little discussion and thus no compromise one or two boys stayed with them, and they dispatched a total of six between these schools of thought. Among Canadian historians, it is boys to France.38 Although this assimilation policy may have been overly almost impossible to determine whether the difference of attitudes was culturally aggressive, it was the only approach that seemed initially pos- the result of a distinction between the principles of the two ecclesiasti- sible for pioneer missionaries, no matter whether they were Franciscans cal orders or of an evolution in their strategies. A broader perspective or of any other religious order. that considers the relationship between the Franciscans and the Jesuits Four factors drove the small group of Franciscans in the Saint half a century before in Japan could well help to clarify this question. Lawrence towards what Trigger and other historians consider cultural It is an oversimplification to attribute methodological differences to absolutism. First, the human resources of their mission were insufficient the stated goals and ideals of religious bodies. Both the Jesuits and the to initiate an active mission. From 1615 to 1629, the number of Friars, Franciscans in Japan were clever diplomats who were able to analyse including lay brothers but excluding domestic assistants, was normally their political situation in a foreign land and to figure out the best pos- three or four and at no time more than eight.39 In fact, in the autumn sible approach. The Franciscans in Japan carefully adopted a method of 1616 there were only two Friars. The greatest number in any one based on the accumulated experience of the Jesuits and were in no way year was eight, and that was in the summer of 1624. Even at this time, culturally more aggressive than the Jesuits. In other words, the putative only four missionaries stayed in North America throughout the whole contrast between the culturally aggressive Friars and the culturally year. In 1615, the first four Franciscans arrived in Quebec. These four accommodative Jesuits needs to be reconsidered. missionaries did not remain in New France throughout the 1610s and No matter how Eurocentric from a cultural perspective the mission- 1620s, for they had to secure recruitments and financing back in their ary strategy of the French Friars may have been, it was not because they home country, and thus they made several trips to France. Although were Franciscans but because they were the pioneer missionaries with more than ten missionaries reinforced the original four, many of them little practical experience. The only strategy initially open to them was to seceded from the Canadian missions within one to three years and con- encourage indigenous people to live in the French settlement so that they tributed little to long-term missionary aspirations.40 might learn to communicate in French and learn European customs.

38 Chrestien le Clercq, Premier établissement de la foy dans la Nouvelle France (2 vols., Paris: Auroy, 1691), vol. 1, 99 & 257; and Trigger, The Children of Aataentsic, Missionary Activity and Mystical Thought in Seventeenth Century New France’, 378–80. History of European Ideas 22 (1996): 67–92; and Carole Blackburn, Harvest of Souls 39 Cf. Magnuson, op. cit., 16–17; Trigger, Natives and Newcomers, 200–01; and (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2000), 130–31. Axtell, op. cit., 55. 37 Cornelius J. Jaenen, The Role of the Church in New France (Toronto: McGraw-Hill 40 This paragraph is based on George M. Wrong, ‘Introduction’ for George M. Wrong Ryerson, 1976), 22–30; and James Axtell, The Invasion Within (New York & Oxford: (ed.), The Long Journey to the Country of the Hurons (by Sagard, Toronto: The Oxford University Press, 1984), 59–64. Champlain Society, 1939), i–xlvii, esp. xxviii–xxxvi; G.M. Dumas, ‘Pacifique Duplessis’, 104 chapter three

Second, as pioneer missionaries, the Franciscans were slow to learn native tongues and thus had difficulty in teaching them to their col- leagues. With some exceptions, such as Fathers Le Caron and Viel, most Friars went back to France before they attained proficiency in an Amerindian language. Third, because Lieutenant Samuel de Champlain facilitated the found- ing of the Franciscan mission and was its most vital supporter, the Friars were obliged to go along with his grand plan for colonisation. The basic Franciscan idea for Christianisation was to teach native people how to live in a Christian way and according to the principles and laws pre- scribed by God and by the Roman Catholic Church. Father ’s party preached this message at least to one Huron man during the mission period into Huronia in 1623 and 1624. This was part of Champlain’s goal of native acculturation. His colonial plan, however, encompassed more than missionary zeal. According to his account of the voyages of 1615, he wished to have French individuals and fami- lies live among native people to support and assist the missionaries. He expected the French settlers to set an example and thereby correct the conduct of the indigenous peoples so that they might learn to live in what Champlain considered a more ‘civilised’ manner. In a way, Champlain’s scheme was too adventurous and inappropriate for the delicate situation of the small seventeenth-century French colony. The Friars had to con- trive an evangelistic strategy that would satisfy his magnificent dream.41 And yet, as the fourth factor, New France had no social infrastruc- ture for this colonial design of Champlain’s. The settlement of Quebec served as a trading post, but it was merely a small village that barely sustained just over fifty settlers throughout most of the 1620s.42 It was

‘Paul Huet’, ‘Georges le Baillif’, ‘Guillaume Galleran’, ‘Gervais Mohier’, ‘Irénée Piat’ and ‘Nicolas Viel’, Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online (Library and Archives Canada, www.biographi.ca); Frédéric Gingras, ‘Jean Dolbeau’, ‘Denis Jamet’, ‘Joseph le Caron’, and ‘Guillaume Poulain’, Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online (Library and Archives Canada); and Lucien Campeau, SJ, ‘Fr. Jacques de la Foyer’, Biographical Dictionary for the Jesuit Missions in Acadia and New France: 1602–1654 [Biographical Dictionary, henceforth] (n.p.: William Lonc, 2001). 41 George M. Wrong (ed.), The Long Journey to the Country of the Hurons (by Gabriel Sagard, Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1939), 175–76; Gabriel Sagard, Le grand voyage du pays des Hurons situé en l’Amérique vers la Mer douce, ès derniers confins de la nouvelle France, dite Canada (Paris, 1632), 238–40; and W. L. Grant, op. cit., 322–24. 42 According to Champlain, Quebec started with eight settlers in 1608. Its number of residents was sixty in the winter of 1620–21, fifty in the winter 1622–23, fifty-one in 1624, fifty-five in 1626 and in the winter of 1627–28. See H.P. Biggar (ed.), The Works 104 chapter three preaching, winning converts and educating them 105

Second, as pioneer missionaries, the Franciscans were slow to learn so fragile that it quickly capitulated to the English fleet in 1629. So few native tongues and thus had difficulty in teaching them to their col- were the settlers in number that the Franciscans were not ready to leagues. With some exceptions, such as Fathers Le Caron and Viel, promote French immigration to native villages. The missionaries were most Friars went back to France before they attained proficiency in an still puzzled by the different dialects derived from the Algonquian Amerindian language. and Iroquoian tongues, the two major Amerindian language Third, because Lieutenant Samuel de Champlain facilitated the found- in Canada. Consequently they were not ready to establish an effec- ing of the Franciscan mission and was its most vital supporter, the Friars tive communication with the indigenous peoples. These four factors were obliged to go along with his grand plan for colonisation. The basic caused the missionary strategy of the French Friars, or the pioneer Franciscan idea for Christianisation was to teach native people how to missionaries to be correct, to appear culturally Eurocentric. live in a Christian way and according to the principles and laws pre- scribed by God and by the Roman Catholic Church. Father Joseph le b. The Jesuit Missions in the Saint Lawrence Valley until the 1630s Caron’s party preached this message at least to one Huron man during The Jesuit missionaries up to this point were small in number. It was the mission period into Huronia in 1623 and 1624. This was part of in 1625, during these Franciscan ventures, that three Jesuits were Champlain’s goal of native acculturation. His colonial plan, however, recruited to collaborate in the colonial missions. They were Father encompassed more than missionary zeal. According to his account of Énemond Massé, who had once been in Acadia, as well as Fathers the voyages of 1615, he wished to have French individuals and fami- Charles Lalemant and Jean de Brébeuf. Father Anne de Nouë joined lies live among native people to support and assist the missionaries. He them in 1626. Father Lalemant, the first superior of the mission of expected the French settlers to set an example and thereby correct the New France, stayed in North America for only a few years.43 conduct of the indigenous peoples so that they might learn to live in what Although the situation confronting the Jesuits was similar to that of Champlain considered a more ‘civilised’ manner. In a way, Champlain’s the Franciscans, the Jesuits had one great advantage: They were under scheme was too adventurous and inappropriate for the delicate situation no obligation to follow Champlain’s plan to impose French cultural of the small seventeenth-century French colony. The Friars had to con- mores and language upon the indigenous peoples. This was because trive an evangelistic strategy that would satisfy his magnificent dream.41 Champlain was not involved in dispatching the Jesuits to New France. And yet, as the fourth factor, New France had no social infrastruc- Thus, the Jesuits considered him merely a colonial leader of the French ture for this colonial design of Champlain’s. The settlement of Quebec outpost, with whom they needed to co-operate only for their benefit. served as a trading post, but it was merely a small village that barely Back in France, the Jesuits were diplomatic and clever enough to control sustained just over fifty settlers throughout most of the 1620s.42 It was the higher echelons of the colonial administration of New France. Thus, the Jesuits approached Henri de Lévis, Duc de Ventador, who exercised ‘Paul Huet’, ‘Georges le Baillif’, ‘Guillaume Galleran’, ‘Gervais Mohier’, ‘Irénée Piat’ more political power than Champlain, to make arrangements for their and ‘Nicolas Viel’, Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online (Library and Archives return to North America. In 1625, the Jesuit Father Philibert Noyrot, Canada, www.biographi.ca); Frédéric Gingras, ‘Jean Dolbeau’, ‘Denis Jamet’, ‘Joseph Ventadour’s confessor, urged him to purchase the vice-regal office of le Caron’, and ‘Guillaume Poulain’, Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online (Library and Archives Canada); and Lucien Campeau, SJ, ‘Fr. Jacques de la Foyer’, Biographical New France held by his Henri de Montmorency. Ventadour Dictionary for the Jesuit Missions in Acadia and New France: 1602–1654 [Biographical subsequently sent three Jesuit fathers and two coadjutor brothers Dictionary, henceforth] (n.p.: William Lonc, 2001). 41 George M. Wrong (ed.), The Long Journey to the Country of the Hurons (by Gabriel Sagard, Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1939), 175–76; Gabriel Sagard, Le grand voyage du pays des Hurons situé en l’Amérique vers la Mer douce, ès derniers confins de la nouvelle France, dite Canada (Paris, 1632), 238–40; and W. L. Grant, op. of Samuel de Champlain (6 vols., Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1922–36), vol. 2, 68 cit., 322–24. [2: 68, henceforth]; 6: 10, 87, 136, 201, & 135–36. Cf. Edgar McInnis, Canada: A 42 According to Champlain, Quebec started with eight settlers in 1608. Its number Political and (1947, rev. ed., New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, of residents was sixty in the winter of 1620–21, fifty in the winter 1622–23, fifty-one in 1959), 34. 1624, fifty-five in 1626 and in the winter of 1627–28. See H.P. Biggar (ed.), The Works 43 Campeau, ‘Charles Lalemant’, Biographical Dictionary, 232–34. 106 chapter three to Quebec at his own expense.44 Later in 1635, when Champlain died, the Jesuits managed to free themselves completely from his ideology of acculturation. Moreover, external events weakened Champlain’s hold on Quebec and the Jesuits. In 1627, began to rule the colony directly from Paris via the Company of One Hundred Associates. Although Champlain was declared Richelieu’s commander, the colony stagnated because of colonial competition between England and France. In 1629, Champlain was forced to hand over Quebec to the Kirke brothers from . He left for France. Although Quebec was returned to France in 1632, Champlain did not return until 1633. The Jesuits rarely faced a powerful Champlain, who was no longer a hindrance to Jesuit plans. The Jesuits in the second half of the 1620s, however, were similar to the Friars in that they too were not ready to pursue an active and extensive mission to the indigenous peoples. As such, there was no methodological contrast between the Franciscans and the Jesuits. And yet the Jesuits, at least, sought to learn Amerindian tongues, following the example of the missionaries in Japan when trying to preach to non- Christians. In 1626, Fathers Brébeuf and Nouë and the Franciscan Father D’Aillon visited the Huron country and learned the local lan- guage. Three years later, according to Father Paul le Jeune, Father Brébeuf was able to recount some stories and relate theologi- cal matters to the Huron people. Also, he prepared a Huron-language catechism, which was published in 1630 and 1632.45 Even after 1632, the Jesuits were slow in developing their own evan- gelistic approaches. The task for the missionaries was still to learn various dialects of both Algonquian and Iroquoian languages. Father

44 Trigger, The Children of Aataentsic, 402–04; and Campeau, ‘Henri de Lévis’, Biographical Dictionary, 266–69. 45 Paul le Jeune’s Relation of 1633, in Reuben Gold Thwaites et al (eds.), The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (73 vols., Cleveland, OH: Burrows Brothers, 1896–1901), vol. 5, 191–93 [Relations 5: 191–93, henceforth]; and René Latourelle, SJ, Jean de Brébeuf’s Writings: A Study (trans. William Lonc, SJ & George Topp, SJ, n.p.: William Lonc, 2001), 19–20. According to Latourelle, the catechism’s title is Doctrine chrétienne du R.P. Ledesme de la Compagnie de Jésus, traduite en langage Canadois, autre que celui des Montagnais (sic), pour la conversion des dudit pays (Rouen: Richard l’Allemant, 1630). It was later inserted into Samuel de Champlain, Les voyage de la Nouvelle France occidenntale, dicte Canada, et Un catéchisme ou instruction traduite du françois au langage des peuples sauvages de quelque contrée . . . (Paris: Louis Sylvestre, 1632). 106 chapter three preaching, winning converts and educating them 107 to Quebec at his own expense.44 Later in 1635, when Champlain died, Le Jeune, the new superior, arrived in the colony in July 1632, and, in the Jesuits managed to free themselves completely from his ideology order to learn the Algonquian tongue, he wintered among the Innu of acculturation. from 1633 to 1634. To learn the Iroquoian tongue, Fathers Jean de Moreover, external events weakened Champlain’s hold on Quebec Brébeuf and Antoine travelled with their native companions as and the Jesuits. In 1627, Cardinal Richelieu began to rule the colony far as the Huron country to re-establish a mission there in 1634. directly from Paris via the Company of One Hundred Associates. Although Champlain was declared Richelieu’s commander, the colony c. The Continuity between the Two Religious Orders stagnated because of colonial competition between England and There was thus continuity between the Franciscan policy before 1629 France. In 1629, Champlain was forced to hand over Quebec to the and the Jesuit strategy of the 1630s. For example, the initial target Kirke brothers from New England. He left for France. Although Quebec groups for the Jesuits were the same as those of the Franciscans: the was returned to France in 1632, Champlain did not return until 1633. Innu near the French settlement and the semi-sedentary Hurons on The Jesuits rarely faced a powerful Champlain, who was no longer a Georgian Bay, both of whom were important trading partners for hindrance to Jesuit plans. the French. Also, like the Franciscans, the Jesuits still attempted to The Jesuits in the second half of the 1620s, however, were similar send a limited number of select pupils to France and recruited native to the Friars in that they too were not ready to pursue an active and children for an elementary French-style school near Quebec. Above extensive mission to the indigenous peoples. As such, there was no all, both parties set up strict conditions for baptism, except when methodological contrast between the Franciscans and the Jesuits. And baptising those faced with death, as will be discussed below. yet the Jesuits, at least, sought to learn Amerindian tongues, following the example of the missionaries in Japan when trying to preach to non- (1) Initial Attempts at Baptism Christians. In 1626, Fathers Brébeuf and Nouë and the Franciscan Seventeenth-century French missionaries’ attitudes to baptism were Father D’Aillon visited the Huron country and learned the local lan- based on ideas formulated by the sixteenth-century missionaries. The guage. Three years later, according to Father Paul le Jeune, Father priests in these two centuries firmly believed that, as a prerequisite to Brébeuf was able to recount some Bible stories and relate theologi- faith, the potential convert must be ‘civilised’ according to European cal matters to the Huron people. Also, he prepared a Huron-language standards. When Father Xavier justified his choice of Japan as his new catechism, which was published in 1630 and 1632.45 missionary field, for example, he introduced it to his readers asthe Even after 1632, the Jesuits were slow in developing their own evan- most civilised nation he had met thus far in the East and, as such, gelistic approaches. The task for the missionaries was still to learn perfect as a potential source of converts.46 In the minds of seventeenth- various dialects of both Algonquian and Iroquoian languages. Father century French priests, even before they set foot on the soil of New France over a half century later, the missionary experiences in East Asia represented an evangelism that was suited to a cultured country. 44 Trigger, The Children of Aataentsic, 402–04; and Campeau, ‘Henri de Lévis’, Once the missionaries, whether Franciscan or Jesuit, encountered the Biographical Dictionary, 266–69. Amerindians of New France, it was obvious that the same approach to 45 Paul le Jeune’s Relation of 1633, in Reuben Gold Thwaites et al (eds.), The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (73 vols., Cleveland, OH: Burrows Brothers, baptism as had been adopted towards ‘civilised’ nations was impossible 1896–1901), vol. 5, 191–93 [Relations 5: 191–93, henceforth]; and René Latourelle, SJ, there, at least in the short term. The Amerindians were not regarded Jean de Brébeuf’s Writings: A Study (trans. William Lonc, SJ & George Topp, SJ, n.p.: as meeting the prerequisites for acquiring the Christian faith. Faced William Lonc, 2001), 19–20. According to Latourelle, the catechism’s title is Doctrine chrétienne du R.P. Ledesme de la Compagnie de Jésus, traduite en langage Canadois, autre que celui des Montagnais (sic), pour la conversion des habitants dudit pays (Rouen: Richard l’Allemant, 1630). It was later inserted into Samuel de Champlain, Les voyage de la Nouvelle France occidenntale, dicte Canada, et Un catéchisme ou instruction 46 Xavier to his companions living in Goa, from Kagoshima, 5 November 1549; and traduite du françois au langage des peuples sauvages de quelque contrée . . . (Paris: Louis Xavier to his companions in Europe, from Cochin, 29 January 1552; in Costelloe, op. Sylvestre, 1632). cit., 292–313 & 326–43, esp. 297–98, 330, & 334–35. 108 chapter three with Amerindians who appeared totally uncivilised, at least from a Euro-Christian standpoint, the missionaries were confirmed in their preconception that only ‘civilised’ people like Europeans, and like the Japanese, were qualified for baptism. They were consequently forced to discard the sixteenth-century Iberian approach to baptism, consid- ered to apply only to cultured nations. The Franciscan Brother Gabriel Sagard noted that conversion of the indigenous peoples would require teaching them how to lead a virtuous life, following the example of ‘civilised’ Christians, before the missionaries could begin to teach them theology. Evaluating people according to one’s own standard of civilisation was reflected in Father Brébeuf’s view of the indigenous peoples as just above the condition of beasts, so different from ‘civilised’ non-Christians, such as the Japanese, to whom his Jesuit predeces- sors had hitherto preached. Based on consultation with theologians at the Sorbonne in the late 1610s, the Récollet Franciscans had decided to baptise native candidates only after prolonged instruction and a cautious trial of faith, or else when they agreed to live with French settlers in a Euro-Christian way.47 The only exceptions were the dying, whom the Friars decided to baptise immediately in order to save souls from the flames of Hell. In practice, however, the Friars were unable to keep to their strict baptismal policy formulated in France. When they reopened the Huron missions in 1623, for example, they baptised three indigenous people within a short period even though they spent little time in attempting to ‘civilise’ any of them or in persuading them to move to the French settlement.48 Because the Franciscans were excluded from the Saint Lawrence basin from 1629 onwards, their grand designs for Christian conversions remained at the level of theory. Like the Friars, the Jesuits lowered their standards for baptism only if those concerned were in critical condition, with no hope of surviv- ing.49 There was, however, a slight difference between the baptisms near Quebec and those in the Huron country. In the 1630s, the Jesuits,

47 Chrestien le Clercq, op. cit., vol. 1, 147–48; and Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 379. 48 Wrong, The Long Journey, 175–76; Sagard, Le grand voyage, 238–40; Trigger, op. cit., 379; Jean de Brébeuf’s Relations of the Hurons of 1636, in Relations, 10: 221; and Le Clercq, op. cit., 147–48 & 257. 49 Baptising only extremely sick people without reservation was already the Jesuit policy taken by Father Pierre Biard, who worked in Acadia in the early 1610s. See Biard’s Relation of New France published in 1616, in Relations 4: 91–97. 108 chapter three preaching, winning converts and educating them 109 with Amerindians who appeared totally uncivilised, at least from a as guests in the Huron country, were unable to exert much influence, Euro-Christian standpoint, the missionaries were confirmed in their even when it came to baptism. The Jesuits were able to baptise dying preconception that only ‘civilised’ people like Europeans, and like the Hurons only after requesting permission from the parents or , Japanese, were qualified for baptism. They were consequently forced and the Jesuits were unable to impose other baptismal conditions. In to discard the sixteenth-century Iberian approach to baptism, consid- the case of little children who had even a slight chance of survival, ered to apply only to cultured nations. The Franciscan Brother Gabriel the missionaries like Fathers Brébeuf and Nouë set no prerequisite for Sagard noted that conversion of the indigenous peoples would require baptism. When more Huron people suffered epidemics towards the teaching them how to lead a virtuous life, following the example of late 1630s, Father François-Joseph le Mercier reported that they often ‘civilised’ Christians, before the missionaries could begin to teach baptised dying babies and little children secretly without the consent them theology. Evaluating people according to one’s own standard of of their parents.50 civilisation was reflected in Father Brébeuf’s view of the indigenous By contrast, in the missions to the migratory Algonquian language peoples as just above the condition of beasts, so different from ‘civilised’ groups, such as the Innu and the Algonquin near the French settlements non-Christians, such as the Japanese, to whom his Jesuit predeces- on the Saint Lawrence Valley, Father Paul le Jeune and his compan- sors had hitherto preached. Based on consultation with theologians at ions were able to set more strict conditions during the 1630s because the Sorbonne in the late 1610s, the Récollet Franciscans had decided they dealt mainly with native visitors who were often induced to settle to baptise native candidates only after prolonged instruction and a down near Trois-Rivières or Quebec. Rather than turning them into cautious trial of faith, or else when they agreed to live with French ‘civilised’ people before baptising them, the Jesuits offered the par- settlers in a Euro-Christian way.47 The only exceptions were the dying, ents the option of allowing the missionaries to take the children to the whom the Friars decided to baptise immediately in order to save souls French settlement for Christian instruction upon recovery, as is stated from the flames of Hell. in Father Le Jeune’s Relations of 1633 and 1636. With ailing adults, In practice, however, the Friars were unable to keep to their strict the Jesuits in Quebec delayed baptism as long as possible because they baptismal policy formulated in France. When they reopened the Huron feared that the native patients might apostatise on recovering health. missions in 1623, for example, they baptised three indigenous people In Father Le Jeune’s Relation of 1636, Father Pierre Chastellain made within a short period even though they spent little time in attempting a dying young man wait for his baptism until the eve of his death. In to ‘civilise’ any of them or in persuading them to move to the French the same report, a dying woman had to promise Father Jacques Buteux settlement.48 Because the Franciscans were excluded from the Saint to be faithful to Christianity if she should regain her health.51 Lawrence basin from 1629 onwards, their grand designs for Christian (2) Later Attempts at Baptism conversions remained at the level of theory. Because of more frequent interactions and easier communications Like the Friars, the Jesuits lowered their standards for baptism only between the French and the Amerindians, baptising healthy people if those concerned were in critical condition, with no hope of surviv- grew possible towards the mid-1640s. In keeping with the dreams of ing.49 There was, however, a slight difference between the baptisms the Franciscan predecessors, the Jesuits tried to impose even more near Quebec and those in the Huron country. In the 1630s, the Jesuits, strict prerequisites on their adherents in order to instruct the indig- enous peoples in a Euro-Christian mode.52 Just as the Friars’ ideology

47 Chrestien le Clercq, op. cit., vol. 1, 147–48; and Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 379. 50 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1634, in Relations 6: 109–13; Brébeuf’s Relation of the 48 Wrong, The Long Journey, 175–76; Sagard, Le grand voyage, 238–40; Trigger, op. Hurons of 1635, in Relations 8: 135–37; and Joseph le Mercier’s Relation of the Hurons cit., 379; Jean de Brébeuf’s Relations of the Hurons of 1636, in Relations, 10: 221; and of 1637, in Relations 14: 7–9, 41, & 67–69. Le Clercq, op. cit., 147–48 & 257. 51 Le Jeune’s Relations of 1633, 1634 and 1636, in Relations 5: 227; 6: 129–39; 9: 49 Baptising only extremely sick people without reservation was already the Jesuit 7–17, 41, 51–53. policy taken by Father Pierre Biard, who worked in Acadia in the early 1610s. See 52 Even before the Friars in the 1620s, Father Biard, who worked in Acadia in the Biard’s Relation of New France published in 1616, in Relations 4: 91–97. early 1610s, had already emphasised the necessity of thoroughly catechising native 110 chapter three differed from their practice, Father Le Jeune’s initial expectation contrasted with his later attitude towards the migratory Algonquian peoples. At first, he was optimistic about their conversions. Once Father Le Jeune found a practical opportunity for baptism, however, he persisted in demanding the abandonment of what he considered extreme paganism and in implanting in its place Christian piety, as the Jesuits in Japan had done. In 1639, Father Le Jeune described a young Algonquin catechumen who was forced to wait at least a year before being baptised. In 1642, the Jesuit fathers postponed the bap- tism of a young native man at the native settlement of Sillery for two years, since they doubted his constancy of faith. According to Father Barthélemy, Vimont’s Relation of 1643–1644, the Jesuits postponed the baptisms of several catechumens at Sillery by telling them that they had not demonstrated a solid faith in God.53 So too, in the country of the Hurons, who were a semi-sedentary people of Eastern Woodlands, the Jesuits set high standards prior to baptising healthy indigenous people.54 In the 1640s, the Jesuits adjusted the conditions for baptism, mostly to suit themselves. At first, the missionaries applied even stricter rules. In 1642, for example, Father Lalemant reported that the missionaries at the station of Sainte Marie, which they built in Huronia in 1639, reserved the baptism of healthy indigenous people for the festivals of Easter and Pentecost. To be baptised, candidates had to show a marked increase in faith. Following Father Lalemant’s advice, the priests people before baptising them. See his Relation of New France published in 1616, in Relations 3: 141–49. 53 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1639, in Relations, 16: 113–25; and Barthélemy Vimont’s Relations of 1642 and 1643–44, in Relations 22: 99–101; & 25: 117–33. 54 There were four examples. First, Father Brébeuf noted in 1635 that his party withheld further instruction unless there was danger of death. Second, when a man named Chiwatenhwa, approximately thirty-five years of age, was baptised as Joseph in August 1637, he had to discard his anti-Christian customs, such as polygamy, gambling, intoxication, wearing charms and attending feasts that the missionaries regarded as diabolical. Third, the Jesuits obliged candidates to prove the stability of their faith in order to baptise them. In 1639, Aochiati, an old man at Ossossané was forced to proclaim in public to his fellow villagers that he would abandon dances and diabolical superstitions, particularly the naked dances of which he was in charge. Lastly, in 1640, the priests postponed the baptism of a woman for over a year until they finally confirmed her virtue on her deathbed. See Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1635, in Relations 8: 141–45; Le Mercier’s Relation of 1638, in Relations 15: 77–85; and Jérôme Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1639 and 1640, in Relations 17: 79–83 & 95–97; 19: 195. A similar reference is also in Charles Garnier’s letter to Henri de Saint-Joseph, his brother, from the country of the Hurons, 22 May 1642, in Campeau, Monumenta, 5: 239–46, esp. 243. 110 chapter three preaching, winning converts and educating them 111 differed from their practice, Father Le Jeune’s initial expectation postponed the baptisms of more than one hundred villagers at contrasted with his later attitude towards the migratory Algonquian Ossossané. Father Paul Ragueneau implied, in his Huron report of peoples. At first, he was optimistic about their conversions. Once 1646, that the priests had set up a one- or two-year probation before Father Le Jeune found a practical opportunity for baptism, however, granting baptism in most cases. Yet, when Father Ragueneau and his he persisted in demanding the abandonment of what he considered party learnt to distinguish ‘absurd’ customs from ‘criminal’ ones, based extreme paganism and in implanting in its place Christian piety, as upon their Euro-Christian standards in the late 1640s, they relaxed the Jesuits in Japan had done. In 1639, Father Le Jeune described a their strict baptismal policy and tried to be more tolerant towards young Algonquin catechumen who was forced to wait at least a year native customs, unless they seemed harmful to the Christian faith.55 In before being baptised. In 1642, the Jesuit fathers postponed the bap- this respect, rather than a factional disparity between the evangelising tism of a young native man at the native settlement of Sillery for two policies of two religious orders, as alleged by Trigger and his academic years, since they doubted his constancy of faith. According to Father supporters, there was a continuity from the original Franciscan plan Barthélemy, Vimont’s Relation of 1643–1644, the Jesuits postponed for baptism of the 1610s to the revised Jesuit plan of the 1640s.56 the baptisms of several catechumens at Sillery by telling them that they had not demonstrated a solid faith in God.53 So too, in the country of 2. Was There a Shift of Missionary Goals? the Hurons, who were a semi-sedentary people of Eastern Woodlands, a. School Education the Jesuits set high standards prior to baptising healthy indigenous people.54 Like the Friars, the Jesuits tried to educate native children either in In the 1640s, the Jesuits adjusted the conditions for baptism, mostly France or near Quebec. At the reopening of the colonial missions to suit themselves. At first, the missionaries applied even stricter rules. in 1632, Superior Le Jeune, embraced this educational ideal. In the In 1642, for example, Father Lalemant reported that the missionaries Relation of 1633, he announced his plan to send one , especially at the station of Sainte Marie, which they built in Huronia in 1639, an Innu child, to France annually. In the same account, he advo- reserved the baptism of healthy indigenous people for the festivals of cated educating native boys and by establishing seminaries in Easter and Pentecost. To be baptised, candidates had to show a marked Quebec. According to Father Le Jeune, the seminary was a good place increase in faith. Following Father Lalemant’s advice, the priests for converting native children who belonged to the regions farther up the Saint Lawrence and Ottawa rivers, since the missionaries could separate the boys and girls from their parents, who, the Jesuits feared, people before baptising them. See his Relation of New France published in 1616, in might prevent Christian instruction. He asked the Jesuit provincial in Relations 3: 141–49. 53 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1639, in Relations, 16: 113–25; and Barthélemy Vimont’s Paris how he might acquire a seminary for girls. In the Relation of Relations of 1642 and 1643–44, in Relations 22: 99–101; & 25: 117–33. 1633–1634, Father Le Jeune implied that the Jesuits had already been 54 There were four examples. First, Father Brébeuf noted in 1635 that his party inviting Huron boys to a future seminary in the French outpost.57 withheld further instruction unless there was danger of death. Second, when a man named Chiwatenhwa, approximately thirty-five years of age, was baptised as Joseph in August 1637, he had to discard his anti-Christian customs, such as polygamy, gambling, intoxication, wearing charms and attending feasts that the missionaries regarded as 55 J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1642 and 1643, in Relations 23: 21–23; 26: diabolical. Third, the Jesuits obliged candidates to prove the stability of their faith in order 213–15; Paul Ragueneau’s Relation of the Hurons of 1646 and 1648, in Relations 30: 115; to baptise them. In 1639, Aochiati, an old man at Ossossané was forced to proclaim in & 33: 145–47; and Charles Garnier to Mutius Vitelleschi, general superior, at Rome, from public to his fellow villagers that he would abandon dances and diabolical superstitions, Sainte Marie among the Hurons, 26 May 1642, in Campeau, Monumenta, 5: 248–250. particularly the naked dances of which he was in charge. Lastly, in 1640, the priests 56 Cf. Trigger, The Children of Aataentsic, 468; Trigger, Natives and Newcomers, postponed the baptism of a woman for over a year until they finally confirmed her virtue 326; Magnuson, op. cit., 19; and Blackburn, op. cit., 130–31. All these scholars persist on her deathbed. See Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1635, in Relations 8: 141–45; Le in contrasting the unrealised dream of the Franciscans for Christianisation with the Mercier’s Relation of 1638, in Relations 15: 77–85; and Jérôme Lalemant’s Relation of the missionary practice of the Jesuits, rather than comparing the practices of the two Hurons of 1639 and 1640, in Relations 17: 79–83 & 95–97; 19: 195. A similar reference religious orders. is also in Charles Garnier’s letter to Henri de Saint-Joseph, his brother, from the 57 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1633, in Relations 5: 145–47, 195–97; and Le Jeune to the country of the Hurons, 22 May 1642, in Campeau, Monumenta, 5: 239–46, esp. 243. provincial of France at Paris, from Quebec 1634, in Relations 6: 33–89, esp. 83–85. 112 chapter three

Based on these ideas, the priests gradually developed their educa- tion schemes. At the Jesuit residence near Quebec, they took care of Amerindian boys who had received some education in France in the 1620s.58 As early as 1633, Father Le Jeune attempted to instruct Innu and Algonquin children back at the residence of Notre-Dame- des-Anges, where the Franciscans had a seminary for a year or two in 1620. Simultaneously the Jesuits began to send native children to France to receive education. In 1637, for example, they dispatched or had the trading company deliver five Amerindians: a young Iroquois woman, three Innu girls and a little apparently of unknown tribal origin. In the summer of 1636, they began to bring Huron boys to the seminary, rebuilt at Notre-Dame-des-Anges, although it was, strictly speaking, no more than a rudimentary school. At the same site, by 1638, they also started a seminary for Algonquin and Innu boys.59 In all this, the French missionaries in the mid-1630s were different from those in the 1610s or 1620s in their objectives, or their respon- sibility and capability. In terms of responsibility, the Jesuits had no obligation to pursue a complete French-style education. Champlain, their collaborator, who, while commander of New France, had held unrealistic ideals, such as the implantation of the French culture and language, was no longer alive. As Father Le Jeune stated in his Relation of 1636, the missionaries’ success depended generally on the devel- opment of the French settlement, and not specifically on instilling a Euro-Christian mode of life in the indigenous peoples.60 References to the dispatch of Amerindian pupils to France in The Jesuit Relations declined towards the late 1640s. As with the Jesuit education in Japan, the education of children was rooted in the principles stated in the Constitutions and Formulae of the Institute of the Society of Jesus, which controlled the religious conduct of the Jesuits.

58 E.g. Louis Amantacha, a Huron, and Pierre-Antoine Pastedechouan, an Innu. See Le Jeune’s letter to the provincial of France at Paris, from Quebec, 1634, in Relations 6: 33–89, esp. 85–87. 59 Le Jeune’s Relations of 1633, 1633–34, 1635, 1636, 1637, 1638 and 1639, in Relations 5: 227–31; 6: 85–89, 101, note 9; 7: 263–65, 287–89; 9: 103–05, 293–95; 11: 93–99; 14: 127, 257; & 16: 169; Le Jeune’s letter to Mutius Vitelleschi, general superior, at Rome, from Trois-Rivières, 23 August 1637, in Lucien Campeau (ed.), Monumenta Novae Franciae (Roma: Monumenta Historica Soc. Iesu; & Montréal: Bellarmin; or Québec: Les Presses de l’Université Laval, 1967–2003), vol. 3 (1987), 508–10 [Campeau, Monumenta, 3: 508–10, henceforth], esp. 509. 60 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1636, in Relations 9: 97. 112 chapter three preaching, winning converts and educating them 113

Based on these ideas, the priests gradually developed their educa- As for capability, unlike the pioneer Franciscan priests two dec- tion schemes. At the Jesuit residence near Quebec, they took care ades before, the Jesuits were no longer a tiny group of inexperienced of Amerindian boys who had received some education in France in missionaries. The Friars tutored a limited number of native children the 1620s.58 As early as 1633, Father Le Jeune attempted to instruct in French because it was the only language that they knew, apart from Innu and Algonquin children back at the residence of Notre-Dame- Latin or other European languages. They were not deliberately avoid- des-Anges, where the Franciscans had a seminary for a year or two ing native tongues; they simply had never learnt them. Unlike these in 1620. Simultaneously the Jesuits began to send native children to early French missionaries, who were ill prepared to instruct in any France to receive education. In 1637, for example, they dispatched or Amerindian language, some Jesuits had learnt enough for instructing had the trading company deliver five Amerindians: a young Iroquois boys in either the Innu or the Huron languages. woman, three Innu girls and a little boy apparently of unknown tribal This fundamental difference of responsibility and capability was due origin. In the summer of 1636, they began to bring Huron boys to the more to the change in evangelistic environment than to the difference seminary, rebuilt at Notre-Dame-des-Anges, although it was, strictly of religious orders. The two methods of education, the Franciscan and speaking, no more than a rudimentary school. At the same site, by the Jesuit, were carried out in two different contexts; therefore, it makes 1638, they also started a seminary for Algonquin and Innu boys.59 little sense to attribute the differences in educational approaches to the In all this, the French missionaries in the mid-1630s were different institutional policies of these two religious orders. Even so, it may be from those in the 1610s or 1620s in their objectives, or their respon- appropriate to compare the pioneer priests with the later missionary sibility and capability. In terms of responsibility, the Jesuits had no participants in terms of methodological development.61 obligation to pursue a complete French-style education. Champlain, The Jesuit priests designed their education in the most appropriate their collaborator, who, while commander of New France, had held way to suit their specific evangelistic ends. The seminary at Notre- unrealistic ideals, such as the implantation of the French culture and Dame-des-Anges was basically a boarding school that isolated its native language, was no longer alive. As Father Le Jeune stated in his Relation pupils from the French settlement, just as the Friars had previously of 1636, the missionaries’ success depended generally on the devel- done. The pupils followed a daily routine that included prayers, Mass, opment of the French settlement, and not specifically on instilling a reading, writing, catechisms and the examination of consciences. Euro-Christian mode of life in the indigenous peoples.60 References to Although the Jesuit teachers pragmatically tried to bring up native the dispatch of Amerindian pupils to France in The Jesuit Relations boys as assistants, as had the Friars, they had more flexible options declined towards the late 1640s. As with the Jesuit education in Japan, than their Franciscan predecessors in Quebec. For example, their edu- the education of children was rooted in the principles stated in the cation was conducted in two languages. The native boys were normally Constitutions and Formulae of the Institute of the Society of Jesus, taught in their own Huron or Innu language, but they learnt some which controlled the religious conduct of the Jesuits. French as part of the curriculum.62 According to the Relation of 1639, at the Sunday school for learning the catechism, which was also open to local French boys, the Jesuits began to use French boys as models in order to speed up the learning process for Amerindian boarders. 58 E.g. Louis Amantacha, a Huron, and Pierre-Antoine Pastedechouan, an Innu. See Le Jeune’s letter to the provincial of France at Paris, from Quebec, 1634, in Relations The Superior Le Jeune explained that the Jesuit teachers expected 6: 33–89, esp. 85–87. pedagogical benefits from instructing two ethnic groups together. 59 Le Jeune’s Relations of 1633, 1633–34, 1635, 1636, 1637, 1638 and 1639, in Relations 5: 227–31; 6: 85–89, 101, note 9; 7: 263–65, 287–89; 9: 103–05, 293–95; 11: 93–99; 14: 127, 257; & 16: 169; Le Jeune’s letter to Mutius Vitelleschi, general superior, at Rome, from Trois-Rivières, 23 August 1637, in Lucien Campeau (ed.), 61 Cf. Trigger, The Children of Aataentsic, 376–81 & 467–69; Trigger, Natives and Monumenta Novae Franciae (Roma: Monumenta Historica Soc. Iesu; & Montréal: Newcomers, 200–02; J. Grant, op. cit., 38 & 46; Charles Principe, op. cit., 317; Magnuson, Bellarmin; or Québec: Les Presses de l’Université Laval, 1967–2003), vol. 3 (1987), op. cit., 19–20; Anya Mali, op. cit., 67–92; and Carole Blackburn, op. cit., 130–31. 508–10 [Campeau, Monumenta, 3: 508–10, henceforth], esp. 509. 62 Cf. Magnuson, op. cit., 48–49. Magnuson infers that the independent native class 60 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1636, in Relations 9: 97. soon ceased and merged with a French class. 114 chapter three

Furthermore, this education was not the traditional seminary edu- cation, which was based on Latin. Despite the French appellation ‘séminaire’, the Jesuits seem to have decided not to teach Latin in the native classroom, perhaps because they considered the pupils too immature to learn the Latin language.63 Like the Japanese precedents, the native seminaries in New France were based on models found at the Society’s schools in Europe though the Jesuits had to adapt those models to the circumstances encoun- tered in the missions. Superior Le Jeune began with instruction in reading and writing, somewhat akin to the example of the Iberian missionaries in Japan, who had interpreted the Constitutions of the Society in their own way. Like the Society’s Constitutions, the Ratio Studiorum of 1599, set forth the Society’s regulations intended mainly for the secondary schools in Europe. This rulebook shows that elemen- tary grades were excluded from Jesuit tutelage.64 Despite this restric- tion, the French Jesuits in New France had little choice but to begin with the very basic instruction because the oral Amerindian tradi- tion lacked both schools and texts. As in Japan, the main languages used for instruction in New France were the local tongues. The dif- ference was that the Japanese seminaries taught Latin, as stipulated later in the Ratio Studiorum, whereas the Amerindian seminaries did not. Whether or not Father Le Jeune, who read the Iberian reports on Japan, followed the Iberian convention that was adjusted for the Japanese, he seems to have adopted what was necessary for educating Amerindians, based on Japanese precedents. The seminary designed by Father Le Jeune was a hybrid of two types of Japanese schools: early elementary schools using a non-European language and later seminar- ies for their boarding style. By the early 1640s, however, the Jesuits abandoned the seminary for Huron boys at Notre-Dame-des-Anges, as well as the seminaries for Algonquin and Innu boys at the same site. In 1639, Father Jérôme Lalemant, who was in charge of the Huron mission, pointed to the inefficiency of converting the native nations through the instruction of

63 Le Jeune’s Relations of 1633, 1637 and 1639, in Relations 5: 195–97; 12: 63–69; & 16: 179–81. James Axtell, however, asserts that the missionary teachers introduced religious instruction in Latin. Cf. Axtell, op. cit., 56–57. 64 Allan P. Farrell, SJ (trans.), The Jesuit Ratio Studiorum of 1599 (Washington, D.C.: Conference of Major Superiors of Jesuits, 1970), the rules of the provincial, article 21, number 1. 114 chapter three preaching, winning converts and educating them 115

Furthermore, this education was not the traditional seminary edu- children, and proposed that the seminaries should serve as the place cation, which was based on Latin. Despite the French appellation for the children of Christian neophytes and adult catechumens. In the ‘séminaire’, the Jesuits seem to have decided not to teach Latin in report of 1642–1643, Father Vimont, Father Le Jeune’s successor as the native classroom, perhaps because they considered the pupils too superior of New France, stated that the Jesuits had closed the seminary immature to learn the Latin language.63 for Huron boys because it had not born fruit among their people back Like the Japanese precedents, the native seminaries in New France in the Huron country.65 were based on models found at the Society’s schools in Europe though Nevertheless, when Father Lalemant’s proposal for a revision is the Jesuits had to adapt those models to the circumstances encoun- examined, it becomes clear that the Jesuit missionaries must have tered in the missions. Superior Le Jeune began with instruction in been fully aware that their elementary education would produce a reading and writing, somewhat akin to the example of the Iberian transformation in Amerindian society only after years of effort. Father missionaries in Japan, who had interpreted the Constitutions of the Vimont’s explanation sounds like an excuse for his inability to follow Society in their own way. Like the Society’s Constitutions, the Ratio the educational guidelines of the Society, as expressed in its Formulae Studiorum of 1599, set forth the Society’s regulations intended mainly and Constitutions. He may have implied that a native seminary was for the secondary schools in Europe. This rulebook shows that elemen- not worth the trouble, given its heavy burden on human and financial tary grades were excluded from Jesuit tutelage.64 Despite this restric- resources as well as its lack of success. tion, the French Jesuits in New France had little choice but to begin There were several reasons for the termination of the seminar- with the very basic instruction because the oral Amerindian tradi- ies. Roger Magnuson lists three reasons: a lack of pupils due to the tion lacked both schools and texts. As in Japan, the main languages reluctance of parents to entrust their sons to the Jesuits far away from used for instruction in New France were the local tongues. The dif- Huronia; the inability of some pupils to adjust to the boarding school; ference was that the Japanese seminaries taught Latin, as stipulated and the heavy cost of maintaining them.66 later in the Ratio Studiorum, whereas the Amerindian seminaries did There are, however, more important reasons, beyond those given not. Whether or not Father Le Jeune, who read the Iberian reports by Magnuson. A comparison with the Jesuit schools in Japan reveals on Japan, followed the Iberian convention that was adjusted for the four fundamental conditions that the native seminaries of New France Japanese, he seems to have adopted what was necessary for educating lacked to ensure their survival. First, the French Jesuits failed to Amerindians, based on Japanese precedents. The seminary designed establish schools that might serve native society, even though Jesuit by Father Le Jeune was a hybrid of two types of Japanese schools: early education in principle was supposed to be a method of improving elementary schools using a non-European language and later seminar- autochthonous society. While the Japanese schools were established as ies for their boarding style. existing segments for Japanese society and served to make the Japanese By the early 1640s, however, the Jesuits abandoned the seminary pupils more pious, the native schools were located far from the native for Huron boys at Notre-Dame-des-Anges, as well as the seminaries country and outside the French outpost. Although the non-Christian for Algonquin and Innu boys at the same site. In 1639, Father Jérôme subjects taught at the Japanese schools were designed to promote lit- Lalemant, who was in charge of the Huron mission, pointed to the eracy, the schools for Amerindians taught no useful secular subjects, inefficiency of converting the native nations through the instruction of but only theology and prayers that were alien to the Amerindian life in the wilderness.

63 Le Jeune’s Relations of 1633, 1637 and 1639, in Relations 5: 195–97; 12: 63–69; & 16: 179–81. James Axtell, however, asserts that the missionary teachers introduced religious instruction in Latin. Cf. Axtell, op. cit., 56–57. 64 Allan P. Farrell, SJ (trans.), The Jesuit Ratio Studiorum of 1599 (Washington, 65 J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1639, in Relations 16: 251–53; and D.C.: Conference of Major Superiors of Jesuits, 1970), the rules of the provincial, Vimont’s Relation of 1642–1643, in Relations 24: 103. article 21, number 1. 66 Magnuson, op. cit., 50. 116 chapter three

Second, the French missionaries failed to convert native parents, who would have encouraged their children not only to convert but also to remain good Christians. While the Christian schools in Japan were for the children of neophytes, those near Quebec were for the boys of non-Christians, whom the missionaries had not yet converted to the faith. In other words, the French Jesuits tried to instruct the native boys whose home society was not Christian. Third, unlike the Japanese, the Amerindians did not assist Jesuit schooling even though boarding schools usually required great finan- cial and human resources. On the one hand, the Japanese schools, including the properties on which they were built, were sponsored not only by the Iberian merchants but even more so by their Japanese seigniorial patrons and a local congregation. On the other hand, the seminaries near Quebec were solely supported by the French patrons of the Society of Jesus. Fourth, to the Amerindian people, education itself reinforced cul- tural changes, though the Jesuits were only vaguely aware of this. The Jesuits’ attempt to convey French standards and thought to indigenous boys was carried out by removing them completely from their parents. The seminarians were expected to return home only after some years of education. Although the Iberian Jesuits in Japan had only to replace the Buddhist schools with those of their own Christian schools, the French missionaries began the native seminaries from nothing. In other words, the indigenous people of New France had never experi- enced formal education before the arrival of the French missionaries. These four factors explain the difficulties of maintaining sufficient numbers of pupils in classes and of managing the seminaries in a way that justified the investment of resources. b. Approaching Adults Because of the failure of Jesuit schooling for boys, historians like Axtell, Trigger and like-minded scholars consider that there was a shift of emphasis on the age groups for evangelisation.67 They believe that the missionaries originally favoured children over adults in the proselytis- ing process, but that later, by 1640, they replaced this original policy by

67 E.g. Trigger, The Children of Aataentsic, 557–58; Trigger, Natives and Newcomers, 252; Axtell, op. cit., 57–58; and Magnuson, op. cit., 34–35. 116 chapter three preaching, winning converts and educating them 117

Second, the French missionaries failed to convert native parents, approaching prominent men in society who, the Jesuits hoped, would who would have encouraged their children not only to convert but create a chain reaction of conversions. also to remain good Christians. While the Christian schools in Japan The grounds for this interpretation lie mainly in the following were for the children of neophytes, those near Quebec were for the incidents. According to Father Le Jeune, in his Relation of 1639, boys of non-Christians, whom the missionaries had not yet converted the Jesuits learnt from an elderly Huron visitor to Quebec that the to the faith. In other words, the French Jesuits tried to instruct the missionaries were mistaken in preferring children to grown men for giv- native boys whose home society was not Christian. ing Christian instruction, because Huron society did not accept young Third, unlike the Japanese, the Amerindians did not assist Jesuit people’s opinions. In the Huron Relation of 1639, Father Lalemant, schooling even though boarding schools usually required great finan- who had arrived in the colony the previous year, criticised the cial and human resources. On the one hand, the Japanese schools, instructional emphasis on children of non-Christian parents as an including the properties on which they were built, were sponsored not ineffective method. Instead, he proposed converting adult men. In the only by the Iberian merchants but even more so by their Japanese early 1640s, the Jesuits began the experiment of instructing Huron seigniorial patrons and a local congregation. On the other hand, the traders who wintered near Quebec.68 seminaries near Quebec were solely supported by the French patrons For a century, missionaries had separated education from politics. of the Society of Jesus. The Jesuits throughout the world had been developing a number of Fourth, to the Amerindian people, education itself reinforced cul- means for converting non-Christians. The education of boys was one tural changes, though the Jesuits were only vaguely aware of this. The method, and the diplomatic approach to win over prominent men Jesuits’ attempt to convey French standards and thought to indigenous in the hope of inducing a religious chain reaction was another. The boys was carried out by removing them completely from their parents. Jesuits knew that the education of boys was an entirely separate The seminarians were expected to return home only after some years activity from their attempts to convert prominent leaders. Discussing of education. Although the Iberian Jesuits in Japan had only to replace these two different methods as one single evolutionary lineage obscures the Buddhist schools with those of their own Christian schools, the the composite methods that the Jesuits had gradually devised. French missionaries began the native seminaries from nothing. In For evangelising the indigenous peoples, the French Jesuits used two other words, the indigenous people of New France had never experi- main auxiliary approaches: philanthropy and political , both enced formal education before the arrival of the French missionaries. of which their Iberian predecessors in Japan had devised over a half These four factors explain the difficulties of maintaining sufficient century before. Philanthropy, on the one hand, included education numbers of pupils in classes and of managing the seminaries in a way and medical help, and will be discussed later, while political diplomacy, that justified the investment of resources. which involved approaching prominent individuals in a foreign commu- nity, was practised, beginning in the mid-sixteenth century, in India and b. Approaching Adults Japan, well before Father Lalemant’s methodological proposal in 1639, which Trigger, Axtell and other academics commonly cite as evidence. Because of the failure of Jesuit schooling for boys, historians like Axtell, Trigger and like-minded scholars consider that there was a shift of (1) Hierarchical and Political Approach emphasis on the age groups for evangelisation.67 They believe that the In North America also, prior to 1639, the French Jesuits adopted a missionaries originally favoured children over adults in the proselytis- political strategy for converting the indigenous peoples to Christianity ing process, but that later, by 1640, they replaced this original policy by at the outset of their missionary activity. When Father Pierre Biard

68 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1639, in Relations 16: 169–173; J. Lalemant’s Relation of 67 E.g. Trigger, The Children of Aataentsic, 557–58; Trigger, Natives and Newcomers, the Hurons of 1639, in Relations 16: 251–53; 17: 33; and Vimont’s Relation of 1642–43, 252; Axtell, op. cit., 57–58; and Magnuson, op. cit., 34–35. in Relations 24: 103–17. 118 chapter three analysed the Mi’kmaq government system in Acadia in the early 1610s, for example, he focussed his attention upon two kinds of offices, the chieftain and the head of shamans, whom he apparently considered to be the key figures for missionary diplomacy. When Father Jacques Buteux began his work at Trois-Rivières in 1634, he approached an Innu chief, who, Father Buteux and Father Le Jeune hoped, would lead his community to settle down near this new French outpost.69 There were more examples that suggest that Japan was the model. In 1637, Father Le Jeune attempted to induce an Innu group to settle at Trois-Rivières. He approached and instructed Makheabichtichiou, a future chief of the Innu-Algonquin band at Trois-Rivières.70 At that time, Makheabichtichiou was ill. When he recovered under Jesuit care, he helped with missionary work. Makheabichtichiou expounded elementary Christian doctrine to his community on one occasion, and accompanied his Innu chief on another occasion. This chief asked Father Le Jeune for his help in obtaining permission from Governor Charles Huault de Montmagny and the French settlers to settle near this French outpost.71 The missionaries also made every effort to convert Huron head- men. When Tsiouendaentaha, a prominent chief in his fifties, became the first Huron convert baptised as a healthy person in 1637, Father Le Mercier never failed to mention this baptism and the influence it exerted upon the villagers. Subsequently these villagers began to ask for baptism while in good health. Another example was Chiwatenhwa, whom Father Le Mercier described as approximately thirty-five years of age. Although he was offered baptism only when near death in August 1637, he was such an influential person that he helped the missionaries to persuade a chief of Ossossané to exhort his villagers to receive religious instruction. Consequently the Jesuits were successful in approaching another chief of Ossossané, whose name Father Le Mercier did not mention, in the hope that he would persuade his people to convert to Christianity.72

69 Pierre Biard’s Relation of 1616, in Relations 3: 87–125; and Le Jeune’s Relation of 1635, in Relations 8: 55–57. 70 Father Le Jeune described Makheabichtichiou as the chief of a Trois-Rivières band of the Innu and the Algonquin as well as his eventual baptism in his Relation of 1638. See Relations 14: 131–33 & 145. 71 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1637, in Relations 11: 149–65; 12: 151, 161–63, & 173. 72 Le Mercier’s Relations of the Hurons of 1637 and 1638, in Relations 14: 77–99; 15: 77, 117–19 & 125. 118 chapter three preaching, winning converts and educating them 119 analysed the Mi’kmaq government system in Acadia in the early 1610s, Father Lalemant’s emphasis on conversion of adult men in 1639 was for example, he focussed his attention upon two kinds of offices, the therefore a reconfirmation of his overall methodology, which, instead chieftain and the head of shamans, whom he apparently considered of being a plan of his own invention to shift the emphasis from chil- to be the key figures for missionary diplomacy. When Father Jacques dren to adults, seems to resemble the policy followed in Japan in the Buteux began his work at Trois-Rivières in 1634, he approached an sixteenth century. Although his praise of Father Xavier may be insuf- Innu chief, who, Father Buteux and Father Le Jeune hoped, would lead ficient to gauge his knowledge of the Jesuit missions to Japan, it must his community to settle down near this new French outpost.69 be pointed out that he concluded the chapter of this methodological There were more examples that suggest that Japan was the model. proposal with a reference to Father Xavier, which suggests that he was In 1637, Father Le Jeune attempted to induce an Innu group to settle well versed in the multifaceted approach that Father Xavier and his at Trois-Rivières. He approached and instructed Makheabichtichiou, successors designed for converting non-Christians in Japan.73 No mat- a future chief of the Innu-Algonquin band at Trois-Rivières.70 At that ter how much Father Lalemant was aware of the grand missions of his time, Makheabichtichiou was ill. When he recovered under Jesuit Iberian predecessors, by understanding that connection, one is better care, he helped with missionary work. Makheabichtichiou expounded able to interpret his proposal. When Father Lalemant arrived in New elementary Christian doctrine to his community on one occasion, France in 1638, he seems to have recognised a fundamental flaw in the and accompanied his Innu chief on another occasion. This chief asked missionary enterprise, that except for the establishment of seminaries, Father Le Jeune for his help in obtaining permission from Governor there had been little progress. And even the seminaries were scarcely Charles Huault de Montmagny and the French settlers to settle near successful. They were instructing the boys of non-Christian parents. this French outpost.71 To make matters worse, the instruction and discipline were alien to The missionaries also made every effort to convert Huron head- Amerindian customs. At the same time, the missionaries were un- men. When Tsiouendaentaha, a prominent chief in his fifties, became successful in converting adults in the Huron country although they the first Huron convert baptised as a healthy person in 1637, Father should have done it before undertaking the education of children to Le Mercier never failed to mention this baptism and the influence it ensure that the parents did not hinder the children’s Christian prac- exerted upon the villagers. Subsequently these villagers began to ask tice upon their return home after the completion of their education. for baptism while in good health. Another example was Chiwatenhwa, This reversal of the usual practice of first finding an influential native whom Father Le Mercier described as approximately thirty-five years patron, then dealing with children afterward, almost guaranteed fail- of age. Although he was offered baptism only when near death in ure. It was natural for Father Lalemant to criticise Father Le Jeune’s August 1637, he was such an influential person that he helped the educational scheme and to propose a more conventional evangelisa- missionaries to persuade a chief of Ossossané to exhort his villagers to tion methodology similar to the one that had been adopted in Japan. receive religious instruction. Consequently the Jesuits were successful (2) Collaborative Philanthropy in approaching another chief of Ossossané, whose name Father Le Another method for converting indigenous peoples to Christianity was Mercier did not mention, in the hope that he would persuade his the use of social philanthropy, which included education, alms giving people to convert to Christianity.72 and medical help. As late as the 1640s, rudimentary education was a main part of Jesuit philanthropy in Canada. The missionaries termi- 69 Pierre Biard’s Relation of 1616, in Relations 3: 87–125; and Le Jeune’s Relation nated the boarding school for native boys, but soon achieved some of 1635, in Relations 8: 55–57. success in their attempt at two other forms of education that they had 70 Father Le Jeune described Makheabichtichiou as the chief of a Trois-Rivières planned since the mid-1630s. One form was general schooling at the band of the Innu and the Algonquin as well as his eventual baptism in his Relation of 1638. See Relations 14: 131–33 & 145. 71 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1637, in Relations 11: 149–65; 12: 151, 161–63, & 173. 72 Le Mercier’s Relations of the Hurons of 1637 and 1638, in Relations 14: 77–99; 15: 77, 117–19 & 125. 73 J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1639, in Relations 17: 55. 120 chapter three missionary residences in Huronia for children, neophytes and catechu- mens. It began as a Sunday school for children, under the leadership of Father Brébeuf in 1636. By 1639, when Father Lalemant made his report on the Huron missions, it had developed into an instructional site. Because of this effort to teach children and adults in Huronia, the demise of the seminary near Quebec does not necessarily indicate that the Jesuits entirely abandoned the education of Huron children.74 The other form was a seasonal education for young Huron traders at the French settlements. In the autumn of 1642,75 when Father Brébeuf had already returned to Quebec and was available as an interpreter, the Jesuits began to instruct six or more young Huron men, who vis- ited Quebec for trading and wintered near the French outpost appar- ently to hunt for fur animals with Algonquin settlers at Sillery and to engage in war against the Iroquois. Through this experience with the Huron traders, Father Vimont, who had succeeded Father Le Jeune as superior in Quebec, reported, in his Relation of 1642–1643, on the idea of opening a ‘seminary’ for young Huron men, by which he probably meant some form of instruction without actually constructing a school building. Subsequently Father Brébeuf and his companions provided seasonal instruction for another six Huron men at Trois-Rivières from the early winter of 1643 until the spring of 1644.76 This attempt to instruct young Hurons, however, does not represent a shift in educational objectives from children to young men, since it neither began as an alternative for the seminary institution for boys nor shared the same civilising principle. The missionaries had already begun a similar attempt to offer Christian instruction to Huron trad- ers near the French settlements as early as 1637, almost simultane- ously with the founding of the Huron seminary. And yet before the early 1640s, the Jesuits were completely unsuccessful in persuading the traders to dwell, even seasonally, near the outposts.77 Moreover, the young men were not forced to attend but came on their own initia-

74 Brébeuf’s Relation of 1636, in Relations 10: 19–25; and J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1639, in Relations 16: 248; Le Jeune’s letter to Mutius Vitelleschi, general superior, at Rome, from Troi-Rivières, 8 August 1636, in Campeau, Monumenta, 3: 155–57, esp. 157. 75 This year might be the autumn of 1641. Because Vimont’s Relation of 1642–1643 is undated, his reference to ‘l’an passé’ can mean either 1641 or 1642. See Relations 24: 103–105. 76 Vimont’s Relations of 1642–1643 and 1643–1644, in Relations 24: 103–121; & 26: 19–29. 77 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1637, in Relations 12: 255–59. 120 chapter three preaching, winning converts and educating them 121 missionary residences in Huronia for children, neophytes and catechu- tive primarily to trade at the French outposts and, unlike the former mens. It began as a Sunday school for children, under the leadership young seminarians who boarded inside a Jesuit , they were of Father Brébeuf in 1636. By 1639, when Father Lalemant made his not segregated from other Amerindians or from French settlers. report on the Huron missions, it had developed into an instructional The indirect attempts by the Jesuits to educate girls through the site. Because of this effort to teach children and adults in Huronia, the collaboration of French nuns also contradict the conventional wisdom demise of the seminary near Quebec does not necessarily indicate that that the Jesuits shifted their instructional efforts from native children the Jesuits entirely abandoned the education of Huron children.74 to adult men. When the Jesuits failed to maintain the seminaries for The other form was a seasonal education for young Huron traders at boys, they invited two female religious organisations from France in the French settlements. In the autumn of 1642,75 when Father Brébeuf 1639: the Ursuline nuns and the Hospital nuns. The Ursuline educa- had already returned to Quebec and was available as an interpreter, tion for girls was part of Father Le Jeune’s initial missionary scheme, the Jesuits began to instruct six or more young Huron men, who vis- proposed as early as 1633. Upon arrival in Quebec, the Ursulines were ited Quebec for trading and wintered near the French outpost appar- stationed at the nearby native settlement of Sillery. By 1640, they had ently to hunt for fur animals with Algonquin settlers at Sillery and to opened an elementary school, which Father Le Jeune called ‘séminaire’, engage in war against the Iroquois. Through this experience with the for eighteen native girls, including at least six orphans.78 This school Huron traders, Father Vimont, who had succeeded Father Le Jeune as served French and native girls, both as day students and as boarders. superior in Quebec, reported, in his Relation of 1642–1643, on the idea The Jesuit missionaries co-operated in this female education. Inhis of opening a ‘seminary’ for young Huron men, by which he probably Relation of 1639, Father Le Jeune wrote that he had recruited the meant some form of instruction without actually constructing a school of a dying native woman at Sillery for the Ursuline school. building. Subsequently Father Brébeuf and his companions provided Fathers Jacques Buteux and Claude Pijart, the second of whom had seasonal instruction for another six Huron men at Trois-Rivières from formerly been in charge of the Jesuit seminary, participated in the the early winter of 1643 until the spring of 1644.76 instruction of indigenous girls.79 This attempt to instruct young Hurons, however, does not represent The Hospital nuns, as well, contributed to the education of girls a shift in educational objectives from children to young men, since it and boys. Upon their arrival in Quebec, these native youngsters were neither began as an alternative for the seminary institution for boys lodged temporarily in a house of the Company of One Hundred nor shared the same civilising principle. The missionaries had already Associates, near Fort Saint-Louis in Quebec. In June 1640, the nuns begun a similar attempt to offer Christian instruction to Huron trad- moved to Sillery and, in December, entered their convent building that ers near the French settlements as early as 1637, almost simultane- was completed by the following spring. In his Relation of 1642–1643, ously with the founding of the Huron seminary. And yet before the Father Vimont noted that the Hospital nuns instructed native girls early 1640s, the Jesuits were completely unsuccessful in persuading and boys through prayers and catechisms at their house, which served the traders to dwell, even seasonally, near the outposts.77 Moreover, as a medical clinic.80 the young men were not forced to attend but came on their own initia-

74 Brébeuf’s Relation of 1636, in Relations 10: 19–25; and J. Lalemant’s Relation of 78 Le Jeune’s passages in his Relation of 1639 are clear about the orphanage of six the Hurons of 1639, in Relations 16: 248; Le Jeune’s letter to Mutius Vitelleschi, general girls, but not clear enough about the orphanage of the eighteen seminarians. Because superior, at Rome, from Troi-Rivières, 8 August 1636, in Campeau, Monumenta, 3: his Relation of 1640–1641 refers to a Huron whose lived in her native 155–57, esp. 157. country, not all the initial seminarians seem to have been orphans. See Relations 16: 75 This year might be the autumn of 1641. Because Vimont’s Relation of 1642–1643 09; & 19: 137–39. is undated, his reference to ‘l’an passé’ can mean either 1641 or 1642. See Relations 79 Le Jeune’s Relations of 1633, 1639 and 1640, in Relations 5: 145–47; 16: 09–21, 24: 103–105. 67–69; 19: 37–39, 45–49; and Vimont’s Relations of 1642–1643 and 1643–1644, in 76 Vimont’s Relations of 1642–1643 and 1643–1644, in Relations 24: 103–121; & 26: Relations 23: 315; & 25: 225. 19–29. 80 Relations 16: 23, note 8; Le Jeune’s Relation of 1640–1641, in Relations 20: 237; 77 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1637, in Relations 12: 255–59. and Vimont’s Relation of 1642–1643, in Relations 23: 311–13. 122 chapter three

Because of the many and varied needs of the indigenous people who were in contact with the French, the nuns had to devote themselves to other kinds of charity in collaboration with the Jesuits. When the Hospital nuns began their medical service in 1639, their temporary clinic in Quebec was soon full of Amerindian patients in serious con- dition. The nuns abandoned their first house, which was owned by the Company of One Hundred Associates, and moved to Sillery in 1640. By 1643, they resumed their medical service for French and Amerindian residents at the Hôtel-Dieu de Québec, their own building whose construction was commenced in 1638 and completed in 1644. In Sillery, their convent building, the House of Mercy, served not only as a medical clinic but also as an asylum for needy residents, includ- ing those abandoned by their own people. Also, the Ursuline convent building extended its educational service by functioning not only as an orphanage, but also as a source of alms for both men and women of all ages. Then in 1642, the Innu residents at Sillery co-operated with the missionaries and nuns in offering charity to a larger number of native migrants. In the late 1640s, the Ursuline convent served as a shelter for those destitute refugees who had escaped from the Iroquois nations. When bands of Huron refugees were led by the missionaries to Quebec in 1650, both the Hospitallers and the Ursulines provided them with all possible help. In these cases, charity was an inducement to conversion.81 Such philanthropy, however, was certainly not a stopgap solution adopted quickly as a replacement for the Jesuit education of Amerin- dian boys. The idea of extending charity to native people was men- tioned in the Jesuit correspondence long before the termination of the seminaries. Just as with his request in 1633 for the founding of education for Amerindian girls, Father Le Jeune stated as early as 1634 that a hospital was necessary for indigenous peoples, once he had learnt of the outbreak of disease among the native people at Trois-Rivières in 1633. He repeated this proposal in 1636. The establishment of hospitals by other religious orders was particularly important for the Jesuits because the Society of Jesus prevented its members from becoming

81 Le Jeune’s Relations of 1639 and 1640–1641, in Relations 16: 217–19; 20: 235–41; Vimont’s Relation of 1642–1643, in Relations 23: 311–15; 24: 67–69, 111–15; 159–61; Lalemat’s Relation of 1647–1648, in Relations 32: 213–15, 233; Paul Ragueneau’s Relation of 1649–1650, in Relations 35: 209; and François-Joseph Bressani’s Relation of 1641–1642, in Campeau, Monumenta, 5: 347. 122 chapter three preaching, winning converts and educating them 123

Because of the many and varied needs of the indigenous people who directly involved in medical treatment. To introduce a hospital— were in contact with the French, the nuns had to devote themselves the Hôtel-Dieu de Québec in 1644, for example—the Jesuits’ friends in to other kinds of charity in collaboration with the Jesuits. When the France made an effort to secure the sponsorship of Marie-Madeleine Hospital nuns began their medical service in 1639, their temporary de Vignerot in Paris, the Duchesse d’Aiguillon, who was a niece of clinic in Quebec was soon full of Amerindian patients in serious con- Cardinal Richelieu.82 dition. The nuns abandoned their first house, which was owned by the Strictly speaking, however, the charity near Quebec was not typical Company of One Hundred Associates, and moved to Sillery in 1640. By missionary philanthropy in a foreign land, for the religious organi- 1643, they resumed their medical service for French and Amerindian sations dealt only with their native guests in the French settlements residents at the Hôtel-Dieu de Québec, their own building whose without expanding their service beyond the outposts. It was akin to the construction was commenced in 1638 and completed in 1644. In expansion of the French settlements through missionary diplomacy with Sillery, their convent building, the House of Mercy, served not only Amerindian neighbours. Such work, similar to the sixteenth-century as a medical clinic but also as an asylum for needy residents, includ- Jesuit philanthropy among non-Christians in countries such as Japan, ing those abandoned by their own people. Also, the Ursuline convent began only at the missionary station of Sainte Marie, in the country of building extended its educational service by functioning not only as an the Hurons. Under the leadership of Father Jérôme Lalemant, the mis- orphanage, but also as a source of alms for both men and women of sionaries and their lay assistants began to build this fortified mission all ages. Then in 1642, the Innu residents at Sillery co-operated with station in the territory of the Ataronchronon, an eastern division of the missionaries and nuns in offering charity to a larger number of the Attignawantan Hurons, in 1639.83 native migrants. In the late 1640s, the Ursuline convent served as a From an international perspective, the residence of Sainte Marie shelter for those destitute refugees who had escaped from the Iroquois was more an emulation of Jesuit charity houses in Japan than Father nations. When bands of Huron refugees were led by the missionaries Lalemant’s own ‘innovation’, which is how Trigger describes it.84 to Quebec in 1650, both the Hospitallers and the Ursulines provided Father Lalemant’s scheme of missionary charity, based at the residence them with all possible help. In these cases, charity was an inducement of Sainte Marie, was similar to the philanthropy under the leader- to conversion.81 ship of Father Cosme de Torres, one of the pioneer missionaries who Such philanthropy, however, was certainly not a stopgap solution accompanied Father Xavier to Japan. Both Jesuits began their philan- adopted quickly as a replacement for the Jesuit education of Amerin- thropy in a foreign land, away from the trading establishments. Both dian boys. The idea of extending charity to native people was men- chose as the sites for their missionary centres regions with a history of tioned in the Jesuit correspondence long before the termination of goodwill towards Europeans, where they could secure political patron- the seminaries. Just as with his request in 1633 for the founding of age. Through philanthropy, both Father Torres and Father Lalemant education for Amerindian girls, Father Le Jeune stated as early as 1634 attempted to convert indigenous peoples without segregating neo- that a hospital was necessary for indigenous peoples, once he had learnt phytes or catechumens from their home communities. Because of these of the outbreak of disease among the native people at Trois-Rivières in common backgrounds, the station of Sainte Marie functioned, like 1633. He repeated this proposal in 1636. The establishment of hospitals run by other religious orders was particularly important for the Jesuits because the Society of Jesus prevented its members from becoming

82 Le Jeune’s Relations of 1634, 1636, 1638 and 1639, in Relations 6: 61–63, 143; 8: 233–35, 99–101; 14: 125–27; & 16: 217–19. 81 Le Jeune’s Relations of 1639 and 1640–1641, in Relations 16: 217–19; 20: 235–41; 83 J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1640, in Relations 19: 167; and J. Lalemant Vimont’s Relation of 1642–1643, in Relations 23: 311–15; 24: 67–69, 111–15; 159–61; to Mutius Vitelleschi, general superior, at Rome, from Ossossdané, 25 May 1639, in Lalemat’s Relation of 1647–1648, in Relations 32: 213–15, 233; Paul Ragueneau’s Campeau, Monumenta, 4: 231–33. For the relationship between the Ataronchronon Relation of 1649–1650, in Relations 35: 209; and François-Joseph Bressani’s Relation and the Attignawantan, see Trigger, Natives and Newcomers, 252–53. of 1641–1642, in Campeau, Monumenta, 5: 347. 84 Trigger, op. cit., 252–53. 124 chapter three 6. (replicas) Marie in Sainte Houses Huron 124 chapter three preaching, winning converts and educating them 125 6. (replicas) Marie in Sainte Houses Huron 7. 7. replica) (a Marie Sainte in Building Church 126 chapter three 8. 8. replica) (a Marie Sainte in Converts Native for Altar This alter is located inside the church building on the Huron site of Sainte Marie. of Sainte site Huron on the building church the inside is located This alter 126 chapter three preaching, winning converts and educating them 127

several of the Jesuit residences in Japan, as a medical clinic, a refuge and a hospice for Huron visitors.85

C. A New Paradigm for the Missionary Strategy in New France

This discussion leads to two conclusions. First, when considering the Japanese and Canadian missionary cases, one should abolish those simplistic labels like cultural absolutism and cultural relativism that recent historians in the Canadian field have used. Despite popular ideas about the methodological difference between the Franciscans and the Jesuits in the Canadian historiography, there was little factional dif- ference between the Franciscans and the Jesuits in terms of mission- ary policies. Any plausible difference was, strictly speaking, simply the result of continual evolution of missionary strategies throughout the first half of the seventeenth century. The variation of missionary policy was caused by the shifting responsibility and experience of priests who adjusted themselves to changing evangelistic environments. Distin- guishing the two missionary bodies in stereotypical terms of cultural absolutism and cultural relativism merely serves to confuse the true characteristics of these religious orders by ignoring the evangelistic situations peculiar to each stage of missionary development. Second, basic methodological similarities between the Iberian missions and the French missions demonstrate that the Society of Jesus, since the pioneer years of Father Xavier, had already evolved multifaceted strate- gies internationally when its French group began evangelistic activity in New France. The Jesuit approach cannot be described simply as a shift

8. 8. replica) (a Marie Sainte in Converts Native for Altar from converting children to evangelising adults, as influential scholars in the Canadian historiography have claimed for more than three decades. In Japan and New France as well, the missionaries worked with a variety of approaches, with an emphasis on two basic lines: political diplomacy

This alter is located inside the church building on the Huron site of Sainte Marie. of Sainte site Huron on the building church the inside is located This alter and philanthropy. The philanthropy consisted of works of charity, medi- cal help and elementary education. The early Jesuit education could well be regarded as a third independent line of approach if one considers the Jesuit boarding schools to have been seminaries rather than elementary schools. Here, one should recall that they never functioned as institutions

85 J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1643, in Relations 26: 201–03; and Ragueneau’s Relation of the Hurons of 1647–1648, in Relations 33: 77, 99–101. 128 chapter three for bringing up future native priests in New France. Failure to distin- guish these two or three lines of methodological evolution in the French missions blinds historians to the evolution of the multifaceted methods that Christian missions beyond Europe adopted from the mid-sixteenth century to the mid-seventeenth century because the missionary policy in Canada drew on previous experience and evolved continuously. 128 chapter three for bringing up future native priests in New France. Failure to distin- guish these two or three lines of methodological evolution in the French missions blinds historians to the evolution of the multifaceted methods CHAPTER FOUR that Christian missions beyond Europe adopted from the mid-sixteenth century to the mid-seventeenth century because the missionary policy in ORGANISING A MISSION FOR A CHRISTIAN COMMUNITY: Canada drew on previous experience and evolved continuously. MISSIONARY RÉDUCTIONS RECONSIDERED

In order to convert Amerindians who lived and hunted in lands far away from French settlements in North America, the Jesuit missionaries sought to gather these Amerindians into native Christian reserves near the French colonial settlements along the Saint Lawrence River. The missionaries encouraged the Algonquian and Iroquoian peoples to settle down in these missionary settlements to live as neophytes. Father Paul Le Jeune called such Christian settlements ‘réductions’ following the example of Jesuit predecessors in South America, who labelled the Paraguayan reserves ‘reducciónes’. Two interrelated issues arise from this evangelistic approach to set- tling Amerindians in réductions. The first issue is whether the idea for the Paraguayan reducciónes was created without precedent before it was introduced into North America. Or were the reducciónes based on models found elsewhere? In other words, is it possible to trace the prototypes—if not the origin1—for the Canadian réductions beyond Paraguay? The second issue is to what extent the New Franceréductions emulated the Paraguayan models. Alternatively did the ‘réduction’ scheme of New France originate only in a Paraguayan model and in no other missionary models? To seek answers to these two issues, a reconsideration of the Jesuit réductions should go as far back as the pioneer Christian communi- ties in sixteenth-century Japan, beyond the Paraguayan models that began in the early seventeenth century. This consideration should also search for the missionary achievements beyond Europe. The initial step for such analysis is to establish the interconnection between the Paraguayan and Japanese missions. Then, the native Christian commu- nities in New France can be discussed in the light of earlier experiences

1 This ‘prototype’ means the prototypical establishment of a Christian community in formerly non-Christian regions. Because a simplistic search for the ‘origin’ of reductions may reach as far back as the ancient centuries, the search will complicate the current argument or even obscure the vital aspect of analysis.

This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the cc-by-nc License. 130 chapter four in both Paraguay and Japan. Using this approach, features common to the two types of Amerindian missionary communities in New France and Paraguay may be seen to have their prototypes in the earlier Jesuit experiments in Japan. Other features that seem to have been unique to New France may, in fact, have been based directly on the prototypical experience in Japan.

A. The Prototypes for Amerindian Réductions

1. Existing Interpretation of the Laurentian Réductions Father Le Jeune, the Superior of New France during the 1630s, was the first missionary to mention the Paraguayan mission. He didso in order to justify his plan for establishing a settlement for nomadic Amerindians. When the Jesuits renewed the mission in New France in 1632, the superior was already familiar with the Jesuit experience in colonial Paraguay,2 an enormous region that encompassed today’s Paraguay as well as eastern Bolivia, , southwest Brazil, Uruguay and Chile. In the Relation of 1637, for example, he referred to the Paraguayan experiment as a model for native settlements in New France. Later he used the Latin term ‘reduximus’ in 1638 and the French term ‘réduction’ in 1639 to refer to the first native mission of Sillery, which the Jesuits arranged for an Innu group.3 These Jesuit references to Paraguay influenced later interpretations of the Amerindian missionary settlements. In the historiography of the Jesuit missions in New France, a wide range of historians from the nineteenth to the twenty-first centuries maintain that the system of Canadian réductions was an emulation of the Jesuit reducciónes in colonial Paraguay. Those who so argue include the Ursuline Mother Sainte-Croix, Gabriel Gravier and Joseph Edmond Roy, in the nine- teenth and early twentieth centuries. More recently Lucien Campeau,

2 Henceforth, ‘Paraguay’ means ‘colonial Paraguay’ unless specified otherwise. 3 Paul le Jeune’s Relation of 1639, in Reuben Gold Thwaites et al (eds.), The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (73 vols., Cleveland, OH: Burrows Brothers, 1896–1901), vol. 5, 31–33 [Relations 5: 31–33, henceforth]; Relations 12: 219–23; 14: 205–07; & 16: 135–141; and Le Jeune to Mutius Vitelleschi, general superior, at Rome, from Trois Rivières, 1st August 1638, in Lucien Campeau (ed.), Monumenta Novae Franciae (Roma: Monumenta Historica Soc. Iesu; & Montréal: Les Éditions Bellarmin; or Québec: Les Presses de l’Université Laval, 1967–2003), vol. 4 (1989), 54–57 [Campeau, Monumenta, 4: 54–55, henceforth], esp. 55. 130 chapter four organising a mission for a christian community 131 in both Paraguay and Japan. Using this approach, features common to John W. Grant, Bruce G. Trigger, Marc Jetten, Carole Blackburn and the two types of Amerindian missionary communities in New France Jean-Jacques Simard, among many others, expressed a consensus and Paraguay may be seen to have their prototypes in the earlier Jesuit that the French Jesuits developed a réduction scheme based directly experiments in Japan. Other features that seem to have been unique to upon the Paraguayan system of Christian settlements from the early New France may, in fact, have been based directly on the prototypical seventeenth century.4 experience in Japan. There have been a few attempts at modifying this popular per- spective on the native reserves on the Saint Lawrence. One alterna- tive approach is to seek another prototype. According to Cornelius A. The Prototypes for Amerindian Réductions J. Jaenen, the Canadian réductions were modelled upon the réduction system developed earlier in Spanish America. As such, he includes not 1. Existing Interpretation of the Laurentian Réductions only Paraguay but also Nueva España, now called , as models. Father Le Jeune, the Superior of New France during the 1630s, was The problem with this argument is the lack of Christian ‘reducciónes’ the first missionary to mention the Paraguayan mission. He didso in Nueva España, where native villages or pueblos already existed. in order to justify his plan for establishing a settlement for nomadic What Jaenen seems to suggest is that the French Jesuits were famil- Amerindians. When the Jesuits renewed the mission in New France iar with the Spanish segregation of Amerindians in sixteenth-century in 1632, the superior was already familiar with the Jesuit experience Nueva España. Similarly Carole Blackburn refers to the sixteenth- in colonial Paraguay,2 an enormous region that encompassed today’s century missionary communities in the Philippines where Spanish Paraguay as well as eastern Bolivia, Argentina, southwest Brazil, friars reorganised the indigenous population for effective cultural Uruguay and Chile. In the Relation of 1637, for example, he referred assimilation and religious instruction. Regrettably these two alterna- to the Paraguayan experiment as a model for native settlements in tives for a revised perspective lack sufficient documentation. In addi- New France. Later he used the Latin term ‘reduximus’ in 1638 and the tion, Jaenen points to the Récollet Franciscan example of segregating French term ‘réduction’ in 1639 to refer to the first native mission of the indigenous Laurentian peoples in order to provide them with Sillery, which the Jesuits arranged for an Innu group.3 Christian instruction. This was before the Jesuits joined the Franciscan These Jesuit references to Paraguay influenced later interpretations mission in Quebec. Although all these examples and interpretations of the Amerindian missionary settlements. In the historiography of may demonstrate indirect influences upon the Jesuit attempts to seg- the Jesuit missions in New France, a wide range of historians from regate Amerindians in mission villages, they provide no theoretical the nineteenth to the twenty-first centuries maintain that the system of Canadian réductions was an emulation of the Jesuit reducciónes in colonial Paraguay. Those who so argue include the Ursuline Mother Sainte-Croix, Gabriel Gravier and Joseph Edmond Roy, in the nine- teenth and early twentieth centuries. More recently Lucien Campeau, 4 A Member of the Ursuline Community [Mother Sainte-Croix, principally], Life of Madame de la Peltrie (Magdalene de Chauvigny) (New York: Edward Duignan & Brother, 1859), 73; A Member of the Ursuline Community [Mother Sainte-Croix], Glimpse of the Monastery (Quebec: C. Darveau, 1872), 14; Gabriel Gravier, Vie de 2 Henceforth, ‘Paraguay’ means ‘colonial Paraguay’ unless specified otherwise. Samuel de Champlain: Fondateur de la Nouvelle-France (1567–1635) (Paris: Librarie 3 Paul le Jeune’s Relation of 1639, in Reuben Gold Thwaites et al (eds.), The Jesuit orientale & américaine, 1900), 93; Joseph Edmond Roy, M. de Montmagny (Québec: Relations and Allied Documents (73 vols., Cleveland, OH: Burrows Brothers, 1896–1901), L’Événement, 1906), 41; Bruce G. Trigger, The Children of Aataentisic (Kingston & vol. 5, 31–33 [Relations 5: 31–33, henceforth]; Relations 12: 219–23; 14: 205–07; & 16: Montreal, McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1976), 468, 577–78 & 685; John Webster 135–141; and Le Jeune to Mutius Vitelleschi, general superior, at Rome, from Trois Grant, Moon of Wintertime (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984), 27 & 58; Rivières, 1st August 1638, in Lucien Campeau (ed.), Monumenta Novae Franciae Carole Blackburn, Harvest of Souls (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University (Roma: Monumenta Historica Soc. Iesu; & Montréal: Les Éditions Bellarmin; or Press, 2000), 94–95; Marc Jetten, Enclaves amérindiennes: les « réductions » du Canada, Québec: Les Presses de l’Université Laval, 1967–2003), vol. 4 (1989), 54–57 [Campeau, 1637–1701 (Sillery: Septentrion, 1994), 15–33; and Jean-Jacques Simard, La Réduction Monumenta, 4: 54–55, henceforth], esp. 55. (Sillery: Septentrion, 2003), 26–27 & note 3. 132 chapter four antithesis to the popular notion that French Jesuit réductions were directly based on the Jesuit reducciónes in Paraguay.5 Most historians of New France have been, or wish to be, content with having found a prototype for Canadian réductions in Paraguay. They have not asked whether the missionaries in Paraguay created the reducción scheme from scratch or developed it from a prototype in some other Jesuit mission. These historians should go one step further, for they only argue that all the elements in the Jesuit operations of the réductions originated in the Paraguayan system. The Paraguayan experiment, however, was merely one of several Jesuit missions in non-Christian regions from the mid-sixteenth to the early seventeenth century. Therefore, it is difficult to believe that the French Jesuits, in their plan to introduce réductions to New France, learnt nothing from the experiences of other regions of the world. One thus needs to consider the possible models for the New France réductions outside Paraguay.

2. The Prototypes beyond Paraguay The common way to determine the prototype for the Paraguayan missionary communities has been to look for precedents in the six- teenth century, a rather narrow approach that finds precedents in the Iberian colonies, such as the Dominican experiment in the Island of Española in the Caribbean; and the Spanish-managed indigenous com- munities called ‘pueblos reales’ in Central Mexico, , and Bolivia.6 Other partial precedents include the colonial Spanish policy of ‘con- gregación’ in Central and South America, where Spanish officials amal- gamated numerous villages in order to facilitate tribute collection and the organisation of labour conscripts. Also, in the Portuguese colony of Brazil, the colonial officials helped the Jesuit missionaries to create native Christian communities, or ‘aldeias’, near white settlements.7 All

5 Jaenen, Friend and Foe, 177–78; and Blackburn, loc. cit. 6 Raymond A. Bucko, ‘Bartholomé de Las Casas, 1474–1566’, Early Encounters in North America: Biography (n.p.: Alexander Street Press, L. L. C.; & the University of Chicago, 2004, online: www.alexanderstreet2.com/EENALive/bios/A6919BIO.html); and Robert H. Jackson, ‘Jesuit : A Comparison of the Development of the Two Missions in Baja California and Paraguay’, in San Jose de Comondu, 1708–1808 (online: www.timsbaja.com/rjackson/0200703/loretomissionscomparison.html). 7 Stafford Poole, ‘Iberian Catholicism Comes to the Americas’, in Charles H. Lippy et al., Christianity Comes to the Americas, 1492–1776 (New York: Paragon House, 1992), 1–129, esp. 98–100; Robert H. Jackson and Edward Castillo, Indians, Franciscans, and 132 chapter four organising a mission for a christian community 133 antithesis to the popular notion that French Jesuit réductions were these precedents indicate that the Paraguayan reducciónes were at least directly based on the Jesuit reducciónes in Paraguay.5 not unique as settlements for Amerindians but were consistent with Most historians of New France have been, or wish to be, content government policy in colonial Latin America. with having found a prototype for Canadian réductions in Paraguay. The Jesuit system of reducciónes in Paraguay, however, had a dis- They have not asked whether the missionaries in Paraguay created the tinctive character that set a precedent for New France. Unlike the reducción scheme from scratch or developed it from a prototype in sixteenth-century precedents in the Spanish colonies, this missionary some other Jesuit mission. These historians should go one step further, scheme in Paraguay either lacked the goal of incorporating indige- for they only argue that all the elements in the Jesuit operations of the nous people into European society or gave less priority to it.8 To use réductions originated in the Paraguayan system. a computer metaphor, the reducción scheme shared its hardware—the The Paraguayan experiment, however, was merely one of several Jesuit physical native settlements—with the sixteenth-century colonial and missions in non-Christian regions from the mid-sixteenth to the early evangelistic experiments, but it did not share with them its software— seventeenth century. Therefore, it is difficult to believe that the French the exploitation of the native population. Where then did the software Jesuits, in their plan to introduce réductions to New France, learnt for Paraguayan settlements come from? This is the type of question nothing from the experiences of other regions of the world. One thus that historians of the Canadian and Paraguayan missions have not needs to consider the possible models for the New France réductions asked when considering the Jesuit missionary settlements. outside Paraguay. There are two ways to search for the conceptual prototypes for the reducciónes. One is to consider the motive of the missionaries for seg- 2. The Prototypes beyond Paraguay regating their existing and potential converts from European settlers. By establishing isolated indigenous communities, the Jesuits tried to The common way to determine the prototype for the Paraguayan facilitate the process of evangelisation by ridding themselves of all the missionary communities has been to look for precedents in the six- hindrances caused by the colonial ‘encomienda’ system, which allowed teenth century, a rather narrow approach that finds precedents in the the Spanish colonists to force the Amerindian peoples to become serfs. Iberian colonies, such as the Dominican experiment in the Island of Beyond this system, however, the native men they exploited and the Española in the Caribbean; and the Spanish-managed indigenous com- indigenous women they forced into concubinage. Consequently the munities called ‘pueblos reales’ in Central Mexico, Peru, and Bolivia.6 colonists hindered the missionaries’ attempts to convert the native Other partial precedents include the colonial Spanish policy of ‘con- people to Christianity.9 And yet this social conflict is still insufficient to gregación’ in Central and South America, where Spanish officials amal- explain why the Jesuits created the reducciónes. Therefore, one needs gamated numerous villages in order to facilitate tribute collection and the organisation of labour conscripts. Also, in the Portuguese colony of Brazil, the colonial officials helped the Jesuit missionaries to create native Christian communities, or ‘aldeias’, near white settlements.7 All Spanish Colonization (Albuquerque: University of Press, 1995), 6; and Dauril Alden, The Making of an Empire: The Society of Jesus in Portugal, Its Empire, and Beyond, 1540–1750 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1996), 72–73. 5 Jaenen, Friend and Foe, 177–78; and Blackburn, loc. cit. 8 Poole, op. cit., 99. 6 Raymond A. Bucko, ‘Bartholomé de Las Casas, 1474–1566’, Early Encounters in 9 Antonio Ruiz de Montoya, The Spiritual Conquest (1639, St. Louis: The Institute of North America: Biography (n.p.: Alexander Street Press, L. L. C.; & the University of the Jesuit Sources, 1993), chap. 6, 39–40; A. Huonder, ‘Reductions of Paraguay’, in vol. 12 Chicago, 2004, online: www.alexanderstreet2.com/EENALive/bios/A6919BIO.html); of The Catholic Encyclopedia (online); Philip Caraman, The Lost Paradise (London: and Robert H. Jackson, ‘Jesuit Frontiers: A Comparison of the Development of the Sedgwick & Jackson, 1975), 35. Unlike Montoya, neither Huonder nor Caraman Two Missions in Baja California and Paraguay’, in San Jose de Comondu, 1708–1808 provides concrete examples of the Spaniards’ negative influence even though both of (online: www.timsbaja.com/rjackson/0200703/loretomissionscomparison.html). them pointed to the European immorality in the colonies. Although the Amerindians 7 Stafford Poole, ‘Iberian Catholicism Comes to the Americas’, in Charles H. Lippy in Asunción seem to have been robbed by Spanish settlers, even Montoya avoided et al., Christianity Comes to the Americas, 1492–1776 (New York: Paragon House, 1992), describing clearly who—native serfs or fellow European settlers or both—became the 1–129, esp. 98–100; Robert H. Jackson and Edward Castillo, Indians, Franciscans, and victims of their robbery. 134 chapter four to ask one further question: When and where did the missionaries think of creating isolated missionary communities? There is one field of missionary activity that hitherto has been over- looked. In the Spanish Jesuits’ accounts of Paraguay, there is evidence that the Jesuits there admired the missionaries of Japan.10 One passage by an early missionary points to the Jesuit experience that inspired the Paraguayan missionaries. La conquista espiritual by Father Antonio Ruiz de Montoya is an early account, published in 1639, of the Para- guayan missions. Father Montoya, who, from 1612 to 1637, played a leading rôle in establishing the early reducciónes, referred to the Japanese Christian communities as models for the Christian settlements in Paraguay. He praised Japan’s ‘houses and palaces’, ‘civilisation’ and gorgeous ‘silks’, as well as the country’s ‘costume’, its ‘variety in food’ and its ‘luxuries.’ He also respected its ‘martyrs’ who were killed for converting to Christianity. At the beginning of his description of the Paraguayan reducciónes, a description which formed almost half of the account, Father Montoya expressed a great admiration for the Japanese Christian communities, which he held up as the model to be emulated by his companions.11 Two names given to the early seventeenth-century reducciónes sug- gest this Japanese influence on Paraguay. One name was that of ‘San Francisco de Xavier’, which was located along the Uruguay River. Even though Father Xavier’s name was widely used for European insti- tutions, he was noted particularly for his pioneer work in Japan, as already discussed in the second and third chapters. The other name that evoked Japanese connections more strongly was ‘Los Santos Mártires de Japón’. Situated between the Paraná River and the Uruguay River, this second community was dedicated to the Jesuit martyrs of Japan, including Miki Paulo, Kisai Diego and Gotô Johannes, who were crucified in Nagasaki in 1597 on the orders of Toyotomi Hideyoshi.12 Therefore, it is worthwhile to consider the methodological similarities

10 Emilio E. Ravignani & Carlos Leonhardt, SJ (eds.), Iglesia: Cartas annuas de la Provincia del Paraguay, Chile y Tucumán, de la Compañía de Jesús (1609–1614) (Buenos Aires: Casa Jacobo Peuser, 1927) [Iglesia (1609–1614), henceforth], 233; Emilio E. Ravignani & Carlos Leonhardt, SJ (eds.), Iglesia: Cartas annuas de la Provincia del Paraguay, Chile y Tucumán, de la Compañía de Jesús (1615–1637) (Buenos Aires: Casa Jacobo Peuser, 1929) [Iglesia (1615–1637), henceforth], 16. 11 Montoya, op.cit., chap. 45, 129–30. 12 Ravignani & Leonhardt, Iglesia (1615–1637), 680, 774 & note 62; and J. MacNaspy, SJ, Lost Cities of Paraguay (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1982), 88. 134 chapter four organising a mission for a christian community 135 to ask one further question: When and where did the missionaries between the Japanese mission and the Paraguayan mission before think of creating isolated missionary communities? doing the same between the reducciónes and the réductions. There is one field of missionary activity that hitherto has been over- looked. In the Spanish Jesuits’ accounts of Paraguay, there is evidence B. A Comparison between Japan and Paraguay that the Jesuits there admired the missionaries of Japan.10 One passage by an early missionary points to the Jesuit experience that inspired the A comparison between Japan and Paraguay will answer the first Paraguayan missionaries. La conquista espiritual by Father Antonio question of whether the idea for the reducciónes was created without Ruiz de Montoya is an early account, published in 1639, of the Para- precedent. This approach requires the identification of the missionary guayan missions. Father Montoya, who, from 1612 to 1637, played a villages or towns in Japan, since Christianity was accepted only on a leading rôle in establishing the early reducciónes, referred to the Japanese local scale. The possible Japanese prototypes for the Paraguayan reduc- Christian communities as models for the Christian settlements in ciónes are the villages of the pro-Christian daimyô in western Kyushu, Paraguay. He praised Japan’s ‘houses and palaces’, ‘civilisation’ and especially those ruled by the Ômura and Arima clans in the region gorgeous ‘silks’, as well as the country’s ‘costume’, its ‘variety in food’ of Hizen, today’s Nagasaki and Saga Prefectures. Ômura Sumitada and its ‘luxuries.’ He also respected its ‘martyrs’ who were killed for was baptised in 1563, and in 1580. Once they under- converting to Christianity. At the beginning of his description of the stood that the daimyô were co-operating with the Jesuits, the ordinary Paraguayan reducciónes, a description which formed almost half of the people in Hizen welcomed the missionaries. In 1574, Ômura Sumitada account, Father Montoya expressed a great admiration for the Japanese even began to order all his vassals and territorial residents to seek bap- Christian communities, which he held up as the model to be emulated tism, as he had already done.13 by his companions.11 There are similarities between the Paraguayan reducciónes and the Two names given to the early seventeenth-century reducciónes sug- Hizen villages, suggesting that the Jesuit experiment in Paraguay was gest this Japanese influence on Paraguay. One name was that of ‘San not the first attempt at creating an independent Christian community Francisco de Xavier’, which was located along the Uruguay River. among non-European people. Prior to the Paraguayan experiment, Even though Father Xavier’s name was widely used for European insti- the Society of Jesus succeeded in creating what became a model evan- tutions, he was noted particularly for his pioneer work in Japan, as gelisation programme in Japan. To achieve success, it was important already discussed in the second and third chapters. The other name that that the Hizen villages did not coexist with European settler colonies. evoked Japanese connections more strongly was ‘Los Santos Mártires Importantly the Jesuits eschewed European-style military conquest de Japón’. Situated between the Paraná River and the Uruguay River, as a necessary prerequisite to missionary work. Prior to contact with this second community was dedicated to the Jesuit martyrs of Japan, Japan it was always thought necessary to conquer a nation militarily including Miki Paulo, Kisai Diego and Gotô Johannes, who were before beginning the process of acculturation, especially in the Spanish crucified in Nagasaki in 1597 on the orders of Toyotomi Hideyoshi.12 colonies. Therefore, it is worthwhile to consider the methodological similarities A further comparison is possible if based on eight main characteristics of the missionary communities in Paraguay, as stated in order below. To begin with, the Paraguayan settlements, following the exam- 10 Emilio E. Ravignani & Carlos Leonhardt, SJ (eds.), Iglesia: Cartas annuas de la Provincia del Paraguay, Chile y Tucumán, de la Compañía de Jesús (1609–1614) ple of Japan, were located far from the Spanish and Portuguese (Buenos Aires: Casa Jacobo Peuser, 1927) [Iglesia (1609–1614), henceforth], 233; Emilio E. Ravignani & Carlos Leonhardt, SJ (eds.), Iglesia: Cartas annuas de la Provincia del Paraguay, Chile y Tucumán, de la Compañía de Jesús (1615–1637) (Buenos Aires: Casa Jacobo Peuser, 1929) [Iglesia (1615–1637), henceforth], 16. 13 Luís Fróis, Historia de Japam (ed. José Wicki, SJ, Lisboa: Biblioteca nacional de 11 Montoya, op.cit., chap. 45, 129–30. Lisboa, 1976–84), part I, chap. 104 [Historia, 1: 104, henceforth]; and Matsuda Kiichi & 12 Ravignani & Leonhardt, Iglesia (1615–1637), 680, 774 & note 62; and J. MacNaspy, Kawasaki Momota (eds.), Nopponshi (12 vols., Tokyo: Chûôkôron-sha, 1977–80), vol. 10, SJ, Lost Cities of Paraguay (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1982), 88. 9–24. 136 chapter four settlements. The Jesuit missionaries established San Ignacio Guazú, the firstreducción of the Society, in 1609. Fathers Marcial de Lorenzana and Francisco de San Martín travelled with indigenous chiefs and their peo- ple in search of this site, which was appropriate for their first attempt at creating sedentary communities for these migratory hunters and gatherers. By segregating Amerindians in this way from Iberian colo- nists, including Europeans born in South America, the Jesuits set up thirteen other native towns by 1630.14 Similarly the Hizen villages were segregated, admittedly not by deliberate choice, from the Iberian settlements in East Asia, such as Macao and the Philippines. Although the means to these ends were dissimilar, the missionaries in both Paraguay and Hizen succeeded in establishing Christian communities independent of European colonies. The Japanese communities were originally non-European villages and were not subject to the Iberian colonists. The closest Iberian neigh- bours were the seasonal merchants and sailors at such trading ports as Nagasaki, Yokoseura and Kuchinotsu. Through the daimyô’s patron- age and political authority, the Jesuit missionaries converted existing sedentary villages into communities for Japanese Christians. Second, the Jesuits established a kind of political autonomy in both Hizen and Paraguay. In Paraguay the foundation and development of the reducciónes occurred with the consent of the Spanish king, who authorised royal decrees and privileges. The native settlements were formally under the control of the colonial administration at Asunción. And yet two factors worked in favour of the mission. First of all, the colonial Europeans were denied access to the reducciónes and were unable to acquire any land in them. The second was that, while preserv- ing the authority of caciques, or native headmen, the missionaries in the settlements took on the duties of civic and religious leaders beyond the authority of the caciques.15 Consequently the Jesuits maintained the autonomy of their missionary towns inside Paraguay as though they were located beyond the limits of Spanish colonial claims.

14 The reducción of San Ignacio Guazú was free from lifetime . Unlike other reducciónes established later, however, this first settlement remained subject to seasonal labour for the encomienda system in the Spanish outpost of Asunción, located nearly two hundred and fifty kilometres on a straight line to the north. See Sélim Abou, The Jesuit ‘Republic’ of the Guaranís (1609–1768) and Its Heritage (New York: The Crossroad Publishing Company, 1997), 34–36; Huonder, loc. cit.; and Montoya, op. cit., chaps. 1 & 5, 29–30 & 37–38. 15 Caraman, op. cit., 111, 120 & 157. 136 chapter four organising a mission for a christian community 137 settlements. The Jesuit missionaries established San Ignacio Guazú, the This attempt at political autonomy outside any European colony firstreducción of the Society, in 1609. Fathers Marcial de Lorenzana and had already proved successful in the port town of Nagasaki in Hizen. Francisco de San Martín travelled with indigenous chiefs and their peo- In 1580, Ômura Sumitada granted this port and the neighbouring ple in search of this site, which was appropriate for their first attempt villages and towns to the Jesuit missionary order, just as he entrusted at creating sedentary communities for these migratory hunters and the administration of his other feudal holdings to his vassals.16 Although gatherers. By segregating Amerindians in this way from Iberian colo- Ômura retained the right to impose a tariff on international trade, nists, including Europeans born in South America, the Jesuits set up the Jesuits gained control of international trade at the port as well as thirteen other native towns by 1630.14 the privilege of local taxation. The only difference from other Hizen Similarly the Hizen villages were segregated, admittedly not by villages was that Nagasaki was inhabited by both Japanese residents deliberate choice, from the Iberian settlements in East Asia, such as and foreign visitors. The Jesuit administration of Nagasaki was prob- Macao and the Philippines. Although the means to these ends were ably the first example of political autonomy that the Society obtained dissimilar, the missionaries in both Paraguay and Hizen succeeded in outside European colonies. establishing Christian communities independent of European colonies. Third, the missionaries attempted to create a self-sustaining agrarian The Japanese communities were originally non-European villages and society in the Paraguayan reducciónes. As long as the indigenous people were not subject to the Iberian colonists. The closest Iberian neigh- were obliged to seek their means of sustenance in the forest or on bours were the seasonal merchants and sailors at such trading ports as the plain outside a permanent settlement, the Jesuits were unable to Nagasaki, Yokoseura and Kuchinotsu. Through the daimyô’s patron- provide them with Christian instruction as thorough as they might age and political authority, the Jesuit missionaries converted existing provide for a sedentary population. For example, once settled in the sedentary villages into communities for Japanese Christians. reducciónes, the semi-sedentary Guaraní people, who lived all over colo- Second, the Jesuits established a kind of political autonomy in both nial Paraguay learnt systematic agriculture and animal husbandry.17 Hizen and Paraguay. In Paraguay the foundation and development of Their farms produced maize, cassava, sweet potatoes, cane, the reducciónes occurred with the consent of the Spanish king, who yerba mate , fruit, cotton and different types of vegetables. Their authorised royal decrees and privileges. The native settlements were domestic animals included oxen, cows, sheep and horses. This self- formally under the control of the colonial administration at Asunción. sustaining economy was also strengthened by the foundation of And yet two factors worked in favour of the mission. First of all, the domestic industries, such as carpentry, metalwork, painting, shoe- colonial Europeans were denied access to the reducciónes and were making and textiles.18 unable to acquire any land in them. The second was that, while preserv- In Hizen, on the other hand, the sedentary and self-supporting ing the authority of caciques, or native headmen, the missionaries in agrarian standard was already a fait accompli before the Jesuits arrived. the settlements took on the duties of civic and religious leaders beyond The local Hizen communities were basically agriculturalists, although the authority of the caciques.15 Consequently the Jesuits maintained the a part of the population was engaged in fishing, hunting and crafts. autonomy of their missionary towns inside Paraguay as though they were located beyond the limits of Spanish colonial claims. 16 Lourenço Mexia’s annual report of 1580 to the general superior, from Bungo, 20 October 1580, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 5: 217–65, esp. 238–39. 14 The reducción of San Ignacio Guazú was free from lifetime slavery. Unlike other 17 It is difficult to label the seventeenth-century Guaranís nomadic or sedentary in reducciónes established later, however, this first settlement remained subject to seasonal black and white. They lived in small villages in the woods and engaged in horticulture. labour for the encomienda system in the Spanish outpost of Asunción, located nearly And yet they did not remain in one spot permanently and periodically wondered two hundred and fifty kilometres on a straight line to the north. See Sélim Abou, in the woods like nomads. See Montoya, op. cit., chap. 10, 48–51; Maxime Haubert, The Jesuit ‘Republic’ of the Guaranís (1609–1768) and Its Heritage (New York: The La vie quotidienne des Indiens et des Jésuites du Paraguay au temps des missions Crossroad Publishing Company, 1997), 34–36; Huonder, loc. cit.; and Montoya, op. (Paris: Hachette, 1967), 12–13; and R. B. Cunninghame Graham, A Vanished Arcadia cit., chaps. 1 & 5, 29–30 & 37–38. (London: William Heinemann, 1901), 26–27. 15 Caraman, op. cit., 111, 120 & 157. 18 Abou, op. cit., 77–79; Caraman, op. cit., 117–18; and Huonder, loc. cit. 138 chapter four

The warm climate produced fruits and nuts. Farmers raised poultry, oxen, goats and horses. The fields were used for growing vegetables and different kinds of cereals, especially for rice and wheat. Thus, the missionaries did not have to introduce farming to their Japanese congregation, nor did they have to organise new settlements. There- fore, the experience in Hizen showed that the creation of Christian villages was possible when non-Europeans were settled in one place. Fourth, the missionaries in Paraguay introduced clothing to the residents in the reducciónes. The cotton grown in the settlements was collected and distributed to the women in charge of spinning, and it was then handed over to workers in the weaving house to be made into clothing for inhabitants. Wool was also spun and fashioned into cloth- ing for use inside the towns.19 Having previously been half-naked in the forest, the residents of the towns were turned into neatly-dressed Christians, whom Father Montoya admired as model Christians similar to Japanese proselytes.20 Once again, there was a Japanese model. As far back as the sixteenth century and before European contact, ordinary Japanese had been dressing in simple clothing made from flax and cotton. The mission- aries placed a priority on tidy clothing. When Father Xavier arrived in Kyushu in 1549, he seems to have accepted Japanese clothing as a matter of course, so much so that he did not even mention clothing in his reports. He simply praised the people as good candidates for becoming Christians. In 1583, Father Alessandro Valignano referred to the cleanliness of Japanese clothing. That was his way of labelling the Japanese as an ethnic group already suited for evangelisation.21 From a European point of view, clothing implied Christian decency and moral propriety. For the priests in Paraguay, covering part of the body with clothes was more important than the manufacture of

19 The surplus cotton fabric and wool was exported to the urban Spanish centres. See Abou, op. cit., 80. 20 Montoya, op. cit., chap. 45, 129–30. 21 Joan Rodorigesu [João Rodriguez-Tçuzu], Nippon kyôkaishi (2 vols., Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1967), vol. I, 272–73 & 403–20; Francisco de Xavier, to his companions living in Goa, from Kagoshima, 5 November 1549, in M. Joseph Costelloe, SJ (ed.), The Letters and Instructions of Francis Xavier (St. Louis, Missouri: The Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1992), epistola [ep., hereafter] 90, p. 297; in Kôno Yoshinori, SJ (ed.), Sei Furanshisuko Zabieru zenshokan (Tokoyo: Heibon-sha, 1985) ep. 90, p. 471; and Matsuda Kiichi et al. (eds.), Nippon junsatuki (Tokyo: Heibon-sha, 1973), 11–14. 138 chapter four organising a mission for a christian community 139

The warm climate produced fruits and nuts. Farmers raised poultry, clothing. Thus, the Jesuits in Paraguay expected their Amerindian con- oxen, goats and horses. The fields were used for growing vegetables verts to follow the Japanese example of being fully clothed. and different kinds of cereals, especially for rice and wheat. Thus, Fifth, Father Montoya in La conquista espiritual considered perma- the missionaries did not have to introduce farming to their Japanese nent buildings as an important element for beginning a Christian life. congregation, nor did they have to organise new settlements. There- Accordingly the Jesuits required indigenous people to construct church fore, the experience in Hizen showed that the creation of Christian buildings and houses in the reducciónes, using stones and bricks. The villages was possible when non-Europeans were settled in one place. Guaranís originally lived in large rectangular huts, and each hut could Fourth, the missionaries in Paraguay introduced clothing to the accommodate up to two hundred people. The Christian towns adopted residents in the reducciónes. The cotton grown in the settlements was a system of block housing units, separated from one another, one unit collected and distributed to the women in charge of spinning, and it per . Each unit comprised six to eight rooms.22 was then handed over to workers in the weaving house to be made into The Japanese buildings, or ‘houses and palaces,’ to use Montoya’s clothing for inhabitants. Wool was also spun and fashioned into cloth- terms, were wooden structures. In Historia da Igreja do Japão, a ing for use inside the towns.19 Having previously been half-naked in Jesuit account of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Japan, Father João the forest, the residents of the towns were turned into neatly-dressed Rodriguez-Tçuzu, praised the art and technique of Japanese architec- Christians, whom Father Montoya admired as model Christians ture as one of the best wooden construction styles anywhere. Although similar to Japanese proselytes.20 there were no palaces in Hizen villages, except the Ômura and Arima Once again, there was a Japanese model. As far back as the sixteenth castles, these first Christian communities were run independently century and before European contact, ordinary Japanese had been by non-Europeans. These communities were as fully equipped with dressing in simple clothing made from flax and cotton. The mission- public and private architecture, all well landscaped, as any European aries placed a priority on tidy clothing. When Father Xavier arrived community.23 in Kyushu in 1549, he seems to have accepted Japanese clothing as a Sixth, in Paraguay, the reducciónes were guided by Christian mis- matter of course, so much so that he did not even mention clothing sionaries and yet were administered locally by indigenous residents. in his reports. He simply praised the people as good candidates for Before contact and conversion, the Amerindian cacique was the absolute becoming Christians. In 1583, Father Alessandro Valignano referred master of his subjects in each hamlet. Because there was no gov- to the cleanliness of Japanese clothing. That was his way of labelling ernment system beyond the hamlet level of each cacique, the Jesuit the Japanese as an ethnic group already suited for evangelisation.21 missionaries had to create a wider administrative structure to facili- From a European point of view, clothing implied Christian decency tate their ecclesiastical control over the large population. For that, they and moral propriety. For the priests in Paraguay, covering part of adopted a Spanish, but not a Japanese, ruling system. Below the level the body with clothes was more important than the manufacture of of Jesuit control, they set up a municipal council that exercised legisla- tive, executive and judicial powers. Based on the results of elections, overseen by the Jesuits, the council membership consisted of prefects, vice-prefects, judges, neighbourhood delegates, royal standard-bearers, 19 The surplus cotton fabric and wool was exported to the urban Spanish centres. policemen, notaries and so forth. Finally, under these two levels of See Abou, op. cit., 80. government, there was a third level, a conventional one represented by 20 Montoya, op. cit., chap. 45, 129–30. the caciques who numbered nearly fifty within each reducción.24 21 Joan Rodorigesu [João Rodriguez-Tçuzu], Nippon kyôkaishi (2 vols., Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1967), vol. I, 272–73 & 403–20; Francisco de Xavier, to his companions living in Goa, from Kagoshima, 5 November 1549, in M. Joseph Costelloe, SJ (ed.), The Letters and Instructions of Francis Xavier (St. Louis, Missouri: The Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1992), epistola [ep., hereafter] 90, p. 297; in Kôno Yoshinori, SJ (ed.), 22 Montoya, op. cit., chap. 45, 129–30; Abou, op. cit., 69–70. Sei Furanshisuko Zabieru zenshokan (Tokoyo: Heibon-sha, 1985) ep. 90, p. 471; and 23 Rodorigesu [Rodriguez], op. cit., vol. I, 323–25; & vol. II, 49–53. Matsuda Kiichi et al. (eds.), Nippon junsatuki (Tokyo: Heibon-sha, 1973), 11–14. 24 Abou, op. cit., 74–75; and Caraman, op. cit., 158. 140 chapter four

There was no need to introduce the Iberian ruling system to Japan. The Jesuit evangelists in the Hizen communities both retained the administrative system managed by non-Europeans and had the high social status attributed to foreign inhabitants, traits the later Paraguayan mission would later emulate. Although the priests in Paraguay had to establish a local administration by creating a super- structure that had been completely lacking in the tiny forest commu- nities, their Jesuit predecessors in Japan had to create no such thing, for it already existed. As Father Valignano observed, local Japanese society had a land-based hierarchical structure controlled by a daimyô at its summit, who ruled local vassals directly and civilians indirectly. Being under the rule of daimyô, Buddhist and Shintô priests independ- ently maintained their own high status. Thus, the missionaries took advantage of this existing hierarchy. Buddhist priests were near the top of the social hierarchy. The Jesuits tried to supplant these priests with Christian priests. In 1574, for exam- ple, Father Gaspar Coelho persuaded the daimyô Ômura Sumitada either to eliminate temples and shrines throughout his territory or to reassign them for church use. According to Father Frois, under the rule of Ômura, over forty temples were destroyed and as many churches were built on their sites. Under orders from the daimyô, even Buddhist priests and apprentices were converted to Christianity and became members of the Christian community. As early as 1582, Father Frois boasted that the entire population of sixty thousand in Ômura were Christians. In this manner, the Jesuit missionaries ultimately gained administrative control of Christian villages even though their approach was not the same as that of the priests in Paraguay.25 The seventh similarity between Japan and Paraguay was that indig- enous people assisted in the work of the Church in both places. The rôles performed by non-European assistants were not Jesuit inven- tions but were similar to those developed by the Church assistants in Europe. The priests were assisted by those of lower ranks inthe

25 Matsuda Kiichi et al (eds.), Nippon junsatuki, 7–10; Fróis, Historia, 1:104; Matsuda, Furoisu Nipponshi, vol. 10, 9–24; Francisco Cabral to the superior of Portugal, from Nagasaki, 12 September 1575, in Matsuda, Hôkoku-shû 3, 4: 249–56; Kudamatsu Kazunori, Kirishitan denraichi no jinja to shinkô (Ômura, Nagasaki: Tomimatsu jinja saikô yonhyakunen jigyô iinkai, 2002), 120–50; Luis Frois’s annual report of 1587, from Arima, 20 February 1588, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 7: 159–242, esp. 186–89; and Luis Frois’s annual report of 1582 to the Jesuit general superior, from Kuchinotu, 31 October 1582, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 6: 83–116, esp. 83–84. 140 chapter four organising a mission for a christian community 141

There was no need to introduce the Iberian ruling system to holy orders in Europe, such as deacons, subdeacons, and acolytes in Japan. The Jesuit evangelists in the Hizen communities both retained the Church or brothers in religious orders. Yet the active recruitment the administrative system managed by non-Europeans and had the of non-European helpers, who had formerly been non-Christians, to high social status attributed to foreign inhabitants, traits the later Church services was not thought of when the Jesuit missions were Paraguayan mission would later emulate. Although the priests in solely within Europe.26 Also, the non-European assistants were outside Paraguay had to establish a local administration by creating a super- holy orders and normally had no chance to become priests, and thus structure that had been completely lacking in the tiny forest commu- were different from those Europeans in holy orders.27 Therefore, non- nities, their Jesuit predecessors in Japan had to create no such thing, European participation in the ecclesiastical work was one of the earli- for it already existed. As Father Valignano observed, local Japanese est successful experiments in the foreign missions by the Jesuits. society had a land-based hierarchical structure controlled by a daimyô The missionaries in Paraguay ran theirreducción church with the help at its summit, who ruled local vassals directly and civilians indirectly. of a tiny number of priests and coadjutant brothers, who were assisted Being under the rule of daimyô, Buddhist and Shintô priests independ- by native catechists. As late as 1629, each settlement was equipped ently maintained their own high status. Thus, the missionaries took with only two missionaries: one senior priest and one younger assist- advantage of this existing hierarchy. ant priest or brother. The elder of the two remained in residence while Buddhist priests were near the top of the social hierarchy. The Jesuits the younger made preaching trips into the countryside.28 From the tried to supplant these priests with Christian priests. In 1574, for exam- outset, the missionaries employed native catechists, or catequistas, who ple, Father Gaspar Coelho persuaded the daimyô Ômura Sumitada could communicate with settlers in their native language for Mass and either to eliminate temples and shrines throughout his territory or religious instruction, a fact that is mentioned in the annual reports, to reassign them for church use. According to Father Frois, under Las cartas anuas.29 As the number of converts increased, the Jesuits the rule of Ômura, over forty temples were destroyed and as many recruited native teachers to teach children reading, writing, dancing, churches were built on their sites. Under orders from the daimyô, even singing and playing musical instruments. Most children were educated Buddhist priests and apprentices were converted to Christianity and in their native language by the indigenous staff.30 became members of the Christian community. As early as 1582, Father The Church in Japan survived with even fewer priests. The mission- Frois boasted that the entire population of sixty thousand in Ômura aries there constantly relied on Japanese coadjutors. As late as 1585, were Christians. In this manner, the Jesuit missionaries ultimately when the mission was thirty-six years old, approximately eighty Jesuit gained administrative control of Christian villages even though their approach was not the same as that of the priests in Paraguay.25 The seventh similarity between Japan and Paraguay was that indig- 26 The help of foreign assistants in the missions is reminiscent of the expansion enous people assisted in the work of the Church in both places. The of the Christian Church in the ancient and medieval centuries, such as the Roman rôles performed by non-European assistants were not Jesuit inven- to the ancient Germans in Western Europe and the Greek Orthodox mission to those non-Greeks in . tions but were similar to those developed by the Church assistants 27 In this sense, dôjuku may have been similar to sacristans in Europe, who were in Europe. The priests were assisted by those of lower ranks inthe lay assistants in charge of the sacred vessels and vestments. There was at least one attempt at solving this lowly treatment of non-European assistants. Father Alessandro Valignano attempted to amend the rules for the Jesuit priesthood in Japan in order to increase the number of Japanese priests in the 1580s. 25 Matsuda Kiichi et al (eds.), Nippon junsatuki, 7–10; Fróis, Historia, 1:104; 28 Caraman, op. cit., 56–57, 138–139; and Graham, op. cit., 198–99. Even in later Matsuda, Furoisu Nipponshi, vol. 10, 9–24; Francisco Cabral to the superior of Portugal, periods, the reducciónes had a staff of three missionaries at most. See Abou,op. cit., 74. from Nagasaki, 12 September 1575, in Matsuda, Hôkoku-shû 3, 4: 249–56; Kudamatsu 29 See, for example, the reports of 1611, 1612, 1613, 1614, 1616 and 1617, edited Kazunori, Kirishitan denraichi no jinja to shinkô (Ômura, Nagasaki: Tomimatsu jinja in Ravignani & Leonhardt, Iglesia (1609–1614), esp. 118, 194, 272, 425, 443, 470, 525; saikô yonhyakunen jigyô iinkai, 2002), 120–50; Luis Frois’s annual report of 1587, from and Iglesia (1615–1637), 81, 86, 103 & 134. Arima, 20 February 1588, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 7: 159–242, esp. 186–89; and 30 Only those deemed bound for bureaucratic careers learned Spanish, and even Luis Frois’s annual report of 1582 to the Jesuit general superior, from Kuchinotu, fewer gifted students learnt Latin. See W. H. Koebel, In Jesuit Land (London: Stanley 31 October 1582, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 6: 83–116, esp. 83–84. Paul & Co., 1912), 236–38; and Abou, op. cit., 86–88. 142 chapter four fathers and brothers were in charge of no fewer than two hundred church buildings and over one hundred and fifty thousand Christians.31 In 1582, only four priests and three brothers, including two Japanese lay brothers, were in charge of sixty thousand Christians in Ômura.32 In other words, Jesuit priests were often absent in many local Christian communities. To overcome this shortage of religious staff, the missionaries created two lay positions, the dôjuku and kanbô. ‘Dôjuku’, spelt ‘dogicos’ or ‘dojiqus’ in the Iberian correspondence, was originally a term that designated a Buddhist novitiate in Japan. Among the numerous assist- ing offices for the priests of the European Church, the Jesuits seem to have used the term to mean oblates or donnés, who dedicated them- selves to a monastic life in a religious order, especially in mediaeval Europe, without taking religious vows.33 Despite some similarity, dôjuku assistants were not equivalent to deacons or subdeacons because the Jesuits introduced these two European types of offices to the Japanese church later in the seventeenth century.34 According to Father Valignano, the Jesuits borrowed a Japanese word and called their lay assistants ‘dogicos’.35 Dôjuku assistants were co-opted by the Jesuits to act as Japanese lay brothers serving as interpreters, preachers, couriers and secretar- ies in the missions. This new type of subordinate provided religious services and preached in the native language on behalf of European priests. Their duties included the maintenance of church buildings and

31 Alessandro Valignano to Don Teotonio de Bragança, of Evora, from Goa, 23 December 1585, in Murakami Naojirô (trans.), vol. II of Iezusukai Nippon nenpô (2 vols., Tokyo: Yûshô-dô, 1969), 133–37 [Nenpô, 2: 133–37, henceforth]; and Lourenço Mexia to Miguel de Souza at Coinbra, from Macao, 6 January 1584, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 6: 285–94. This figure of eighty fathers and brothers included thirty priests, twenty-five Portuguese brothers and twenty-five Japanese lay brothers. 32 Luis Frois’s annual report of 1582 to the general superior of the Society, from Kuchinotsu, 31 October 1582, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 6: 83–116, esp. 83–84. 33 Josef Franz Schütte, SJ, Valignano’s Mission Principles for Japan (2 parts, The Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1980–85), part one, 340; & part two, 39–40. 34 In Japan, the offices of deacons and subdeacons appeared as late as the seventeenth century. Subdeacons are mentioned probably for the first time in 1612; in Father João Rodrigues Giram’s annual report of 1611, to the general superior, from Nagasaki, 10 March 1612. Deacons appeared in Father Rodrigues Giram’s annual report of 1612, from Nagasaki, 12 January 1613. See Matsuda, Hôkokushû, 2nd series, 1: 195–384, esp. 205 & 283. 35 In his Sumario de las cosas de Japón, Father Valignano wrote that the Jesuits called their lay assistants ‘dogicos/dojiqus’ in a Buddhist fashion. See Matsuda Kiichi et al, Nippon junsatsuki (Tokyo: Heibon-sha, 1973), 88–91. 142 chapter four organising a mission for a christian community 143 fathers and brothers were in charge of no fewer than two hundred secretarial paperwork in Japanese. They also performed any domestic church buildings and over one hundred and fifty thousand Christians.31 work that European missionaries were incapable of doing, such as the In 1582, only four priests and three brothers, including two Japanese preparation of the tea ceremony and receiving Japanese guests. As late lay brothers, were in charge of sixty thousand Christians in Ômura.32 as the 1580s, the dôjuku included juvenile domestics, assistants for In other words, Jesuit priests were often absent in many local Christian church services as well as more privileged or elderly preachers.36 communities. In the early seventeenth century, the Jesuits began to use another To overcome this shortage of religious staff, the missionaries created term, kanbô, to differentiate a certain type of lay assistant from dôjuku. two lay positions, the dôjuku and kanbô. ‘Dôjuku’, spelt ‘dogicos’ or Kanbô was a term applied specifically to Japanese assistants who took ‘dojiqus’ in the Iberian correspondence, was originally a term that care of the churches. Originally it referred to caretaking priests of a designated a Buddhist novitiate in Japan. Among the numerous assist- Buddhist temple. Thekanbô were tonsured and at firstinformally called ing offices for the priests of the European Church, the Jesuits seem to bonzes because some of them were ex-Buddhist priests. They looked have used the term to mean oblates or donnés, who dedicated them- after church buildings but did not accompany missionaries on their selves to a monastic life in a religious order, especially in mediaeval journeys. Similar to the domestic duty of dôjuku, their tasks included Europe, without taking religious vows.33 Despite some similarity, dôjuku teaching basic Christian doctrine, looking after the religious activity of assistants were not equivalent to deacons or subdeacons because the the community and helping the sick and the dying.37 Jesuits introduced these two European types of offices to the Japanese Finally one last similarity between the missions in Japan and those church later in the seventeenth century.34 According to Father in Paraguay was the treatment of the diseased. The Jesuit evangelists in Valignano, the Jesuits borrowed a Japanese word and called their lay both regions did little to prevent the spread of epidemic diseases. Here assistants ‘dogicos’.35 again, Japan served as a model. For centuries, the location of Japan at the Dôjuku assistants were co-opted by the Jesuits to act as Japanese eastern edge of Eurasia facilitated communication with the continent. lay brothers serving as interpreters, preachers, couriers and secretar- Thus, the bacteria and viruses brought by the Europeans were familiar ies in the missions. This new type of subordinate provided religious to the Japanese. According to the missionaries’ occasional references services and preached in the native language on behalf of European to illness, the ailments and symptoms encountered by the priests were priests. Their duties included the maintenance of church buildings and all personal afflictions and not part of a widespread epidemic. These isolated cases of disease and handicaps included unspecified fevers, hernia, tumours, tonsillitis, swelling of limbs, stomach ache and age- 31 Alessandro Valignano to Don Teotonio de Bragança, Archbishop of Evora, from related diseases.38 Since there were no major epidemics in Japan, the Goa, 23 December 1585, in Murakami Naojirô (trans.), vol. II of Iezusukai Nippon nenpô (2 vols., Tokyo: Yûshô-dô, 1969), 133–37 [Nenpô, 2: 133–37, henceforth]; and Jesuits did not have to give thought as to how to control them. The Lourenço Mexia to Miguel de Souza at Coinbra, from Macao, 6 January 1584, in evangelists even experienced a prototypical precedent for not having Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 6: 285–94. This figure of eighty fathers and brothers included thirty priests, twenty-five Portuguese brothers and twenty-five Japanese lay brothers. 32 Luis Frois’s annual report of 1582 to the general superior of the Society, from Kuchinotsu, 31 October 1582, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 6: 83–116, esp. 83–84. 33 Josef Franz Schütte, SJ, Valignano’s Mission Principles for Japan (2 parts, The Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1980–85), part one, 340; & part two, 39–40. 36 Matsuda, Nippon junsatuki, 90–91; and Gonoi Takashi, ‘Iezusukai hikaiin no 34 In Japan, the offices of deacons and subdeacons appeared as late as the seventeenth konguregasan to kaisôka’, Shigaku zasshi 103 (1994): 35–73, esp. 40–42. century. Subdeacons are mentioned probably for the first time in 1612; in Father João 37 According to Gonoi Takashi, Father Luis Cerqueira, bishop of Japan, called the Rodrigues Giram’s annual report of 1611, to the general superior, from Nagasaki, bonze assistants ‘kanbô’, in his letter from Nagasaki, of 12 January 1603. A part of this 10 March 1612. Deacons appeared in Father Rodrigues Giram’s annual report of 1612, letter is quoted in Gonoi Takashi, ‘Kirishitan jidai no kanbô ni tsuite’, in Kirishitan from Nagasaki, 12 January 1613. See Matsuda, Hôkokushû, 2nd series, 1: 195–384, kenkyû 19 (1979), 239–62. See also Josef Franz Schütte, op. cit., part one, 231–32, and esp. 205 & 283. part two, 172–73, 205–06 & 211–12. 35 In his Sumario de las cosas de Japón, Father Valignano wrote that the Jesuits 38 See, for example, Fróis, Historia, 1: 50, 70, 96; 104, 110, 112; 2: 45, 90; & 3: 2; and called their lay assistants ‘dogicos/dojiqus’ in a Buddhist fashion. See Matsuda Kiichi Matsuda, Furoisu Nipponshi, 9: 147–48, 243–44, 341–43; 10: 18, 60, 91–92, 277; 11: 77 & et al, Nippon junsatsuki (Tokyo: Heibon-sha, 1973), 88–91. 364–65. 144 chapter four to prevent the potential damage of European-oriented diseases to the peoples on the formerly non-Christian side of the earth. In Paraguay, the judgements made and solutions found by the Jesuits in dealing with illness and invalids were based on what the evangelists in Japan had observed. The missionaries endeavoured to preserve and protect the freedom of the Amerindians against the bondage of the encomienda system, but they spent little or no time on preventing epi- demics from being spread among the indigenous people. A plausible guess, reasonable at least from a twenty-first century standpoint, is that the priests might have attempt to minimise the effect of diseases by segregating Amerindians, as supported by Philip Caraman.39 Yet it is difficult to find any references that support this speculation in the missionary correspondence from Paraguay. For example, when Father Diego de Torres, the Jesuit Provincial of Paraguay, dispatched mission- aries to create reducciónes in 1609, his written instructions focussed on how to build native settlements that were independent of serfdom, and not at all on how to prevent fatal diseases among Amerindians. Also, in La conquista espiritual, Father Montoya ascribed the numerous deaths of native slaves solely to the hard labour and the miserable treatment by Spanish colonists in the encomiendas.40 Never once did Father Montoya consider epidemic diseases respon- sible for the decrease of native population, even though the segrega- tion must have accidentally served to reduce the Amerindian mortality. Instead, he attributed the decline of the reducción populations mostly to the exhaustion and famines caused by battles, long travels and mea- gre harvests. These factors blinded him to the effect of alien diseases. His response to the population decrease in La conquista espiritual was thus narrow and limited. When slave hunters, or bandeirantes,41 destroyed eleven out of the thirteen pioneer reducciónes in the region of Guairá by 1631, the Jesuits evacuated the settlers in the remaining settlements of Loreto and San Ignacio Miní on the shore of the Yavevirí in the present-day province of Misiones. Out of the twelve thousand residents who departed and travelled up to three hundred kilometres,

39 Caraman, op. cit., 34. Without source evidence, Caraman asserts that the Jesuits segregated the Guaranís to protect them from epidemic diseases. 40 Abou, op. cit., 134; and Montoya, op. cit., chap. 7, 40–43. 41 The residents in Portuguese Brazil formed a militia at São Paulo to capture the indigenous people and sell them as slaves in Brazil. The members of such militias were Portuguese, half-breed, or even native Tupís, and were named bandeirantes, paulistas, and mamelucos. See Abou, op. cit., 157. 144 chapter four organising a mission for a christian community 145 to prevent the potential damage of European-oriented diseases to the only four thousand reached the new sites. Along the way, two thousand peoples on the formerly non-Christian side of the earth. died of hunger or disease. Others deserted or were killed or cap- In Paraguay, the judgements made and solutions found by the Jesuits tured by European colonists. Because another two thousand settlers in dealing with illness and invalids were based on what the evangelists succumbed to hunger and malady after settling down, less than one in Japan had observed. The missionaries endeavoured to preserve and thousand survived in each of the two reducciónes.42 protect the freedom of the Amerindians against the bondage of the From the outset, the reducciónes witnessed outbreaks of diseases. encomienda system, but they spent little or no time on preventing epi- The cartas anuas, the annual correspondence of Paraguay from 1609 demics from being spread among the indigenous people. A plausible to 1638, report on the repeated harm to native residents caused by guess, reasonable at least from a twenty-first century standpoint, is pestilence, fever, dysentery, , influenza, scarlet fever, measles that the priests might have attempt to minimise the effect of diseases and typhus. The seventeenth-century terminology makes it difficult to by segregating Amerindians, as supported by Philip Caraman.39 Yet it determine whether a disease was of European origins or indigenous. is difficult to find any references that support this speculation in the Furthermore, it may also be a mistake to ascribe every single outbreak missionary correspondence from Paraguay. For example, when Father entirely to the occasional contacts with European colonisers or the Diego de Torres, the Jesuit Provincial of Paraguay, dispatched mission- frequent contacts with missionaries or to the introduction of European aries to create reducciónes in 1609, his written instructions focussed on livestock within the settlements. Nonetheless, considering both the how to build native settlements that were independent of serfdom, and diseases’ symptomatic similarity to existing European terms and the not at all on how to prevent fatal diseases among Amerindians. Also, absence of outbreaks among the Japanese, one must conclude that in La conquista espiritual, Father Montoya ascribed the numerous they originated in Eurasia. deaths of native slaves solely to the hard labour and the miserable Considering the increasingly frequent references in the correspond- treatment by Spanish colonists in the encomiendas.40 ence to the harmful effects of these diseases on the Amerindian popu- Never once did Father Montoya consider epidemic diseases respon- lation, one must conclude that the Europeans were unintentionally sible for the decrease of native population, even though the segrega- responsible for the spread of disease. Perhaps because they did not tion must have accidentally served to reduce the Amerindian mortality. fully understand epidemics, the missionary response was to care for Instead, he attributed the decline of the reducción populations mostly each individual case rather than looking for the root causes of the to the exhaustion and famines caused by battles, long travels and mea- epidemics. After all, in Japan, where there were few if any epidemics gre harvests. These factors blinded him to the effect of alien diseases. caused by the introduction of European germs and viruses, that was His response to the population decrease in La conquista espiritual exactly what they had done.43 was thus narrow and limited. When slave hunters, or bandeirantes,41 Considering the above eight methodological similarities between destroyed eleven out of the thirteen pioneer reducciónes in the region the missionary experiment in Japan and the Paraguayan reducción of Guairá by 1631, the Jesuits evacuated the settlers in the remaining scheme, it is difficult not to conclude that the Christian villages in settlements of Loreto and San Ignacio Miní on the shore of the Yavevirí Japan became an inspiration to the Jesuits who worked to establish in the present-day province of Misiones. Out of the twelve thousand residents who departed and travelled up to three hundred kilometres, 42 Montoya, op. cit., chaps. 35–39, 100–113; and Abou, op. cit., 44. 43 Ravignani & Leonhardt, Iglesia (1609–1614), 18, 47, 52, 57, 65, 71–73, 76, 81, 85, 39 Caraman, op. cit., 34. Without source evidence, Caraman asserts that the Jesuits 90, 98, 101, 105, 134, 162, 215, 347, 425, 452, 457, 492 & 521 (on diseases); 27, 43, 118, segregated the Guaranís to protect them from epidemic diseases. 168–71, 182, 185, 188, 195, 202, 205, 213–16, 289, 294, 318, 332, 375, 385, 425 & 522 40 Abou, op. cit., 134; and Montoya, op. cit., chap. 7, 40–43. (on caring for the ill); and Ravignani & Leonhardt, Iglesia (1615–1637), 32, 88, 128, 41 The residents in Portuguese Brazil formed a militia at São Paulo to capture the 140, 146, 152, 177, 183, 187, 204, 206, 210, 213, 216, 248, 251, 356, 369, 388–389, 398, indigenous people and sell them as slaves in Brazil. The members of such militias were 411, 426, 433, 444, 455, 461, 482, 493, 496, 511, 523, 531, 534, 539, 543, 593, 618, 640, Portuguese, half-breed, or even native Tupís, and were named bandeirantes, paulistas, 653, 673–74, 681, 687, 692, 701–02, 705, 708, 713 & 717 (on diseases); 22, 53–56, 103, and mamelucos. See Abou, op. cit., 157. 123, 144, 160, 213, 266, 289, 457 & 523 (on caring for the ill). 146 chapter four similar sedentary Christian communities in Paraguay. The Jesuit mis- sionaries in Paraguay had already borne certain preconceptions in mind when they began to create native Christian communities. As far as they were concerned, the reducciónes, just like Japanese Christian villages, ought to be isolated from European settlements, in order to maintain the political autonomy of the Jesuits44 and to create a self- sustaining agrarian society of fully clothed inhabitants living in houses, all this administered by indigenous residents. Also, the Jesuits in the reducciónes were as few in number as their predecessors in Japan. The Japanese experience taught them that the missionary church could only be managed with the assistance of Amerindian catechists. This initiative started in sixteenth-century Japan, where the early Jesuits recruited and trained Japanese lay brothers and dôjuku. Through their experiments in Japan, the Jesuit missionaries seem to have learnt which criteria of Euro-Christian social standards to adopt and which to exclude, in order to create an independent Christian community outside the colonial European territories. Based on a few decades of experience with Japanese neophytes in the mid-sixteenth century, the Iberian Jesuits learnt to appreciate Japanese habits and traditions, such as an agrarian society, simple clothing styles and architectural techniques. The Jesuits also introduced new ideas, such as segregation of non-European converts from Europeans and politi- cal autonomy. The Jesuits in seventeenth-century Paraguay applied the same standards to the reducciónes although they were innovations in Paraguay, whereas in Japan, the Jesuits perpetuated what was already in place. This interconnection between Japanese Christian villages and Paraguayan reducciónes will help with an analysis of the réductions in New France.

44 This claim of the isolation from European settlements as the precondition for the political autonomy of the Jesuits may need further explanation because the separation in Japan was unintentional. For the Jesuits, however, the port town of Nagasaki and the Christian villages in Hizen were the first foreign missionary communities that they established far from European settlements. They are likely to have learnt some advantages of the remoteness from European settlements in order to realise their own complete religious control over their converts’ communities. 146 chapter four organising a mission for a christian community 147 similar sedentary Christian communities in Paraguay. The Jesuit mis- C. The Réductions in New France in Comparison with the sionaries in Paraguay had already borne certain preconceptions in Paraguayan and Japanese Models mind when they began to create native Christian communities. As far as they were concerned, the reducciónes, just like Japanese Christian The indigenous Christian settlements established in mid-seventeenth- villages, ought to be isolated from European settlements, in order to century New France can now be examined from a broader perspec- maintain the political autonomy of the Jesuits44 and to create a self- tive with roots not only in Paraguay but also in Japan. One way to sustaining agrarian society of fully clothed inhabitants living in houses, understand the réductions is to see them as a development that started all this administered by indigenous residents. Also, the Jesuits in the in Japan and continued in Paraguay, then was transferred to North reducciónes were as few in number as their predecessors in Japan. The America. Alternatively a variation is to examine the native Christian Japanese experience taught them that the missionary church could settlements in New France as a deliberate emulation of either Paraguay only be managed with the assistance of Amerindian catechists. This or Japan. The criteria needed for analysis include the eight similarities initiative started in sixteenth-century Japan, where the early Jesuits discussed above, as well as some others. By determining what degree recruited and trained Japanese lay brothers and dôjuku. the réductions emulated the Paraguayan models, it will become evi- Through their experiments in Japan, the Jesuit missionaries seem to dent that the Laurentian réductions were not simple emulations of the have learnt which criteria of Euro-Christian social standards to adopt Paraguayan reducciónes. and which to exclude, in order to create an independent Christian First, in terms of segregation, the réductions were different from community outside the colonial European territories. Based on a few the reducciónes, and were rather closer in nature to some Hizen decades of experience with Japanese neophytes in the mid-sixteenth villages. The native Laurentian communities, which numbered century, the Iberian Jesuits learnt to appreciate Japanese habits and three in the mid-seventeenth century, were not as segregated as the traditions, such as an agrarian society, simple clothing styles and Paraguayan models. The Innu community of Sillery, the first reserve architectural techniques. The Jesuits also introduced new ideas, such in New France, was established in 1637 near the outpost of Quebec. It as segregation of non-European converts from Europeans and politi- was only eight kilometres away from the port of Quebec by river. The cal autonomy. The Jesuits in seventeenth-century Paraguay applied the réduction of La Conception, the second reserve, established in 1641 same standards to the reducciónes although they were innovations in for the Algonquin, the Innu and the Attikamègue, actually bordered Paraguay, whereas in Japan, the Jesuits perpetuated what was already the French settlement of Trois-Rivières. From 1651 to 1656, the third in place. This interconnection between Japanese Christian villages and settlement, a Huron settlement, was maintained on the Île d’Orléans, Paraguayan reducciónes will help with an analysis of the réductions in downriver from Quebec. All other réductions created later in the New France. century were also within a radius of twenty-five kilometres from Quebec, Trois-Rivières or Montreal. Located adjacent to Quebec, Sillery was never a settlement exclu- sively for Amerindians. The Jesuits created a at Sillery. At the end of 1647, sixty to seventy French parishioners resided there. The Amerindian and French settlers, however, seem to have simply co- existed separately from each other inside the settlement and shared few activities. In the Relation of 1647–48, Father Lalemant described 44 This claim of the isolation from European settlements as the precondition for the political autonomy of the Jesuits may need further explanation because the separation High Mass in Sillery as an exceptional event, where both ethnic groups in Japan was unintentional. For the Jesuits, however, the port town of Nagasaki and met and communicated with each other through an interpreter in the Christian villages in Hizen were the first foreign missionary communities that order to learn of the Quebec governor’s ban on the private liquor they established far from European settlements. They are likely to have learnt some advantages of the remoteness from European settlements in order to realise their own trade. In 1653, Father François-Joseph le Mercier regarded Sillery as complete religious control over their converts’ communities. a settlement for both the French and the Amerindians. Later in 1663, 148 chapter four

Father Lalemant distinguished the French settlement from the native réduction within Sillery. He regarded Sillery as the réduction for native Christians, and called the neighbouring French settlement ‘the adja- cent colony of the French’.45 The Paraguayan reducciónes, by contrast, were located farther away from the nearest Spanish outpost of Asunción. San Ignacio Guazú, one of the nearest settlements, lay two hundred and fifty kilometres away as the crow flies, or even farther, more than four hundred kilometres away, by way of the Paraguay and Tebicuary Rivers. The communi- ties farthest away, Nuestra Señora de los Reyes de Yapeyú, created in 1627 near modern-day Uruguay, and San Miguel, established in 1626 beyond the Uruguay River in Rio Grande do Sul in what is now Brazil, were six hundred kilometres apart. In terms of distance, the location of the Laurentian réductions was similar to that of the villages surrounding the port of Nagasaki. From the year 1580 onwards, the Jesuits had their regional head- quarters in this port town and made missionary excursions to Hizen villages. Most Christian villages were within a radius of thirty kilometres from the port. In the same way, the French missionaries stationed in Quebec and Trois-Rivières commuted to or stayed in the neighbour- ing réductions. Three major factors prevented the complete segregation of the Laurentian reserves. The most important factor was that the French colonists did not enslave Amerindians in the Iberian way, as in South America. As was the case in Japan, which was not conquered by Europeans, the missionaries found no need to segregate their converts from the French population. Furthermore, sailing along the Saint Law- rence over long distances was dangerous for the missionaries and even more so for the Christian nuns who helped with missionary work in the native réductions. The peoples in the Eastern Woodlands located in the regions north of were at war with the Iroquois, who inhabited lands to the south of the Saint Lawrence. Because of their trading alliance with the Hurons, the French settlers had been threatened by the Iroquois, especially in the 1640s and 1650s when the increased. Furthermore, Amerindian réductions relied

45 Jérôme Lalemant, Journal des Pères Jésuites en l’année 1640, in Relations 30: 203; J. Lalemant’s Relation of 1647–48, in Relations 33: 49–51; François-Joseph le Mercier’s Relation of 1652–53, in Relations 40: 203; and J. Lalemant to Gian Paolo Oliva, the general superior at Rome, from Quebec, 18 August 1663, in Relations 47: 253–55. 148 chapter four organising a mission for a christian community 149

Father Lalemant distinguished the French settlement from the native initially on the human resources of French settlers, who cleared forests, réduction within Sillery. He regarded Sillery as the réduction for native cultivated land and built houses in order to prepare the reserves.46 Christians, and called the neighbouring French settlement ‘the adja- Thus, it was a reckless idea to set upa réduction in a place distant cent colony of the French’.45 from a French outpost. The Paraguayan reducciónes, by contrast, were located farther away Second, the Jesuits established their political autonomy in the mis- from the nearest Spanish outpost of Asunción. San Ignacio Guazú, one sionary reserves, but the case of New France was a little different from of the nearest settlements, lay two hundred and fifty kilometres away its precedents in Paraguay and Japan. Notwithstanding the rôle of the as the crow flies, or even farther, more than four hundred kilometres missionaries in the management of the réductions, the settlements were away, by way of the Paraguay and Tebicuary Rivers. The communi- officially under the direct control of the colonial French authorities. ties farthest away, Nuestra Señora de los Reyes de Yapeyú, created in The Company of New France, in charge of the entire Laurentian 1627 near modern-day Uruguay, and San Miguel, established in 1626 colonisation until 1663, collaborated with the Jesuits in inducing the beyond the Uruguay River in Rio Grande do Sul in what is now Brazil, Amerindians to settle down near the French outposts. The company were six hundred kilometres apart. announced in 1639 that it would grant the same discounted prices to In terms of distance, the location of the Laurentian réductions native converts as it gave to French settlers at its retail shop if they was similar to that of the villages surrounding the port of Nagasaki. should choose to settle in Sillery. In addition, the Governor of Quebec From the year 1580 onwards, the Jesuits had their regional head- induced the Algonquins in Sillery to maintain constancy in quarters in this port town and made missionary excursions to Hizen and to elect chiefs to govern them in 1640. The governor later assumed villages. Most Christian villages were within a radius of thirty kilometres the responsibility of prohibiting Sillery’s native residents from buy- from the port. In the same way, the French missionaries stationed in ing liquor from individual Frenchmen as well as of urging them to Quebec and Trois-Rivières commuted to or stayed in the neighbour- embrace the Christian faith to remain in the reserve. The Jesuits seem ing réductions. to have been behind all these negotiations with Amerindians, since Three major factors prevented the complete segregation of the they referred to these actions as part of their missionary efforts in their Laurentian reserves. The most important factor was that the French annual reports.47 colonists did not enslave Amerindians in the Iberian way, as in South This slight difference was caused by the partial segregation of Amer- America. As was the case in Japan, which was not conquered by indians. The réductions were located too close to the French outposts Europeans, the missionaries found no need to segregate their converts for the Jesuits to achieve complete autonomy. The reserve settlers thus from the French population. Furthermore, sailing along the Saint Law- obeyed two authorities: the Jesuits and the nearby civil authorities. rence over long distances was dangerous for the missionaries and even On the other hand, the Jesuit control of the Huron villages of more so for the Christian nuns who helped with missionary work in Ihonatiria, Ossossané and Teanaostaiaé, was closer to the Jesuit auton- the native réductions. The peoples in the Eastern Woodlands located omy in Paraguay and at the Japanese port town of Nagasaki. These in the regions north of Lake Ontario were at war with the Iroquois, pro-Christian or pro-French villages were not called ‘réductions’, since who inhabited lands to the south of the Saint Lawrence. Because of they existed before the mission was founded. However, the distance of their trading alliance with the Hurons, the French settlers had been these villages from the French settlements was similar to the distance threatened by the Iroquois, especially in the 1640s and 1650s when of Paraguayan reducciónes from the Spanish settlements. These Huron the fur trade increased. Furthermore, Amerindian réductions relied communities of Christian converts were located seven hundred and

45 Jérôme Lalemant, Journal des Pères Jésuites en l’année 1640, in Relations 30: 203; J. Lalemant’s Relation of 1647–48, in Relations 33: 49–51; François-Joseph le Mercier’s 46 Paul le Jeune’s Relation of 1640, in Relations 18: 95–97 & 109–111. Relation of 1652–53, in Relations 40: 203; and J. Lalemant to Gian Paolo Oliva, the 47 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1639, in Relations 16: 33; Le Jeune’s Relation of 1640, in general superior at Rome, from Quebec, 18 August 1663, in Relations 47: 253–55. Relations 18: 99–101; and J. Lalemant’s Relation of 1647–48, in Relations 33: 49–51. 150 chapter four fifty kilometres from Quebec. Although the French missionaries were unsuccessful in converting the entire populations of these villages, they claimed that they had secured enough converts to consolidate their evangelistic activity. In these villages, so distant from any outpost, the Jesuits achieved independent governance over their Christian converts without the civil French authorities’ interference in the mission.48 Third, the Jesuit attempts at settling down indigenous people in the réductions were not as effective as the Paraguayan reducciónes even though the missionaries had shared the same settlement goal ever since Father Xavier’s mission. In terms of ideals, on the one hand, the attempts at creating a native settlement were the same as the predeces- sors’ efforts in Paraguay and Japan. As early as 1635, Father Le Jeune expressed his hope for turning the Innu into a sedentary people. He acknowledged the importance of organising Amerindians into a vil- lage when he referred to the beginning of the residence of in Sillery, in his Relation of 1638.49 In terms of lasting achievements, on the other hand, the French effort for Amerindian missionary settlements was a failure when com- pared with its Paraguayan and Japanese precedents even though, at first, there were some successes. As early as 1640, the Kichesipiirini, whom the French missionaries called the Algonquin of the Allumette Island, began to plant maize in Trois-Rivères, and so did the residents of Sillery. In April 1646, according to Jérôme Lalemant, native settlers pre- pared more than fifteen arpents of land in Sillery, and more than thirty indigenous families began farming in Trois-Rivières. Nevertheless, hunting won out over agriculture. In February 1643, the native settlers departed from Sillery for a moose hunt leaving only twelve or thirteen residents in one cabin, who were either invalids, old persons or chil- dren. The winter hunt for game remained so popular at the réductions that the missionaries referred to it repeatedly in the Journals of Jesuit Fathers and the successive Relations after 1642.50

48 J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1642, in Relations 23: 43 & 151; J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1643–44, in Relations 26: 259–91. 49 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1635, in Relations 8: 55–57; and Le Jeune’s Relation of 1638, in Relations 14: 205–07. See also Le Jeune’ letter to General Superior Mutius Vitelleschi at Rome, from Trois Rivières, 1st August 1638, in Campeau, Monumenta, 4: 54–57, esp. 55. 50 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1640, in Relations 18: 109–11; J. Lalemant, Journal des Pères Jésuites, en l’année 1640, in Relations 28: 185; Barthélemy Vimont’s Relation of 1642–43, in Relations 23: 315–17; Vimont’s Relation of 1643–44, in Relations 25: 161; Vimont’s 150 chapter four organising a mission for a christian community 151 fifty kilometres from Quebec. Although the French missionaries were In other words, the Amerindians of New France remained heavily unsuccessful in converting the entire populations of these villages, they dependent on hunting wild game. It was, after all, part of their claimed that they had secured enough converts to consolidate their culture. Yet the Japanese residents in Hizen were already sedentary evangelistic activity. In these villages, so distant from any outpost, the agriculturalists. The Guaraní settlers in the reducciónes were originally Jesuits achieved independent governance over their Christian converts semi-sedentary horticulturalists even though they lived in the woods. without the civil French authorities’ interference in the mission.48 In the seventeenth century, the native Laurentian peoples, by contrast, Third, the Jesuit attempts at settling down indigenous people in the did not have permanent villages. The Innu and the Algonquin were, by réductions were not as effective as the Paraguayan reducciónes even nature, nomads. The Huron men who wintered in the réductions were though the missionaries had shared the same settlement goal ever semi-sedentary people, but they, too, normally hunted game in winter. since Father Xavier’s mission. In terms of ideals, on the one hand, the Moreover, two other major factors prevented the Amerindian set- attempts at creating a native settlement were the same as the predeces- tlers from cultivating sufficient food, which in turn made hunting sors’ efforts in Paraguay and Japan. As early as 1635, Father Le Jeune necessary.51 First of all, repeated Iroquois raids during the 1640s and expressed his hope for turning the Innu into a sedentary people. He 1650s, as noted by the Jesuit missionaries, rendered working in fields acknowledged the importance of organising Amerindians into a vil- unsafe.52 In the spring of 1643, rumours of Iroquois incursions were lage when he referred to the beginning of the residence of Saint Joseph enough to deter the community’s participation in maize planting in in Sillery, in his Relation of 1638.49 Sillery. The male inhabitants were compelled to stop their agricultural In terms of lasting achievements, on the other hand, the French work and depart for Fort Richelieu and Trois-Rivières to confront the effort for Amerindian missionary settlements was a failure when com- Iroquois warriors. Although the native men returned to Sillery, they pared with its Paraguayan and Japanese precedents even though, at did not remain there. They again left for for hunting after first, there were some successes. As early as 1640, the Kichesipiirini, failing to receive provisions from the French ships that were late in whom the French missionaries called the Algonquin of the Allumette arriving. Also, in May 1656, Mohawk bands attacked the Huron set- Island, began to plant maize in Trois-Rivères, and so did the residents of tlers on the Île d’Orléans. The Hurons had set out for agricultural work Sillery. In April 1646, according to Jérôme Lalemant, native settlers pre- in their fields after Mass. This réduction lost as many as seventy-one pared more than fifteen arpents of land in Sillery, and more than thirty native settlers who were either killed or captured. Among them, many indigenous families began farming in Trois-Rivières. Nevertheless, young women, vital participants in agriculture, were taken prisoner.53 hunting won out over agriculture. In February 1643, the native settlers departed from Sillery for a moose hunt leaving only twelve or thirteen residents in one cabin, who were either invalids, old persons or chil- dren. The winter hunt for game remained so popular at the réductions Relation of 1644–45, in Relations 27: 143, 203–207; J. Lalemant, Journal des Pères that the missionaries referred to it repeatedly in the Journals of Jesuit Jésuites, en l’année 1647, in Relations 30: 157 & 165 ; J. Lalemant’s Relation of 1647, 50 in Relations 30: 231–33; J. Lalemant, Journal des Pères Jésuites, en l’année 1648, in Fathers and the successive Relations after 1642. Relations 32: 107; J. Lalemant’s Relation of 1647–48, in Relations 32: 267–69; and J. Lalemant, Journal des Pères Jésuites, en l’année 1649, in Relations 34: 65. 51 Other factors that caused native farmers to emigrate may have included soil exhaustion, depletion of firewood and decrease of game animals in the locality. See 48 J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1642, in Relations 23: 43 & 151; Gabriel Sagard, Le grand voyage du pays des Hurons situé en l’Amérique vers la Mer J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1643–44, in Relations 26: 259–91. douce, ès derniers confins de la nouvelle France, dite Canada (Paris, 1632) 117–18. 49 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1635, in Relations 8: 55–57; and Le Jeune’s Relation of 1638, 52 E.g. Vimont’s Relation of 1642–43, in Relations 24: 99–101, 157–59; Vimont’s in Relations 14: 205–07. See also Le Jeune’ letter to General Superior Mutius Vitelleschi Relation of 1643–44, in Relations 25: 105–07; J. Lalemant’s Relation of 1647, in at Rome, from Trois Rivières, 1st August 1638, in Campeau, Monumenta, 4: 54–57, Relations 30: 231; J. Lalemant’s Relation of 1647–48, in Relations 32: 265–67; and esp. 55. Paul Ragueneau’s Relation of 1651–52, in Relations 37: 181. 50 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1640, in Relations 18: 109–11; J. Lalemant, Journal des Pères 53 Vimont’s Relation of 1642–43, in Relations 23: 317–19; Le Jeune’s Relation of Jésuites, en l’année 1640, in Relations 28: 185; Barthélemy Vimont’s Relation of 1642–43, 1656–57, in Relations 43: 115–19; and Paul Ragueneau to Goswin Nickel, general in Relations 23: 315–17; Vimont’s Relation of 1643–44, in Relations 25: 161; Vimont’s superior, from Quebec, 25 July 1656, in Campeau, Monumenta, 8: 801–03, esp. 802. 152 chapter four

As the other factor, the Amerindians were prevented from actively engaging in agriculture by the outbreak of diseases of European ori- gin. The Hospital of Sillery received approximately one hundred native patients in one year starting in mid-1642, in other words one third of entire Amerindian population of three hundred. Such a high percent- age suggests an epidemic caused by imported disease. Even though the figure of one hundred included the destitute in need of philanthropy in order to survive, they formed only a minority. The majority of the one hundred patients were convalescing from illnesses. At the same hospi- tal during the same period, there were only five or six French patients, but they were all brought there after having being stricken with an endemic disease, limited to Fort Richelieu. In other words, it was not epidemic that laid them low. As for the native residents’ recovery from illness, Father Vimont stated in 1643 that God only ‘sometimes’ restored their health. Four years later in January 1647, the Amerindian population of the reserve had declined to one hundred and sixty. All these examples taken together suggest that many native Christians in Sillery suffered heavily from epidemic disease that normally killed few French colonists because they were resistant to them.54 Fourth, unlike the Paraguayan model, the French priests did not teach spinning and weaving for the manufacture of clothing. They left the provision of clothes to religious philanthropy and barter. The Ursulines and Hospital nuns in Sillery provided Amerindians with food, clothing and shelter at every sort of charity.55 Linen, shirts, woollen caps and other clothes were given to native patients in the hospital of Quebec.56 Besides iron and other metal tools, French clothing, includ- ing hats, shoes, caps, woollens, shirts, linens and cloaks, were used for barter with Amerindians.57 The reason that the missionaries did not

54 Vimont’s Relation of 1642, in Relations 22: 155; Vimont’s Relation of 1642–43, in Relations 24: 21–23 & 159–61; and J. Lalemant, Journal des Pères Jésuites, en l’année 1647, in Relations 30: 155. 55 Vimont’s Relation of 1642–43, in Relations 23: 311–13; & 24: 113; Vimont’s Relation of 1643–44, in Relations 25: 243–45; J. Lalemant’s Relation of 1647, in Relations 32: 213–15; 56 See the invoices of supplies for the Hospital nuns, in Le Mercier’s Relation of 1664–65, in Relations 49: 205–11; Le Mercier’s Relation of 1665–66, in Relations 50: 161–63; and Le Mercier’s Relation of 1667–68, in Relations 52: 107–09. 57 The Relations in the 1640s and 1650s describe trade items too briefly to list each of them, but the earlier documents are more detailed about barters. See Pierre Biard’s Relation of 1616, in Relations 3: 69–70 & 75–77; and Charles Lalemant to Jérôme Lalemant, from Quebec, 1st August 1626, in Relations 4: 207. 152 chapter four organising a mission for a christian community 153

As the other factor, the Amerindians were prevented from actively teach cloth production on the reserves was that their introduction of engaging in agriculture by the outbreak of diseases of European ori- agriculture, as a first step, remained unsuccessful. The provision of gin. The Hospital of Sillery received approximately one hundred native clothes therefore remained the domain of the French outposts. patients in one year starting in mid-1642, in other words one third of On the other hand, the French missionaries did not force entire Amerindian population of three hundred. Such a high percent- Amerindians to dress in ‘Christian’ clothing. Despite the subarctic age suggests an epidemic caused by imported disease. Even though the climate of New France, native clothes normally covered only minimal figure of one hundred included the destitute in need of philanthropy in body parts even outdoors.58 Yet the missionaries may have overlooked the order to survive, they formed only a minority. The majority of the one native clothing custom to let their Amerindian converts continue to be hundred patients were convalescing from illnesses. At the same hospi- providers of furs. Simple clothes made of animal skins had their tal during the same period, there were only five or six French patients, advantage in life in the wilderness. Clothing made of cotton or wool but they were all brought there after having being stricken with an would have hindered foraging and hunting in such conditions.59 More- endemic disease, limited to Fort Richelieu. In other words, it was not over, because the Amerindians in New France lived in a cold subarctic epidemic that laid them low. As for the native residents’ recovery climate, they had developed their own style of clothing, which was from illness, Father Vimont stated in 1643 that God only ‘sometimes’ better adapted than French-style clothes, which would have been use- restored their health. Four years later in January 1647, the Amerindian less outside in the frozen winter of the Saint Lawrence region. population of the reserve had declined to one hundred and sixty. All In one way, the attitude of the priests in New France was similar these examples taken together suggest that many native Christians in to the missionaries’ attitudes in Japan and Paraguay. The missionaries Sillery suffered heavily from epidemic disease that normally killed few in Japan accepted traditional Japanese fashion as clothes that would French colonists because they were resistant to them.54 maintain Christian decency and moral propriety. In Paraguay, the Fourth, unlike the Paraguayan model, the French priests did not Jesuits managed to clothe the naked indigenous people by introducing teach spinning and weaving for the manufacture of clothing. They cotton and food farming as well as weaving to them. Nevertheless, the left the provision of clothes to religious philanthropy and barter. The failure in introducing a sedentary life to indigenous Christians in New Ursulines and Hospital nuns in Sillery provided Amerindians with food, France prevented the Amerindian development of cloth manufactur- clothing and shelter at every sort of charity.55 Linen, shirts, woollen ing or even of sufficient agriculture. Thus, the French missionaries in caps and other clothes were given to native patients in the hospital of the réductions had to clothe Amerindian converts only with as many Quebec.56 Besides iron and other metal tools, French clothing, includ- European clothes as philanthropy and trade could afford. Most of the ing hats, shoes, caps, woollens, shirts, linens and cloaks, were used for native settlers continued dressing in furs and skins. barter with Amerindians.57 The reason that the missionaries did not The fifth area of comparison among Japan, Paraguay and New France deals with the success of the priests in creating a completely sedentary community of native Christians, who settled down in houses. In Japan, 54 Vimont’s Relation of 1642, in Relations 22: 155; Vimont’s Relation of 1642–43, in people were already sedentary and the missionaries did not have to Relations 24: 21–23 & 159–61; and J. Lalemant, Journal des Pères Jésuites, en l’année 1647, in Relations 30: 155. 55 Vimont’s Relation of 1642–43, in Relations 23: 311–13; & 24: 113; Vimont’s Relation of 1643–44, in Relations 25: 243–45; J. Lalemant’s Relation of 1647, in 58 According to Samuel de Champlain, even native women were not ashamed to Relations 32: 213–15; expose their bodies from the waist up and from mid-thigh down. See H. P. Biggar 56 See the invoices of supplies for the Hospital nuns, in Le Mercier’s Relation of (ed.), The Works of Samuel de Champlain (6 vols., Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1664–65, in Relations 49: 205–11; Le Mercier’s Relation of 1665–66, in Relations 50: 192–36), vol. 3, 133–34. 161–63; and Le Mercier’s Relation of 1667–68, in Relations 52: 107–09. 59 For example, in 1639 a canoe overturned on its way from Quebec. The canoe 57 The Relations in the 1640s and 1650s describe trade items too briefly to list each contained a Huron lad dressed in a French manner and an Algonquin lad dressed of them, but the earlier documents are more detailed about barters. See Pierre Biard’s in an indigenous manner, in a simple pelt robe. The Huron man drowned while the Relation of 1616, in Relations 3: 69–70 & 75–77; and Charles Lalemant to Jérôme Algonquin man was able to save himself by throwing off his robe and swimming to Lalemant, from Quebec, 1st August 1626, in Relations 4: 207. safety. See Le Jeune’s Relation of 1639, in Relations 16: 177–79. 154 chapter four provide houses for their converts. In Paraguay, native large huts were completely replaced by block housing units to transform Amerindians to sedentary agriculturalists just like the Japanese people. The French attempts, however, ended in failure. Because indig- enous hunters and gatherers were not transformed into sedentary farmers in the Canadian réductions, dwellings for permanent settle- ments were not required. In the native Christian settlements, French- style buildings only partially replaced Algonquian bark wigwams and Iroquoian longhouses. Despite the assistance of nuns, the introduction of houses in the réductions was limited to the realm of Christian charity. Houses were built either to accommodate principal native settlers or to provide shelter for destitute or homeless people. In 1642, when three hundred native inhabitants lived in Sillery, the réduction had only four little houses and a hospital based on French plans. The two houses for the Innu were built on the Jesuits’ side of the settlement while the other two for the Algonquin were on the Hospital nuns’ side, sepa- rated from the Jesuits’ side by an eighteen-metre-wide mound. The principal native residents were lodged in the houses, but many others lived in their own style of dwellings, which the missionaries called ‘cabanes’.60 In a way, the French Jesuits’ tolerance of the Amerindian dwell- ing custom was similar to the Iberian Jesuits’ acceptance of traditional buildings in Hizen. Yet, at the same time, this similarity implies a fundamental difference because the reasons for such tolerance varied in the two regions. In Japan, the Jesuits praised Japanese houses as part of Asian civilisation, and declared them to be compatible with Christianity. In New France, because the réductions were far from self- sustaining and thus had to rely on religious charity, there was little extra money for the mission to accommodate all dwellers in houses. Moreover, because the missionaries did not transform the native people into French-style parishioners living in houses, the missionaries kept these Amerindians as suppliers of furs. Therefore, they were allowed to continue Amerindian hunting, while at the same time, they used tem- porary shelters located in the settlement. Only those activities, such as Amerindian healing rituals, polygamy, cannibalism, naked dances and indigenous charms that were in violation of Christian preaching,

60 Vimont’s Relation of 1642–43, in Relations 23: 303–07. 154 chapter four organising a mission for a christian community 155 provide houses for their converts. In Paraguay, native large huts were were expressly prohibited.61 Since hunting did not offend Christian completely replaced by block housing units to transform Amerindians principles, it was allowed. to sedentary agriculturalists just like the Japanese people. Sixth, as for the administration of réductions, the Jesuit missionar- The French attempts, however, ended in failure. Because indig- ies followed the Paraguayan convention in completely controlling the enous hunters and gatherers were not transformed into sedentary entire population, in the same way as the evangelists in both Paraguay farmers in the Canadian réductions, dwellings for permanent settle- and Japan had previously shared the same administrative principle. ments were not required. In the native Christian settlements, French- While making use of the existing non-European government, the Jesuits style buildings only partially replaced Algonquian bark wigwams and in both New France and Paraguay complemented it with their own Iroquoian longhouses. Despite the assistance of nuns, the introduction government in order to gain effective ecclesiastical control of local of houses in the réductions was limited to the realm of Christian charity. communities. In the reducciónes, the priests introduced a Spanish style Houses were built either to accommodate principal native settlers or to of administration between the level of their ecclesiastical rule and that provide shelter for destitute or homeless people. In 1642, when three of the caciques’ existing control of people. In the Canadian réductions, hundred native inhabitants lived in Sillery, the réduction had only four the Jesuits maintained the chiefs’ authority and seem to have created little houses and a hospital based on French plans. The two houses a ruling system over it. for the Innu were built on the Jesuits’ side of the settlement while the Although the Jesuit reports speak insufficiently about the adminis- other two for the Algonquin were on the Hospital nuns’ side, sepa- tration of the respective réductions, there is a reference that hints at rated from the Jesuits’ side by an eighteen-metre-wide mound. The the Jesuits’ attempt at complementing Amerindian self-government in principal native residents were lodged in the houses, but many others Sillery. According to Father Le Jeune in his Relation of 1640, the major lived in their own style of dwellings, which the missionaries called reserve residents were urged to set up leaders apart from the civil ‘cabanes’.60 chiefs of each tribal group. Governor Charles Huault de Montmagny In a way, the French Jesuits’ tolerance of the Amerindian dwell- advised the Amerindians to elect chiefs to govern the whole reserve. ing custom was similar to the Iberian Jesuits’ acceptance of traditional Accordingly the missionaries helped prominent residents to elect three buildings in Hizen. Yet, at the same time, this similarity implies a ‘magistrats’ on a one-year basis through secret votes. The missionaries fundamental difference because the reasons for such tolerance varied agreed that Etinechkawat should continue as hereditary Innu chief. in the two regions. In Japan, the Jesuits praised Japanese houses as Of these new three commanders, one became chief of prayers and the part of Asian civilisation, and declared them to be compatible with other two were in charge of keeping the young inhabitants focussed Christianity. In New France, because the réductions were far from self- on their religious duties. The four magistrats‘ ’ assumed responsibility sustaining and thus had to rely on religious charity, there was little for deciding the affairs of the réduction.62 extra money for the mission to accommodate all dwellers in houses. At the time of this election, Sillery was developing as a multi-tribal Moreover, because the missionaries did not transform the native people community divided into two major parties, the Innu and the Algonquin. into French-style parishioners living in houses, the missionaries kept Within these major groups, furthermore, there were segments like the these Amerindians as suppliers of furs. Therefore, they were allowed to Innu near Quebec, the Innu from Tadoussac, and the Kichesipiirini, continue Amerindian hunting, while at the same time, they used tem- or the Algonquin, of Allumette Island.63 The réduction administration porary shelters located in the settlement. Only those activities, such as Amerindian healing rituals, polygamy, cannibalism, naked dances 61 For the Amerindian customs with which the Jesuits disagreed, see J. Lalemant’s and indigenous charms that were in violation of Christian preaching, Relations of the Hurons of 1640 and 1643, in Relations 19: 201–203; 27: 39–41; Le Jeune’s Relation of 1640–41, in Relations 20: 215–217; and Vimont’s Relation of 1642, in Relations 22: 67–69. 62 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1640, in Relations 18: 101–03. 63 For the Innu residents from Tadoussac, see Le Jeune’s Relation of 1639, in Relations 16: 60 Vimont’s Relation of 1642–43, in Relations 23: 303–07. 141–43. For an example of a contemporary Huron visitor, see Le Jeune’s Relation of 156 chapter four was beyond the control of a single headman from one of the respec- tive groups or segments. In order to create an efficient administration of this multi-tribal community, the missionaries had to introduce to Sillery an advanced level of self-government beyond tribal chiefdom. In these attempts at controlling Christian communities also, there was continuity in methodology. The Amerindian réduction gov- ernment was connected with the ecclesiastical rule of Hizen. The Paraguayan missions were similar to the earlier Japanese ones as far as the administrative arrangements for the reducciónes were concerned. In the same way, the New France missions were comparable to the preceding Paraguayan ones in the developmental sequence of Jesuit methodology for consolidating the priests’ control of non-European communities. Seventh, on the subject of native participation in the mission’s man- agement, the Laurentian reserves seem to have been more influenced by a Japanese convention than by the Paraguayan reducciónes. The priests initially sought help from their lay French domestics, whom they called ‘donnés’ from 1639 onwards.64 Only later did they introduce Amerindian assistants, whom they called ‘dogiques’. Significantly the French Jesuits used the Japanese rather than Paraguayan term. While native Paraguayan assistants were introduced as catequistas when the reducciónes were established, the native Laurentian associates were called dogiques, a word about whose origin the French Jesuits wrote nothing in their accounts.65 Because the Jesuits in Paraguay persisted in using the term ‘cate- quistas’ instead of any other term for referring to the equivalents for dogiques in their annual reports, the origin of the dogiques is unlikely to be in Paraguay. The French term ‘dogique’ came from the Latin term ‘dogicus’. This Latin appellation was apparently translated from ‘dogicos’ or ‘dojiqus’, an Iberian term used by the missionaries in Japan. These last variations were how Iberian priests spelt the original Bud- dhist word ‘dôjuku’.66 To put all these in diachronic order, the Iberian

1639, in Relations 17: 137–39. For the Kichesipiirini and main Innu groups, see Le Jeune’s Relation of 1640, in Relations 18: 91–97. 64 J. Lalemant, ‘Mémoire touchant les Domestiques’, in Relations 21: 293–301; and General Superior Mutius Vitelleschi to Provincial Étienne Binet at Paris, from Rome, 29 March 1639, in Campeau, Monumenta, 4: 203–04. 65 J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1643, in Relations 27: 67–69. 66 One should not look for the similarities, of spelling and pronunciation, between ‘dôjuku’ and ‘dogicos’ or ‘dojiqus’. This alphabetical spelling of ‘dôjuku’ did not exist 156 chapter four organising a mission for a christian community 157 was beyond the control of a single headman from one of the respec- Jesuits borrowed the office of dôjuku and its Japanese Buddhist expres- tive groups or segments. In order to create an efficient administration sion for recruiting their lay assistants. The term ‘dogicos’ or ‘dojiqus’, a of this multi-tribal community, the missionaries had to introduce to name for these lay subordinates, is highly likely to have been adopted Sillery an advanced level of self-government beyond tribal chiefdom. by the European Jesuits in Rome and elsewhere through missionary In these attempts at controlling Christian communities also, there reports. And yet the missionaries in Paraguay did not use this term. was continuity in methodology. The Amerindian réduction gov- It was instead used later by the French priests in New France.67 More ernment was connected with the ecclesiastical rule of Hizen. The importantly as opposed to the popular theory of réduction models, Paraguayan missions were similar to the earlier Japanese ones as far as the instalment of dogiques in the reductions of New France was not the administrative arrangements for the reducciónes were concerned. modelled on the reducción system in Paraguay and instead originated In the same way, the New France missions were comparable to the in the Iberian Jesuits’ emulation of Buddhist assistantship in Japan. preceding Paraguayan ones in the developmental sequence of Jesuit When the French Jesuits began to mention the office of dogique, methodology for consolidating the priests’ control of non-European it was initially not applied to indigenous Christians specifically and communities. became so only later. The first reference to the office ofdogique was in Seventh, on the subject of native participation in the mission’s man- Superior Le Jeune’s Latin letter to Father Étienne Binet, Provincial of agement, the Laurentian reserves seem to have been more influenced France, in 1638. Father Le Jeune wrote that he should like Dominique by a Japanese convention than by the Paraguayan reducciónes. The Scot, one of the former French domestics in Huronia, to return to priests initially sought help from their lay French domestics, whom New France on completion of his two-year novitiate so that the father they called ‘donnés’ from 1639 onwards.64 Only later did they introduce might have him work as both a companion and ‘dogicus, sive cate- Amerindian assistants, whom they called ‘dogiques’. Significantly the chista’, namely a dogique, or a catechist. However, this position of dog- French Jesuits used the Japanese rather than Paraguayan term. While ique had become solely the domain of native converts by the time that native Paraguayan assistants were introduced as catequistas when the it was first referred to in the Relations in 1643. According to Father reducciónes were established, the native Laurentian associates were Jérôme Lalemant, the author of the Huron Relation of 1643, older called dogiques, a word about whose origin the French Jesuits wrote native Christians did the evangelistic work as dogiques on behalf of the nothing in their accounts.65 Because the Jesuits in Paraguay persisted in using the term ‘cate- quistas’ instead of any other term for referring to the equivalents for before the twentieth century because it is a modern spelling based on the latest rules dogiques in their annual reports, the origin of the dogiques is unlikely for alphabetising Japanese characters. The alphabetical ‘dogicos’ and ‘dojiqus’ remained the only spelt forms available in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. to be in Paraguay. The French term ‘dogique’ came from the Latin 67 A full discussion of the international development of the dogique scheme term ‘dogicus’. This Latin appellation was apparently translated from is impossible here because it involves too many aspects to explore within a few ‘dogicos’ or ‘dojiqus’, an Iberian term used by the missionaries in Japan. paragraphs. Lucien Campeau, SJ, was probably the first to touch upon the origin of dogiques. In one of his notes to Monumenta Novae Franciae, however, Campeau These last variations were how Iberian priests spelt the original Bud- introduced the ambiguous spelling ‘dojiku’ as the original Japanese term to the dhist word ‘dôjuku’.66 To put all these in diachronic order, the Iberian French-language reader. And yet ‘dojiku’ would only indirectly lead to the original Japanese word. Although an accurate alphabetical transcription of this Japanese word may have been difficult in the sixteenth century, he should have spelt it either ‘dogicos’ in Portuguese or ‘dôjuku’ in modern alphabetical Japanese spelling, as did 1639, in Relations 17: 137–39. For the Kichesipiirini and main Innu groups, see Le Josef Franz Schütte, SJ, in his Valignanos Missionsgrundsätze für Japan (2 parts, Roma: Jeune’s Relation of 1640, in Relations 18: 91–97. Edizioni de Storia E Letteratura, Via Lancellotti 18, 1951–58), pt. 1, 340; pt. 2, 39–41. 64 J. Lalemant, ‘Mémoire touchant les Domestiques’, in Relations 21: 293–301; and See also Campeau, Monumenta, 4: 66, note 2. For the references in English-language General Superior Mutius Vitelleschi to Provincial Étienne Binet at Paris, from Rome, articles, see Takao Abé, ‘A Japanese Perspective on the Jesuits in New France’, Actes 29 March 1639, in Campeau, Monumenta, 4: 203–04. du vingtième colloque de la société d’histoire coloniale française, Cleveland, , May 65 J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1643, in Relations 27: 67–69. 1994 (Ontario: Mothersill Printing, 1996), 14–26; and Takao Abé, ‘What Determined 66 One should not look for the similarities, of spelling and pronunciation, between the Content of Missionary Reports? The Jesuit Relations Compared with the Iberian ‘dôjuku’ and ‘dogicos’ or ‘dojiqus’. This alphabetical spelling of ‘dôjuku’ did not exist Jesuit Accounts’, French Colonial History 3 (2002): 69–82. 158 chapter four missionaries and in their absence. In 1646, the Jesuits finally men- tioned the actual name of a dogique: Étienne Totiri, a Huron convert in the village of Teanaostaiaé.68 The first references to dogiques connected with réductions were even later, in 1650. In the Relation of that year, Father Paul Ragueneau wrote about Monique, a blind woman, apparently an Algonquin, who was educated by the Hospital nuns in Quebec. According to Father Ragueneau, when she was captured by an Iroquois party and taken to their country, she served as the mission dogique among the Algonquin captives there. In another chapter, Father Ragueneau added that a native male dogique was playing a valuable evangelistic rôle on behalf of the priests at the Innu mission in Tadoussac, which he called a ‘réduction’.69 The dogiques’ duty was similar to that of the Japanese dôjuku except for the maintenance of the church buildings. During the absence of priests, the Amerindian dogiques offered public prayers and held divine service during warfare and hunting. These dogiques instructed people using their native tongues and baptised any convert who seemed on the point of death. In addition, these dogiques sang the canticles to congregations, and preached Christian law to foreign tribes on behalf of the priests.70 The introduction of the office dogiquesof not only had older Christian origins but it also seems to explain something about the attitude of the European missionaries concerning the acceptance of non-Europeans into the priesthood, as has been mentioned in the analysis of the Japanese dôjuku and the Paraguayan catequistas. It is highly likely that the French Jesuits emulated the offices of the junior clerics and lay assist- ants attached to Christian in Europe when they introduced dogiques. Yet the difference in the name of office has an important

68 Le Jeune, superior, to Étienne Binet, provincial at Paris, from Quebec, 31 August 1638, in Campeau, Monumenta, 4: 65–67; J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1643, in Relations 27: 67–69; Ragueneau’ Relation of the Hurons of 1645–46, in Relations 29: 275–77; and Ragueneau’s Relation of 1649–50, in Relations 35: 247–49. As for Dominique Scot, see Jean Côté, The Donnés in Huronia (n.p.: William Lonc, 2001), 75–85. For Étienne Totiri, see also Charles Garnier’s letter to Henry de Saint-Joseph, at Paris, from the country of the Hurons, 7 June 1645, in Campeau, Monumenta, 6: 260–64, esp. 262–63; and Garnier to Saint-Joseph, from [the village of] Saint-Joseph among the Hurons, 14 May 1646, in ibid., 6: 472–76, esp. 475–76. 69 Ragueneau’s Relation of 1649–50, in Relations 35: 247–49 & 267–77. 70 J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1643, in Relations 27: 67–69; and Ragueneau’s Relation of 1649–50, in Relations 35: 277 158 chapter four organising a mission for a christian community 159 missionaries and in their absence. In 1646, the Jesuits finally men- connotation. By using these names for non-European offices that tioned the actual name of a dogique: Étienne Totiri, a Huron convert were different from European ones, the non-European assistants were in the village of Teanaostaiaé.68 excluded from the holy orders of the Church and were also excluded The first references to dogiques connected with réductions were even from religious orders. This meant that they were given few oppor- later, in 1650. In the Relation of that year, Father Paul Ragueneau tunities to become priests, or regular members of the Society, in the wrote about Monique, a blind woman, apparently an Algonquin, who seventeenth century. was educated by the Hospital nuns in Quebec. According to Father Eighth, the responses of the priests to diseases and the care of Ragueneau, when she was captured by an Iroquois party and taken to the ill had not changed ever since the evangelistic decades in Japan. their country, she served as the mission dogique among the Algonquin The French missionaries failed to learn from their predecessors in the captives there. In another chapter, Father Ragueneau added that a Paraguayan mission that their native converts could be killed by native male dogique was playing a valuable evangelistic rôle on behalf imported epidemics. That was inevitable because the missionary corre- of the priests at the Innu mission in Tadoussac, which he called a spondents from Paraguay failed to clarify, for their readers in Europe ‘réduction’.69 and North America, the connection between the epidemics among The dogiques’ duty was similar to that of the Japanese dôjuku except Amerindians and the arrival of Europeans. Furthermore, unlike the for the maintenance of the church buildings. During the absence of accidental segregations from foreign diseases in Paraguay, the French priests, the Amerindian dogiques offered public prayers and held divine priests did not restrict contact between the Amerindians and the service during warfare and hunting. These dogiques instructed people French settlers. The missionaries, who were ignorant of bacterial and using their native tongues and baptised any convert who seemed on viral infection, did nothing to prevent the spread of epidemics. They the point of death. In addition, these dogiques sang the canticles to only visited and cared for their native patients. Yet this care was one congregations, and preached Christian law to foreign tribes on behalf of the basic acts of Christian charity, and was neither a creative idea of the priests.70 of the French priests nor an emulation of the missionaries’ care of the The introduction of the office dogiquesof not only had older Christian ill in Paraguay and Japan. origins but it also seems to explain something about the attitude of the The Jesuit Relations suggest that the priests had enough opportu- European missionaries concerning the acceptance of non-Europeans nities to realise that the Amerindians were suffering from diseases into the priesthood, as has been mentioned in the analysis of the Japanese imported from Europe, such as fevers and smallpox. According to dôjuku and the Paraguayan catequistas. It is highly likely that the Jesuit reporters like Fathers Pierre Biard, Le Jeune and Lalemant, the French Jesuits emulated the offices of the junior clerics and lay assist- missionaries were aware that the native population was dwindling ever ants attached to Christian parishes in Europe when they introduced since the onset of contact with the French. In 1638, the Jesuits even dogiques. Yet the difference in the name of office has an important had to abandon their first missionary centre in the Huron village of Ihonatiria, where diseases killed or dispersed the majority of popula- tion. In other passages, some boys and girls taken to Quebec or to 68 Le Jeune, superior, to Étienne Binet, provincial at Paris, from Quebec, 31 August France in the 1630s were reported to have died of illness. At the same 1638, in Campeau, Monumenta, 4: 65–67; J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1643, in Relations 27: 67–69; Ragueneau’ Relation of the Hurons of 1645–46, in Relations time, note the Relations, the incidence of disease among priests and 71 29: 275–77; and Ragueneau’s Relation of 1649–50, in Relations 35: 247–49. As for French settlers was less frequent than among of Amerindians. Dominique Scot, see Jean Côté, The Donnés in Huronia (n.p.: William Lonc, 2001), 75–85. For Étienne Totiri, see also Charles Garnier’s letter to Henry de Saint-Joseph, at Paris, from the country of the Hurons, 7 June 1645, in Campeau, Monumenta, 6: 260–64, esp. 262–63; and Garnier to Saint-Joseph, from [the village of] Saint-Joseph 71 On the effect of diseases, see Pierre Biard’sRelation of 1616, in Relations 3: 105; Le among the Hurons, 14 May 1646, in ibid., 6: 472–76, esp. 475–76. Jeune’s Relations of 1637 and 1638, in Relations 11:193; 14: 217; Le Mercier’s Relation 69 Ragueneau’s Relation of 1649–50, in Relations 35: 247–49 & 267–77. of the Hurons of 1637, in Relations 15: 141; J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 70 J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1643, in Relations 27: 67–69; and 1639, in Relations 17: 59, 115; J. Lalemant’s Relation of 164–48, in Relations 33:19. On Ragueneau’s Relation of 1649–50, in Relations 35: 277 infants, see Le Jeune’s Relations of 1635 and 1637, in Relations 7: 287–89; 11: 97–105; 160 chapter four

The French Jesuit correspondents, however, neither admitted that the native people were dying of European-derived diseases nor saw any need to segregate the healthy from the sick. Only elsewhere did the missionaries seek explanations for the cause of diseases. Christian fatalism, of course, ascribed fatal diseases to the will of God, whenever the source of illness was unknown. The missionaries also developed other explanations. Early on, Father Biard blamed these maladies on intemperance, indolence and the harshness of the wilderness. As for the Innu near Quebec in the 1630s, Father Le Jeune attributed their illness and subsequent deaths to excessive consumption of liquor and poor hygiene. To solve these health problems, he attempted to curtail the liquor trade. At the root of most illnesses, however, was the priests’ ignorance of the fundamental difference of vulnerability to disease between Amerindians and Europeans.72 These misinterpretations of the causes directed the priests’ efforts almost solely towards not prevention of illness but care of the dis- eased. When Father Le Jeune encamped among the Innu in the win- ter of 1632–1633, he visited and treated invalid children as though he were a physician. Along similar lines, in Sillery and Trois-Rivières, the missionaries visited diseased residents and baptised especially those presumed to be dying. After the Jesuits introduced a hospital to the reduction of Sillery, the Hospital nuns helped them to care for native patients of different groups. Father Ragueneau even boasted that the nuns’ care of sick Amerindians reduced mortality extensively though his only proof for this statement was the frequent philanthropic effort of the priests to care for diseased people in Huronia. The missionaries there visited and cared for every single person suffering from ailments that they could recognise and therefore cure.73 Ironically the mission- aries’ round of visits to invalids disseminated new germs and viruses.

12: 47–51. And on symptoms, see Le Jeune’s Relation of 1636, in Relations 9: 139–41; Le Mercier’s Relation of the Hurons of 1637, in Relations 13: 109–11 & 163–65; and Vimont’s Relation of 1642–43, in Relations 24: 159–61. 72 Biard’s Relation of 1616, in Relations 3: 107–09; and Le Jeune’s Relations of 1634 and 1637, in Relations 6: 251–53; 11: 195–99. 73 Le Jeune’s Relations of 1633, 1639, and 1640–41, in Relations 5: 227–39; 16: 217–19; 20: 281–85; Vimont’s Relations of 1642 and 1642–43, in Relations 22: 93–113, 155–77; 24: 159–61; Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1635, in Relations 8: 131–33; J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1639, in Relations 16: 243–45; 17: 27–31; and Ragueneau’s Relation of 1649–50, in Relations 35: 97; 160 chapter four organising a mission for a christian community 161

The French Jesuit correspondents, however, neither admitted that Few missionaries, in fact, segregated healthy Amerindians from the the native people were dying of European-derived diseases nor saw sick. They failed to understand that the French settlers carried diseases, any need to segregate the healthy from the sick. Only elsewhere did and thus they did not segregate healthy settlers from sick native peo- the missionaries seek explanations for the cause of diseases. Christian ple. Also, there was almost no quarantine of diseased Amerindians. fatalism, of course, ascribed fatal diseases to the will of God, whenever One such exception occurred when four native families came to settle the source of illness was unknown. The missionaries also developed in Sillery in 1638 or 1639. Father Le Jeune refused them entry into the other explanations. Early on, Father Biard blamed these maladies on réduction because he did not want them to contract smallpox from intemperance, indolence and the harshness of the wilderness. As for the native residents. No other missionaries followed suit in similar the Innu near Quebec in the 1630s, Father Le Jeune attributed their situations.74 illness and subsequent deaths to excessive consumption of liquor and The priests in New France followed the example of the mission- poor hygiene. To solve these health problems, he attempted to curtail aries in Japan. They treated Amerindian patients as if they, like the the liquor trade. At the root of most illnesses, however, was the priests’ Japanese, were immune to European diseases. This was partly because ignorance of the fundamental difference of vulnerability to disease of the limitation of medical knowledge in the seventeenth century. The between Amerindians and Europeans.72 first vaccine for smallpox was invented only at the end of the eight- These misinterpretations of the causes directed the priests’ efforts eenth century. It was only later, in the nineteenth century, that humans almost solely towards not prevention of illness but care of the dis- understood the concept of bacteria as the cause of diseases. Research eased. When Father Le Jeune encamped among the Innu in the win- on viruses developed only from the end of the nineteenth century. ter of 1632–1633, he visited and treated invalid children as though he And yet flawed medical information does not fully account for the were a physician. Along similar lines, in Sillery and Trois-Rivières, the missionaries’ conduct as potential carriers, since they were well aware missionaries visited diseased residents and baptised especially those that the diseases they encountered among Amerindians after contact presumed to be dying. After the Jesuits introduced a hospital to the were contagious or infectious. One important reason why the mis- reduction of Sillery, the Hospital nuns helped them to care for native sionaries did not think to segregate settlers and fur traders from indig- patients of different groups. Father Ragueneau even boasted that the enous people was the connection between trade and evangelisation. nuns’ care of sick Amerindians reduced mortality extensively though Social contact was necessary for both trade and religious conversion. his only proof for this statement was the frequent philanthropic effort Furthermore, disease did have a positive side for the missionaries, for of the priests to care for diseased people in Huronia. The missionaries it brought out their philanthropic spirit, which became an important there visited and cared for every single person suffering from ailments component of the Christian mission. that they could recognise and therefore cure.73 Ironically the mission- aries’ round of visits to invalids disseminated new germs and viruses. D. The International Evolution of Missionary Réductions

Considered in a world-wide context, the réductions in New France can now be interpreted in a different light. First, the idea for 12: 47–51. And on symptoms, see Le Jeune’s Relation of 1636, in Relations 9: 139–41; Paraguayan reducciónes was based on the Jesuit experiment in Japan. A Le Mercier’s Relation of the Hurons of 1637, in Relations 13: 109–11 & 163–65; and Vimont’s Relation of 1642–43, in Relations 24: 159–61. comparison of the missionary region of Japan with Paraguay and New 72 Biard’s Relation of 1616, in Relations 3: 107–09; and Le Jeune’s Relations of 1634 France raises a further hypothesis on the methodological foundation of and 1637, in Relations 6: 251–53; 11: 195–99. the réductions. The major precedents for Laurentian réductions can be 73 Le Jeune’s Relations of 1633, 1639, and 1640–41, in Relations 5: 227–39; 16: 217–19; 20: 281–85; Vimont’s Relations of 1642 and 1642–43, in Relations 22: 93–113, 155–77; 24: 159–61; Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1635, in Relations 8: 131–33; J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1639, in Relations 16: 243–45; 17: 27–31; and Ragueneau’s Relation of 1649–50, in Relations 35: 97; 74 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1639, in Relations 16: 101–03. 162 chapter four traced as far back as the experimental enterprises for the Christian communities in Japan even though the fundamental Christian activity and custom may have originated even earlier in the European Church. Second, although the réductions clearly emulated the reducciónes in Paraguay, this emulation was not as simple as heretofore claimed. In some aspects, the Canadian models were based on Paraguayan ones, which had been formerly based on the Japanese prototypes. In other aspects, however, the Jesuit scheme in the réductions was based on evangelistic models, such as those for Hizen villages in Japan, rather than on those for the Paraguayan settlements. From several perspectives, it is true that the Laurentian réductions emulated aspects of the Paraguayan reducciónes. More or less as in Paraguay, the Jesuits established their political autonomy in the réductions while native self-government continued simultaneously in the settle- ments even under the priests’ paternalism. Even closer to the model of Paraguay was Jesuit autonomy in the Huron villages though these villages were not actually called réductions. In spite of its limited success, the Jesuits’ effort to settle the Innu and Algonquin peoples in the réductions shared the same ideals with their predecessors in Paraguay. In terms of local administration of the settlements, the priests completed missionary control of the whole residential population by following the Paraguayan convention. Also, the ignorance of the means of prevention of epidemic diseases were the same as those of the mis- sions in the reducciónes though the philanthropic care for invalids was a fundamental Christian duty. Nevertheless, one should recognise that all these approaches to the Amerindians were not Paraguayan crea- tions, but emulations of the Iberian mission of the previous century in Japan. In several ways, the methodology for the indigenous réductions in New France was even closer to that for the Christian communi- ties in Japan, though there were both differences and similarities. For example, there was a fundamental difference behind one particular superficial similarity. Even though the missionaries introduced a great deal of house construction, as well as methods to produce cotton in Paraguay, the priests in New France and in Japan were willing to allow converts to continue living in indigenous dwellings and to dress in traditional non-European clothing. While the attitudes were similar in New France and Japan, the reasons for such cultural tolerance of houses and clothing differed. In this particular respect, therefore, the 162 chapter four organising a mission for a christian community 163 traced as far back as the experimental enterprises for the Christian French priests’ tolerance in New France was not an emulation of the communities in Japan even though the fundamental Christian activity Iberian priests’ tolerance in Japan. and custom may have originated even earlier in the European Church. Yet there were also similarities between the missions in Japan and Second, although the réductions clearly emulated the reducciónes in New France. The réductions were not as segregated as the reducciónes Paraguay, this emulation was not as simple as heretofore claimed. In from European settlements. The Laurentian reserves were similar some aspects, the Canadian models were based on Paraguayan ones, to the Christian villages that surrounded the international port of which had been formerly based on the Japanese prototypes. In other Nagasaki in terms of their distance from European outposts. Also, aspects, however, the Jesuit scheme in the réductions was based on from the standpoint of native contributions to management, the evangelistic models, such as those for Hizen villages in Japan, rather French Jesuits are highly likely to have imported the office of dogiques than on those for the Paraguayan settlements. indirectly from the Iberian predecessors in Japan, for the same duty as From several perspectives, it is true that the Laurentian réductions that of the Japanese dôjuku. emulated aspects of the Paraguayan reducciónes. More or less as in As such, it is only half true to claim that Jesuit réductions in New Paraguay, the Jesuits established their political autonomy in the réductions France were modelled on the reducciónes in Paraguay. The methodo- while native self-government continued simultaneously in the settle- logical development from the Paraguayan experiments to the colonial ments even under the priests’ paternalism. Even closer to the model French attempts can be traced further back to the establishment of of Paraguay was Jesuit autonomy in the Huron villages though these Japanese Christian communities. Furthermore, other French mis- villages were not actually called réductions. In spite of its limited sionary approaches to the réductions that were obviously alien to the success, the Jesuits’ effort to settle the Innu and Algonquin peoples Paraguayan methods were not creations by the French Jesuits; instead in the réductions shared the same ideals with their predecessors in they are more likely to have been inspired in part by, or borrowed Paraguay. In terms of local administration of the settlements, the priests directly from, the pioneer missionary approaches in Japan. Thus, most completed missionary control of the whole residential population by of the fundamental characteristics of the Laurentian réduction scheme following the Paraguayan convention. Also, the ignorance of the means can be traced, directly or indirectly, to the prototypical model pro- of prevention of epidemic diseases were the same as those of the mis- vided in the creation of the Japanese Christian villages. sions in the reducciónes though the philanthropic care for invalids was Although there may be a counter opinion that the basic Euro- a fundamental Christian duty. Nevertheless, one should recognise that Christian elements, like the various acts of charity and the institutional all these approaches to the Amerindians were not Paraguayan crea- arrangements of the Church, had existed as religious origins in Europe tions, but emulations of the Iberian mission of the previous century long before the mission in Japan started, such a criticism is off the in Japan. point. It may even blind one to viewing the delicate aspects of the In several ways, the methodology for the indigenous réductions international development of the whole Jesuit mission beyond a single in New France was even closer to that for the Christian communi- missionary region. Japan was one of the earliest Jesuit missions out- ties in Japan, though there were both differences and similarities. For side Europe on which the priests experimented with the introduction example, there was a fundamental difference behind one particular of European Church customs. This current study has not intended to superficial similarity. Even though the missionaries introduced a great seek, in a commonplace way, for the fundamental Christian origins deal of house construction, as well as methods to produce cotton in in the ancient Biblical or Greco-Roman world. Instead, it has been Paraguay, the priests in New France and in Japan were willing to allow concerned with such a prototype as the Japanese church, or one of converts to continue living in indigenous dwellings and to dress in the first realisations of a Christian community beyond the border of traditional non-European clothing. While the attitudes were similar mediaeval Christendom. in New France and Japan, the reasons for such cultural tolerance of houses and clothing differed. In this particular respect, therefore, the

CHAPTER FIVE

ACCEPTING AND COMPREHENDING CHRISTIANITY: NON-EUROPEAN PRACTICE OF THE RELIGION

In both Japan and New France, those whom the Jesuits would con- vert to Christianity interpreted Christianity and its practice in widely varying ways. What did the Jesuit preaching and Christianity mean to them in the context of their own native culture? What played the most influential rôle in formulating the actual practice of Christianity among converts? Above all, was there any divergence, between the European opinions and the non-European ideas, regarding the true meaning of becoming a Christian in a non-Christian realm? To answer these questions, some hypotheses can be explored about the practice of Christianity among Japanese converts. Such hypothetical perspectives will then be tested in examples of the Amerindian acceptance of the religion in New France.

A. Problems of Historical Epistemology

Traditionally histories of both regions have focussed on degrees of con- version into what is thought to be authentic Christianity. These histo- riographical debates are based on the premise that a person is either a true Christian or not, and that a non-Christian who does not completely accept Christian theology can never be called Christian. For example, Christal Whelan examines Japanese rituals and icons, and concludes that Japanese Christians were not at all genuinely converted. Referring to the converts in the missionary settlement of Caughnawaga, near Montreal, Blanchard contends that Iroquoian neophytes interpreted Jesuit preaching within a traditional indigenous framework and thus failed to become true Christians. Notwithstanding different religious contexts, how much one accepts Christian thought and practice is a global subject rather than just a local issue peculiar to non-European converts. Further- more, neither Whelan nor Blanchard explains that even in the Europe of the sixteenth century, Jesuits were struggling to convert Europeans

This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the cc-by-nc License. 166 chapter five from folk religions, Islam and Judaism to what Jesuits considered ideal Christianity.1 The two treatises of Whelan and Blanchard have unintentionally disclosed three problems of historical epistemology on non-European Christianity. First, they have become mired in a psychological interpre- tation influenced by personal religious understanding and piety, which leads them to inconclusive results. What the Jesuit missionaries them- selves were concerned about was their converts’ constancy of faith and of their support for priests, not the degree of resemblance to the European Christian belief.2 What seems of greater import to a discussion of non- European Christianity should be how potential converts used their lim- ited understanding of Christianity, based inevitably on non-Christian concepts, in order to grasp and practise this foreign spirituality so that it might serve their needs. The second problem is how to judge the authenticity of conversion to Christianity on the part of non-Christians. Testing an individual’s depth of belief, as both Whelan and Blanchard do, is a typical late-modern attitude, which developed gradually with the spread of Protestantism and its emphasis upon a personal relationship with God. Literate, educated urban residents in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century France favoured Protestantism. Previous to the Protestant Reformation, Christianity was ritual-based collectivism and not testament-based individualism. What the Jesuits fought against in France and the Iberian Peninsula, which were mostly rural, was not so much the rise of Protestantism, and along with it Calvinism, but religious ignorance and folk religion. The mission- aries basically controlled the collective practice of Christianity inside the church and at church-sponsored activities such as philanthropy and edu- cation, even though converts may still have exercised personal options while outside the jurisdiction of the church and the missionaries. It is therefore inappropriate to use the standards of Protestantism in judging

1 Christal Whelan, ‘Loss of the Signified among the ’, Japanese Religions 19 (1994): 82–103; also, cited in Stephen Turnbull, The Kakure Kirishitan of Japan (Richmond, Surrey, UK: Japan Library, 1998), 10–11; and David S. Blanchard, ‘. . . To the Other Side of the Sky: Catholicism at Kahnawake, 1667–1700’, Anthropo- logica 24 (1982): 77–102. 2 For a typical Jesuit attitude towards the faith of converts, see Reuben Gold Thwaites et al. (eds.), The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (73 vols., Cleveland, OH: Burrows Brothers, 1896–1901), vol. 16, 173; vol. 22, 43–45 [Relations 16: 173; 22: 43–45, henceforth]; and Matsuda Kiichi et al. (eds.), Jûroku shichi seiki Iezusukai Nippon hôkokushû (3rd ser, Kyoto: Dôhô-sha, 1987–2000), vol. 4, 44–45 [henceforth, Hôkokushû 3, 4: 44–45]. 166 chapter five accepting and comprehending christianity 167 from folk religions, Islam and Judaism to what Jesuits considered ideal the authenticity of each personal conversion to Catholicism. What is cul- Christianity.1 turally more significant is to assess how Jesuit Christianity was accepted The two treatises of Whelan and Blanchard have unintentionally and comprehended collectively by the population with a non-Christian disclosed three problems of historical epistemology on non-European spiritual background.3 Christianity. First, they have become mired in a psychological interpre- The third epistemological issue is how to identify a ‘typical’ Christian tation influenced by personal religious understanding and piety, which in regions that were once non-Christian. When referring to religious leads them to inconclusive results. What the Jesuit missionaries them- Mohawks, Blanchard mainly means , a model female selves were concerned about was their converts’ constancy of faith and of convert, well educated by the nuns at Montreal, rather than numer- their support for priests, not the degree of resemblance to the European ous unnamed residents in Caughnawaga. Even though Tekakwitha was Christian belief.2 What seems of greater import to a discussion of non- a convert, Blanchard asserts that her Christian fervour was based on European Christianity should be how potential converts used their lim- an Iroquois religion based on the ‘Sky World’, the Iroquoian spiritual ited understanding of Christianity, based inevitably on non-Christian world beyond the earth.4 He concludes that the other less Christianised concepts, in order to grasp and practise this foreign spirituality so that it Mohawks must have practised a synchretic system of rituals that were might serve their needs. nevertheless compatible with Catholicism. The second problem is how to judge the authenticity of conversion to Along similar lines, in Japan, by dealing with a few late-twentieth- Christianity on the part of non-Christians. Testing an individual’s depth century successors to local Gotô rituals that can at best be described as a of belief, as both Whelan and Blanchard do, is a typical late-modern kind of Christianity set within a Japanese framework of Buddhism and attitude, which developed gradually with the spread of Protestantism and Shintô, Whelan retrospectively affirms that their were never its emphasis upon a personal relationship with God. Literate, educated converted to the authentic Christian religion. She does not seem to urban residents in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century France favoured consider two vital facts. One is that the Gotô community on which she Protestantism. Previous to the Protestant Reformation, Christianity was focuses was established during the last years of the eighteenth century by ritual-based collectivism and not testament-based individualism. What the descendants of three thousand immigrants from the Ômura domain, the Jesuits fought against in France and the Iberian Peninsula, which most of whom were descendants of Christian converts. The other is that, were mostly rural, was not so much the rise of Protestantism, and along due to continual proscriptions, Christianity as established by Jesuits in with it Calvinism, but religious ignorance and folk religion. The mission- the islands had been extinct for no less than two centuries when this aries basically controlled the collective practice of Christianity inside the immigration of Ômura refugees occurred after 1797. church and at church-sponsored activities such as philanthropy and edu- Thus, neither Kateri Tekakwitha nor the ancestors of the Gotô were cation, even though converts may still have exercised personal options what can be represented as typical Christian converts. Their religious while outside the jurisdiction of the church and the missionaries. It is practices, therefore, should not be considered typically Christian in any therefore inappropriate to use the standards of Protestantism in judging way. When discussing Amerindian or Japanese practice, one should give priority to a majority of residents under missionary instruction rather than focusing specifically on the minority of proselytes with special 1 Christal Whelan, ‘Loss of the Signified among the Kakure Kirishitan’, Japanese Religions 19 (1994): 82–103; also, cited in Stephen Turnbull, The Kakure Kirishitan of Japan (Richmond, Surrey, UK: Japan Library, 1998), 10–11; and David S. Blanchard, ‘. . . To the Other Side of the Sky: Catholicism at Kahnawake, 1667–1700’, Anthropo- 3 For modern religious individualism, read Alan Neal Galpern, The Religions of the logica 24 (1982): 77–102. People in Sixteenth-Century Champagne (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2 For a typical Jesuit attitude towards the faith of converts, see Reuben Gold 1976). For popular religion in Western Europe, see William A. Christian, Local Reli- Thwaites et al. (eds.), The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (73 vols., Cleveland, gion in Sixteenth-Century Spain (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1981); OH: Burrows Brothers, 1896–1901), vol. 16, 173; vol. 22, 43–45 [Relations 16: 173; and A. Lynn Martin, The Jesuit Mind, esp. 226–227. 22: 43–45, henceforth]; and Matsuda Kiichi et al. (eds.), Jûroku shichi seiki Iezusukai 4 Blanchard, op. cit., 79–84. For the detailed description of the Iroquois Christian Nippon hôkokushû (3rd ser, Kyoto: Dôhô-sha, 1987–2000), vol. 4, 44–45 [henceforth, community of Caughnagawa, see Allan Greer, Mohawk Saint: Catherine Tekakwitha Hôkokushû 3, 4: 44–45]. and the Jesuits (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 89–110. 168 chapter five

Christian education or on post-missionary communities that developed without priestly guidance. More debatable idea can be found in Nicholas P. Cushner’s theo- retical premise that the non-Christian peoples had their own religions, or belief systems, that are replaceable with Christianity. This simplistic premise has enabled Cushner to conclude that Amerindian ‘religions’ were replaced by Christianity albeit incompletely.5 As the second chapter has indicated, however, what the Jesuits perceived to be an indigenous religion was their own arbitrary combination of various spiritual and unspiritual customs. He therefore needs to prove, in the first place, his basic premise that indigenous Americans had established a set of a belief system fully compatible with Christianity. Keeping in mind the incorporation of the Christian belief, the authen- ticity of conversion and the identification of a typical Christian, this case study of Japan will replace existing context-based discussions with per- spectives empirically based on Japanese precedents. This analysis will be tripartite. First, the Jesuit descriptions of model converts provide an insight into the criteria used by Europeans to identify Christian converts. Second, incidental observations by missionaries, often more casual than deliberate, hint at the neophytes’ unique ethnic understanding of Christi- anity. Third, the Japanese case presents typical obstacles, in cross-cultural comprehension of the faith, that can be applied to the consideration of the Amerindian experience.

B. Japanese Acceptance and Comprehension of Christianity

The discussion of the Japanese acceptance and comprehension of Christianity will initially confirm three basic tenets. First, unlike the monotheistic and exclusive tradition of the Christian faith in God, con- ventional Japanese spirituality was basically polytheistic and harmoni- ously coexistent, as the second chapter has indicated. Second, owing to the limitations of language and culture, as stated in the third chap- ter, the priests tailored their approaches to suit the Japanese. Finally, as the third chapter has also described, Jesuit activity comprised, not only preaching but also education, philanthropy and elementary medical care.

5 Nicholas P. Cushner, Why Have You Come Here? (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 3–4, 149–69 & 197. 168 chapter five accepting and comprehending christianity 169

Christian education or on post-missionary communities that developed Jesuit rhetoric, however, obscures the extent of the Japanese acceptance without priestly guidance. of Christianity simply by emphasising the good deeds of model converts. More debatable idea can be found in Nicholas P. Cushner’s theo- In the missionary accounts, model Christians were faithful followers of retical premise that the non-Christian peoples had their own religions, Jesuit preaching. These converts respected priests. They attended Mass, or belief systems, that are replaceable with Christianity. This simplistic prayed regularly and made confessions. They assisted missionaries in premise has enabled Cushner to conclude that Amerindian ‘religions’ persuading others to join the faith. For example, Father Gaspar Vilela were replaced by Christianity albeit incompletely.5 As the second chapter praised the converts in Nagasaki in 1571. He gave three reasons. First, has indicated, however, what the Jesuits perceived to be an indigenous their local landowner constructed a church building for the Jesuits. The religion was their own arbitrary combination of various spiritual and converts destroyed Buddhist and Shintô constructions in the name of unspiritual customs. He therefore needs to prove, in the first place, his God. They regularly attended Mass and sermons and did penance for basic premise that indigenous Americans had established a set of a belief their sins.6 system fully compatible with Christianity. In the annual report of 1581 also, Father Gaspar Coelho applauded Keeping in mind the incorporation of the Christian belief, the authen- the religious fervour among the converts in Kyoto. According to him, ticity of conversion and the identification of a typical Christian, this case they were willing to follow Christian doctrine and to use Christian icons study of Japan will replace existing context-based discussions with per- and rosaries at sacraments. They would gather around Father Alessandro spectives empirically based on Japanese precedents. This analysis will Valignano, travelling distances up to sixty to eighty kilometres, in order be tripartite. First, the Jesuit descriptions of model converts provide an to seek spiritual help through the Agnus Dei, sacred icons and rosaries. insight into the criteria used by Europeans to identify Christian converts. They also prayed, and in general, they obeyed Jesuit preaching.7 Second, incidental observations by missionaries, often more casual than However, there is a clear difference of perspective between the priests’ deliberate, hint at the neophytes’ unique ethnic understanding of Christi- appraisals of Christians and their offhand and unintentional references anity. Third, the Japanese case presents typical obstacles, in cross-cultural to Japanese responses. For a more accurate understanding of the non- comprehension of the faith, that can be applied to the consideration of European acceptance of Christianity, one must examine their responses the Amerindian experience. to the missions. To do so, it is necessary to consider the popular image of Jesuit services, including education and philanthropy, based on the order’s principles. An ordinary Japanese idea of becoming a Christian B. Japanese Acceptance and Comprehension of Christianity was based inevitably on the polytheistic response to this complex mis- sionary service. The converts and future converts developed their own The discussion of the Japanese acceptance and comprehension of perspectives on the religion of God through their spiritual conventions. Christianity will initially confirm three basic tenets. First, unlike the The spiritual climate of Japan, which allowed the Japanese to accom- monotheistic and exclusive tradition of the Christian faith in God, con- modate and incorporate Jesuit preaching, was basically flexible and ventional Japanese spirituality was basically polytheistic and harmoni- absorbent, unless that infrastructure found itself under theological attack. ously coexistent, as the second chapter has indicated. Second, owing Theologian Neil Fujita compares Christianity and Japanese spirituality to the limitations of language and culture, as stated in the third chap- to a cone and a doughnut.8 Japanese society has always been tolerant ter, the priests tailored their approaches to suit the Japanese. Finally, as the third chapter has also described, Jesuit activity comprised, not only preaching but also education, philanthropy and elementary medical care. 6 Gaspar Vilela to the companions in Portugal, from Cochin, 4th February 1571, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 4: 44–45. 7 Gaspar Coelho, the annual report of 1581 to the general superior, from Nagasaki, 15 February 1582, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 6: 38–39. 5 Nicholas P. Cushner, Why Have You Come Here? (New York: Oxford University 8 Neil S. Fujita, ‘“Conic” Christianity and “Donut” Japan’, Missiology: An Interna- Press, 2006), 3–4, 149–69 & 197. tional Review 22 (1994): 43–53. 170 chapter five towards foreign philosophies, including Buddhism, which was intro- duced gradually in the sixth and later centuries. In a centreless thought structure, numerous spiritualities coexist amicably without being domi- nated by any one of them in the centre. In Christianity, a single absolute God resides at the centre, or at the summit, and has created and ruled the entire world in His conic structure. When this conic structure was imposed on Japanese thought, Fujita contends, Christianity was rejected. Although this image is plausible from an ideological perspective, it is not fully applicable to the minds of the ordinary people. Within their centreless spiritual custom based on a receptive tolerance, the ordinary residents accepted Christianity. Father Luis Frois’s annual report of 1585 symbolically describes this custom of Japanese society. In that year, as many as thirty-six years after the mission opened in Bungo, the proselytes in the town of Funai installed a large crucifix on the site of a future church building. For the lumber, the congregation chose the Shintô-deity wood that had been annually used for a Gion feast, and carried it on a cart through the town centre. As though they were at a Shintô festival, they presented this wood to the public in a parade that featured dancers accompanied by drums, fifes and other musical instru- ments. Father Frois commented positively on this parade, which he took as a demonstration of the growing influence of Christianity, since he was not fully aware of the connection between Gion and Shintô. He does not seem to have understood that the converts either treated the lumber simply as another deity or considered this foreign religion to be com- patible with Shintô. Above all, in the harmony-based Japanese spiritual system, they could not imagine that God would reject a crucifix made of sacred Shintô wood.9 It is through the lens of this harmonious spiritual coexistence pecu- liar to Japan that any attempts to analyse the degree of acceptance of Christianity should be made. To begin with, for pupils and their par- ents, the Christian schooling meant another version of Buddhist edu- cation. In Bungo of the 1560s, for instance, the missionaries intended to attract the boys of Buddhist temples to their Christian school, where Christian teachers taught not only Christian doctrine but also the same reading and writing as were taught in the Buddhist temples. In 1566 in Kuchinotsu, in the domain of Arima, a former Buddhist temple was

9 Luis Frois, the annual report on the district of Bungo, from Nagasaki, 20 August 1585, in Murakami Naojirô (ed.), Iezusukai Nippon nenpô [Nenpô, henceforth] (1969), 2: 1–36, esp. 4–5. 170 chapter five accepting and comprehending christianity 171 towards foreign philosophies, including Buddhism, which was intro- converted into a Jesuit schoolhouse, which successfully recruited pupils duced gradually in the sixth and later centuries. In a centreless thought from other Buddhist schools. This Buddhist aura of Christian education structure, numerous spiritualities coexist amicably without being domi- was enhanced by the fact that ex-Buddhists and ex-students at temples nated by any one of them in the centre. In Christianity, a single absolute were in charge of teaching on behalf of European priests who had less God resides at the centre, or at the summit, and has created and ruled command of Japanese.10 the entire world in His conic structure. When this conic structure was Christian neophytes applied a similar Shintô analogy to Christian- imposed on Japanese thought, Fujita contends, Christianity was rejected. ity. In the minds of local residents, access to Christian philanthropy Although this image is plausible from an ideological perspective, it is not and a contribution to it were associated with participation in a tra- fully applicable to the minds of the ordinary people. ditional system of Shintô mutual aid, or in what was called miyaza Within their centreless spiritual custom based on a receptive tolerance, or kô, a commonly-used noun that exists today. The miyaza, a lay the ordinary residents accepted Christianity. Father Luis Frois’s annual Shintô group composed of the upper social echelons in a village or report of 1585 symbolically describes this custom of Japanese society. In town, worked as a social and philanthropic club as early as the tenth that year, as many as thirty-six years after the mission opened in Bungo, or eleventh century, and continued to function through the Meiji era. the proselytes in the town of Funai installed a large crucifix on the site While its philanthropic work ended after Meiji, its rôle in organising of a future church building. For the lumber, the congregation chose the the feasts of local shrines survives today in western Japan. Throughout Shintô-deity wood that had been annually used for a Gion feast, and pre-modern centuries, this Shintô association played a key part in the carried it on a cart through the town centre. As though they were at a feast for distributing harvests throughout local communities. The kô Shintô festival, they presented this wood to the public in a parade that originated in a special gathering of the eleventh or twelfth century featured dancers accompanied by drums, fifes and other musical instru- to listen to Buddhist preaching. It developed throughout the country ments. Father Frois commented positively on this parade, which he took into numerous small sub-village organisations for mutual aid by the as a demonstration of the growing influence of Christianity, since he was time the first Jesuits arrived in Japan. This type of association usu- not fully aware of the connection between Gion and Shintô. He does ally consisted of the secular participants in a local shrine or temple, not seem to have understood that the converts either treated the lumber often socially influential local residents. It provided social and material simply as another deity or considered this foreign religion to be com- assistance to impoverished members by means of charities and feasts.11 patible with Shintô. Above all, in the harmony-based Japanese spiritual The priests made use of these existing infrastructures in order to dis- system, they could not imagine that God would reject a crucifix made of seminate their own philanthropy, and thus to attract more converts sacred Shintô wood.9 from among the ordinary people. More significantly, whether through It is through the lens of this harmonious spiritual coexistence pecu- the old Shintô or through the new Christianity, the actual participants liar to Japan that any attempts to analyse the degree of acceptance of in the poor relief were the same local Japanese neighbours as before, Christianity should be made. To begin with, for pupils and their par- except for the addition of a small number of stationary foreign or ents, the Christian schooling meant another version of Buddhist edu- domestic missionaries. For both those helping and those being helped, cation. In Bungo of the 1560s, for instance, the missionaries intended to attract the boys of Buddhist temples to their Christian school, where Christian teachers taught not only Christian doctrine but also the same 10 Juan Fernández to the companions generally, from Bungo, 8 October 1561; reading and writing as were taught in the Buddhist temples. In 1566 Luis d’Almeida to the companions in India, from Yokoseura, 17 November 1563; Belchoir Figueiredo to the companions in India, 13 September 1566; and Luis Frois, in Kuchinotsu, in the domain of Arima, a former Buddhist temple was the annual report of 1583 to the general superior, 2 January 1584. Murakami Naojirô (ed.), Iezusukaishi Nippon Tsûshin [Tsûshin, hereafter] (1968–69), 1: 237–38, 350–51 & 358–59; 2: 54–57; Matuda, Hôkoku-shû 3, 6: 175–76. 11 For the more details of kô, see Yamaguchi Yaichirô, Shûraku no kôsei to kinô 9 Luis Frois, the annual report on the district of Bungo, from Nagasaki, 20 August (Tokyo: Hakubun-sha, 1976), 53–55; Takeuchi Toshimi, ‘Shakai seikatu’, in Nihon 1585, in Murakami Naojirô (ed.), Iezusukai Nippon nenpô [Nenpô, henceforth] (1969), minzoku shiryô jiten (Tokyo: Daiichi hôki, 1969); and Hukuda Ajio, Nippon sonraku 2: 1–36, esp. 4–5. no minzokuteki kôzô (Tokyo: Kôbun-dô, 1982). 172 chapter five local philanthropy itself implied some means for Shintô activity, and local people seem to have accepted Christianity as an exotic version of Shintô, and missionaries as Shintô conjurers. As an extension of philanthropy, the elementary medical care of the mission encouraged belief in the healing power of Christianity. The existing shamanist curative traditions, whether carried onby Buddhist monks or by Shintô and folk remedy prayers, also provided the preconditions for the popular acceptance of the healing deity. Because medical service in those centuries was only for those wealthy citizens who could afford it, the Christian mission represented a generous for- eign healing spirituality through philanthropic clinics and leprosaria as well as extensive visitations. Those converts who were in poor health and who lived in areas governed by pro-European lords expected cures from European missionaries.12 By using medical care as a way of persuading the sick to accept Christianity, the Jesuits only further blurred the differences between Christianity and Eastern spirituality.13 Expecting health and cures from the Christian church was also a transformation of the domestic custom of visiting temples and shrines in those centuries when people believed that an infirm soul or a wicked spirit caused the affliction of a body. There was, for example, a belief called ohyakudo mairi or one-hundred-time visitation. If a per- son prayed at a healing-related shrine one hundred times, he or she would eventually expel disease from his or her own body. Traditionally Japanese shamans, called miko and yamabushi, played a healing rôle by communicating with the spirit that, they claimed, had produced illness. Missionary documents include passages describing the provi- sion of healing services by temples, as exemplified by the following two references. In 1554, Father Pedro d’Alcáçova referred to an unnamed faithless or careless neophyte, who, having recovered from a fever under the Jesuit instruction for Christianity, fell sick again by visiting a temple for additional cures. According to Brother João Bautista in 1564, there was a growing idea among people that one must come to church rather than Buddhist temples in order to regain one’s health.14

12 For numerous references to Jesuit medical care, see Murakami, Tsûshin, 1: 50–55, 178–79, 190–91, 200–01, 256–57; 2: 158; and Murakami, Nenpô, 1: 33 & 66. 13 See, for example, the Jesuit approach to the lord of Gotô in 1566. Frois, Furoisu Nipponshi (1977–80), 3:15–26; Frois, Historia de Japam (1976–83), part 1, chap. 4. 14 Pedro d’Alcáçova to the companions in Portugal, from Goa, 1554, in Murakami, Tsûshin, 43–60, esp. 55–56; Juan Bautista’s letter from Funai, 31 December 1564, 172 chapter five accepting and comprehending christianity 173 local philanthropy itself implied some means for Shintô activity, and The curing effect of conversion to Christianity developed intoa local people seem to have accepted Christianity as an exotic version of popular belief in the medicinal value of Christian items of faith such Shintô, and missionaries as Shintô conjurers. as holy water, at least as far as the Japanese pre-modern imagination As an extension of philanthropy, the elementary medical care of could conceive of these religious items. There already was a belief in the mission encouraged belief in the healing power of Christianity. Japan, prior to the arrival of the Jesuits, that water had the power to The existing shamanist curative traditions, whether carried onby restore health, as well as the power to bring about natural disasters. Buddhist monks or by Shintô and folk remedy prayers, also provided the The people in the archipelago had conventionally associated water with preconditions for the popular acceptance of the healing deity. Because a number of miracles, including the restoration of health, youth and medical service in those centuries was only for those wealthy citizens beauty. At the entrance to every Shintô shrine, a large water fountain who could afford it, the Christian mission represented a generous for- allowed worshipers to clean their hands, mouth and other body parts eign healing spirituality through philanthropic clinics and leprosaria as before stepping into its precincts. In front of a Buddhist altar, a tiny well as extensive visitations. Those converts who were in poor health cup of fresh water was offered every morning. In addition, the natu- and who lived in areas governed by pro-European lords expected ral power of water in seas and rivers had both positive and negative cures from European missionaries.12 By using medical care as a way associations, including creative and destructive powers, and a belief in of persuading the sick to accept Christianity, the Jesuits only further the water deity. There are even now shrines dedicated to a water deity, blurred the differences between Christianity and Eastern spirituality.13 connected to a nearby sea, river, pond or lake, throughout the country, Expecting health and cures from the Christian church was also a especially where residents repeatedly experienced natural disasters and transformation of the domestic custom of visiting temples and shrines accidents. The Japanese legend also created the kappa, an imaginary in those centuries when people believed that an infirm soul or a water imp, that was believed to live in a pond or a river and to play wicked spirit caused the affliction of a body. There was, for example, a tricks on humans, and people blamed it for mysterious water-related belief called ohyakudo mairi or one-hundred-time visitation. If a per- accidents. Thus, it was only normal that the Japanese associated spiri- son prayed at a healing-related shrine one hundred times, he or she tuality with water. would eventually expel disease from his or her own body. Traditionally Based on this traditional spiritual infrastructure, people readily Japanese shamans, called miko and yamabushi, played a healing rôle accepted the belief in sacred Christian water. Because the Jesuits used by communicating with the spirit that, they claimed, had produced sacred water symbolically for all basic cures, this holy water was popu- illness. Missionary documents include passages describing the provi- lar with the Japanese. In Bungo of the 1550s, remote villagers travelled sion of healing services by temples, as exemplified by the following two ten to twelve leagues to ask for water at a Jesuit residence. In Sakai and references. In 1554, Father Pedro d’Alcáçova referred to an unnamed Kyoto in the 1560s, proselytes took sacred water home in their own faithless or careless neophyte, who, having recovered from a fever containers because they expected a healing effect from it. In Bungo in under the Jesuit instruction for Christianity, fell sick again by visiting the 1570s, villagers gathered at church simply to drink some sacred a temple for additional cures. According to Brother João Bautista in water.15 The annual report on the year 1581 states that this fashion 1564, there was a growing idea among people that one must come to church rather than Buddhist temples in order to regain one’s health.14 quoted in Frois, Furoisu Nipponshi, 7: 24–31, esp. 30–31, and in Historia, pt. 1, chap. 53. 15 Pedro d’Alcáçova to the companions in Portugal, from Goa, 1554; Duarte da 12 For numerous references to Jesuit medical care, see Murakami, Tsûshin, 1: 50–55, Silva to the companions in India, from Bungo, 20 September 1555; Luis Frois, from 178–79, 190–91, 200–01, 256–57; 2: 158; and Murakami, Nenpô, 1: 33 & 66. Sakai, 8 July 1567 (No addressee is recorded.); Luis Frois to Belchior de Figueiredo, 13 See, for example, the Jesuit approach to the lord of Gotô in 1566. Frois, Furoisu from Kyoto, 1st June 1569; and Francisco Cabral to the companions in Portugal, from Nipponshi (1977–80), 3:15–26; Frois, Historia de Japam (1976–83), part 1, chap. 4. Kuchinotsu, 9 September 1576. Murakami, Tsûshin, 1: 43–60, 77–92, esp. 55 & 87–89; 14 Pedro d’Alcáçova to the companions in Portugal, from Goa, 1554, in Murakami, 2: 297–320, esp. 315–16; Murakami (ed.), Yasokai Nippon tsûshin (2 vols., 1928, Tsûshin, 43–60, esp. 55–56; Juan Bautista’s letter from Funai, 31 December 1564, Tokyo: Yûshô-dô, 1975), vol. 1, 444–45. 174 chapter five even induced non-Christians to visit Jesuits in Bungo. The belief in the healing power of water motivated villagers to seek baptism.16 The belief in Jesuit sacred water as a medicine developed into more spiritual acts by the congregation. By imitating the gestures of priests, converts attempted to transform plain water into what they alleged to be an effective medicine. They commonly believed that Christian artefacts without a priest would have the same curative effect. A rosary made of Saint Thomas’s crucifix is one example. In the late 1560s, Lord Ômura Sumitada, the renowned Christian patron of the Jesuits, told Fathers Cosme de Torres and João Bautista that he had used this rosary to prepare healing water to succour a non-Christian woman suffering from a chill and fever. In the early 1580s, Father Luis Frois referred to this rosary, now owned by someone else, whom he did not name. According to Father Frois, the owner placed it in a bowl of water and then gave the water to sick people. Father Frois also mentioned another unnamed lay Christian who held beads blessed by the . This Christian steeped them in water and crossed himself, expecting them to have a healing effect.17 Other secular examples, of belief in the magical power of Christian objects, included rosaries, communion wafers, and even the soil and wood of sacred places and the dust on Christian icons. In the 1570s, a Christian in Kansai swallowed a shaved piece of rosary bead as a replace- ment for medication. In Bungo of 1555, when members of a congrega- tion were suffering from destitution and disease, converts used sacred water and communion bread to restore their health. On the martyrs’ hill of Nagasaki, where twenty-six Christians were publicly executed on the order of the central Toyotomi administration in 1597, local resi- dents later treated the soil and wood at the site as though they were real medicine. In Funai of the early 1580s, a proselyte attempted to heal the fever of his non-Christian neighbour by having him drink a mixture of

16 Gaspar Coelho, the annual report of 1581 to the general superior, 15 February 1582, in Murakami, Nenpô, 1: 31–116, esp. 65–66; and in Matsuda, Hôkokushû, 3rd series, 6:01–80, esp. 34–35. 17 A letter of 15 August 1569 to the Jesuits in Portugal, by an unknown Portu- guese addresser whose name record is not extant; and Luis Frois, the annual report on 1582, from Kuchinotsu, 31 October 1582. Murakami, Tûshin, 2: 175–95, esp. 190–91; Murakami, Nenpô, 1: 165–204, esp. 180–81; and Matsuda, Hôkoku-shû, 3rd series, 3: 383; 6: 81–116, esp. 96–97. 174 chapter five accepting and comprehending christianity 175 even induced non-Christians to visit Jesuits in Bungo. The belief in the water and dust removed from a Christian drawing that he kept at his healing power of water motivated villagers to seek baptism.16 house.18 The belief in Jesuit sacred water as a medicine developed into more It was the symbolic acts of missionaries that often induced converts spiritual acts by the congregation. By imitating the gestures of priests, to accept Christian items for healing. For instance, Father Francisco de converts attempted to transform plain water into what they alleged Xavier initially promoted belief in the miraculous power of his disci- to be an effective medicine. They commonly believed that Christian plinary cane and other items. In 1549, Father Xavier preached to the artefacts without a priest would have the same curative effect. A rosary retainers of Niirô Iseno Kami Yasuhisa, a local lord of Ichiku in Sat- made of Saint Thomas’s crucifix is one example. In the late 1560s, suma, today’s Kagoshima prefecture. When one of them, a convert called Lord Ômura Sumitada, the renowned Christian patron of the Jesuits, Miguel, asked him for a healing tool, the priest granted him the cane. told Fathers Cosme de Torres and João Bautista that he had used this Father Xavier instructed him to tap sick patients five times while chant- rosary to prepare healing water to succour a non-Christian woman ing the Hail Mary and the name of Jesus Christ so that they might regain suffering from a chill and fever. In the early 1580s, Father Luis Frois health. Miguel extended this form of symbolism, and in order to cure the referred to this rosary, now owned by someone else, whom he did not sick he used the paper on which Xavier wrote down his prayer. Later in name. According to Father Frois, the owner placed it in a bowl of water 1562, Brother Luis d’Almeida noted that Miguel preserved this paper in and then gave the water to sick people. Father Frois also mentioned his holy treasure bag and hung it around a patient’s neck as a curative. As another unnamed lay Christian who held beads blessed by the Pope. in the case of Ichiku, Father Xavier gave a passage of the Gospel written This Christian steeped them in water and crossed himself, expecting on sheets of paper to those who asked him for curative remedies on his them to have a healing effect.17 trip from Hirado to Kyoto. This case of a testament passage card helps Other secular examples, of belief in the magical power of Christian to affirm that Miguel’s worship of a prayer card was based on Father objects, included rosaries, communion wafers, and even the soil and Xavier’s instruction rather than the proselyte’s own interpretation.19 wood of sacred places and the dust on Christian icons. In the 1570s, a It is not clear whether Father Xavier’s use of cards was in emulation Christian in Kansai swallowed a shaved piece of rosary bead as a replace- of the indulgences that were used by the mediaeval European church ment for medication. In Bungo of 1555, when members of a congrega- to remit temporal punishment due for sins that have already been tion were suffering from destitution and disease, converts used sacred forgiven. In any case, the Japanese custom of honouring or treasuring water and communion bread to restore their health. On the martyrs’ a Shintô or Buddhist talisman facilitated the acceptance of Christian hill of Nagasaki, where twenty-six Christians were publicly executed priests’ cards or slips. Father Luis Frois’s Historia de Japam refers to an on the order of the central Toyotomi administration in 1597, local resi- example of the use of the drawing of a crucifix on a sheet of paper as dents later treated the soil and wood at the site as though they were real an object of worship. In 1559, a fisherman in Ikitsuki received baptism medicine. In Funai of the early 1580s, a proselyte attempted to heal the from Father Gaspar Vilela. This convert, whose name was not recorded, fever of his non-Christian neighbour by having him drink a mixture of put up the cross drawing in his house to pray for the safe delivery of his baby. Although Father Frois did not connect the incident with Japanese

18 Alessandro (or Alexandre) Vallareggio, in India, to the companions in Portugal, 16 Gaspar Coelho, the annual report of 1581 to the general superior, 15 February 1572, in Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 4: 165–78, esp. 177; Balthasar Gago to the companions 1582, in Murakami, Nenpô, 1: 31–116, esp. 65–66; and in Matsuda, Hôkokushû, 3rd in India and Portugal, from Hirado, 23 September 1555, in Murakami, Tsûshin, series, 6:01–80, esp. 34–35. 1: 93–103, esp. 97–98; Léon Pagès, Histoire de martyrs japonais (1862, trans. by Kimura 17 A letter of 15 August 1569 to the Jesuits in Portugal, by an unknown Portu- Tarô as Nippon nijûroku seijin junkyô-ki in 1931), 245; Frois, the annual report on guese addresser whose name record is not extant; and Luis Frois, the annual report on 1584, dating 3 September 1584 at Nagasaki, Matsuda, Hôkokushû 3, 6: 245. 1582, from Kuchinotsu, 31 October 1582. Murakami, Tûshin, 2: 175–95, esp. 190–91; 19 Frois, Furoisu Nipponshi, 3: 15–26; 6: 41–49, 261–74; Historia, pt. 1, chaps. 2, 4 & Murakami, Nenpô, 1: 165–204, esp. 180–81; and Matsuda, Hôkoku-shû, 3rd series, 3: 32; Luis d’Almeida to the companions generally, from Yokoseura, 25 October 1562, in 383; 6: 81–116, esp. 96–97. Murakami, Tsûshin, 1: 265–91, esp. 271–73. 176 chapter five customs, it was reminiscent of typical Shintô and Buddhist charms.20 In another case, Brother D’Almeida and Father Frois described the converts in Shimabara, of the domain of Arima, who used a charm-like sheet with a crucifix on it instead of the name of a temple or a shrine. They posted a sheet at the main entrance to their homes. Although Jesuit annalists praised this act as a demonstration of strong faith, their own references to the incident suggest the converts’ misunderstanding of the significance of the cross as well as their confusion about its connection with Shintô or Buddhist talismans.21 There was another Jesuit instruction that made converts believe in the remedial effect of crossing oneself. From the outset of the mission, proselytes seem to have been told to cross themselves in order to regain their health. According to Father Pedro d’Alcáçova, a convert in Kyushu was instructed by an unspecified Jesuit Father to cross himself. Accord- ingly he recovered from poor health. Subsequently this convert visited a temple for complete recovery and fell ill again. The Father once again advised him to make the sign of the cross. The writer concluded that this repeated crossing finally healed the patient.22 This type of popular Christian practice sometimes developed beyond Jesuit control. The worship was directed towards ordinary objects in some cases. There were numerous Christians in Nagasaki who believed in the curative power of the metal nails used on the wooden execution poles for the twenty-six martyrs in 1597. In Funai, despite the ensuing disapproval of Jesuits, the proselytes treasured Father Cosme de Torres’s hairs and fragments of his clothing after his death in 1570.23 Archaeological discoveries also suggest the worship of Christian objects as charms among Christians, although it is not known whether missionaries were for or against this form of worship. In the former Jesuit-occupied prefectures like Fukuoka, Nagasaki, Kumamoto, Ôita and Osaka, there are numerous remains that were discovered during the late-twentieth century, including cross-inscribed roof tiles, wooden

20 Frois, Furoisu Nipponshi, 6: 221–25; Historia, pt. 1, chap. 22. 21 Luis d’Almeida to the companions in India, from Yokoseura, 17 November 1563, in Murakami, Tsûshin, 1: 336–77, esp. 352–53; & Frois, Furoisu Nipponshi, 9: 62–81, esp. 64–67; Historia, pt. 1, chap. 45. 22 D’Alcáçova to the companions in Portugal, from Goa, 1554, in Murakami, Tsûshin, 1: 43–60, esp. 55–56. 23 Pagès, op. cit., 245; Frois, Furoisu Nipponshi, 6: 200–07; Frois, Historia, pt. 1, chap. 19. The attempt to treasure Father Torres’s relics was not unique to Japanese con- verts and had a precedent in the Catholic veneration for relics. 176 chapter five accepting and comprehending christianity 177 customs, it was reminiscent of typical Shintô and Buddhist charms.20 In another case, Brother D’Almeida and Father Frois described the converts in Shimabara, of the domain of Arima, who used a charm-like sheet with a crucifix on it instead of the name of a temple or a shrine. They posted a sheet at the main entrance to their homes. Although Jesuit annalists praised this act as a demonstration of strong faith, their own references to the incident suggest the converts’ misunderstanding of the significance of the cross as well as their confusion about its connection with Shintô or Buddhist talismans.21 There was another Jesuit instruction that made converts believe in the remedial effect of crossing oneself. From the outset of the mission, proselytes seem to have been told to cross themselves in order to regain their health. According to Father Pedro d’Alcáçova, a convert in Kyushu was instructed by an unspecified Jesuit Father to cross himself. Accord- ingly he recovered from poor health. Subsequently this convert visited a temple for complete recovery and fell ill again. The Father once again advised him to make the sign of the cross. The writer concluded that this repeated crossing finally healed the patient.22 This type of popular Christian practice sometimes developed beyond Source: Hakata iseki-gun dai 111-ji shutsudo ‘medai jûjika igata’, The Fukuoka-city Jesuit control. The worship was directed towards ordinary objects in Archaeology Centre some cases. There were numerous Christians in Nagasaki who believed 10. Japanese Mould for Medals and Crucifixes in the Late Sixteenth or Early in the curative power of the metal nails used on the wooden execution Seventeenth Century: 1.4 cm u 4 cm u 5.5 cm, 40 grams, excavated in Fukuoka poles for the twenty-six martyrs in 1597. In Funai, despite the ensuing in 2002 disapproval of Jesuits, the proselytes treasured Father Cosme de Torres’s hairs and fragments of his clothing after his death in 1570.23 coffins,24 rosaries, medallions, medals, crucifixes and moulds for Archaeological discoveries also suggest the worship of Christian medals and crucifixes. Of greatest historical interest are crucifixes, objects as charms among Christians, although it is not known whether medals and their moulds. In the years leading up to 2002, foreign missionaries were for or against this form of worship. In the former bronze medals and crucifixes, as well as coarse Japanese-made cru- Jesuit-occupied prefectures like Fukuoka, Nagasaki, Kumamoto, Ôita cifixes, were excavated, but they alone were of little historical value, and Osaka, there are numerous remains that were discovered during other than revealing the existence of the Christian church. In March the late-twentieth century, including cross-inscribed roof tiles, wooden 2002, elaborately manufactured moulds, one for medals and the other for crucifixes, were found in the city of Fukuoka. Yet the moulds alone were insufficient to indicate whether it was priests or converts 20 Frois, Furoisu Nipponshi, 6: 221–25; Historia, pt. 1, chap. 22. who were using the cast medals and crucifixes. In December of the 21 Luis d’Almeida to the companions in India, from Yokoseura, 17 November 1563, same year, however, six Christian medals, made either of lead and in Murakami, Tsûshin, 1: 336–77, esp. 352–53; & Frois, Furoisu Nipponshi, 9: 62–81, esp. 64–67; Historia, pt. 1, chap. 45. tin or of copper alone, were found at Funai in the former domain of 22 D’Alcáçova to the companions in Portugal, from Goa, 1554, in Murakami, Ôtomo. This discovery, together with the previous findings, implied Tsûshin, 1: 43–60, esp. 55–56. 23 Pagès, op. cit., 245; Frois, Furoisu Nipponshi, 6: 200–07; Frois, Historia, pt. 1, chap. 19. The attempt to treasure Father Torres’s relics was not unique to Japanese con- verts and had a precedent in the Catholic veneration for relics. 24 The Japanese custom of cremation does not leave used coffins behind. 178 chapter five that converts duplicated and treasured medals for their own purposes, including their use as charms. This also suggests that the locally-made crucifixes were also valued for the same use. The recent archaeological discoveries, combined with the historical documentation, suggest that Japanese Christians believed in the supernatural effects of medals and crucifixes and reproduced them as beneficial charms, in a similar way as other Japanese folk treasured Shintô or Buddhist symbols.25 Thus, being a Christian and a member of one of the Japanese con- gregations during the Jesuit mission involved something beyond exist- ing historical interpretations and beyond the Jesuit rhetoric. It cannot be fully assessed simply by reference to the personal degree of conver- sion, nor can it merely be denied by reference to the non-Christian remnants in the sacraments and icons to which Whelan makes refer- ence.26 When the pervasive destruction of temples and shrines by pro- Jesuit inhabitants under the order of local Christian lords, described in the fourth chapter, is also taken into consideration, it is clear that there were certainly Christian congregations in the archipelago. To understand the Christian identity of Japanese, one needs to examine in detail the sixteenth-century perspectives on self-identification of both Christians and Japanese. To individual converts in Japan, Jesuit Christianity meant four things. First, Christianity replaced the social ties—especially for mutual help in the case of the Japanese—with which no individual could dispense. Considering, along the same lines, the Christian villages in Hizen that were discussed in the fourth chapter, the Christian religion worked as a social bond that formed a community beyond individual practice. Second, Christianity offered access to worldly benefits by divine grace, as well as to social services, including education and welfare. Third, it was believed that Christianity provided a new healing power that people often thought was analogous to existing spiritualities. Fourth, the new spirituality allowed access to a deity and the benefits associ- ated with him by means of religious objects.

25 Even though the reproduction of Christian tools may appear to have been associ- ated with the popular religion of mediaeval and early-modern Europe, the Japanese converts were not familiar with it. This Japanese belief in Christian symbols represents the converts’ emulation of their popular custom of believing in supernatural powers of Shintô talismans or Buddhist sutras. 26 Whelan, op. cit., 82–105. 178 chapter five accepting and comprehending christianity 179 that converts duplicated and treasured medals for their own purposes, These aspects of the Japanese version of the faith were results of natu- including their use as charms. This also suggests that the locally-made ral responses to evangelisation rather than the proselytes’ reinterpre- crucifixes were also valued for the same use. The recent archaeological tation of preaching. The missionaries were responsible for borrowing discoveries, combined with the historical documentation, suggest that the ready-made systems of education and mutual aid already in exis- Japanese Christians believed in the supernatural effects of medals and tence in Japan. The new system of medical care, even though still rather crucifixes and reproduced them as beneficial charms, in a similar way elementary, was also a generous expansion of the existing healing and as other Japanese folk treasured Shintô or Buddhist symbols.25 shamanistic purifying services available in pre-Jesuit days. The ordinary Thus, being a Christian and a member of one of the Japanese con- Japanese folk accepted the Jesuit additions to their spiritual world with gregations during the Jesuit mission involved something beyond exist- no hesitation, and they placed them within the traditional customary ing historical interpretations and beyond the Jesuit rhetoric. It cannot frameworks. In other words, they accepted some of the Christian sym- be fully assessed simply by reference to the personal degree of conver- bolism by placing it within the realm of their native imagination. sion, nor can it merely be denied by reference to the non-Christian The missionary approach, which was revised for use in Japan, was remnants in the sacraments and icons to which Whelan makes refer- therefore the primary determinant for the acceptance and comprehen- ence.26 When the pervasive destruction of temples and shrines by pro- sion of Christianity. The non-Christian cultural infrastructure for the Jesuit inhabitants under the order of local Christian lords, described reception of the new religion was of secondary importance. Religious in the fourth chapter, is also taken into consideration, it is clear that comprehension was determined by Jesuit schemes for converting people, there were certainly Christian congregations in the archipelago. To including the Japanese version of preaching, the approaches to cen- understand the Christian identity of Japanese, one needs to examine in tral and local daimyô for the collective conversion of their vassals and detail the sixteenth-century perspectives on self-identification of both domain residents, the Society’s basic policy of caring for the destitute Christians and Japanese. and the sick and religious education, all of which have been discussed To individual converts in Japan, Jesuit Christianity meant four things. in the previous chapters. The missionaries modified their basic methods First, Christianity replaced the social ties—especially for mutual help according to their understanding of the social and spiritual environment in the case of the Japanese—with which no individual could dispense. of Japan. Through the limited resources based on this comprehension Considering, along the same lines, the Christian villages in Hizen that and on the Jesuits’ selective emphasis on specific aspects of mission- were discussed in the fourth chapter, the Christian religion worked as ary services, Japanese Christians developed their own understanding of a social bond that formed a community beyond individual practice. the religion. Their concept of Christianity was beyond the scope of the Second, Christianity offered access to worldly benefits by divine grace, rhetorical references to model proselytes in the missionary correspon- as well as to social services, including education and welfare. Third, dence. These rules will now be applied to the Amerindian case. it was believed that Christianity provided a new healing power that people often thought was analogous to existing spiritualities. Fourth, C. Amerindian Acceptance and Comprehension the new spirituality allowed access to a deity and the benefits associ- of Christianity ated with him by means of religious objects. In 1642, Father Barthélemy Vimont applauded the neophytes in the Christian réduction of Sillery as model Christians. As proof of their con- 25 Even though the reproduction of Christian tools may appear to have been associ- stant faith, he pointed to several examples, such as their eagerness for ated with the popular religion of mediaeval and early-modern Europe, the Japanese the frequent reception of the Sacraments, their ‘hunger’ for God’s word, converts were not familiar with it. This Japanese belief in Christian symbols represents their observance of His commandments, their regular daily attendance the converts’ emulation of their popular custom of believing in supernatural powers of Shintô talismans or Buddhist sutras. at Mass, their voluntary punishment of delinquents, and their zeal for 26 Whelan, op. cit., 82–105. the defence and propagation of the faith. In addition, they prayed to 180 chapter five

God in their dwellings before going out hunting, and thanked Him at the chapel on their return. They observed solemn Christian festivals according to the season. They also refused to participate in a dance or a feast that was thought to be against Christian modesty.27 As was the case with Japanese converts, these were the typical observations that the missionaries recorded for presenting their evangelistic achieve- ment in converting the Amerindians to Christianity.28 There have been two basic kinds of perspectives about the conversion of native peoples to Christianity in New France. One is that the Jesuits were successful in converting Amerindians to Christian values, an argu- ment stated by James Axtell and Karen Anderson. This perspective is based on an uncritical reading of the Jesuit accounts that are full of the heroic endeavours and missionary achievements of the priests among indigenous converts. By contrast, the second perspective is that the mis- sionaries were unsuccessful in converting the Amerindians. In other words, the conquest and subordination existed only in the rhetorical universe of The Jesuit Relations, and not in the actual communications between missionaries and native peoples, a claim recently postulated by Carole Blackburn. According to this thesis, Amerindian converts sub- verted the missionaries’ intended meaning and the significance of the Christian preaching by using their own cultural logic.29 However, neither of these opposing standpoints, premised as they are on the degree of success, draws a true picture of the Amerindian acceptance and comprehension of Christianity. As the missionary case in Japan shows, Christian conversion was a result of the cross-cultural communication between European evangelists and future non-European converts. For an authentic portrait of conversion, one may well consider both the evangelists’ adaptive approach and the Amerindians’ cultural compatibility to it, under the four categories revealed in the analysis

27 Vimont’s Relation of 1642, in Relations 22: 43–45. 28 Two more examples among many include Paul Ragueneau’s letter to Mutius Vitelleschi, general superior, at Rome, from Trois-Rivières, 28 July 1641; Jean de Brébeuf’s letter to Vitelleschi at Rome, from Québec, 20 August 1641; in Lucien Cam- peau (ed.), Monumenta Novae Franciae (9 vols., Roma: Instittum Historicum Societatis Iesu; & Montréal: Bellarmin; or Québec: Les Presses de l’Université Laval, 1967–2003), vol. 5, 20–24 & 26–29 [Campeau, Monumenta, 5: 20–24 & 26–29, henceforth], esp. 22 & 27. 29 James Axtell, The Invasion Within (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 91–127, 277–80; Karen Anderson, Chain Her by One Foot (New York & London: Routledge, 1991), 224–29; and Carole Blackburn, Harvest of Souls (Montreal & Kings- ton: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2000), 105–139. 180 chapter five accepting and comprehending christianity 181

God in their dwellings before going out hunting, and thanked Him at of Japanese converts. These categories include, first, social ties; second, the chapel on their return. They observed solemn Christian festivals access to social service and to worldly benefits by divine grace; third, according to the season. They also refused to participate in a dance or curative methods; and fourth, religious talismans. a feast that was thought to be against Christian modesty.27 As was the case with Japanese converts, these were the typical observations that 1. Christianity as Social Ties the missionaries recorded for presenting their evangelistic achieve- Just as Christianity took over the Japanese social ties in association ment in converting the Amerindians to Christianity.28 with Shintô and Buddhism, it also played a similar rôle in New France. There have been two basic kinds of perspectives about the conversion In the Amerindian imagination, baptism was affected by a desire for of native peoples to Christianity in New France. One is that the Jesuits reunion with deceased relatives in the next world, after death. The were successful in converting Amerindians to Christian values, an argu- native peoples—Innu, Algonquin and Huron—had a traditional belief ment stated by James Axtell and Karen Anderson. This perspective is that one would go to the land of the dead somewhere distant to the based on an uncritical reading of the Jesuit accounts that are full of the west. The Jesuits borrowed this basic idea of spiritual migration after heroic endeavours and missionary achievements of the priests among death in preaching about heaven, where God resided, and where indigenous converts. By contrast, the second perspective is that the mis- native people went after death, if baptised just before death. In 1636, sionaries were unsuccessful in converting the Amerindians. In other a Huron woman refused baptism when she learnt that her dead non- words, the conquest and subordination existed only in the rhetorical Christian relatives, who had not been baptised, had therefore not gone universe of The Jesuit Relations, and not in the actual communications to heaven. The same understanding could also work in the opposite between missionaries and native peoples, a claim recently postulated by way, as evidenced in that same year. Huron parents whose children Carole Blackburn. According to this thesis, Amerindian converts sub- were baptised at death sought their own baptism from the missionar- verted the missionaries’ intended meaning and the significance of the ies, since they did not wish to be separated from their children, who Christian preaching by using their own cultural logic.29 they assumed had gone to heaven. As well, according to Father Vimont However, neither of these opposing standpoints, premised as they in 1642, a healthy native resident in Sillery explained to a missionary are on the degree of success, draws a true picture of the Amerindian that he wanted to be baptised in order to reach the same destination acceptance and comprehension of Christianity. As the missionary case as his dead wife, who had died as a Christian and, he believed, had in Japan shows, Christian conversion was a result of the cross-cultural gone to heaven.30 communication between European evangelists and future non-European There were two factors that underpinned these ideas. One was that converts. For an authentic portrait of conversion, one may well consider of the Jesuit preaching about heaven. The priests frequently explained both the evangelists’ adaptive approach and the Amerindians’ cultural to the indigenous people that Christians could go to heaven in the compatibility to it, under the four categories revealed in the analysis sky after death. According to the missionary preaching about heaven given to converts in Sillery in 1646–47, the sky was used as a synonym 27 Vimont’s Relation of 1642, in Relations 22: 43–45. 28 Two more examples among many include Paul Ragueneau’s letter to Mutius Vitelleschi, general superior, at Rome, from Trois-Rivières, 28 July 1641; Jean de 30 Paul le Jeune’s Relations of 1634 and 1637, in Relations 6: 177–79; 11: 101–03; Brébeuf’s letter to Vitelleschi at Rome, from Québec, 20 August 1641; in Lucien Cam- Paul Ragueneau’s Relation of 1651–1652, in Relations 38: 23–25; Jean de Brébeuf’s peau (ed.), Monumenta Novae Franciae (9 vols., Roma: Instittum Historicum Societatis Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in Relations 10: 31–33 & 143–47; François Joseph Iesu; & Montréal: Bellarmin; or Québec: Les Presses de l’Université Laval, 1967–2003), Le Mercier’s Relation of the Hurons of 1637, in Relations 13: 251; & 14: 109; and vol. 5, 20–24 & 26–29 [Campeau, Monumenta, 5: 20–24 & 26–29, henceforth], esp. Barthélemy Vimont’s Relation of 1642, in Relations 22: 109–113. For the Innu and 22 & 27. Algonquin land of the dead, see also Alfred Goldsworthy Bailey, The Conflict of Euro- 29 James Axtell, The Invasion Within (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), pean and Eastern Algonkian Cultures, 1504–1700 (1937, 2nd ed., Toronto: University 91–127, 277–80; Karen Anderson, Chain Her by One Foot (New York & London: of Toronto Press, 1969), 138–39. For the Huron or general Iroquoian idea of the Routledge, 1991), 224–29; and Carole Blackburn, Harvest of Souls (Montreal & Kings- land of the dead, see also Elizabeth Tooker, The Ethnography of the Huron Indians, ton: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2000), 105–139. 1615–1649 (1964, Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1991), 140 & note 65. 182 chapter five for heaven. The sky was explained as the beautiful and ravishing place of eternal dwelling that could console Christians. The other factors shaping native views of baptism were the numerous baptisms of those about to die. Throughout the years of the mission in Huronia, the evangelists were normally unsuccessful in persuading healthy Hurons to accept baptism. Instead, they attempted to baptise native people on their deathbeds so that they might die as Christians. This was also often the case with the mission to the Innu and the Algonquin around the French outposts. These two factors together meant to the bereaved that their deceased family and kinship members had gone to the Chris- tian heaven rather than to the traditional land of the dead.31 In the réductions near the French settlements, Christianity intro- duced other social bonds that had been unknown in the Huron mis- sion near distant Lake Simcoe. The interests of both the native residents and the evangelists coincided. When Amerindian parties first moved to Sillery or Trois-Rivières in 1637, they took advantage of material and human resources under Jesuit control, which were incentives to accepting Christianity, in order to re-establish their own communi- ties. The missionaries attempted to control the native réductions by using Christianity as a new social norm that would unite all the native residents as a community.32 Yet Christianity was slow to transform itself into a form of social bond in the Amerindian settlements. Even in Sillery, which was more religious than any other contemporary Laurentian réduction, the native residents resisted for nine years before most of the people accepted Christianity and got socially united as a native Christian community. The Jesuits only succeeded in completely converting the residents of Sillery as late as 1646.33 There were two reasons for this delay. First of all, births and deaths, along with constant migration, made the task of the missionaries dif- ficult. The location of this Algonquin and Innu settlement wascon- venient for both those who intended to stay near Quebec temporarily and those who wanted to join the native community permanently. In the Relation of 1642–1643, for example, Sillery was reported to have

31 For the preaching about heaven, see Le Jeune’s Relation of 1637, in Relations 11: 101–103; Le Mercier’s Relation of the Hurons of 1637, in Relations 13: 29–31 & 39–41; Jérôme Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1643–44, in Relations 26: 179–81, 193–95 & 203–205; and J. Lalemant’s Relation of 1647, in Relations 31: 149–51. 32 Le Jeune’s Relations of 1637 and 1638, in Relations 12: 161–65; & 14: 205–17. 33 J. Lalemant’s Relation of 1645–1646, in Relations 29: 65–67. 182 chapter five accepting and comprehending christianity 183 for heaven. The sky was explained as the beautiful and ravishing place accommodated Huron traders, as well as the Attikamègue, over win- of eternal dwelling that could console Christians. The other factors ter. The Huron parties repeatedly wintered in Sillery during the 1640s. shaping native views of baptism were the numerous baptisms of those The settlement also continued to accept more Algonquin, Innu and about to die. Throughout the years of the mission in Huronia, the other people who intended to reside there.34 evangelists were normally unsuccessful in persuading healthy Hurons The other reason for the delay was that native people had to cope to accept baptism. Instead, they attempted to baptise native people with the Jesuit resistance to mass baptism. Instead, the priests only on their deathbeds so that they might die as Christians. This was also baptised those individuals who showed sufficient piety and constancy often the case with the mission to the Innu and the Algonquin around of faith. Because of this individual-based baptism, it was impossible for the French outposts. These two factors together meant to the bereaved all the residents to be baptised within a short period. Being a Chris- that their deceased family and kinship members had gone to the Chris- tian was also not a prerequisite for entering a settlement. In order tian heaven rather than to the traditional land of the dead.31 to remain in the settlement, however, native residents had to become In the réductions near the French settlements, Christianity intro- model Christians. In other words, they could not simply request one duced other social bonds that had been unknown in the Huron mis- rite or another from time to time. In the Relation of 1642, Father sion near distant Lake Simcoe. The interests of both the native residents Jérôme Lalemant never failed to mention the religious requirement and the evangelists coincided. When Amerindian parties first moved given to Sillery residents. Perhaps based on this unwritten Jesuit strat- to Sillery or Trois-Rivières in 1637, they took advantage of material egy, the colonial French authorities announced to the Sillery headmen and human resources under Jesuit control, which were incentives to in the same year that non-Christians were not allowed to remain in the accepting Christianity, in order to re-establish their own communi- settlement. In 1645, Father Lalemant was finally able to claim that all ties. The missionaries attempted to control the native réductions by the native Sillery residents were either Christians or catechumens. A using Christianity as a new social norm that would unite all the native year later, in the Relation of 1646, he noted that almost all the indig- residents as a community.32 enous residents there had been baptised.35 Yet Christianity was slow to transform itself into a form of social bond in the Amerindian settlements. Even in Sillery, which was more 2. Christianity as a Key to Service and Worldly Benefits religious than any other contemporary Laurentian réduction, the native For Amerindian converts, accepting Christianity meant access to residents resisted for nine years before most of the people accepted human and material resources through the missionaries, especially if Christianity and got socially united as a native Christian community. they resided near the French settlements. Like their Iberian predeces- The Jesuits only succeeded in completely converting the residents of sors in Japan, the French missionaries and sympathetic officials pro- Sillery as late as 1646.33 vided indigenous people with all kinds of social services and other There were two reasons for this delay. First of all, births and deaths, related benefits. For instance, the Jesuits provided native children and, along with constant migration, made the task of the missionaries dif- later, adults with food and clothing at seminaries. The Ursuline Nuns ficult. The location of this Algonquin and Innu settlement wascon- did the same for Amerindian girls. Also, as mentioned above, accept- venient for both those who intended to stay near Quebec temporarily ing Christianity provided the decreasing native Laurentian population and those who wanted to join the native community permanently. In with an opportunity to get French help to re-establish a community in the Relation of 1642–1643, for example, Sillery was reported to have

31 For the preaching about heaven, see Le Jeune’s Relation of 1637, in Relations 34 Vimont’s Relation of 1642–1643, in Relations 24: 67–69 & 103–105; J. Lalemant’s 11: 101–103; Le Mercier’s Relation of the Hurons of 1637, in Relations 13: 29–31 & Journal des PP. Jésuites of 1645, in Relations 27: 91; J. Lalemant’s Journal des PP. 39–41; Jérôme Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1643–44, in Relations 26: 179–81, Jésuites of 1647, in Relations 30: 155; and J. Lalemant’s Journal des PP. Jésuites of 1649, 193–95 & 203–205; and J. Lalemant’s Relation of 1647, in Relations 31: 149–51. in Relations 34: 63. 32 Le Jeune’s Relations of 1637 and 1638, in Relations 12: 161–65; & 14: 205–17. 35 J. Lalemant’s Journal des PP. Jésuites of 1645, in Relations 27: 121; and J. Lalemant’s 33 J. Lalemant’s Relation of 1645–1646, in Relations 29: 65–67. Relations of 1646 and 1648, in Relations 29: 65; & 33: 49–51. 184 chapter five the réductions. The Jesuit missionaries and Hospital nuns made efforts to save the destitute or ill among the Amerindians. Moreover, in the fur trade, native Christians were better treated than non-Christians receiving better prices for furs, additional presents, and places of hon- our at councils held at the French settlements.36 There were several examples that support this linkage of social ser- vices with Christianity. Following the first réduction of Sillery, the collaborative French-Amerindian réduction programme expanded to other areas, such as Trois-Rivières, Tadoussac and île d’Orléans. The hospital in Quebec was always crowded with native patients. Also, young Huron men who wintered near the French settlements in the early 1640s received both material help and baptismal instruction from the missionaries. According to Father Vimont in 1643, catechism instruction to Algonquin children in Sillery was accompanied by such rewards as knives, bread, chaplets, caps and axes.37 There was almost always a strong connection between thefur trade and Christianity in the minds of native people. In the village of Ihonatiria, able-bodied Huron traders requested baptism. This village was the only place at which the Jesuits were able to establish a small missionary centre after reopening the Huron mission in the mid- 1630s. Co-incidentally it was one of the villages that had established a trading relationship with the French in Quebec. Also, in the 1630s, when the Hurons who asked for baptism were mostly the ill or dying, a small number of healthy men, who had made trade journeys to Quebec, sought baptism or helped with missionary work. They expected preferential treatment in trade as Christians.38

36 For the preferential treatment of indigenous converts, see Paul le Jeune’s Rela- tions of 1636, 1637 and 1639, in Relations 9: 287–89; 16: 33; 12: 243–47 & 257–59; also cited in Bruce G. Trigger, the Children of Aataentsic (Kingston & Montreal: McGill- Queen’s University Press, 1976), 547. It was not difficult for the French settlers in Quebec to identify native Christians because the men of the villages that accepted missionaries normally carried a priest’s letter to the missionary station in Quebec. See the letter of Barthélemi Vimont, superior, to Mutius Vitelleschi, general superior, at Rome, from Quebec, 28 September 1643, in Campeau, Monumenta, 5: 631–34, esp. 631; Charles Garnier to Henry de Saint-Joseph, at Paris, from [the Huron village of] Saint-Joseph, 14 May 1646, in ibid., 6:.471–76, esp. 473; Garnier to Saint-Joseph, at Paris, from Saint-Marie, 25 April 1648, in ibid., 7:242–46, esp. 243. 37 Vimont’s Relation of 1642–43, in Relations 23: 309–13. 38 For the positive effect of trade on the mission, see Jean de Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1635, in Relations 8: 101–103, 149–51; and Le Jeune’s Relations of 1637 and 1638, in Relations 11: 135; & 14: 77–83. See also Trigger, op. cit., 546–550. 184 chapter five accepting and comprehending christianity 185 the réductions. The Jesuit missionaries and Hospital nuns made efforts The Amerindian expectation to the missionary version of Christian- to save the destitute or ill among the Amerindians. Moreover, in the ity, however, went beyond access to social services. The native people fur trade, native Christians were better treated than non-Christians lived in a world where shamanism ruled every aspect of life. They did receiving better prices for furs, additional presents, and places of hon- not consider that Christianity and church would remain strictly within our at councils held at the French settlements.36 a European concept of religious and philanthropical rôles. Through There were several examples that support this linkage of social ser- Christianity they expected such worldly shamanistic benefits as they vices with Christianity. Following the first réduction of Sillery, the would seek traditionally from indigenous shamanism, including ani- collaborative French-Amerindian réduction programme expanded to mism, such as locating game animals and curing disease.39 other areas, such as Trois-Rivières, Tadoussac and île d’Orléans. The In the religious practice of neophytes and potential converts, the hospital in Quebec was always crowded with native patients. Also, Christian God brought the additional power to control weather to young Huron men who wintered near the French settlements in the protect food crops, for example. In 1628, the Hurons in the village of early 1640s received both material help and baptismal instruction from Ihonatiria prayed with Father Jean de Brébeuf in front of a crucifix the missionaries. According to Father Vimont in 1643, catechism for rainfall and a plentiful harvest. In June 1635 again, the people of instruction to Algonquin children in Sillery was accompanied by such Ihonatiria sought help from the Jesuits after they found a native sha- rewards as knives, bread, chaplets, caps and axes.37 man, the so-called ‘arendiowane’ or ‘arendiwane’, unsuccessful in There was almost always a strong connection between thefur bringing rain. Under the priests’ instruction, they made daily proces- trade and Christianity in the minds of native people. In the village of sions and a novena, or a cycle of nine prayers, and finally they enjoyed Ihonatiria, able-bodied Huron traders requested baptism. This village abundant rainfall. Their participation in the same religious prayers was the only place at which the Jesuits were able to establish a small brought rain again in late July, and consequently a good harvest. In the missionary centre after reopening the Huron mission in the mid- dry summer of 1638 also, the Huron villagers of Ossossané depended 1630s. Co-incidentally it was one of the villages that had established on Christian Masses for securing rainwater from the sky.40 a trading relationship with the French in Quebec. Also, in the 1630s, Both the Hurons and the Jesuits were responsible for establishing the when the Hurons who asked for baptism were mostly the ill or dying, image of God as the weather controller. The Huron people had a sha- a small number of healthy men, who had made trade journeys to manic custom of throwing into a fire in honour of the sky for a Quebec, sought baptism or helped with missionary work. They expected good harvest and other benefits. The native people also had a custom of preferential treatment in trade as Christians.38 asking their shamans to bring rainfall by means of dreaming, feasting and dancing. The shamans claimed that they could cause and stop the rain and winds. Both in 1628 and in 1635 the Huron people asked the priests for help only after the failure of their shamans. The missionar- ies took advantage of this opportunity to persuade the Hurons that 36 For the preferential treatment of indigenous converts, see Paul le Jeune’s Rela- tions of 1636, 1637 and 1639, in Relations 9: 287–89; 16: 33; 12: 243–47 & 257–59; also praying only to God could bring rain and a harvest. The priests acted cited in Bruce G. Trigger, the Children of Aataentsic (Kingston & Montreal: McGill- as substitutes for the rain-bringing shamans. Simultaneously Christian Queen’s University Press, 1976), 547. It was not difficult for the French settlers in 41 Quebec to identify native Christians because the men of the villages that accepted prayers replaced traditional Huron activities to control the weather. missionaries normally carried a priest’s letter to the missionary station in Quebec. See the letter of Barthélemi Vimont, superior, to Mutius Vitelleschi, general superior, at Rome, from Quebec, 28 September 1643, in Campeau, Monumenta, 5: 631–34, esp. 631; Charles Garnier to Henry de Saint-Joseph, at Paris, from [the Huron village of] 39 For the example of animism, see Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in Saint-Joseph, 14 May 1646, in ibid., 6:.471–76, esp. 473; Garnier to Saint-Joseph, at Relations 10: 159–69. Paris, from Saint-Marie, 25 April 1648, in ibid., 7:242–46, esp. 243. 40 Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in Relations 10: 35–49; and J. Lalemant’s 37 Vimont’s Relation of 1642–43, in Relations 23: 309–13. Relation of the Hurons of 1639, in Relations 17: 135–37. 38 For the positive effect of trade on the mission, see Jean de Brébeuf’s Relation of 41 Brébeuf’s Relations of the Hurons of 1635 and 1636, in Relations 8: 123–25; & the Hurons of 1635, in Relations 8: 101–103, 149–51; and Le Jeune’s Relations of 1637 10: 193–95; J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1642, in Relations 23: 55; and Paul and 1638, in Relations 11: 135; & 14: 77–83. See also Trigger, op. cit., 546–550. Ragueneau’s Relation of the Hurons of 1647–48, in Relations 33: 221. 186 chapter five

Source: Carte de la Nouvelle France, in Francesco Giuseppe Bressani, SJ, Novae Franciae accurata delineatio, 1657; © Dép. Cartes et plans/Bibliothèque nationale de France 11. Seventeenth-Century Image of Native Women and Children Praying to God

A similar association of prayer with material rewards was applied to hunting and fishing. The Amerindians expected to use divine Christian power to summon wildlife. In 1638, Father François Joseph le Mercier referred to a Huron headman, an influential pro-Jesuit sup- porter in Ossossané, who was described as having spoken honourably of God and His law, and to have attributed the success of his fishing to Christian prayers.42 The Innu and Algonquin peoples, too, considered the Christian God to be capable of contributing to successful hunting. Father Le Jeune made repeated references to their belief. In the Relation of 1639, he referred to an old Innu man. The man told his son-in-law to ask God for a moose when he went out hunting. Father Le Jeune also wrote

42 Le Mercier’s Relation of 1638, in Relations 15: 125. 186 chapter five accepting and comprehending christianity 187

about a band of Innu hunters who wintered away from Sillery in 1638–39. When they returned to the réduction, they told the missionar- ies that they had maintained a constant supply of their game by thank- ing God for every catch. In the two Relations of 1639 and of 1640, native Christians in Sillery made it a rule to fall on their knees and thank God for the game they had just caught and killed. Father Vimont wrote about a neophyte in the same settlement. Before every hunt for wild game, this convert prayed to God for success with the aid of a crucifix.43 It was the missionaries who encouraged their neophytes and potential converts to pray to God for successful hunting. To borrow Father Paul Ragueneau’s expression, presumably conveyed to the native Christians, God was the sovereign Lord of animals as well as of men. In Decem- ber 1633, Father Le Jeune proposed that his hungry Innu host should offer prayers to God, who had ‘made heaven and earth’, before depart- ing for hunting. According to him, these native people consequently caught beavers, porcupines and moose, while the ‘apostates’—probably those who resorted to traditional hunting rituals—returned without game. The Relation of 1647–1648 notes that the Jesuits attempted to Source: Carte de la Nouvelle France, in Francesco Giuseppe Bressani, SJ, Novae Franciae replace manitou with the Christian God as the spirit that would bring accurata delineatio, 1657; © Dép. Cartes et plans/Bibliothèque nationale de France success in hunting. For example, among the , to whom the 11. Seventeenth-Century Image of Native Women and Children Praying Jesuits expanded their mission with the help of Innu converts, Chris- to God tians and non-Christians coexisted. When Father Gabriel Druillèttes accompanied his converts in their winter hunting of 1647–48, A similar association of prayer with material rewards was applied only his Christian party that believed in God for the successful chase 44 to hunting and fishing. The Amerindians expected to use divine was reported to have enjoyed sufficient game. Christian power to summon wildlife. In 1638, Father François Joseph By becoming Christians, the Amerindians also expected help in war- le Mercier referred to a Huron headman, an influential pro-Jesuit sup- fare from the Jesuits. In 1637, Father Le Jeune referred to indigenous porter in Ossossané, who was described as having spoken honourably men, apparently Innu, who were being instructed about abandoning of God and His law, and to have attributed the success of his fishing some non-Christian customs before being qualified to become Chris- to Christian prayers.42 tians. They sought the priests’ prediction of a future war and God’s The Innu and Algonquin peoples, too, considered the Christian God assistance in it. Accordingly they learnt from the missionaries prayers to be capable of contributing to successful hunting. Father Le Jeune for their safe return from battle. In the Huron country also, the people made repeated references to their belief. In the Relation of 1639, he expected that the missionaries would intervene with God in order to referred to an old Innu man. The man told his son-in-law to ask God for a moose when he went out hunting. Father Le Jeune also wrote 43 Le Jeune’s Relations of 1639 and 1640, in Relations 16: 49–51; 18: 149 & 157; and Vimont’s Relation of 1642, in Relations 22: 57–59. 44 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1634, in Relations 7: 145–59; Lalemant’s Relation of 1647– 42 Le Mercier’s Relation of 1638, in Relations 15: 125. 1648, in Relations 32: 273; and Ragueneau’s Relation of 1651–52, in Relations 37: 195. 188 chapter five predict for them where their enemies were and in what force they would come.45 There was an Amerindian belief in manitou and an oki as personal guardians in warfare. During one of his first meetings with Innu bands, Father Le Jeune learnt that they believed that manitou was present in battles. The manitou, he stated, would protect those whom it favoured, and would kill their enemies. Even though Father Brébeuf did not use the word oki, he reported on a similar belief among the Hurons, who believed in a kind of war divinity that they imagined to be a little dwarf. On departure for a battle, the dwarf would caress those who would enjoy a victorious return, but would strike on the fore- head those who would lose their lives. Also the sun, or Agreskoui, was war divinity among the Huron and Iroquois peoples. In 1648, Father Ragueneau identified the sun as the Huron people’s war divinity. Later in 1653, Father Francis-Joseph Bressani referred to it as Agreskoui. Also, Huron shamans, or arendiwane, claimed that they were capable of various war-related predictions, such as whether a war would be successful, whether the enemy was approaching a village, how many were coming, and where they waited in ambush. This type of shaman resorted to an oki that he claimed would enter his body or appear to him in a dream or a vision.46 Furthermore, the priests inadvertently helped the Amerindians to associate God with manitou or a great oki. It was Father Le Jeune who first identified manitou as the devil who worked against God, or so he implied to a group of the native people. Father Le Jeune’s words enabled the Innu people to imagine that the European God was equiv- alent to their manitou. According to his Relation of 1634, he himself took the initiative for explaining even to an Innu group that manitou was the devil, which would hinder God. He wrote that he had said to those who felt frightened of manitou, ‘Do not fear, the devil will not harm you as long as I am with you, for he fears those who believe in God; if you will believe in God, the devil will flee from you’. According to Father Le Jeune in the Relation of 1636, an Innu shaman called God

45 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1637, in Relations 11: 217; and J. Lalemant’s Relation of 1639, in Relations 17: 119–21. 46 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1634, in Relations 6: 175; Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in Relations 10: 183 & 197; J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1640, in Relations 19: 83; and Ragueneau’s Relation of 1647–48, in Relations 33: 193 & 221–25; and Francis-Joseph Bressani’s Relation of 1653, in Relations 39: 13 & 207–209. 188 chapter five accepting and comprehending christianity 189 predict for them where their enemies were and in what force they ‘your manitou’ in front of Father Jacques Buteux. Soon the Innu learnt would come.45 to regard God as the good manitou and the devil as the bad manitou.47 There was an Amerindian belief in manitou and an oki as personal The Hurons also understood God as a version of ondaki or an oki.48 guardians in warfare. During one of his first meetings with Innu bands, In 1642, Father Lalemant recounted a story about a non-Christian Father Le Jeune learnt that they believed that manitou was present in Huron man who fasted for a vision of an oki. In this indigenous imagi- battles. The manitou, he stated, would protect those whom it favoured, nation, an oki resided in the sky and showed up on the ground by and would kill their enemies. Even though Father Brébeuf did not descending from the sky, then ascending afterwards. In the Relation use the word oki, he reported on a similar belief among the Hurons, of 1636, Father Brébeuf stated that he explained about God by meta- who believed in a kind of war divinity that they imagined to be a phorically using this Huron idea of an oki in the sky, which ruled the little dwarf. On departure for a battle, the dwarf would caress those weather and climate.49 who would enjoy a victorious return, but would strike on the fore- For non-Christian Amerindians to understand any spirituality, their head those who would lose their lives. Also the sun, or Agreskoui, was only possible framework for comprehension would come from their war divinity among the Huron and Iroquois peoples. In 1648, Father indigenous shamanism based on spiritual powers like manitou or an Ragueneau identified the sun as the Huron people’s war divinity. Later oki. Beyond its religious realm, Christianity also represented a means in 1653, Father Francis-Joseph Bressani referred to it as Agreskoui. to predict astronomical phenomena, or changing weather and climate Also, Huron shamans, or arendiwane, claimed that they were capable patterns. This did not, however, persuade the native people to become of various war-related predictions, such as whether a war would be Christian in a Jesuit sense. Quite the opposite: the priests’ use of their successful, whether the enemy was approaching a village, how many astronomical knowledge only strengthened the identification of them- were coming, and where they waited in ambush. This type of shaman selves as powerful and formidable shamans. This identification even resorted to an oki that he claimed would enter his body or appear to enhanced the interconnection between traditional shamanism and him in a dream or a vision.46 Christianity in the mind of the indigenous people. In the Relation of Furthermore, the priests inadvertently helped the Amerindians to 1639, Father Lalemant recounted his and his brethren’s experience after associate God with manitou or a great oki. It was Father Le Jeune who they predicted the eclipse of the moon and sun, which the Huron people first identified manitou as the devil who worked against God, or so feared. The indigenous people began to imagine that the priests could he implied to a group of the native people. Father Le Jeune’s words recognise and determine all future events, including the upcoming har- enabled the Innu people to imagine that the European God was equiv- vest and war strategies of enemies. At the same time, the Amerindians alent to their manitou. According to his Relation of 1634, he himself were critical of the priests for not warning them of outbreaks of epi- took the initiative for explaining even to an Innu group that manitou demic diseases and for not offering preventive or curative remedies to was the devil, which would hinder God. He wrote that he had said to them as shamans would profess to do.50 those who felt frightened of manitou, ‘Do not fear, the devil will not The Jesuits were even compelled to adapt themselves to indigenous harm you as long as I am with you, for he fears those who believe in shamanistic activities. Three examples are pertinent. One was the use God; if you will believe in God, the devil will flee from you’. According to Father Le Jeune in the Relation of 1636, an Innu shaman called God 47 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1634, in Relations 6: 175; 7: 85–87 & 181–83; Le Jeune’s Relation of 1636, in Relations 9:75–77; and Le Jeune’s Relation of 1637, in Relations 12:7–9. 45 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1637, in Relations 11: 217; and J. Lalemant’s Relation of 48 There were several oki, or ondaki to be more precise, not just one in the Huron 1639, in Relations 17: 119–21. minds. 46 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1634, in Relations 6: 175; Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons 49 Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in Relations 10: 161; and J. Lalemant’s of 1636, in Relations 10: 183 & 197; J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1640, in Relation of 1642, in Relations 23, 155–57. Relations 19: 83; and Ragueneau’s Relation of 1647–48, in Relations 33: 193 & 221–25; 50 J. Lalemant’s Relation of 1639, in Relations 17: 119–21; and also partially quoted and Francis-Joseph Bressani’s Relation of 1653, in Relations 39: 13 & 207–209. in Axtell, op. cit., 102. 190 chapter five of feasts, typical native rituals. In 1637, Father Buteux held a feast to which he invited Innu and Attikamègue peoples in Trois-Rivières to persuade them to pray for God. The other examples involved dreams, on which Amerindians relied for making decisions in every aspect of their lives. In January 1634, Father Le Jeune feared being deserted by his Innu hosts, who tried to conserve their food by abandoning him. To save himself, the Father claimed that he had dreamed just the opposite, that the Innu would capture two moose. Again in 1637, to convert an Algonquin group whose dreams prevented them from accepting the faith, Father Le Jeune warned them, ‘We will dream that you all will be converted’. These cases imply that the native people had opportunities to believe that the Christian priests held a feast as they did, and that they made predictions and decisions as in shamanism.51

3. Christianity for Healing Power The curative method that the Jesuits applied to the ill caused the latter to associate Christianity with healing power. This belief was stronger among the Amerindians than among the Japanese, who had immunity to European diseases and suffered little from them. The Jesuit accounts contain numerous accounts of anonymous Amerindians who sought baptism when they wished to survive a sickness or regain their health. In their minds, becoming a Christian, or even being baptised by Euro- pean priests, would bring succour from fatal diseases. Simultaneously most converts kept their traditional curing rituals which, at least in their minds, did not conflict with Christianity. Because the relationship between missionary healers and ill indig- enous people varied slightly according to region, there were two basic versions of this acceptance of the curative God. In the first adapta- tion model, healing power was interpreted positively, as seen especially among the peoples near the French settlements, who met French set- tlers beside the Jesuits. This idea was conspicuous among nomadic peoples, such as the Innu, Algonquin and Attikamègue, as well as the later Huron refugees to Quebec, all of whom eventually lived near the French settlements in the Saint Lawrence Valley. In the second model, the priests’ power was interpreted negatively, as killing power. This perspective was common especially among remote peoples, such

51 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1634, in Relations 7: 169; and Le Jeune’s Relation of 1637, in Relations 11: 203; & 12: 171. See also Axtell, op. cit., 111–12. 190 chapter five accepting and comprehending christianity 191 of feasts, typical native rituals. In 1637, Father Buteux held a feast to as the semi-sedentary Hurons by distant Lake Simcoe, who met few which he invited Innu and Attikamègue peoples in Trois-Rivières to Europeans except for the missionaries, whom they took to be typical persuade them to pray for God. The other examples involved dreams, Europeans. on which Amerindians relied for making decisions in every aspect of their lives. In January 1634, Father Le Jeune feared being deserted a. Positive Interpretations by his Innu hosts, who tried to conserve their food by abandoning The nomadic peoples around the French settlements asked priests to him. To save himself, the Father claimed that he had dreamed just baptise them when they were ill or dying. Baptism was often requested the opposite, that the Innu would capture two moose. Again in 1637, as an addition to traditional healing. In the Relation of 1633, a grand- to convert an Algonquin group whose dreams prevented them from mother of a sick Algonquin child said that she would be satisfied to have accepting the faith, Father Le Jeune warned them, ‘We will dream that Father Brébeuf baptise the child, given that the Father could cure him. you all will be converted’. These cases imply that the native people had The child’s parents and grandmother tried baptism as another option opportunities to believe that the Christian priests held a feast as they for healing, in addition to a native healing ritual, which included howl- did, and that they made predictions and decisions as in shamanism.51 ing, playing a tambourine-like instrument, blowing on the head of the child and whistling. In the winter of 1647–48, Attikamègue Christian 3. Christianity for Healing Power parents of an ailing child turned to God only after the failure of a The curative method that the Jesuits applied to the ill caused the latter native shaman’s healing rituals. According to Father Ragueneau, this to associate Christianity with healing power. This belief was stronger neophyte soon recovered his health. This last incident also implies that among the Amerindians than among the Japanese, who had immunity the curative use of baptism and shamanistic healing coexisted even to European diseases and suffered little from them. The Jesuit accounts among converts.52 contain numerous accounts of anonymous Amerindians who sought Requests for baptism were mainly for curing illness. In 1634, baptism when they wished to survive a sickness or regain their health. Manitouchatche, an Innu on good terms with the missionaries, begged In their minds, becoming a Christian, or even being baptised by Euro- for baptism to recover from his illness. In 1636, Father Le Jeune noted pean priests, would bring succour from fatal diseases. Simultaneously that the Innu people tried to summon the missionaries in order to save most converts kept their traditional curing rituals which, at least in their stricken children by baptism. The same case was reported among their minds, did not conflict with Christianity. the Algonquin in 1637. In 1647, after falling extremely ill, an Abenaki Because the relationship between missionary healers and ill indig- shaman sent for Father to heal him through bap- enous people varied slightly according to region, there were two basic tism, and he regained his health.53 versions of this acceptance of the curative God. In the first adapta- The indigenous people also believed in the missionaries’ healing tion model, healing power was interpreted positively, as seen especially power in their other sacraments and prayers. In 1637–38, an Innu among the peoples near the French settlements, who met French set- group who had settled in Trois-Rivières found their people afflicted tlers beside the Jesuits. This idea was conspicuous among nomadic with illness. In an attempt to avoid the spread of disease, they decided peoples, such as the Innu, Algonquin and Attikamègue, as well as the at a council to have recourse to God, to pray to Him regularly and later Huron refugees to Quebec, all of whom eventually lived near to seek religious instruction from the priests. In 1643–44, a native the French settlements in the Saint Lawrence Valley. In the second woman in Sillery, who may have been a Christian or else in the process model, the priests’ power was interpreted negatively, as killing power. This perspective was common especially among remote peoples, such 52 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1633, in Relations 5: 233; and J. Lalemant’s Relation of 1647–48, in Relations 32: 297–99. 51 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1634, in Relations 7: 169; and Le Jeune’s Relation of 1637, 53 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1634, 1636 and 1637, in Relations 6: 117–27; 8: 247; & 11: in Relations 11: 203; & 12: 171. See also Axtell, op. cit., 111–12. 131–33; and J. Lalemant’s Relation of 1647, in Relations 31: 197–99. 192 chapter five of receiving instruction for baptism, had an extremely sore throat. She asked a missionary to cure her. In the Relation of 1645–46, a sick Algonquin man approached the Jesuits in Huronia. The priests helped him to pray to God for his cure. According to Father Ragueneau, this neophyte soon recovered his health. In the same report, on two occa- sions, another Algonquin neophyte declined conventional curative rit- uals and instead sought the help of the missionaries to pray to God for curing his sick child. Father Ragueneau proudly stated that the child recovered his health in both cases. Yet his deliberate reference to this model Christian also suggests that many other less pious neophytes tended to rely on both Amerindian healing rituals and Christian- sacraments.54 In the second quarter of the seventeenth century, this belief in the Christian God’s ability to heal was accepted by Amerindians in areas remote from the French outposts, and by the Huron people. To a large degree, Christianity functioned among the Huron people in the same positive way as among the nomadic peoples such as the Innu and Algonquin. The Hurons asked priests to baptise them when they were ill or dying. They also believed in the healing power of the mis- sionaries’ other sacraments and prayers. Baptism was requested as a substitute for native healing rituals.55 In a similar manner, the indigenous peoples expected that a safe pregnancy and birth could be ensured by the Jesuits. According to Father Lalemant, in the Relation of 1647, a Christian woman in danger of death from child bearing had recourse to the missionaries who visited the Island of Miskou, in the Gulf of Saint Lawrence. The lives of both the woman and her baby, baptised immediately at birth, were saved. In the Relation of 1647 also, a native catechumen and her unborn baby in Sillery were reported to have been saved by prayers to God when they were almost dying.56 Because the Jesuits could not really guaran- tee benefits through their prayers and actions, they received blame as well as gratitude for the results of events beyond their control.

54 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1638, in Relations 14: 263–65; Vimont’s Relation of 1643– 44, in Relations 26: 79–81; and Ragueneau’s Relation of the Hurons of 1645–46, in Relations 30: 115–17. 55 Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in Relations 10: 13; Le Mercier’s Rela- tion of the Hurons of 1637, in Relations 13: 85–87; and Joseph-Marie Chaumonot’s letter to the General Superior Mutio Vitelleschi, at Rome, from the country of the Hurons, 24 May 1640, in Relations 18: 23–27. 56 J. Lalemant’s Relations of 1647 and 1647–48, in Relations 32: 51–53; 277–79. 192 chapter five accepting and comprehending christianity 193 of receiving instruction for baptism, had an extremely sore throat. b. Negative Interpretations She asked a missionary to cure her. In the Relation of 1645–46, a sick Other people believed baptism of the dying, along with other sacra- Algonquin man approached the Jesuits in Huronia. The priests helped ments, as the acts of the Jesuits, to cause immediate death. This convic- him to pray to God for his cure. According to Father Ragueneau, this tion was based on the tendency of priests to baptise the dying without neophyte soon recovered his health. In the same report, on two occa- reservation. In the Relation of 1636, Father Le Jeune referred to an sions, another Algonquin neophyte declined conventional curative rit- Innu or Algonquin woman who asked the missionaries not to baptise uals and instead sought the help of the missionaries to pray to God for her sick husband, for she did not want to lose him immediately. In the curing his sick child. Father Ragueneau proudly stated that the child early 1640s, native non-Christian residents in Sillery firmly believed recovered his health in both cases. Yet his deliberate reference to this that baptism and prayer together would cause them to die. In 1647, a model Christian also suggests that many other less pious neophytes non-Christian patient in the hospital of Quebec rejected the sacrament tended to rely on both Amerindian healing rituals and Christian- of life that he imagined would cause his death.57 sacraments.54 This negative interpretation grew even stronger among the Huron In the second quarter of the seventeenth century, this belief in the people. In understanding the power to influence lives and health, the Christian God’s ability to heal was accepted by Amerindians in areas Hurons received more negative impressions than positive ones. They remote from the French outposts, and by the Huron people. To a suspected that killing power, rather than healing power, existed in any- large degree, Christianity functioned among the Huron people in the thing related to the missionaries, such as pictures of Jesus or the same positive way as among the nomadic peoples such as the Innu Mary, European kettles, European clocks, the priests’ books and their and Algonquin. The Hurons asked priests to baptise them when they tabernacles. One individual who maintained a traditional animistic were ill or dying. They also believed in the healing power of the mis- belief asked the priests whether they were creating the malady in the sionaries’ other sacraments and prayers. Baptism was requested as a missionaries’ house to spread disease. Some imagined that the Jesuits substitute for native healing rituals.55 were practising their sorcery by keeping their house entrance closed In a similar manner, the indigenous peoples expected that a safe when the priests were merely engaged in morning meditation.58 pregnancy and birth could be ensured by the Jesuits. According to There were outbreaks of epidemics that altered the native percep- Father Lalemant, in the Relation of 1647, a Christian woman in danger tion of the evangelists who propagated the belief in God. The resump- of death from child bearing had recourse to the missionaries who visited tion of the Huron mission in the mid-1630s coincided with repeated the Island of Miskou, in the Gulf of Saint Lawrence. The lives of both outbreaks of European-derived epidemics, to which the Amerindians the woman and her baby, baptised immediately at birth, were saved. were susceptible. Because baptism was mainly given to the diseased or In the Relation of 1647 also, a native catechumen and her unborn baby dying, not many survived baptism. Referring to both baptism and dis- in Sillery were reported to have been saved by prayers to God when ease within a single paragraph, Father Jérôme Lalemant wrote implic- they were almost dying.56 Because the Jesuits could not really guaran- itly to Superior General Mutius Vitelleschi that one thousand baptisms tee benefits through their prayers and actions, they received blame as accomplished by the priests among the Hurons in 1640 were closely well as gratitude for the results of events beyond their control. connected with the fatal damages by contagious diseases. In 1653, Father Francis-Joseph Bressani admitted retrospectively that, of the twelve thousand Huron people whom the Jesuits claimed to have bap- 54 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1638, in Relations 14: 263–65; Vimont’s Relation of 1643– tised in the mid-1630s, most of them did not survive diseases. Faced 44, in Relations 26: 79–81; and Ragueneau’s Relation of the Hurons of 1645–46, in Relations 30: 115–17. 55 Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in Relations 10: 13; Le Mercier’s Rela- tion of the Hurons of 1637, in Relations 13: 85–87; and Joseph-Marie Chaumonot’s 57 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1636, in Relations 9: 61; Vimont’s Relation of 1642–43, in letter to the General Superior Mutio Vitelleschi, at Rome, from the country of the Relations 24: 25–27; and J. Lalemant’s Relation of 1647, in Relations 31: 159. Hurons, 24 May 1640, in Relations 18: 23–27. 58 Le Mercier’s Relation of 1637 and 1638, in Relations 14: 103–105; & 15: 17–35; 56 J. Lalemant’s Relations of 1647 and 1647–48, in Relations 32: 51–53; 277–79. J. Lalemant’s Relation of 1640, in Relations 20: 31–33 & 37. 194 chapter five with the numerous deaths by illness, the Huron people instinctively believed the causes to rest in the Christian mission.59 Even though the Hurons were not the only Amerindian groups to suffer epidemics, there were four basic reasons for them to reach such a conclusion. First, the missionaries stayed all year round in the Huron country rather than making seasonal visits from Quebec, as they did to nomadic bands. Even the residents in the réductions closer to Quebec had the option of leaving behind the Europeans when the native people went off to winter hunting.60 Second, for the Hurons, the priests and their assistants were the only Europeans the indigenous villagers saw because of the distance from the French settlers in Quebec or Trois- Rivières. Thus, they thought that all the Europeans were shaman-like priests. Third, except for traders and seminarians, the Huron people had little opportunity to enjoy such medical and material assistance as might be expected at the French outposts and the native réductions. Fourth, the Hurons were unable to understand the evangelists’ inten- tion of travelling such long distances to live amongst them. Even more puzzling was the fact that the missionaries, unlike native shamans, claimed no material profit or advantage for themselves.61 In these cir- cumstances, the Hurons were prone to associate mortal epidemics and subsequent deaths with the missionaries. c. Factors behind the Belief in Healing Power To understand the Amerindian view of Christianity as a cause for healing and, at the same time, for killing, one should consider the indigenous beliefs about disease. Although the Jesuits left behind no detailed observation of Innu or Algonquin ideas of disease, Father Le Jeune, at least, recognised the Innu belief that the manitou would cause death and illness. According to Father Ragueneau, the Hurons recog- nised three kinds of disease. The first kind was common and curable with natural remedies. The second kind was caused by the materialistic

59 J. Lalemant to Mutius Vitelleschi, general superior, at Rome, from the country of the Hurons, 1 April 1640, in Campeau, Monumenta, 4: 467–70, esp. 468–69; and Francis-Joseph Bressani’s Relation of 1653, in Relations 39: 145. See also Father Le Mercier’s deliberate reference in 1637 to the first adult Huron baptised in health as well as to the recovery of those baptised in sickbed, in Relations 14: 77–79 & 109. 60 Vimont’s Relation of 1643–44, in Relations 25: 113. 61 Father Lalemant pointed to this last reason. See his Relation of the Hurons of 1639, in Relations 17: 125. 194 chapter five accepting and comprehending christianity 195 with the numerous deaths by illness, the Huron people instinctively yearning of the sick person’s soul, and could be cured by satisfying believed the causes to rest in the Christian mission.59 that yearning. The third kind was caused by witchcraft or a spell that Even though the Hurons were not the only Amerindian groups to some shaman, or ‘sorcier’, cast on a person. It could only be cured by suffer epidemics, there were four basic reasons for them to reach such exorcising the spell from the patient’s body. It was the Innu’s belief in a conclusion. First, the missionaries stayed all year round in the Huron illness caused by manitou, as well as the Hurons’ belief in spells caus- country rather than making seasonal visits from Quebec, as they did to ing illness, that helped the native people to believe in both the healing nomadic bands. Even the residents in the réductions closer to Quebec and killing power of Christianity.62 had the option of leaving behind the Europeans when the native people The nomadic peoples, to begin with, interpreted God’s power to went off to winter hunting.60 Second, for the Hurons, the priests and control epidemics and deaths from their traditional shamanistic per- their assistants were the only Europeans the indigenous villagers saw spectives. The people feared powerful shamans whom they believed to because of the distance from the French settlers in Quebec or Trois- kill people by charms or imprecations made to the manitou. The tra- Rivières. Thus, they thought that all the Europeans were shaman-like ditional idea that the manitou had power to control illness helped the priests. Third, except for traders and seminarians, the Huron people nomadic peoples near the French settlements to suspect that God, or had little opportunity to enjoy such medical and material assistance as the Christian ‘manitou’, had the same power. Also, their identification might be expected at the French outposts and the native réductions. of the Jesuits with shamans enhanced the idea that the priests could Fourth, the Hurons were unable to understand the evangelists’ inten- save the sick as did native healing shamans who were traditionally tion of travelling such long distances to live amongst them. Even more believed to communicate with manitou. When the puzzling was the fact that the missionaries, unlike native shamans, in Trois-Rivières accused the missionaries of causing serious illness by claimed no material profit or advantage for themselves.61 In these cir- witchcraft in 1638–39, they began to rely on Christian sacraments and cumstances, the Hurons were prone to associate mortal epidemics and to ask for the Eucharist to save them. This was because native shamans subsequent deaths with the missionaries. claimed that their communication with the manitou was unable to cure their patients infected with strong European diseases. It was also c. Factors behind the Belief in Healing Power because the people attributed illness to the priests rather than to their traditional shamanism. Once the indigenous people regarded God as To understand the Amerindian view of Christianity as a cause for the Christian manitou that caused disease and death, they thought that healing and, at the same time, for killing, one should consider the only God, as well as the priests’ manitou, could control their lives.63 indigenous beliefs about disease. Although the Jesuits left behind no The Huron people, too, had their own notions of disease and death, detailed observation of Innu or Algonquin ideas of disease, Father Le which were applicable to the understanding of God as the arbiter of Jeune, at least, recognised the Innu belief that the manitou would cause life. Two kinds of shamans were in charge of healing. One kind, called death and illness. According to Father Ragueneau, the Hurons recog- ‘ocata’ or ‘saokata’, diagnosed the nature of a disease. The other was an nised three kinds of disease. The first kind was common and curable apothecary called ‘ontetsans’ or ‘aretsans’, who treated illnesses. From with natural remedies. The second kind was caused by the materialistic another standpoint, healing shamans were called ‘arendiwane’, mean- ing one whose supernatural power is great, and ‘oki’, metaphorically

59 J. Lalemant to Mutius Vitelleschi, general superior, at Rome, from the country of the Hurons, 1 April 1640, in Campeau, Monumenta, 4: 467–70, esp. 468–69; and 62 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1634 & 1636, in Relations 7: 181; & 9: 81, 209–11; and Francis-Joseph Bressani’s Relation of 1653, in Relations 39: 145. See also Father Le Ragueneau’s Relation of the Hurons of 1647–48, in Relations 33: 199. Mercier’s deliberate reference in 1637 to the first adult Huron baptised in health as 63 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1633, 1636, 1637 and 1639, in Relations 5: 233–39; well as to the recovery of those baptised in sickbed, in Relations 14: 77–79 & 109. 8: 271–73; 9: 75–77; 12: 7–9; & 16: 53–55. The idea of a powerful God may have 60 Vimont’s Relation of 1643–44, in Relations 25: 113. been enhanced by the fact that the French settlers did not fall sick as easily as the 61 Father Lalemant pointed to this last reason. See his Relation of the Hurons of Amerindians and the French patients recovered early. See also Le Jeune’s Relation of 1639, in Relations 17: 125. 1636, in Relations 9: 139–41. 196 chapter five the same as the powerful spirits in which the Huron people believed. This type of shaman was believed to communicate with the power- ful spirit that would either enter his body or appear to him in his dreams and visions. There was a belief that some dangerous shamans, called ‘oki ontatechiata’, could kill people by spells. In Ossossané, for example, the Jesuits were invited to the preparation for a healing ritual in 1638–39.64 In this indigenous conceptual framework, the Hurons understood God as the Christian oki and the Jesuits as shamans who could cure and kill with the help of oki. For those Amerindians whose first motive for baptism was to survive illness, however, requesting healing from God through the priests meant that it was specifically for curative purposes and for nothing else. Father Le Jeune admitted that, even though the Innu and Algonquin people sought curative help from the missionaries, those who recovered their health ceased to follow other religious advice provided by the evange- lists. This was also the case with the Hurons. Father Lalemant criticised the fact that most ailing villagers in the country sought baptism only for survival and, on their recovery from illness, ceased to obey the Jesuits.65 The missionaries were just as responsible as the Amerindians for creating a link between their faith and death or recovery in an indigenous way. First of all, as the Iberian missionaries had done to Japanese Buddhist and Shintô priests, the priests attempted to criti- cise native shamans and increase their own reputation as powerful shamans. They used their scientific knowledge and Christian prayers, mentioned above, at every opportunity to impress people. In 1637, Father Le Jeune noted that he and his brethren were considered to be ‘Manitousisiouekhi’, which meant those who were superior to men because of their acquaintance with manitou. By the early 1640s, Father Brébeuf’s reputation as a powerful shaman was widespread, even beyond Huronia, among the neighbouring Atiwandaronk, or the Neutral people.66 It was also the missionaries who presented the idea of accepting Christianity as the method to prevent the outbreak of disease. Accord- ing to Father Le Mercier in the Relation of 1637, Father Brébeuf was

64 J. Lalemant’s Relation of 1639, in Relations 17: 165–75 & 211–13; Ragueneau’s Relation of 1648, in Relations 33: 193 & 219–21. For the meaning of arendiwane, see Tooker, op. cit., 91 & note 76. 65 Le Leune’s Relation of 1637, in Relations 11: 149–83; and J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1642 and 1644–45, in Relations 23: 117–19; 28: 39–41 & 77. 66 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1637, in Relations 11: 257–59; and J. Lalemant’s Relation of 1640–41, in Relations 21: 207–09. 196 chapter five accepting and comprehending christianity 197 the same as the powerful spirits in which the Huron people believed. invited to a council of Ossossané, which asked him for help in pre- This type of shaman was believed to communicate with the power- venting disease. Of the several conditions for help he proposed to the ful spirit that would either enter his body or appear to him in his council, the first and most important was to believe in God and keep dreams and visions. There was a belief that some dangerous shamans, His commandments.67 called ‘oki ontatechiata’, could kill people by spells. In Ossossané, for Furthermore, the healing sacraments by the priests and their occa- example, the Jesuits were invited to the preparation for a healing ritual sional ineffectiveness increased imaginary association with killing cer- in 1638–39.64 In this indigenous conceptual framework, the Hurons emonies. Healing was accompanied by a crucifix and sacred water. The understood God as the Christian oki and the Jesuits as shamans who great majority of people who received baptism or other rituals were could cure and kill with the help of oki. those, including children, who were extremely ill, especially in Huronia For those Amerindians whose first motive for baptism was to survive and surrounding regions. The patients were infected with unfamiliar illness, however, requesting healing from God through the priests meant European diseases and thus needed medical care or at least nursing. that it was specifically for curative purposes and for nothing else. Father The Christian healing sacraments never stopped the epidemics even in Le Jeune admitted that, even though the Innu and Algonquin people Ihonatiria, a village where the missionaries founded the first mission- sought curative help from the missionaries, those who recovered their ary station in Huronia. One should remember that, because this village health ceased to follow other religious advice provided by the evange- later disappeared, after the steep decline of population, the priests had lists. This was also the case with the Hurons. Father Lalemant criticised to relocate their station to another village of Ossossané.68 the fact that most ailing villagers in the country sought baptism only for survival and, on their recovery from illness, ceased to obey the Jesuits.65 4. Benefits through Religious Objects The missionaries were just as responsible as the Amerindians The native converts treasured religious objects used for Christian sac- for creating a link between their faith and death or recovery in an raments, just as the Japanese neophytes and the Europeans had done. indigenous way. First of all, as the Iberian missionaries had done to Such items included medals, rosaries, crucifixes, sacred relics and holy Japanese Buddhist and Shintô priests, the priests attempted to criti- water. According to Father Le Jeune as early as 1638, sacred water cise native shamans and increase their own reputation as powerful grew in repute as a curative means among the Amerindians in Sillery. shamans. They used their scientific knowledge and Christian prayers, Crucifixes and rosaries also became treasured items among the Chris- mentioned above, at every opportunity to impress people. In 1637, tians in this réduction by the early 1640s. Also in 1647, a Christian Father Le Jeune noted that he and his brethren were considered to be headman in this settlement held a crucifix and a rosary with a medal in ‘Manitousisiouekhi’, which meant those who were superior to men order to harangue his people for combat. This chief may have intended because of their acquaintance with manitou. By the early 1640s, to raise morale or to achieve a victory through these items, or both. In Father Brébeuf’s reputation as a powerful shaman was widespread, 1639, Father Le Jeune described an Algonquin man who hung a rosary even beyond Huronia, among the neighbouring Atiwandaronk, or the around his ill child’s neck for God’s healing. Attikamègue women also Neutral people.66 hung a rosary around their little children’s necks for God’s protection It was also the missionaries who presented the idea of accepting in 1647–48. Father Lalemant wrote from Quebec in the Relation of Christianity as the method to prevent the outbreak of disease. Accord- 1646 that indigenous Christians, who stayed somewhere near Quebec ing to Father Le Mercier in the Relation of 1637, Father Brébeuf was

64 J. Lalemant’s Relation of 1639, in Relations 17: 165–75 & 211–13; Ragueneau’s Relation of 1648, in Relations 33: 193 & 219–21. For the meaning of arendiwane, see 67 Le Mercier’s Relation of 1637, in Relations 13: 169–71. Tooker, op. cit., 91 & note 76. 68 Le Mercier’s Relation of the Hurons of 1637, in Relations 13: 165; and Lalemant’s 65 Le Leune’s Relation of 1637, in Relations 11: 149–83; and J. Lalemant’s Relation Relations of the Hurons of 1640 and 1640–41, in Relations 19: 129–31; & 21: 233; and of the Hurons of 1642 and 1644–45, in Relations 23: 117–19; 28: 39–41 & 77. Joseph-Marie Chaumonot’s letter to Philippe Nappi, Supérior de la Maison Profess, at 66 Le Jeune’s Relation of 1637, in Relations 11: 257–59; and J. Lalemant’s Relation Rome, from the Huron country, 26 May 1640, in Relations 18: 25–27. of 1640–41, in Relations 21: 207–09. 198 chapter five or Trois-Rivières, wore religious tools imported from France for heal- ing illness and the safe delivery of babies.69 The Amerindians were already culturally predisposed to accepting Christian rewards from the use of amulets. In effect, these native peo- ples had already kept charms for worldly benefits. In 1635–36, Father Le Jeune learnt that the native Innu or Algonquin people around the French settlements, albeit not all, carried some article prescribed by the manitou for health and longevity. In 1642, an indigenous resident of Sillery kept a special stone that he believed would bring, with the help of the manitou, good fortune or success in hunting and warfare. That was the kind of stone, like a gallstone, that was found in internal organs, like a heart or a throat, of such game as elks or moose.70 The Jesuits discoursed Huron amulets in great detail. According to Fathers François du Péron and Jérôme Lalemant, all or nearly all the Huron people had amulets that were believed to bring them desired success or benefits. Father Ragueneau noted that the charms were stones or snakes. The people believed that they would be lucky with the amulets during hunting, fishing, trading and gambling. They believed especially in the effect of ‘onniont’, a kind of serpent in the shape of an armoured fish that was bartered at a high price from the Algonquin. In 1639, Father Lalemant referred to the deep attachment to amulets even among those who were baptised.71 Yet it was the missionaries who introduced to the Amerindians the physical tokens of the Christian faith as effective amulets. The mis- sionaries let their patients drink the holy water or poured it over the afflicted parts of their bodies in the hope of healing them. In Huronia, the missionaries hung a crucifix before the entrance of their dwell- ing and another on top of it so that God might preserve them from any malady. In 1636, the missionaries applied a ‘Relic of Our Blessed Father St. Ignatius’ to a Huron woman for the safe delivery of her baby. In 1637, Father Brébeuf explained to his Huron host that holy

69 Le Jeune’s Relations of 1638 and 1639, in Relations 14: 223; & 16: 47; Vimont’s Relations of 1642–43 and 1643–44, in Relations 24: 91–93; & 25: 187–89; and J. Lale- mant’s Relations of 1645–46, 1647 and 1647–48, in Relations 29: 197–99; 31: 173– 75; & 32: 287. 70 Le Jeune’s Relations of 1636 and 1637, in Relations 9: 119–21; & 12: 13–15; and Vimont’s Relation of 1642, in Relations 22: 95. 71 François du Péron’s letter to Joseph-Imbert du Péron, from Ossossané, 27 April 1639, in Relations 15: 181; J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1639, in Rela- tions 17: 211; and Ragueneau’s Relation of the Hurons of 1647–48, in Relations 33: 211–15. 198 chapter five accepting and comprehending christianity 199 or Trois-Rivières, wore religious tools imported from France for heal- water served to drive away the devils. In Tadoussac in 1642–43, Father ing illness and the safe delivery of babies.69 Jean de Quen told a non-Christian Innu to discard his native amulets, The Amerindians were already culturally predisposed to accepting including his special pouch containing a traditional charm, that he was Christian rewards from the use of amulets. In effect, these native peo- using to try to save his stricken son. The priest instead suspended a ples had already kept charms for worldly benefits. In 1635–36, Father crucifix above the head of the child for its healing effect.72 Yet, consid- Le Jeune learnt that the native Innu or Algonquin people around the ering this last incident along with the amulets found in Sillery and the French settlements, albeit not all, carried some article prescribed by Huron converts’ retention of traditional charms, the Christian amulets the manitou for health and longevity. In 1642, an indigenous resident do not seem to have fully replaced the native ones. of Sillery kept a special stone that he believed would bring, with the help of the manitou, good fortune or success in hunting and warfare. D. Conclusion That was the kind of stone, like a gallstone, that was found in internal organs, like a heart or a throat, of such game as elks or moose.70 In order to to understand how former non-Christians accepted and The Jesuits discoursed Huron amulets in great detail. According practised Christianity, one should not focus on the individuals’ depth to Fathers François du Péron and Jérôme Lalemant, all or nearly of belief or on the resemblance to the European Christian belief. It is all the Huron people had amulets that were believed to bring them more important to study how the people used their limited compre- desired success or benefits. Father Ragueneau noted that the charms hension based on their conventional non-Christian concepts to digest were stones or snakes. The people believed that they would be lucky what the foreign missionaries preached as Christianity. This religious with the amulets during hunting, fishing, trading and gambling. They practice should be treated collectively rather than individually. For believed especially in the effect of ‘onniont’, a kind of serpent in the this, the case study of Japan provides a typical example of how non- shape of an armoured fish that was bartered at a high price from the Christians accepted Christian belief and practice, and this case study Algonquin. In 1639, Father Lalemant referred to the deep attachment can be applied to the Amerindian conversion to Christianity. to amulets even among those who were baptised.71 For a people without a Euro-Christian cultural background, Jesuit Yet it was the missionaries who introduced to the Amerindians the preaching and Christianity were understood within the context of their physical tokens of the Christian faith as effective amulets. The mis- own traditional non-Christian culture. This was certainly the case with sionaries let their patients drink the holy water or poured it over the both the Japanese and the Amerindians. What Christianity meant to afflicted parts of their bodies in the hope of healing them. In Huronia, these peoples was exactly what the missionaries presented to them, not the missionaries hung a crucifix before the entrance of their dwell- only in Christian instruction but also in evangelistic activity. Beyond ing and another on top of it so that God might preserve them from a purely religious framework, the missionary work in Japan and New any malady. In 1636, the missionaries applied a ‘Relic of Our Blessed France helped converts to replace existing social ties, to imagine access Father St. Ignatius’ to a Huron woman for the safe delivery of her to worldly benefits, to seek healing from the faith and even to imagine baby. In 1637, Father Brébeuf explained to his Huron host that holy spiritual power in Christian items. That was not a simplistic process of replacing non-European religions with Christianity in such a way as Cushner proposes.73 69 Le Jeune’s Relations of 1638 and 1639, in Relations 14: 223; & 16: 47; Vimont’s Relations of 1642–43 and 1643–44, in Relations 24: 91–93; & 25: 187–89; and J. Lale- mant’s Relations of 1645–46, 1647 and 1647–48, in Relations 29: 197–99; 31: 173– 75; & 32: 287. 70 Le Jeune’s Relations of 1636 and 1637, in Relations 9: 119–21; & 12: 13–15; and Vimont’s Relation of 1642, in Relations 22: 95. 72 Brébeuf’s Relation of the Hurons of 1636, in Relations 10: 73; Le Mercier’s Rela- 71 François du Péron’s letter to Joseph-Imbert du Péron, from Ossossané, 27 April tion of 1637, in Relations 13: 233; & 14: 37–39; Vimont’s Relation of 1642–43, in 1639, in Relations 15: 181; J. Lalemant’s Relation of the Hurons of 1639, in Rela- Relations 24: 21–23 & 133–35; and J. Lalemant’s Relation of 1647, in Relations 31: tions 17: 211; and Ragueneau’s Relation of the Hurons of 1647–48, in Relations 33: 197–99. 211–15. 73 Cf. Cushner, op. cit., 3–4 & 198. 200 chapter five

As was the case with the Iberian predecessors, the French missionar- ies took full advantage of the native concepts that were useful for their evangelisation. This attitude in the missionary approach was the primary determinant for creating the Christian faith among the Japanese and the Amerindians. As with the Japanese, the indigenous people in New France developed what they imagined to be the Jesuit version of Christianity, both under the direction of priests and in their own native terms. Subsequently in New France, Christianity united the native people socially, enabled them to gain access to social services and worldly benefits, and raised expectations of healing by means of Christian amulets. Yet these spiritual elements were not the indigenous people’s conscious adaptation of the Christian messages.74 They were more likely to have been the natural responses to the Jesuit preaching in native terms that inevitably used analogies to Amerindian cultural aspects. The evangelistic efforts invoked associations between Chris- tianity and worldly shamanistic benefits. The preaching method that the missionaries adopted for explaining Christianity in a way compre- hensible to indigenous people was the most instrumental in creating an indigenous version of Christianity. Thus, in both Japan and New France, there was a vast gulf between the Jesuits’ appraisal of non-European converts and the non- Europeans’ practice of Christianity. From the Jesuit point of view which can be seen in Jesuit propaganda contained in their correspondence, their success in transforming non-Christian people into pious Christians was never in doubt. Conversely, from the Japanese or Amerindian point of view, which can be read between the lines of the priests’ observations of non-European culture, there was a strong association with non-Christian spiritual customs—including Buddhism, Shintô, and shamanism—in applying Christian ideas and in understanding the behaviour of the priests. This native perspective really meant that Christianity was only accepted and understood in terms of the deep- rooted customs and beliefs of both the Japanese and Amerindians.

74 Cf. Blackburn, op. cit., 105–139. 200 chapter five

As was the case with the Iberian predecessors, the French missionar- ies took full advantage of the native concepts that were useful for their evangelisation. This attitude in the missionary approach was the primary CONCLUSION: determinant for creating the Christian faith among the Japanese and the THE FRENCH JESUIT MISSION REVISITED Amerindians. As with the Japanese, the indigenous people in New France developed what they imagined to be the Jesuit version of Christianity, The aim of this study has been to seek afresh interpretation of the Jesuit both under the direction of priests and in their own native terms. mission to New France in the light of the earlier Iberian experience in Subsequently in New France, Christianity united the native people Japan. The existing historical paradigms of the French Jesuit mission socially, enabled them to gain access to social services and worldly to the Amerindians have been examined from a broader global stand- benefits, and raised expectations of healing by means of Christian point well beyond North America. The time period encompasses one amulets. Yet these spiritual elements were not the indigenous people’s entire century, from the mid-sixteenth to the mid-seventeenth century. conscious adaptation of the Christian messages.74 They were more The worldwide Jesuit mission has been analysed as a series of inci- likely to have been the natural responses to the Jesuit preaching in dents that unfolded internationally, beginning with the early mission by native terms that inevitably used analogies to Amerindian cultural Father Francisco de Xavier in Japan, long before the establishment of the aspects. The evangelistic efforts invoked associations between Chris- seventeenth-century French mission. The Christian mission in Japan tianity and worldly shamanistic benefits. The preaching method that provides a useful approach for revising the currently accepted historical the missionaries adopted for explaining Christianity in a way compre- interpretations of events in New France. hensible to indigenous people was the most instrumental in creating Under this new paradigm, this study has set forth several keys that an indigenous version of Christianity. lead to a cautious revisionist interpretation of the religious history of Thus, in both Japan and New France, there was a vast gulf between the French colony of North America. First, the missionaries began their the Jesuits’ appraisal of non-European converts and the non- Europeans’ activity by drawing on the experience of their predecessors in Japan. Sec- practice of Christianity. From the Jesuit point of view which can be ond, there are certain patterns in the biases in the missionary accounts. seen in Jesuit propaganda contained in their correspondence, their Thus, the biases can be identified, and can be used to analyse the missions success in transforming non-Christian people into pious Christians when reading the documents. Third, there was methodological continu- was never in doubt. Conversely, from the Japanese or Amerindian ity, rather than institutional differences, between the Franciscans and the point of view, which can be read between the lines of the priests’ Jesuits in their missionary policies. Fourth, in the multifaceted strate- observations of non-European culture, there was a strong association gies that the missionaries developed internationally, the Jesuit approach with non-Christian spiritual customs—including Buddhism, Shintô, should not be described as a single line that ran from evangelising chil- and shamanism—in applying Christian ideas and in understanding dren to converting adults. Fifth, the Amerindian réductions were not the behaviour of the priests. This native perspective really meant that simply based on the reducciónes in Paraguay. One can find a prototype Christianity was only accepted and understood in terms of the deep- for the réductions both directly and indirectly in the Japanese Christian rooted customs and beliefs of both the Japanese and Amerindians. communities. Sixth, the Amerindian notion and practice of Christian- ity was beyond the priests’ accounts of exemplary Christians, and thus should be discussed in terms of cultural interaction rather than in terms of religious or colonial conquest. Because of these keys, a case has been established for the revision of these aspects of the historiography of New France. The Introduction, to begin with, has explained why an international perspective is necessary to understand the mission in New France. There 74 Cf. Blackburn, op. cit., 105–139. was a connection between the missions in Japan and in those New

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France. There was a global web of missionary correspondence centred in Europe. In France and other countries, the reports from Japan were translated and published in numerous languages such as French, Latin and Italian, all of which the French missionaries were able to read.1 This is why the Jesuit reporters in the Jesuit narrators were familiar with the Iberian mission in Japan. The review of literature on the Jesuit missions in the first chapter has shown the necessity for including the Iberian missions of the sixteenth century in any study of the Jesuits in the Americas. In the histori- ographies of both New France and Japan, there have been numerous contributions to the understanding of the Christian missions. Granted, each area of study developed independently of the other, but the French priests were never ignorant of Father Xavier and other Iberian predeces- sors. Father Xavier was a saint and a model for them. Through the classification of missionary approaches, the next three chapters, two to four, have revealed epistemological problems in the historical understanding of the French Jesuit mission. These problems lie in the inherent biases of the Jesuit documents, in the evolution of multifaceted evangelistic strategies and in the creation of native Chris- tian communities. In these three aspects, this study has found room for revisionist proposals. The second chapter has identified the biases that ruled themis- sionary accounts. The clue to this identification has been analysing how the frequently repeated themes appeared in the missionary cor- respondence. These biases cannot be clearly identified solely through the speculative reading of the Jesuit accounts about New France. To overcome this limitation, the contrast between the written interpreta- tions by the Iberian Jesuits of Japanese culture and actual Japanese cul- ture has been used as a tool for identification of their biases. The biases that ruled the cross-cultural understanding of Japan were not peculiar to the Iberian Jesuits. The French missionaries failed to recognise that they might be making an equally mistaken analysis that their Iberian predecessors had made in their reports. This study has recognised two basic characteristics of missionary biases. The first characteristic is that there were two types. Onewas

1 One should realise that not all of the Jesuits in New France were French. Father Francis Joseph Bressani, for example, was an Italian who served for the French mission. 202 conclusion the french jesuit mission revisited 203

France. There was a global web of missionary correspondence centred thematic bias while the other was interpretive. The identification of in Europe. In France and other countries, the reports from Japan were these two biases has shed light on the French priests’ observations of translated and published in numerous languages such as French, Latin indigenous North American cultures. The second characteristic is that and Italian, all of which the French missionaries were able to read.1 This the interests of the Jesuit order, rather than the priests’ own personal is why the Jesuit reporters in the Jesuit narrators were familiar with the initiatives, dominated the thematic and interpretive descriptions of a Iberian mission in Japan. non-Christian culture. The changing situations at each developmental The review of literature on the Jesuit missions in the first chapter has stage of evangelistic activity generally determined the Jesuit interpreta- shown the necessity for including the Iberian missions of the sixteenth tions of a non-Christian culture. century in any study of the Jesuits in the Americas. In the histori- This substantial identification of European biases has exposed the ographies of both New France and Japan, there have been numerous interconnection between the biased cultural observations by the Iberian contributions to the understanding of the Christian missions. Granted, priests and those by the French priests. What is to be noted is that each area of study developed independently of the other, but the French Euro-Christian readers of the missionary accounts were unable to priests were never ignorant of Father Xavier and other Iberian predeces- recognise the Iberian misunderstandings of Japan and its people, sors. Father Xavier was a saint and a model for them. since the written accounts were strictly determined by Euro-Christian Through the classification of missionary approaches, the next three biases. In the rhetoric of the missionary reports, the French reporters chapters, two to four, have revealed epistemological problems in the made epistemological mistakes similar to those made by their Iberian historical understanding of the French Jesuit mission. These problems predecessors. lie in the inherent biases of the Jesuit documents, in the evolution of Furthermore, the analysis of the Iberian experience in Japan from a multifaceted evangelistic strategies and in the creation of native Chris- Japanese perspective has helped to confirm that the French missionar- tian communities. In these three aspects, this study has found room ies depended on their own cultural framework to understand Amerin- for revisionist proposals. dian customs. Fully convinced that the native beliefs were superstitions The second chapter has identified the biases that ruled themis- rather than a religion, they nevertheless resorted to Euro-Christian sionary accounts. The clue to this identification has been analysing religious concepts for their interpretation of these indigenous beliefs. how the frequently repeated themes appeared in the missionary cor- When the Jesuits could not understand any particular Amerindian respondence. These biases cannot be clearly identified solely through spiritual custom, they were forced to explain it by resorting to their the speculative reading of the Jesuit accounts about New France. To own version of diabolism. overcome this limitation, the contrast between the written interpreta- The second chapter has also proposed another rhetorical limitation tions by the Iberian Jesuits of Japanese culture and actual Japanese cul- in these evangelistic reports. The reporters had to adjust their written ture has been used as a tool for identification of their biases. The biases expressions to suit the European readers’ limited cultural and linguis- that ruled the cross-cultural understanding of Japan were not peculiar tic understanding. In other words, when they wrote about their experi- to the Iberian Jesuits. The French missionaries failed to recognise that ences abroad, they had to decide what to mention and how to describe they might be making an equally mistaken analysis that their Iberian it. They interpreted their experiences much better in their own minds predecessors had made in their reports. than in their written accounts, which of course were designed to be This study has recognised two basic characteristics of missionary understood by French readers in Europe. biases. The first characteristic is that there were two types. Onewas The identification of biases and rhetorical restrictions has revealed the pattern of the French Jesuit observations. The Jesuits described the visible aspects of native culture in their own pragmatic way. In their interpretations of non-Christian peoples, they are more restricted and 1 One should realise that not all of the Jesuits in New France were French. Father Francis Joseph Bressani, for example, was an Italian who served for the French distorted not only by wilful descriptive manipulation but also by the mission. limitations of cultural differences. Their written accounts present the 204 conclusion image that the missionaries expected their readers to hold about native people and their culture. Among other things, The Jesuit Relations served as tools to justify their choice of potential converts. It is this political pragmatism that explains why the Jesuit accounts of New France are full of negotiations with influential native leaders. It was this pragmatism that drove the Jesuits to search for those with power and authority. These political elements were important to help them to figure out whom to approach first as a potential patron. Their analysis of the Amerindian social structure was directed towards the same strategic ends of locating the centres of power to be used for their own purposes. The third chapter has explored the evolution of multifaceted strat- egies in order to look for a better interpretation of two established schools of thought about the New France mission. This chapter began by considering how Father Xavier devised an approach to the Japanese in the mid-sixteenth century. The chapter also illustrated how the Jesuit successors developed his evangelistic methods from that time until the mid-seventeenth century. Thus, the Jesuits in New France did not have to develop their own evangelistic approach from scratch. Instead, they built upon what they read in reports from Japan, and they could thereby improve their strategies for preaching and winning converts as well as for educating the native peoples. Interpreting how the missionary strategies evolved over time has proposed more appropriate interpretations for two important issues. The first issue is that, in Canadian historiography, the Franciscan missionaries have been labelled cultural absolutists, and, on the other hand, the Jesuit missionaries are called cultural relativists. In Japan, however, the Franciscan policy was no different from the Jesuit policy, as far as the introduction of Euro-Christian culture is concerned. The strategies of these two religious orders in Japan have yielded another possibility for interpretation. When this flow of information from Japan to New France via Europe is taken into account, it is clear that one should adjust simplistic labels like cultural absolutism and cultural relativism, which have formed part of the Canadian interpretation. Most methodological differences in the mission of New France were not caused by the institutional difference between the two religious orders. The difference was to be found elsewhere, between the pioneer missionaries and those who came later to the Saint Lawrence Valley and Great Lakes regions. Any detectable difference was the result of con- tinual evolution of evangelistic strategies throughout the first half of the 204 conclusion the french jesuit mission revisited 205 image that the missionaries expected their readers to hold about native seventeenth century. The priests adjusted their missionary methods in people and their culture. Among other things, The Jesuit Relations accordance to the ever-changing cultural environment around them. served as tools to justify their choice of potential converts. This adjustment caused the evolution of missionary policies over time. It is this political pragmatism that explains why the Jesuit accounts The second issue is whether the missionaries gave priority to adults of New France are full of negotiations with influential native leaders. or the young using one single method to convert the Amerindians, as It was this pragmatism that drove the Jesuits to search for those with has been claimed repeatedly in the Canadian historiography. Method- power and authority. These political elements were important to help ological similarities between the Iberian and French missions have dem- them to figure out whom to approach first as a potential patron. Their onstrated that the Jesuits, since the earliest years in Japan, had already analysis of the Amerindian social structure was directed towards the evolved multifaceted strategies internationally when the French Jesuits same strategic ends of locating the centres of power to be used for their began their work in North America. Converting the general adult own purposes. population and educating children were two independent activities, The third chapter has explored the evolution of multifaceted strat- and each had its own motive. The former was essential for creating a egies in order to look for a better interpretation of two established Christian community, while the latter was fundamentally based on the schools of thought about the New France mission. This chapter began educational mandate of the Jesuit order. The Jesuit approach was not a by considering how Father Xavier devised an approach to the Japanese shift from converting children to evangelising adults. in the mid-sixteenth century. The chapter also illustrated how the A more nuanced interpretation for this issue of conversion and educa- Jesuit successors developed his evangelistic methods from that time tion is that the Jesuit missionaries worked with a variety of approaches, until the mid-seventeenth century. Thus, the Jesuits in New France with an emphasis on two basic lines. One was political diplomacy, and did not have to develop their own evangelistic approach from scratch. the other was philanthropy. The missionaries were diplomatically careful Instead, they built upon what they read in reports from Japan, and about whom to approach for their best evangelistic foundation. Philan- they could thereby improve their strategies for preaching and winning thropy served as a tool for attracting a wide range of the population. converts as well as for educating the native peoples. Missionary education may be a third independent line of approach if it is Interpreting how the missionary strategies evolved over time has regarded as part of the Jesuit principle of missionary activity. One should proposed more appropriate interpretations for two important issues. distinguish these plural lines of methodological evolution in the missions The first issue is that, in Canadian historiography, the Franciscan in order to understand the international evolution of the multifaceted missionaries have been labelled cultural absolutists, and, on the other methods beyond New France. hand, the Jesuit missionaries are called cultural relativists. In Japan, Next, in a global perspective beyond New France, the fourth chapter however, the Franciscan policy was no different from the Jesuit policy, has reconsidered the popular idea that colonial French réductions were as far as the introduction of Euro-Christian culture is concerned. The modelled on the Paraguayan reducciónes. The first step in this reconsid- strategies of these two religious orders in Japan have yielded another eration has been to confirm that there was no definitive explanation of possibility for interpretation. When this flow of information from the origin of the Paraguayan scheme for creating Christian communi- Japan to New France via Europe is taken into account, it is clear that ties. The second step has been to find references to Japan as thegoal one should adjust simplistic labels like cultural absolutism and cultural of the mission in the Jesuit documents on Paraguay, as well as finding relativism, which have formed part of the Canadian interpretation. the Japanese legacies in the names of reducciónes. In a third step, based Most methodological differences in the mission of New France were on these first two steps, methodological interconnection has been estab- not caused by the institutional difference between the two religious lished between Japanese Christian villages in Hizen and the Paraguayan orders. The difference was to be found elsewhere, between the pioneer Christian communities. In a final step, a similar interconnection between missionaries and those who came later to the Saint Lawrence Valley and the réductions and the reducciónes has been examined. These four stages Great Lakes regions. Any detectable difference was the result of con- of analysis have proposed the need to revise repeatedly-stated opinions tinual evolution of evangelistic strategies throughout the first half of the about Amerindian Christian communities. 206 conclusion

From several examples of comparisons, it is true that the Laurentian réductions emulated aspects of the Paraguayan reducciónes. The Jesuits established some degree of political autonomy in the réductions. They were at least partly successful in settling the Innu and Algonquin peoples in réductions. The missionaries gained control of native com- munity administration. They shared the same policies with their pred- ecessors in Paraguay both in their philanthropic spirit for invalids and in their indifference to the prevention of epidemics. Nevertheless, all these approaches have turned out to have been emulations of the Iberian mission in Japan. The fourth chapter has also shown that the réductions resembled more closely the Japanese Christian communities in several other ways. The segregation of réductions was just as incomplete as that of the Christian villages in Hizen. The missionaries both in Japan and in New France tolerated traditional clothing and made little effort to replace it with European-style garments. Both missionary groups were tolerant of indigenous dwellings for converts. More significantly the French Jesuits revived the office of dogiques from the Iberian experi- ments of Japanese dôjuku, a term never used in Paraguay. Thus, the widely-held scholarly opinion concerning the prototypes for the réductions needs to be reconsidered with regard to the follow- ing two aspects. One is that the Jesuits in Paraguay did not create the idea for the reducciónes without precedent. These reducciónes were instead based on models of the Jesuit experiments in Asia, especially in Japan. Likewise, the prototype for réductions in New France has been discovered beyond Paraguay. Another aspect is that the réduc- tions did not completely emulate the Paraguayan models. This study has shown that the design of colonial French réductions originated not only in a Paraguayan model but also directly in the Japanese Christian communities. This international connection has turned out to be more complex. It is to the creation of Japanese Christian villages that most of the fundamental characteristics of the Laurentian réduction scheme can be traced, either directly or indirectly. The distinctive features of those réduction approaches that were obviously alien to the Paraguayan experiment, were not original to the French Jesuits. Rather, they are much more likely to have been the approaches emulated and devel- oped directly from the successful endeavours to establish Christian villages in Japan. 206 conclusion the french jesuit mission revisited 207

From several examples of comparisons, it is true that the Laurentian Based on the above consideration of evangelistic methods, the fifth réductions emulated aspects of the Paraguayan reducciónes. The Jesuits chapter has altered the angle of perspective from one-sided missionary established some degree of political autonomy in the réductions. They attempts to an interaction between priests and indigenous people. The were at least partly successful in settling the Innu and Algonquin discussion in this chapter begins by pointing to the epistemological peoples in réductions. The missionaries gained control of native com- limits of existing general approaches to the non-European practice of munity administration. They shared the same policies with their pred- Christianity. The conventional focus on the degree of conversion to ecessors in Paraguay both in their philanthropic spirit for invalids authentic Christianity prevented the recognition of the priests’ major and in their indifference to the prevention of epidemics. Nevertheless, concerns about conversion as well as the identification of typical Chris- all these approaches have turned out to have been emulations of the tians. Nor did the conventional focus grasp the collective, rather than Iberian mission in Japan. individual, acceptance and comprehension of the faith. The fourth chapter has also shown that the réductions resembled Based on this premise, the fifth chapter has discussed the Japanese more closely the Japanese Christian communities in several other response to missionary attempts, in order to identify the process by ways. The segregation of réductions was just as incomplete as that of which non-European converts became Christians. In so doing, the the Christian villages in Hizen. The missionaries both in Japan and meaning of the Jesuit evangelisation has been reconsidered in the in New France tolerated traditional clothing and made little effort to context of non-European culture. Also, the major determinants in replace it with European-style garments. Both missionary groups were formulating the Japanese practice of Christianity have been sought tolerant of indigenous dwellings for converts. More significantly the out. Above all, the argument has revealed the nonconformity between French Jesuits revived the office of dogiques from the Iberian experi- European and non-European ideas concerning the true meaning of ments of Japanese dôjuku, a term never used in Paraguay. conversion to Christianity. Thus, the widely-held scholarly opinion concerning the prototypes This comparative approach has been applied in order to reinvigor- for the réductions needs to be reconsidered with regard to the follow- ate and revise the existing historiographical debate on the Amerindian ing two aspects. One is that the Jesuits in Paraguay did not create practice of Christianity. Up until now, the debate has been ruled by the idea for the reducciónes without precedent. These reducciónes were the rhetorical universe of The Jesuit Relations, and has been expressed in instead based on models of the Jesuit experiments in Asia, especially terms of conquest and subordination. As well, the debate was shaped by in Japan. Likewise, the prototype for réductions in New France has the degree of evangelical success. To revise these perspectives, this study been discovered beyond Paraguay. Another aspect is that the réduc- has attempted to draw a more plausible picture of Amerindian accept- tions did not completely emulate the Paraguayan models. This study ance and comprehension of the Europeans’ religion. has shown that the design of colonial French réductions originated not This study makes it clear that Christianity meant several things to only in a Paraguayan model but also directly in the Japanese Christian Amerindian converts. Christianity, with its divine grace, was the key to communities. access to worldly benefits and social services. Christianity also replaced This international connection has turned out to be more complex. the traditional hereditary tie to indigenous society with a new tie only It is to the creation of Japanese Christian villages that most of the available through Christian prayers and sacraments. It worked as a social fundamental characteristics of the Laurentian réduction scheme can tie creating new communities in the réductions. The Christian religion be traced, either directly or indirectly. The distinctive features of those was believed to provide a supernatural healing and killing power that réduction approaches that were obviously alien to the Paraguayan Amerindians expected on the basis of their own non-Christian beliefs. experiment, were not original to the French Jesuits. Rather, they are This study has identified one dominant factor that helps to explain much more likely to have been the approaches emulated and devel- the meaning of conversion. The Jesuit approach was adjusted to suit oped directly from the successful endeavours to establish Christian Amerindians and was the primary determinant for the acceptance and villages in Japan. comprehension of Christianity. Non-Christian cultural compatibility 208 conclusion with the new religion was only of secondary importance. The priests were adept at modifying their methods based on their understanding of the social and spiritual environment of the indigenous people. The Jesuits borrowed from Amerindian customs whatever was equivalent to Christian elements. This Amerindian version of the faith was a result of native responses to the Jesuit mission. The indigenous people understood the tactful Jesuit preaching within the traditional framework of custom. Through the lim- ited indigenous resources based on this emulation and on their selective emphasis on specific aspects of missionary services, the Amerindian people developed their own concepts of Christianity. In so doing, their version of Christianity proved to be beyond the scope of the rhetorical references to model proselytes in The Jesuit Relations. Therefore, the history of Christian missions in seventeenth-century New France and the cross-cultural relations incidental to them need to be revised. The Jesuit mission in New France is not only a part of North American history but also a part of global history. This study has demonstrated that placing events of New France within an inter- national perspective enables one to understand more accurately why and how the Jesuit missions adopted particular policies in the develop- ment of their evangelistic programme. This thesis has also pointed out that Amerindian Christianity can be fully discussed neither in terms of evangelistic success nor in terms of cultural transformation. Christian conversion was a complex process of interaction between two cultural groups. One side included those who attempted to propagate the religion extensively and effectively. The other included those who tried to accept and integrate it intoa non-Christian culture in a comprehensible manner. This diachronic comparison of the missions may be just one example of possible perspectives for better recognition of a past that may have something to tell us today about cultural transfer. The comparison is also an important key to improved understanding of the missionary experience in New France. Furthermore, in this new historical perspec- tive on New France, there is much room for further development. 208 conclusion with the new religion was only of secondary importance. The priests were adept at modifying their methods based on their understanding of the social and spiritual environment of the indigenous people. The BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS CITED Jesuits borrowed from Amerindian customs whatever was equivalent to Christian elements. 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Moogk, Peter N. La Nouvelle France: The Making of French Canada—A Cultural His- tory. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2000. Moran, J. F. The Japanese and the Jesuits: Alessandro Valignano in Sixteenth-Century Japan. London: Routledge, 1993. Morgan, Lewis Henry. League of the Ho-de’-no-sau-nee, Iroquois. Rochester: Sage & Brother; New York: Mark H. Newman; Boston: Gould & Lincoln, 1851. ——. League of the Iroquois. 1851, as League of the Ho-de’-no-sau-nee, Iroquois. Reis- sue edition. A Citadel Press Book. New York: Carol Publishing Group, 1993. Murdoch, James & Isoo Yamagata. A History of Japan during the Century of Early Foreign Intercourse (1542–1651). Kobe: Kobe Chronicle, 1903. [included later in the three volumes of A History of Japan] ——. A History of Japan. Vol. I: From the Origins to the Arrival of the Portuguese in 1542. Yokohama: Kelly & Walsh, 1910. ——. A History of Japan. Vol. III: The Tokugawa Epoch (1652–1868). Rev. & ed. Joseph H. Longford. London: K. Paul, Trench, Trübner, 1926. Okamoto, Yoshitomo, ed. El Nippon y Philipinas sus Relaciones Historicos. Tokyo: Japan Times, 1945. Orr, R. B. ‘The Hurons’. 33rd Annual Archaeological Report 1921–22. Appendix to the Report of the Minister of Education, Ontario. Toronto, 1922. 9–23. Pagès, Léon. Histoire des vingt-six martyrs japonais dont la canonisation doit avoir lieu à Rome, le jour de la Pentécôte 1862. Paris: Benjamin Duprat, 1862. ——. Histoire de la religion chrétienne au Japon depuis 1598 jusqu’à 1651. 2 vols. Paris: Charles Douniol, 1869–70. ——. La persécution des chrétiens au Japon et l’ambassade japonaise en Europe. Paris, 1873. ——. La déportation et l’abandon des morts: Cimètiere de Mery. Paris, 1875. ——. ‘Cerqueira, Conference Held by the Bishop Cerqueira on the Subject of Slaves Bought or hired and transported out of Japan, in September 1598, extracted from the Archives of the Academy of History in Madrid by L. Pagès’. Japan Weekly Chronicle 29 Jan. 1902: 83–85. Parkman, Francis. The Jesuits in North America in the Seventeenth Century. 1867. France and England in North America 2. Williamstown, Massachusetts: Corner House, 1970. Poole, Stafford. ‘Iberian Catholicism Comes to the Americas’. Part Iof Christian- ity Comes to the Americas, 1492–1776. By Charles H. Lippy, Robert Choquette & Stafford Poole. New York: Paragon House, 1992. Popham, R. E. ‘Late Huron Occupations of Ontario: An Archaeological Survey of Innisfil Township’. Ontario History 42 (1950): 81–90. Principe, Charles. ‘Les Jésuites missionnaires auprès des Amérindiens du Canada’. G. Demerson et al., Les Jésuites parmi les hommes aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles. Asso- ciation des Publications de la Faculté des Lettres et Science Humaines de Clermont- Ferrand, 1987. 309–20. Rochemonteix, Camille de, SJ. Les Jésuites et la Nouvelle-France au XVIIe siècle. 3 tomes. Paris: Letouzey et Ané, 1895–96. Ross, Andrew C. A Vision Betrayed: The Jesuits in Japan and in China, 1542–1742. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1994. Roy, Joseph Edmond. M. de Montmagny: Extrait de la Nouvelle-France. Québec: L’Événement, 1906. Schilling, Dorotheus, OFM. ‘Neue Funde zur História de Japão von Luis Frois S. J.’ Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft 23 (1933): 337–43. Schütte, Josef [or Joseph] Franz, SJ. Valignanos Missionsgrundsätze für Japan. 2 parts. Roma: Edizioni de Storia E Letteratura, 1951–58. ——. Introductio ad Historiam Societatis Jesu in Japonia, 1549–1650, ac Prœmium ad Catalogos Japoniæ Edendos ad Edenda Societatis Jesu Monumenta Historica Japoniæ Proylæum. Romæ: Institutum Historicum Soc. Jesu, 1968. 216 bibliography of works cited bibliography of works cited 217

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APPENDICES

APPENDIX ONE SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE MISSIONARY CORRESPONDENCE RELATED TO JAPAN

[Sources: Johannes Laures, Kirishitan Bunko (Tokyo: Sophia University, 1957), 167–283; and RLG’s Eureka®, www.eureka.rlg.ac.uk]

1. French Publications

Recueil des plus fraisches lettres des Indies orientales, . . . envoiées l’an 1568. 69. &70. . . . Paris, 1571. Nouveaux advis de l’amplification du christianisme ès pays du Iappon, envoyés . . . par le père François Cabral. . . . Paris, 1579. Lettres du Iappon, de l’an M.D.LXXIX. . . . Coppie d’une lettre du père Louys Froes, escrite aux pères & frères de la Compagnie de Iésus du 6. juing. 1577. Paris, 1580. Nouveaux advis de l’estat du christianisme ès pays et royaulmes des Indes orientales & Iappan. . . . Paris, 1582. Lettres nouvelles du Iappon. Touchant l’advancement de la chrestienté en ces pays la, de l’an 1579 jusques à l’an 1581. Paris, 1584. Choses diverses des ambassadeurs de trois roys de Iapon, que n’agueires venuz à Romme, rendirent obéissance au nom de leurs maisteres & seigneurs, à Gregoire XIII. souverain pasteur de l’église. . . . Louan: De l’imprimerie de Iehan Maes, à la Croix verde, 1585. Lettre du Iappon de l’an M.D.LXXXII. envoyée . . . par le P. Gaspar Caelio [Coelio]. . . . Paris, 1586. Le discovers de la Venue des princes iapponois en Europe, tiré d’un advis venu de Rome. . . . Traduict nouvellement d’Italian en François. Par Jacques Gaulthier. Paris, 1586. Annales indiques, contenantes la vraye narration et advis de ce qu’est advenu & suc- cédé en Iapon, & aultres lieux voisins des Indes, envoyez par les pères de la Société de Iésus au R. P. Claude Aquaviva Général de la dicté Compagnie en l’an 1588. Anvers, 1590. Sommaire des lettres du Iappon, et de la Chine de l’an M.D.LXXXIX, & M.D.XC . . . Dovay, 1592. Lettres du Iapon et de la Chine, des années 1589. & 1590. et certains advis du Peru, des années 1588. & 1589. . . . Lyon, 1593. Relation envoyée par Don Francisque Tello . . . touchant le martire de six religieux espagnols. . . . Paris, 1599. Relations des Pères Loys Froes, et Nicolas Pimenta . . . concernant l’accroissement de la foy chrestienne au Iappon . . . ès années 1596 & 1599. . . . Lyon, 1602. Nouveaux advis du Royaume de la Chine, du Iappon et de l’Estat du Roy de Mogor . . . tirez de plusieurs lettres. . . . Paris, 1604. Lettre annuelle du Iapon envoyée au [sic, par] P. Pasius Provincial au T. R. P. Claude Aquaviva, Général de la Compagnie de Iésus. Paris: Claude Chappelet, 1605. Lettre annuelle du Iapon de l’an mil six et trois, escrite par le P. Gabriel de Matos. . . . Dovay, 1606. Histoire véritable de la glorieuse mort, que six nobles chrestiens, Iaponois, ont constam- ment enduré (sic) pour la foy de Iésus Christ, envoyée par Monsieur Louys Cerquera (sic) . . . avec une autre semblable du P. François Passio. . . . Paris, 1607. 224 appendices

Lettres annales du Iapon des années 1603. 1604. 1605. & 1606., envoyées par le R. P. François Pasio, vice-provincial de ces quartier là, au R. P. Claude Aquaviva. Lyon: P. Rigaud, 1609. João Rodrigues Girão. Lettres annales des royaume du Iapon, et de la Chine, des années 1606. & 1607., escrites par les Iean Rodriguez, & Matthieu Ricci, de la Compagnie de Iésus, au R. P. Claude Aquaviva leur général. Paris: Claude Chappelet, 1611. La glorieuse mort de neuf chrestiens iaponois martyrizez pour la foy catholique aux royaume de Fingo, Sassuma, et Firando envoyée du Iapon l’an 1609. et 1610. au mois de mars par le R. P. Provincial de la Société de Iésus au R. P. Claude Aquaviva. Dovay: P. Auroy, 1612. Récit de l’entrée solennelle et remarquable, faicte à Rome, à Philippe François Faxicura, et au R. P. Louys Sotelo . . . ambassadeurs pour Idate Masamune, Roy de Voxu au Japon. . . . Paris, 1616. [a Franciscan report] Conversion du Roy Ydada Maçamune, et de l’édict qu’il a fait publier . . . commandant à tous ses vassaux de recevoir la foy chrestienne; et de l’Ambassade que pour c’est effect il a envoyé vers nostre S. Père le pape et le Roy d’Espagne. . . . Tolose [Toulouse], 1618. Histoire de l’estat de la chrestienté au Iapon, et du glorieux martyre de plusieurs chres- tiens, en la grande persécution de l’an 1612. 1613. et 1614. . . . Dovay, 1618. Luis Piñeyro. La nouvelle histoire du Iapon: divisée en cinq livres, ou il est taicté ample- ment de l’estat de sa chrestienté, du progrès de la foy catholique, des grandes persécu- tions qui y sont arrivée aux chrestiens, & des divers martyres qu’un grand nombre, tant religieux que séculiers ont souffert soubs l’empire de Cobusama, jusques à l’année mil six cent quinze. Paris: Iean Foüet, 1618. [Also published under the same and similar two titles by Adrian Taupinart, 1618] Nicolas Trigau(l)t. Lettre du R. P. Nicolas Trigaut de la Compagnie de Iésus de l’heureux succez de sa navigation aux Indes & de l’estat de la chrestienté tant en la Chine qu’au Iapon. Lille: De l’Imprimerie de Pierre de Rache, 1620. Relation de ce qui s’est passé depuis quelques années, jusques à l’an 1644 au Japon, à la Cochinchine, au Malabar . . . divisée en deux parties. . . . Première Partie. Relation de la province du Japon. Escrite en Portugais par le Père François Cardim. . . . Paris, 1646 La vie de Saint François Xavier de la Compagnie de Jésus. . . . Paris, 1682.

2. Italian Publications

Avisi particolari delle Indie di Portugallo riceuuti in questi doi anni del 1551. & 1552. . . . Roma, 1552. Nvovi avisi delle Indie di Portugallo riceuuti questo anno del 1553. doue si tratta della cõuersione di molte persone principali, & tra li altri d’un re signore de 11000. Isole, con vna discrittione delli costumi dei Giaponesi nostri antipodi & come loro riceuono la nostra Santa Fede. Roma: Valerio Dorcio & Luigi fratelli. (without date, 1555). Avisi particolari delle Indie di Portugallo. Nouamente hauuti questo anno del 1555. da li padri della Compagnia di Iesu. . . . Romae, 1556. Avisi particolari del avmento che iddio da alla sua chiesa catholica nell’Indie, et special- mente nelli regni di Giappon, . . . receuuti . . . questo anno del 1558. Roma, 1558. Nvovi avisi dell’Indie di Partogallo, riceuuti dalli reuerendi padri della Compagnia di Giesu, tradotti della lingua Spagnuo la nell’Italiana. M.D.L.IX. Venetia: Michele Tramezzino, 1559. Lettere del Giappone . . . dell’anno MDLXXVII. . . . Brescia, 1580. Lettere dell’India orientale, scritte da’reuerendi padri della Compagnia di Giesù. . . . Vinegia, 1580. Alcvne lettere delle cose del Giappone . . . dell’anno 1579. insino al 1581. Milano, 1584. Alcvne lettere delle cose del Giappone . . . dell’anno 1579. insino al 1581. Napoli, 1584. 224 appendices appendices 225

Lettres annales du Iapon des années 1603. 1604. 1605. & 1606., envoyées par le R. P. Relatione de gli honori et accoglienze fatte dall’illustrissima, & serenissima signoria di François Pasio, vice-provincial de ces quartier là, au R. P. Claude Aquaviva. Lyon: Venetia alli signori ambasciatori Giapponesi. Con la copia d’vna scrittura data da P. Rigaud, 1609. detti Giapponesi à sua serenità, scritta in lor lingua sopra vn foglio di scorzo d’albero, João Rodrigues Girão. Lettres annales des royaume du Iapon, et de la Chine, des années tradotta in nostra lingua. Con li doni fatti dall’illustriss. Senato a’detti sig.Giapponesi, 1606. & 1607., escrites par les Iean Rodriguez, & Matthieu Ricci, de la Compagnie de & dalli detti all’illustris. Signoria. Cremona: Appresso Christoforo Draconi, 1585. Iésus, au R. P. Claude Aquaviva leur général. Paris: Claude Chappelet, 1611. Relatione del viaggio, et arrivo in Europa, et Roma, de’prencipi Giapponesi venuti à La glorieuse mort de neuf chrestiens iaponois martyrizez pour la foy catholique aux dare obedienza à sua santità l’anno M.D.LXXXV. All’eccellentiss Sig. Girolamo royaume de Fingo, Sassuma, et Firando envoyée du Iapon l’an 1609. et 1610. au Mercuriale. Reggio, 1585. mois de mars par le R. P. Provincial de la Société de Iésus au R. P. Claude Aquaviva. Le istorie delle Indie orientali del Rev. P. Giovan Pietro Maffei.. . . Fiorenza, 1589. Dovay: P. Auroy, 1612. Lettere del Giappone et della China de gl’anni M.D.LXXXIX. & M.D.XC. scritte al R. P. Récit de l’entrée solennelle et remarquable, faicte à Rome, à Philippe François Faxicura, Generale della Compagnia di Giesu. Brescia: Appresso Vincenzo Sabbio, 1592. et au R. P. Louys Sotelo . . . ambassadeurs pour Idate Masamune, Roy de Voxu au Japon. . . . Paris, 1616. [a Franciscan report] 3. Latin Publications Conversion du Roy Ydada Maçamune, et de l’édict qu’il a fait publier . . . commandant à tous ses vassaux de recevoir la foy chrestienne; et de l’Ambassade que pour c’est Rerum a Societate Iesu in oriente gestarum ad annum usque . . . M.D.LXVIII. commen- effect il a envoyé vers nostre S. Père le pape et le Roy d’Espagne. . . . Tolose [Toulouse], tarius Emanuelis Acostae Lusitani, recognitus, & latinitate donatus. Accessere de 1618. Iaponicis revus epistolarum libri IIII. . . . Dilingae, 1571. Histoire de l’estat de la chrestienté au Iapon, et du glorieux martyre de plusieurs chres- Emauelis Acostae Lusitani historia rerum a Societate Iesu in oriête gestarum, ad tiens, en la grande persécution de l’an 1612. 1613. et 1614. . . . Dovay, 1618. annum . . . MDLXVIII, recognita & latinitate donota. Accessere de Iaponicis revus Luis Piñeyro. La nouvelle histoire du Iapon: divisée en cinq livres, ou il est taicté ample- epistolarum libri IIII. . . . Et recentium de rebus indicis epistolarum liber usque ad ment de l’estat de sa chrestienté, du progrès de la foy catholique, des grandes persécu- annum 1570. Parisiis, 1572. tions qui y sont arrivée aux chrestiens, & des divers martyres qu’un grand nombre, Rerum a Societate Iesu in oriente gestarum volvmen. . . . Neapoli, 1573. tant religieux que séculiers ont souffert soubs l’empire de Cobusama, jusques à l’année Brevis Iapaniae insulae descriptio . . . item, insigne quoddam martyrium. . . . Coloniae mil six cent quinze. Paris: Iean Foüet, 1618. [Also published under the same and Agrippinae, 1582. similar two titles by Adrian Taupinart, 1618] Annuae litterae Societatis Iesu anni M.D.LXXXIII ad patres, et fratres eiusdem Societa- Nicolas Trigau(l)t. Lettre du R. P. Nicolas Trigaut de la Compagnie de Iésus de l’heureux tis. Romae: Collegio eiusdem Societatis, 1585. succez de sa navigation aux Indes & de l’estat de la chrestienté tant en la Chine qu’au Ioannis Petri Maffeii . . . historiarum Indicarum libri XVI. Selectarum item ex india Iapon. Lille: De l’Imprimerie de Pierre de Rache, 1620. epistolarum eodem interprete libri IV. Accessit Ignatii Loiolae vita postremo recog- Relation de ce qui s’est passé depuis quelques années, jusques à l’an 1644 au Japon, à la nita. . . . Florentiae, 1588. Cochinchine, au Malabar . . . divisée en deux parties. . . . Première Partie. Relation de la Nova relatio historica de statu rei christianae in Japonia . . . A. R. P. Aloysio Frois. . . . province du Japon. Escrite en Portugais par le Père François Cardim. . . . Paris, 1646 Moguntiae, 1598. La vie de Saint François Xavier de la Compagnie de Jésus. . . . Paris, 1682. Iapponiensis imperii admirabilis commutatio exposita litteris . . . quas ex Italis latinas fecit . Hayus. . . . Antverpiae, 1604. 2. Italian Publications

Avisi particolari delle Indie di Portugallo riceuuti in questi doi anni del 1551. & 1552. . . . Roma, 1552. Nvovi avisi delle Indie di Portugallo riceuuti questo anno del 1553. doue si tratta della cõuersione di molte persone principali, & tra li altri d’un re signore de 11000. Isole, con vna discrittione delli costumi dei Giaponesi nostri antipodi & come loro riceuono la nostra Santa Fede. Roma: Valerio Dorcio & Luigi fratelli. (without date, 1555). Avisi particolari delle Indie di Portugallo. Nouamente hauuti questo anno del 1555. da li padri della Compagnia di Iesu. . . . Romae, 1556. Avisi particolari del avmento che iddio da alla sua chiesa catholica nell’Indie, et special- mente nelli regni di Giappon, . . . receuuti . . . questo anno del 1558. Roma, 1558. Nvovi avisi dell’Indie di Partogallo, riceuuti dalli reuerendi padri della Compagnia di Giesu, tradotti della lingua Spagnuo la nell’Italiana. M.D.L.IX. Venetia: Michele Tramezzino, 1559. Lettere del Giappone . . . dell’anno MDLXXVII. . . . Brescia, 1580. Lettere dell’India orientale, scritte da’reuerendi padri della Compagnia di Giesù. . . . Vinegia, 1580. Alcvne lettere delle cose del Giappone . . . dell’anno 1579. insino al 1581. Milano, 1584. Alcvne lettere delle cose del Giappone . . . dell’anno 1579. insino al 1581. Napoli, 1584. APPENDIX TWO LIST OF PUBLICATIONS BY SCHILLING, SCHURHAMMER AND SCHÜTTE

1. Dorotheus Schilling, OFM

A. Publications of Manuscripts [Luis Frois] Dorotheus Schilling. ‘Neue Funde zur História de Japão von Luis Frois S. J.’ Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft 23 (1933).

[Bernardino de Avila-Girón’s Second Editon] Doroteo Schilling & Fidel de Lejarza, eds. ‘Relación del Reino de Nippon’. Archivo Ibero-Americano 36 (1933): 481–531; 37 (1934): 5–48, 259–75, 392–434, 493–554; 38 (1935): 103–30, 216–39, 384–417.

B. Other Topics Dorotheus Schilling. Das Schulwesen der Jesuiten in Japan (1551–1614). Münster, Westfallen: Regensbergschen Buchdruckerei, 1931 ——. ‘Attivià Scolastica dei Gesuiti nel Giappone durante i secoli XVIe XVII’. Pensier Missionario 9 (1937): 03–29. ——. ‘Die Schultätigkeit der Jesuiten in Japan während des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts’. Die Katholischen Missionen 65 (1937): 211–25, 239–43 & 294–97. ——. Religione e Politica in Giappone. Roma: Pontificium Athenæum Antoianum, 1950.

2. Georg Schurhammer, SJ

A. Publications of Manuscripts [Luis Frois] Georg Schurhammer und E. A. Voretzch, trans. 1926. Die Geschichte Japans (1549– 1578). Leipzig: Verlag der Asia Major, 1926.

[Francisco de Xavier] Georg Schurhammer. Zwei Undruckte Briefs des Hl. Franz Xavier. Vol. II of Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu. Roma, 1933. ——. Ein Neuer Xaveriusbrief. Vol. XVI of Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu. Roma, 1947. ——. Epistolæ S. Francisci Xavierii aliaque eius scripta. Ed. Georg Schurhammer, SJ, & J. Wicki, SJ. 2 tomus. Romae: Monumenta Historica Soc. Jesu, 1944–45.

[Fernão Mendez Pinto] Georg Schurhammer. ‘Um documento inédito sobre Fernão Mendez Pinto’. Revista de História 13 (1924): 81–88. appendices 227

B. Jesuit Missionaries [On Francisco de Xavier] APPENDIX TWO Georg Schurhammer. ‘Die asiatische Missionslage zur Zeit des hl. Franz Xavier und der heutige Stand der Glaubensverbreitung in Wirkungsfeld dieses Apostels’. LIST OF PUBLICATIONS BY SCHILLING, Priester und Mission 1 (1918): 45–59. SCHURHAMMER AND SCHÜTTE ——. ‘Der hl. Franz Xavier in Miyako’. Stimmen der Zeit 100 (1921): 440–55. ——. ‘Xaveriusforschung in 16. Jahrhundert’. Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft 12 (1922): 129–65. ——. Der Heilige Franz Xavier: Der Apostel von Indien und Japan. Freiburg im Bre- 1. Dorotheus Schilling, OFM isgau: Herder, 1925. ——. ‘Franz Xavier’. Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche IV. 1932. A. Publications of Manuscripts ——. ‘Zur Kritik der Missionserfolge des hl. Franz Xavier’. Stimmen der Zeit 125 [Luis Frois] (1933): 324–32. Dorotheus Schilling. ‘Neue Funde zur História de Japão von Luis Frois S. J.’ Zeitschrift ——. ‘Der Hl. Franz Xavier in Japan, 1549–1551’. Neue Zeitschrift für Missionswissen- für Missionswissenschaft 23 (1933). schaft/Neuvelle Revue de science missionaire 2 (1946): 165–86 & 255–73. ——. Franz Xavier: Sein Leben und seine Zeit. 2 Bde. Freiburg: Herder, 1955–1963. [Bernardino de Avila-Girón’s Second Editon] Schurhammer, Georg & R. E. Kepler. Franziskus Xaverius: Ein Leben in Bildern. Doroteo Schilling & Fidel de Lejarza, eds. ‘Relación del Reino de Nippon’. Archivo Aachen: Xaverius-Verlag, 1922. Ibero-Americano 36 (1933): 481–531; 37 (1934): 5–48, 259–75, 392–434, 493–554; 38 (1935): 103–30, 216–39, 384–417. [On Luis Frois] Georg Schurhammer. ‘P. Luis Frois, S. J.: Ein Missionshistoriker des 16. Jahrhunderts B. Other Topics in Indien und Japan’. Stimmen der Zeit 109 (1925): 453–69. ——. ‘Luis Frois’. Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche IV. 1932. Dorotheus Schilling. Das Schulwesen der Jesuiten in Japan (1551–1614). Münster, Westfallen: Regensbergschen Buchdruckerei, 1931 e [On Other Jesuits] ——. ‘Attivià Scolastica dei Gesuiti nel Giappone durante i secoli XVI XVII’. Pensier Georg Schurhammer. Fernão Mendez Pinto und seine Peregrinçam. Sonderdruck aus Missionario 9 (1937): 03–29. Asia Minor, vol. III. Leipzig: Verlag der Asia Minor, 1927. ——. ‘Die Schultätigkeit der Jesuiten in Japan während des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts’. ——. Die Disputation des P. Cosme de Torres, S. J., mit den Buddhisten in Yamaguchi Die Katholischen Missionen 65 (1937): 211–25, 239–43 & 294–97. im Jahre 1551. ‘Mitteilungen’ der Deutsche Gesellschaft für Natür- und Völker- ——. Religione e Politica in Giappone. Roma: Pontificium Athenæum Antoianum, kunde Ostasiens. Band XXIV. Teil A. Tokyo, 1929. 1950. ——. ‘João Rodriguez S. J.’ Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche VIII. 1936. ——. ‘Alessandro Valignani S. J.’ Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche X. 1939. 2. Georg Schurhammer, SJ C. Jesuit Missions A. Publications of Manuscripts Georg Schuhammer. ‘Die Erste Japanische Gesandschaftsreise nach Europa (1582– [Luis Frois] 1590)’. Die Katholischen Missionen 49 (1921): 217–224. Georg Schurhammer und E. A. Voretzch, trans. 1926. Die Geschichte Japans (1549– ——. Das kirchliche Sprachproblem in der Japanischen Jesuitenmissionen des 16. 17. 1578). Leipzig: Verlag der Asia Major, 1926. Jahrhunderts: Ein Stück Ritenfrage in Japan. ‘Mitteilungen’ der Deutsche Gesell- schaft für Natür- und Völkerkunde Ostasiens. Band XXIII. Tokyo, 1928. [Francisco de Xavier] Georg Schurhammer. Zwei Undruckte Briefs des Hl. Franz Xavier. Vol. II of Archivum D. Portuguese Colonies Historicum Societatis Iesu. Roma, 1933. Georg Schurhammer. ‘Die Schätze der Jesuitenarchive in Macao und Peking’. Die ——. Ein Neuer Xaveriusbrief. Vol. XVI of Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu. Roma, Katholischen Missionen 57 (1929): 224–29. 1947. ——. Die zeitgenössichen Quellen zur Geschichte Portugiesisch-Asiens und seiner ——. Epistolæ S. Francisci Xavierii aliaque eius scripta. Ed. Georg Schurhammer, SJ, & Nachbarländer (Ostafrika, Abessinien, Arabien, Persien, Vorder- und Hinterindien, J. Wicki, SJ. 2 tomus. Romae: Monumenta Historica Soc. Jesu, 1944–45. Malaiischer Archipel, Philippinen, China und Japan) zur Zeit des Hl. Franz Xavier (1538–1552). Leipzig: Verlag der Asia Minor, 1932. [Fernão Mendez Pinto] ——. The Malabar Church and Rome during the Early Portuguese Period and Before. Georg Schurhammer. ‘Um documento inédito sobre Fernão Mendez Pinto’. Revista Trichinopoly: St. Jeseph’s Industrial School Press, 1934. de História 13 (1924): 81–88. ——. ‘Uma Relação Inédita do Pe. Manuel Barradas S. J. São Francisco Xavier’. STVDIA 2: 43–90. Lisboa: Centro de Etudos Históricos Ultramarinos, 1958. 228 appendices

Georg Schurhammer & E. A. Voretzsch. Ceylon zur Zeit des Königs Bhuvaneka und Franz Xaviers, 1539–1552: Quellen zur geschichte der Portugiesen, sowie der Fran- ziskaner- und Jesuitenmission auf Ceylon im Urtext herausgegeben und erklärt von G. Schurhammer und E. A. Voretzsch. 2 vols. Leipzig: Verlag der Asia Minor, 1928.

E. Shintoism Georg Schurhammer. Shin-To, der Weg der Götter in Japan: Der Shintoismus nach den gedrucken und ungedrucken Berichten der Japanischen Jesuitenmissionare des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts. Bonn und Leipzig: K. Schröder, 1923. ——. ‘Der Shintoismus und die neueste Forschung’. Die Katholischen Missionen 54 (1926): 178–9.

3. Josef Franz Schütte, SJ

A. Publications of Manuscripts Josef Franz Schütte. Christliche Japanische Literatur, Bilder und Druckblätter in einem unbekannten vatikanische Codex aus dem Jahre 1591. Vol. IX–2 of Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu. Roma, 1940. ——. Unbeachte und unbekannte Päpistliche Japanschreiben. Vol. XVII of Archivum Historicum Societatis Jesu. Roma, 1948. ——, trans. Kulturgegensätze Europa-Japan, 1585: Tratado em que se contem muito susinta e abreviadamente algumas contradições e diferenças de custumes antre a gente de Europa e esta provincia de Japão. By Luis Frois. Tokyo, 1955. ——. Documentos sobre el Japón conservados en la Colección ‘Cortés’ de la Real Academia de la Historia. 1960. Madrid: Mæstre, 1961. [Formerly published as Bolé- tin de la Real Academia de la Historia. Tomo CXLVII. Cuaderno I & Cuaderno II. 1960] ——. Wiederentdeckung des Fernost-Archivs der Jesuiten, Heute in Madrid. Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu. Anno 30. Facs. 59. Roma, 1961. ——. ‘História inédita dos Bispos da Igreja do Japão’ do Pe. João Rodriguez Tçuzu, S. J.’ Actas 5: 297–327. Lisboa: Congresso International de Historia dos descobri- mentos, 1961. ——. ‘P. Joseph Montanha’s ,Apparatos‘ und die Abschrift des Fernost-Archivs S. J. im Rahmen der Initiative der Academia Real da História Portuguesa’. Vol. XXXI of Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu. Roma, 1962. pp. 225–263. ——. El «Archivo del Japón»: Vicitudes del Archivo Jesuítico del extremo oriente y descriptión del fondo existnte en la Real Academia de la Historia de Madrid. Tomo XX de Archivo documental español. Madrid: la Real Academia de la Historia, 1964. ——. Introductio ad Historiam Societatis Jesu in Japonia, 1549–1650, ac Prœmium ad Catalogos Japoniæ Edendos ad Edenda Societatis Jesu Monumenta Historica Japoniæ Proylæum. Romæ: Institutum Historicum Soc. Jesu, 1968.

B. On Alessandro Valignano Joef Franz Schütte. Alexandro Valignanos Ringen um die Missionsmethode in Japan, Juli–Dezember 1579. Romae: Typis Pontificiae Yniversitatis Gregorianae, 1944. ——. Valignanos Missionsgrundsätze für Japan. 2 vols. Roma: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1951–58. ——. ‘Missionsgrundsätze des Alexandro Valignano S[.] J. für Japan’. Die Katholischen Missionen 72: 74–75, 1953. 228 appendices

Georg Schurhammer & E. A. Voretzsch. Ceylon zur Zeit des Königs Bhuvaneka und Franz Xaviers, 1539–1552: Quellen zur geschichte der Portugiesen, sowie der Fran- ziskaner- und Jesuitenmission auf Ceylon im Urtext herausgegeben und erklärt von G. Schurhammer und E. A. Voretzsch. 2 vols. Leipzig: Verlag der Asia Minor, INDEX 1928.

E. Shintoism Aataentsic, 10, 41, 42, 69, 76 bark wigwams, 154 Georg Schurhammer. Shin-To, der Weg der Götter in Japan: Der Shintoismus nach den Abenaki, 187, 191, 195 Bartoli, D., 18 gedrucken und ungedrucken Berichten der Japanischen Jesuitenmissionare des 16. und Acadia, 63, 64, 66, 68, 70, 101, 104, 105, Bautista, João/Juan, 172, 174 17. Jahrhunderts. Bonn und Leipzig: K. Schröder, 1923. 108n, 109n, 118 Bautista, P., 98, 99 ——. ‘Der Shintoismus und die neueste Forschung’. Die Katholischen Missionen 54 Aenons, 77 Biard, P., 63, 64, 68, 69n, 70, 73n, 77, (1926): 178–9. Africans, 51 108n, 109n, 117, 118n, 152n, 159, 160 Agnus Dei, 169 Binet, É., 156n, 157, 158n Agreskoui, 188 Blackburn, C., 11n, 43, 62, 101, 102n, 3. Josef Franz Schütte, SJ Albuquerque, J. de, 85 111n, 113n, 131, 132n, 180, 200 Alcáçova, P. de, 92n, 172, 173, 176 Blanchard, D., 165, 166, 167, 212 A. Publications of Manuscripts Algonquian, 37, 38, 40, 64, 69, 72, Bolivia, 130, 132 Josef Franz Schütte. Christliche Japanische Literatur, Bilder und Druckblätter in einem 105–107, 109, 110, 129, 154 bonzes, 59, 73, 74, 143 unbekannten vatikanische Codex aus dem Jahre 1591. Vol. IX–2 of Archivum Algonquin, 64n, 70, 77, 109, 110, 112, Borgia, F., 4n, 5 Historicum Societatis Iesu. Roma, 1940. 114, 118, 120, 147, 149–151, 153n, Boxer, C. R., 22–24 ——. Unbeachte und unbekannte Päpistliche Japanschreiben. Vol. XVII of Archivum 154, 155, 158, 162, 181–184, 186, Brazil, 97n, 130, 132, 144n, 148 Historicum Societatis Jesu. Roma, 1948. 190–198, 206 Brébeuf, J. de, 4, 66, 69–78, 105–109, ——, trans. Kulturgegensätze Europa-Japan, 1585: Tratado em que se contem muito Allumette Island, 150, 155 110n, 120, 160n, 180n, 181n, 184n, susinta e abreviadamente algumas contradições e diferenças de custumes antre a Almeida, L. de, 93–95, 171, 175, 176 185, 188, 189, 191, 192n, 196, 198, gente de Europa e esta provincia de Japão. By Luis Frois. Tokyo, 1955. Amida, 52, 53, 56 199n ——. Documentos sobre el Japón conservados en la Colección ‘Cortés’ de la Real Anderson, K., 11n, 43, 180 Bressani, F. J., 122n, 186, 188, 193, 194n, Academia de la Historia. 1960. Madrid: Mæstre, 1961. [Formerly published as Bolé- Anenkhiondic, 77 202n tin de la Real Academia de la Historia. Tomo CXLVII. Cuaderno I & Cuaderno II. Anesaki, M., 26, 27 Buddha, 19n, 20n, 53, 54, 56n, 74 1960] Apostle Thomas, 53, 68 Buddhism, 19n, 51–54, 56, 60, 80, 167, ——. Wiederentdeckung des Fernost-Archivs der Jesuiten, Heute in Madrid. Archivum Aquaviva, C., 59 170, 181, 200 Historicum Societatis Iesu. Anno 30. Facs. 59. Roma, 1961. Argentina, 130 Buddhists, 3n, 29, 51–59, 70, 73, 74, 85, ——. ‘História inédita dos Bispos da Igreja do Japão’ do Pe. João Rodriguez Tçuzu, Arima, 58, 85, 94, 95, 135, 139, 140n 94, 95, 97, 116, 140, 142, 143, 156, S. J.’ Actas 5: 297–327. Lisboa: Congresso International de Historia dos descobri- Arima, Harunobu, 135, 170, 176 157, 169–173, 175, 176, 178, 196 mentos, 1961. Ashikaga, Yoshiaki, 85 Bungo, 25n, 52n, 55, 58, 85, 91, 92n, ——. ‘P. Joseph Montanha’s ,Apparatos‘ und die Abschrift des Fernost-Archivs S. J. Ashikaga, Yoshiteru, 85 93n, 94, 95n, 137n, 170, 171n, 173, im Rahmen der Initiative der Academia Real da História Portuguesa’. Vol. XXXI of Asunción, 133n, 136, 148 174 Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu. Roma, 1962. pp. 225–263. Atahocan/Atachocam, 69 Buteux, J., 109, 118, 121, 189, 190 ——. El «Archivo del Japón»: Vicitudes del Archivo Jesuítico del extremo oriente y Ataronchronon, 123 descriptión del fondo existnte en la Real Academia de la Historia de Madrid. Tomo Atiwandaronk, 75, 196 Cabral, F., 50, 57, 140n, 173n XX de Archivo documental español. Madrid: la Real Academia de la Historia, Attignawantan, 123 caciques, 136, 139, 155 1964. Attikamègue, 147, 183, 190, 191, 197 Campbell, T. J., 2n, 34–36 ——. Introductio ad Historiam Societatis Jesu in Japonia, 1549–1650, ac Prœmium ad arendiowane/arendiwane, 185, 188, 195, Campeau, L., 38, 41, 42, 70 Catalogos Japoniæ Edendos ad Edenda Societatis Jesu Monumenta Historica Japoniæ 196n Caribbean, 132 Proylæum. Romæ: Institutum Historicum Soc. Jesu, 1968. Auger, É., 4 Carlos V, 49 Avila-Girón, 21 cartas anuas, 141, 145 B. On Alessandro Valignano Axtell, J., 76, 77n, 102–104, 116, 117, Cary, O., 18–21 180, 189n, 190n catechisms, 29, 106, 113, 121, 184 Joef Franz Schütte. Alexandro Valignanos Ringen um die Missionsmethode in Japan, Azuchi, 95 catequistas, 141, 156, 158 Juli–Dezember 1579. Romae: Typis Pontificiae Yniversitatis Gregorianae, 1944. Caughnawaga, 165, 167 ——. Valignanos Missionsgrundsätze für Japan. 2 vols. Roma: Edizioni di Storia e Bailey, A. G., 38–40, 67n, 181n Central Mexico, 132 Letteratura, 1951–58. bandeirantes, 144 Charlevoix, P. F. X. de, 2, 7, 18–21, ——. ‘Missionsgrundsätze des Alexandro Valignano S[.] J. für Japan’. Die Katholischen baptism, 63, 82–84, 91, 96, 97, 99, 31–33 Missionen 72: 74–75, 1953. 107–111, 118, 135, 158, 160, 174, 175, Chastellain, P., 109 181–184, 190–193, 196–198 Chile, 130, 134n 230 index

China, 4, 49, 92 Felipe, the king of Castile, 49 Chiwatenhwa, 110n, 118 Ferland, J. B. A., 32, 33, 35, 39 Cochin, 3n, 52n, 58n, 83, 84n, 85n, 96n, Fernández, J., 56, 92n, 94, 171n 107n, 169n feudalism, 57 Coelho, G., 97n, 140, 169, 174n Figuereido, Melchior/Belchior de, 59n, coffins, 177 85, 91n Company of One Hundred Associates, Fléché, J., 63 106, 121, 122. See also Company of Formulae of the Institute of the Society New France of Jesus, 91, 112 Company of New France, 149. See also Fort Richelieu, 151, 152 Company of One Hundred Associates Fort Saint-Louis, 121 Confucianism, 29 France, 3, 4, 6, 17, 21, 31–33, 35, 44, 45, Constitutions of the Society of Jesus, 61n, 69, 103–108, 111, 112, 121, 123, 91n, 93n 157, 159, 166, 198 councils, 23n, 77, 78, 139, 184, 191 197 Franciscans, 10, 20, 64, 66, 81, 98–109, Creation, 54, 69, 70, 80, 138, 163, 202, 206 111–113, 127, 131, 132, 201, 204 crucifixes, 89, 170, 174–178, 185, 187, Frois, L., 21, 22, 25n, 26, 50–59, 85, 91n, 197–199 92, 93n, 94, 95n, 97n, 98n, 99, 135, 140, 142n, 143n, 170, 171n, 172n, daimyô, 30, 56n, 59, 84, 85, 91, 98, 135, 173n, 174–176 136, 140, 179 Fujita, N. S., 24, 26, 29, 30, 100n, 169, 170 Daniel, A., 107 Fukuoka, 176, 177 Delplace, L., 18, 19 Funai, 91–93, 170, 172n, 174, 176, 177 demons/demonism, 52, 55–57, 60, 62, 69, 72–77, 79, 80. See also devils and Garneau, F. X., 32, 33, 39 diabolism general superior, see superior general Deslandres, D., 43 Georgian Bay, 65, 107 devils, 55, 56, 57, 72–77, 80, 188, 189, Gion, 170 199. See also demons/demonism Goa, 5, 49 diabolism, 57, 203. See also demons/ Goddard, P., 76, 77n demonism Gómez, P., 99 Dickason, O. P., 38, 40, 41n Gonoi, T., 29, 143n dóbuqu/dôbuku, 51 Gotô, 167, 172n dogicos, 142, 156n, 157 Gotô, J., 134 dojiques, 142, 156, 157 Grant, J. W., 38, 41, 42, 101, 113n dôjuku, 141n, 142, 143, 146, 156–158, Gravier, G., 130 163, 206 Great Lakes, 37, 40, 67n, 204 donnés, 142, 156, 158n Guaraní, 137, 139, 144n, 151 Druillèttes, G. 187, 191 Guazú, S. I., 136, 148 Dutch, 2, 6, 19, 25 Guzmàn, L. de, 18

Eastern Woodlands, 110, 148 Haas, H., 18–21 Ebisawa, A., 26, 28, 29 Heidenreich, C. E., 37 Elison, G., 22–24 Hell, 73, 76, 108 Emerson, J. N., 36, 37n Henriques, H., 83 encomiendas, 133, 136n, 144 Hindu, 83 England, 34, 106 Hirado, 52n, 92, 94, 96, 98, 175 ethnocentrism, 39 Historia de Iapam, 25n, 85n,135n, 172n, Etinechkawat, 155 175 Evora, 26, 142n Hizen, 85, 135–140, 146n, 147, 148, 151, 154, 156, 162, 178, 205, 206 Faillon, É. M., 32, 33 Hokkaido, 2 feasts, 73, 75, 76, 78, 110n, 170, 171, Hospital nuns, 122, 122, 152, 154, 158, 180, 185, 190 160, 184 230 index index 231

China, 4, 49, 92 Felipe, the king of Castile, 49 Hôtel-Dieu de Québec, 122, 123 Khichikouai, 69 Chiwatenhwa, 110n, 118 Ferland, J. B. A., 32, 33, 35, 39 hotoke, 53 Kichesipiirini, 150, 155, 156n Cochin, 3n, 52n, 58n, 83, 84n, 85n, 96n, Fernández, J., 56, 92n, 94, 171n Hudson Bay, 4 kimono, 51 107n, 169n feudalism, 57 Huron, 31–33, 35–37, 40–43, 65–67, Kinietz, W. V., 37, 67n, 70, 74n Coelho, G., 97n, 140, 169, 174n Figuereido, Melchior/Belchior de, 59n, 69–75, 77, 80, 104, 106–115, 117–120, Kirke brothers, 106 coffins, 177 85, 91n 122, 124, 126, 127, 147, 149, 151, Kisai, D., 134 Company of One Hundred Associates, Fléché, J., 63 157–159, 162, 181–196, 198, 199 kô, 171 106, 121, 122. See also Company of Formulae of the Institute of the Society Huron country [or the country of the Kôbôdaishi, 56 New France of Jesus, 91, 112 Hurons], 4, 36, 37, 71, 72, 74, Kôbôsama, 58 Company of New France, 149. See also Fort Richelieu, 151, 152 106–110, 115, 119, 123, 187, 194. Kuchinotsu, 94, 136, 170 Company of One Hundred Associates Fort Saint-Louis, 121 See also Huronia Kumamoto, 176 Confucianism, 29 France, 3, 4, 6, 17, 21, 31–33, 35, 44, 45, Huronia, 36, 104, 110, 115, 120, 157, Kutami, 55 Constitutions of the Society of Jesus, 61n, 69, 103–108, 111, 112, 121, 123, 160, 182, 192, 196–198. See also Kyoto, 54, 57, 58, 85, 99, 169, 173, 175 91n, 93n 157, 159, 166, 198 Huron country Kyushu, 5, 14, 55, 58, 135, 138, 176 councils, 23n, 77, 78, 139, 184, 191 197 Franciscans, 10, 20, 64, 66, 81, 98–109, Creation, 54, 69, 70, 80, 138, 163, 202, 206 111–113, 127, 131, 132, 201, 204 Ichiku, 175 La Conception, 147 crucifixes, 89, 170, 174–178, 185, 187, Frois, L., 21, 22, 25n, 26, 50–59, 85, 91n, icons, (Christian) 51, 97, 165, 169, 174; La Roche d’Aillon, Joseph de, 106 197–199 92, 93n, 94, 95n, 97n, 98n, 99, 135, (other) 51, 53, 56, 165, 178 Lafitau, J. F., 2, 3n 140, 142n, 143n, 170, 171n, 172n, Ihonatiria, 149, 159, 184, 185, 197 Lafléche, G., 44 daimyô, 30, 56n, 59, 84, 85, 91, 98, 135, 173n, 174–176 Ikitsuki Island, 94, 175 Lainez, D., 5 136, 140, 179 Fujita, N. S., 24, 26, 29, 30, 100n, 169, 170 Île d’Orléans, 147, 151, 184 Lake Ontario, 148 Daniel, A., 107 Fukuoka, 176, 177 India, 10, 30, 49, 82–84, 95, 117 Lake Simcoe, 65, 182, 191 Delplace, L., 18, 19 Funai, 91–93, 170, 172n, 174, 176, 177 indulgence, 175 Lalemant, C., 65, 67–71, 105 demons/demonism, 52, 55–57, 60, 62, Innu, 3, 64–66, 72–74, 77, 107, 109, Lalemant, J., 4, 44, 45, 72, 73, 75, 76, 78, 69, 72–77, 79, 80. See also devils and Garneau, F. X., 32, 33, 39 111–114, 118, 122, 130, 147, 150, 110, 114, 115, 117, 119, 120, 123, 147, diabolism general superior, see superior general 151, 154–156, 158, 160, 162, 181–183, 148, 150, 157, 159, 183, 188, 189, 192, Deslandres, D., 43 Georgian Bay, 65, 107 186–196, 198, 199, 206 193, 196,197, 198 devils, 55, 56, 57, 72–77, 80, 188, 189, Gion, 170 Iouskeha/Jouskeha, 69 Latta, M. A., 36, 37n 199. See also demons/demonism Goa, 5, 49 Iroquoian, 37, 65, 72, 105–107, 129, 154, Laures, J., 5, 6, 22, 23, 26 diabolism, 57, 203. See also demons/ Goddard, P., 76, 77n 165, 167, 181n Le Caron, J., 104 demonism Gómez, P., 99 Iroquois, 32, 33n, 37, 38n, 40, 42, 65n, Le Jeune, P., 3, 4, 65–67, 69–74, 77, 106, Dickason, O. P., 38, 40, 41n Gonoi, T., 29, 143n 112, 120, 122, 148, 151, 158, 167, 188 107, 109–115, 117–123, 129, 130, 150, dóbuqu/dôbuku, 51 Gotô, 167, 172n irmãos da misericordia, 92 155, 157, 159–161, 186–188, 190, 191, dogicos, 142, 156n, 157 Gotô, J., 134 Isabella, the queen of Castile, 49 193, 194, 196–198 dojiques, 142, 156, 157 Grant, J. W., 38, 41, 42, 101, 113n Island of Miskou, 192 Le Mercier, F. J., 44, 45, 72, 78, 109, 118, dôjuku, 141n, 142, 143, 146, 156–158, Gravier, G., 130 Italy, 1, 5 147, 186, 196 163, 206 Great Lakes, 37, 40, 67n, 204 Izanagi, 54 Lejarza, F. de, 21 donnés, 142, 156, 158n Guaraní, 137, 139, 144n, 151 Izanami, 54 leprosaria, 92 Druillèttes, G. 187, 191 Guazú, S. I., 136, 148 Les Relations des Jésuites, 3 Dutch, 2, 6, 19, 25 Guzmàn, L. de, 18 Jaenen, C. J., 38–41, 102, 131, 132n Lévis, H. de, Duc de Vendatour, 105, 106n Jenness, D., 37 liquor, 147, 149, 160 Eastern Woodlands, 110, 148 Haas, H., 18–21 Jetten, M., 3n, 131 Lisbon, 21 Ebisawa, A., 26, 28, 29 Heidenreich, C. E., 37 Jouvency, J., 68 longhouses, 105 Elison, G., 22–24 Hell, 73, 76, 108 Jury, E. M., 36 Lorenzana, M. de, 136 Emerson, J. N., 36, 37n Henriques, H., 83 Jury, W., 36 Loreto, 144 encomiendas, 133, 136n, 144 Hindu, 83 Los Santos Mártires de Japón, 134 England, 34, 106 Hirado, 52n, 92, 94, 96, 98, 175 Kagoshima, 1, 48, 96, 175 Loyola, I. de, 5, 55, 56, 83 ethnocentrism, 39 Historia de Iapam, 25n, 85n,135n, 172n, kami, 53, 54, 56 Lucifer, 55 Etinechkawat, 155 175 kanbô, 142, 143 Evora, 26, 142n Hizen, 85, 135–140, 146n, 147, 148, 151, kannon, 52, 53, 56 ma, 55 154, 156, 162, 178, 205, 206 kappa, 173 Macao, 5, 21, 136, 142n Faillon, É. M., 32, 33 Hokkaido, 2 Kawasaki, M., 21n, 26n, 85n, 93n, 95n, magistrats, 155 feasts, 73, 75, 76, 78, 110n, 170, 171, Hospital nuns, 122, 122, 152, 154, 158, 135n Magnuson, R., 101, 103n, 111n, 113n, 180, 185, 190 160, 184 Kennedy, J. H., 38, 39 115, 116n 232 index

Makheabichtichiou, 77, 118 Normans, 63 Malacca, 5 Notre-Dame-des-Anges, 103, 112–114 Mali, A., 101, 113n Nouë, A. de, 66, 105, 106, 109 Maliseet, 63, 64n Noyrot, P., 105 Manila, 5, 98 Nuestra Señora de los Reyes de Yapeyú, manitou, 72–74, 80, 187–189, 191, 148 194–196, 198 Nueva España [or New Spain], 4, 5, 49, Manitouchatche, 191 131 Manitousisiouekhi, 196 martyrs/martyrdom, 23, 44, 45, 99n, Oda, Nobunaga, 58, 85 134, 174, 176 ohyakudo mairi, 172 Mass, 3, 91, 113, 141, 147, 151, 169, 179, Ôita, 176 185 Okada, A., 26–28 Massé, Énemond/Ennemond, 63, 64, Okamoto, Y., 25–27 105 okata/saokata, 195 Matsuda, K., 25, 26 oki, 72, 73, 80, 188, 189, 195, 196 Matsuura, Shigenobu, 98. oki ontatechiata, 196 Matuura, 92 Ômura, 58, 85, 135, 139, 140, 142, 167 McIlwraith, T. F., 36 Ômura, Sumitada, 26n, 92, 135, 137, McMullen, J. M., 34 140, 174 medals, 177, 178, 197 ondaki, 72, 89 medicine men, 73 onniont, 198 Meiji, 24, 171 Ontario, 34, 37, 41, 148 Membertou, 77 ontetsans/aretsans, 195 Messsou, 69 Orr, R. B., 36 Mexico, 131, 132, 133n Osaka, 85, 99, 176 Mi’kmaq, 63, 64n, 77, 118 Ossossané, 111, 118, 149, 185, 186, 196, Miki, P., 134 197 miko, 172 Ôtomo, 58, 91, 177 miyaza, 171 Ôtomo, Yoshishige, 93 Mohawk, 35n, 151, 167 Ôuchi, Yoshitaka, 85 Moluccas, 4n Montagnais, 3, 64, 65n, 106n. See also Pacific Ocean, 4, 29 Innu pagans/paganism, 28, 48, 51, 52, 56, 59, Montmagny, C. H. de, 118, 155 67, 68, 110 Montoya, A. R. de, 133, 134, 138, 139, Pagès L., 18, 21 144 Paraguay, 10, 11, 129-141, 143–150, Montreal, 3, 147, 165, 167 152–159, 161–163, 201, 205, 206 Moran, J. F., 24 Paraná River, 134 Morgan, H., 37 Paris, 1, 3, 64, 106, 111, 123 Mount Atago, 57 patriarchy, 43 Murai, S., 29 Péron, F. du, 72, 73n, 198 Murakami, N., 25 Peru, 132 Murdoch, J., 18, 20 philanthropy, 27, 91, 92, 117, 119, 122, 123, 127, 152, 153, 160–162, 166, 168, Nagasaki, 85, 87, 90, 92, 99, 134–137, 169, 171, 172, 185, 206 148, 149, 163, 169, 174, 176 Philippines, 49, 98, 100, 131, 136 Nara, 57 Pijart, C., 121 Neutral, 75 Pijart, P., 4 New England, 106 Pipounoukhe, 69 Niirô Iseno Kami Yasuhisa, 175 Popham, R. E., 36 Nipinouskhé, 69 Port Saint John, 63 Niscaminou, 68 Portugal, 1, 22, 26, 49, 83 232 index index 233

Makheabichtichiou, 77, 118 Normans, 63 prayers, 3, 55, 68, 69, 82, 96, 113, 115, Schütte, J. F., 22n, 50, 142n, 143n, 157, 228 Malacca, 5 Notre-Dame-des-Anges, 103, 112–114 121, 155, 158, 172, 175, 185–187, Scot, D., 157, 158n Mali, A., 101, 113n Nouë, A. de, 66, 105, 106, 109 191–193, 196, 207 Settsu, 92 Maliseet, 63, 64n Noyrot, P., 105 Principe, C., 101, 113n Shaka, 52–56 Manila, 5, 98 Nuestra Señora de los Reyes de Yapeyú, proscription [of Christianity], 25, 29, shamans/shamanism, 55, 57, 72–75, 118, manitou, 72–74, 80, 187–189, 191, 148 99, 167 172, 179, 185, 188, 189–191, 194–196, 194–196, 198 Nueva España [or New Spain], 4, 5, 49, pueblo reales, 132 200 Manitouchatche, 191 131 Shimabara, 176 Manitousisiouekhi, 196 qimão [or kimono], 51 Shimizu, H., 26, 29 martyrs/martyrdom, 23, 44, 45, 99n, Oda, Nobunaga, 58, 85 Quebec, 3, 32, 33, 39, 41, 63, 64, 65, 66, Shintô, 21, 52, 54n, 55, 56, 60, 73, 74, 134, 174, 176 ohyakudo mairi, 172 69, 70, 86, 101, 103, 104, 106–109, 97, 140, 167, 169–173, 175, 176, 178, Mass, 3, 91, 113, 141, 147, 151, 169, 179, Ôita, 176 111–113, 116, 117, 120–123, 131, 181, 196, 200 185 Okada, A., 26–28 147–150, 152, 153, 155, 158–160, 182, Sillery, 110, 120–122, 130, 147–152, Massé, Énemond/Ennemond, 63, 64, Okamoto, Y., 25–27 184, 190, 193, 194, 197 154–156, 160, 161, 179, 181–184, 187, 105 okata/saokata, 195 Quen, J. de, 199 191–193, 197–199 Matsuda, K., 25, 26 oki, 72, 73, 80, 188, 189, 195, 196 Silva, D. da, 55, 173n Matsuura, Shigenobu, 98. oki ontatechiata, 196 Ragueneau, P., 72, 111, 158, 160, 187, Simard, J. J., 131 Matuura, 92 Ômura, 58, 85, 135, 139, 140, 142, 167 188, 191, 192, 194, 198 sin, 54, 83, 169, 175 McIlwraith, T. F., 36 Ômura, Sumitada, 26n, 92, 135, 137, Ratio Studiorum, 114 Sioui, G. E., 62, 70n McMullen, J. M., 34 140, 174 Récollet Franciscans, 64, 101, 108 sky world, 54, 167 medals, 177, 178, 197 ondaki, 72, 89 reducciónes, 10, 11, 129–139, 144–151, Smith, W., 34 medicine men, 73 onniont, 198 155–157, 161–163, 201, 205, 206 soothsayers, 73 Meiji, 24, 171 Ontario, 34, 37, 41, 148 réductions, 10, 11, 129–132, 135, Sorbonne, 108 Membertou, 77 ontetsans/aretsans, 195 146–151, 153–158, 160–163, 179, 182, sorcerers, 73, 74 Messsou, 69 Orr, R. B., 36 184, 187, 194, 197, 201, 205–207 soul, 3, 53, 57, 70, 71, 80, 82, 93, 96, Mexico, 131, 132, 133n Osaka, 85, 99, 176 Richelieu, 106, 123 102, 108, 172, 195 Mi’kmaq, 63, 64n, 77, 118 Ossossané, 111, 118, 149, 185, 186, 196, Rio Grande do Sul, 148 South China Sea, 49 Miki, P., 134 197 Rochemonteix, C. de, 32, 33, 35 Spain, 1, 22, 49, 61n miko, 172 Ôtomo, 58, 91, 177 Rodrigues, Simão, 49, 83 [The] Spiritual Exercises, 55 miyaza, 171 Ôtomo, Yoshishige, 93 Rodrigues, Giram, 142n Steckley, J., 37 Mohawk, 35n, 151, 167 Ôuchi, Yoshitaka, 85 Rodriguez-Tçuzu, J., 22, 138n, 139 Sulte, B., 32, 33, 39 Moluccas, 4n Rome, 11, 17, 20, 22, 42, 50, 59, 157 superior general [or general superior], 5, Montagnais, 3, 64, 65n, 106n. See also Pacific Ocean, 4, 29 rosaries, 169, 172, 174, 177, 197 50, 55, 58, 193 Innu pagans/paganism, 28, 48, 51, 52, 56, 59, Ross, A. C., 24 Montmagny, C. H. de, 118, 155 67, 68, 110 Roy, J. E., 130, 131n Tadoussac, 151, 155, 158, 184, 199 Montoya, A. R. de, 133, 134, 138, 139, Pagès L., 18, 21 Takahashi, H., 29, 30 144 Paraguay, 10, 11, 129-141, 143–150, Sá, G. de, 85 Takase, K., 26, 29 Montreal, 3, 147, 165, 167 152–159, 161–163, 201, 205, 206 Saga, 85, 135 Takayama, 85, 92 Moran, J. F., 24 Paraná River, 134 Sagard, G., 133n, 104n, 108, 151n Takayama Hidanokami, 92 Morgan, H., 37 Paris, 1, 3, 64, 106, 111, 123 Saint Joseph, 110, 150 Takushima Island, 94 Mount Atago, 57 patriarchy, 43 Saint Lawrence, 4, 10, 35, 36, 39, 66, 70, Tamil, 82, 83 Murai, S., 29 Péron, F. du, 72, 73n, 198 77, 101, 103, 105, 108, 109, 111, 129, Tawiscaron, 69 Murakami, N., 25 Peru, 132 131, 148, 153, 190, 192, 204 Teanaostaiaé, 149, 158 Murdoch, J., 18, 20 philanthropy, 27, 91, 92, 117, 119, 122, Sainte-Croix, 130 Tebicuary Rivers, 148 123, 127, 152, 153, 160–162, 166, 168, Sainte Marie, 36, 110, 111n, 123, 124, Tekakwitha, K., 167 Nagasaki, 85, 87, 90, 92, 99, 134–137, 169, 171, 172, 185, 206 125, 126 Ten Commandments, 84, 91 148, 149, 163, 169, 174, 176 Philippines, 49, 98, 100, 131, 136 Sakai, 53, 173 theocracy, 58 Nara, 57 Pijart, C., 121 San Ignacio Mini, 144 Thwaites, R. G., 35 Neutral, 75 Pijart, P., 4 San Martín, F. de, 136 Tokugawa, 27, 29, 99n New England, 106 Pipounoukhe, 69 San Miguel, 148 Tooker, E., 37, 62, 63n, 67n, 70n, 181n, Niirô Iseno Kami Yasuhisa, 175 Popham, R. E., 36 Satan, 52, 57, 73 196n Nipinouskhé, 69 Port Saint John, 63 Schilling, D., 20, 21, 226 Torres, C. de, 56, 58, 91, 92, 123, 144, Niscaminou, 68 Portugal, 1, 22, 26, 49, 83 Schurhammer, G., 20, 21, 22, 226 174, 176 234 index

Totiri, É., 158 Vimont, Barthélemy/Barthélemi, 110, Toulouse, 21 115, 117, 120, 121, 152, 179, 181, 184, Toyotomi, Hideyoshi, 58, 98, 99n, 134 187 Trigger, B. G., 10n, 38, 40–42, 62, 63n, Vincent, M. T., 37, 38n 67, 76, 77n, 101, 103, 106, 108n, 111, Vitelleschi, Mutius/Mutio, 193 113n, 116, 117, 123, 131, 184n Trois-Rivières, 109, 118, 120, 122, 147, war chiefs, 77, 78 148, 150, 151, 160, 182, 184, 190, 191, water [as in holy/sacred water], 173, 194, 195, 198 174, 197–199 Trudel, M., 38, 39 Whelan, C., 165–167, 178 Tsiouendaentaha, 118 Wright, J. V., 37

Uruguay, 130, 134, 148 Xavier, F. de, 1, 3, 4n, 7, 9, 12, 21, 23, Uruguay River, 134, 148 48, 49, 52, 56, 58, 63, 66, 67, 82–85, Ursulines, 86, 121, 122, 130, 152, 183 91, 96, 107, 119, 123, 127, 134, 138, 150, 175, 201, 202, 204 Valence, 4 Valignano, A., 22, 24, 26, 30, 50, 58, yamabushi, 57, 75, 172 95–97, 99, 138, 140, 142, 169 Yamagata, I., 20 Vaz, M., 55 Yamaguchi, 56, 91, 92, 96 Viel, N., 104, 104n Yavevirí, 144 Viela, G., 50, 52–54, 56, 57, 169, 175 Yokoseura, 136 Vignerot, M. M. de, Duchesse d’Aiguillon, 123 234 index

Totiri, É., 158 Vimont, Barthélemy/Barthélemi, 110, Toulouse, 21 115, 117, 120, 121, 152, 179, 181, 184, Studies in the History Toyotomi, Hideyoshi, 58, 98, 99n, 134 187 Trigger, B. G., 10n, 38, 40–42, 62, 63n, Vincent, M. T., 37, 38n of Christian Traditions 67, 76, 77n, 101, 103, 106, 108n, 111, Vitelleschi, Mutius/Mutio, 193 113n, 116, 117, 123, 131, 184n (formerly Studies in the History of Christian Thought) Trois-Rivières, 109, 118, 120, 122, 147, war chiefs, 77, 78 148, 150, 151, 160, 182, 184, 190, 191, water [as in holy/sacred water], 173, 194, 195, 198 174, 197–199 Edited by Robert J. Bast Trudel, M., 38, 39 Whelan, C., 165–167, 178 Tsiouendaentaha, 118 Wright, J. V., 37 1. McNeill, J. J. The Blondelian Synthesis. 1966. Out of print 2. Goertz, H.-J. Innere und äussere Ordnung in der Theologie Thomas Müntzers. 1967 Uruguay, 130, 134, 148 Xavier, F. de, 1, 3, 4n, 7, 9, 12, 21, 23, 3. Bauman, Cl. 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