The Future of Ukrainian-Russian Relations" Conference Roundtable Transcript
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Transnational Migrant Brazilian Women in “Pink Collar Jobs” in The
© COPYRIGHT by Lucilia V. Tremura 2011 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED DEDICATION To Ricardo, My Dear Son TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANT BRAZILIAN WOMEN IN “PINK COLLAR JOBS” IN THE GREATER WASHINGTON D.C. AREA BY Lucilia V. Tremura ABSTRACT The study of transnational migrant Brazilian women in “pink collar jobs” in the Greater Washington D.C. metropolitan area comprises thirty-four Brazilian women who chose the United States as their place to be called home. It is termed transnational because of the permanent ties connecting these women to their country of origin, Brazil, and their country of adoption, the United States. The expression “pink collar jobs” indicates low paid jobs, mainly performed by women, no expertise necessary, in the service sector. The Washington D.C. metropolitan area has become a new destination for immigrants with a large concentration of Latin Americans. Brazilian presence is among these diverse groups of immigrants, with an increasing participation on the market. This research focuses on transnational migration in women‟s context, with all the nuances that involve the process of migration and incorporation into the labor market. Three research questions explore the topic: ii 1. Why do Brazilian women engage in transnational migration from Brazil to the United States? 1. a. How do social networks affect their transnational migration? 2. How do the social construction of gender and ethnicity influence the occupational choices of this group of Brazilian women, in light of their backgrounds and the job perspectives they anticipated? 3. In what ways do pink collar jobs shape their identity, social interaction and job satisfaction? The answers to these questions delineate the main characteristics, aspirations and satisfactions of these migrant workers as they embrace the United States as their new home. -
Civis Romanus Sum Citizenship in Ancient Rome Was Valued Not Only
Civis Romanus Sum Citizenship in Ancient Rome was valued not only for the rights and social status it provided, but also for the sense of patriotism and honor it instilled in the Roman people. The gravity of citizenship allowed the Roman Empire’s multitudinous regions to become vastly and impossibly connected by a sense of pride for one Italian city. Citizenship was a commodity valuable enough for soldiers such as Mucius Scaevola to give their right hands for, as well as for plebeians to secede and fight for with their lives. Citizens felt an unbreakable bond between themselves and their nation; they were dedicated to representing and defending Rome at any cost. It was this strong sense of identity that united so many people and created such a dominant empire. Roman citizenship was one of the most prized possessions a European inhabitant could have, bearing the magnitude of rights, ranking, honor, and a powerful sense of Roman identity. Although some Roman people were born into citizenship, the rest of the population yearned for such rights and status, and took whatever action they could to become true, legal members of Roman society. Citizenship included suffrage, the right to run for and occupy office, the right to not be tortured, crucified, or be sentenced to death unless found guilty of treason, the right to marry, to hold property, and to have a trial, as well as various “public” and “private” prerogatives. Romans born into a noble family inherited citizenship and social status; they made up the patrician class, while the lower plebeian class was made up of free non-citizens. -
Revolving Beast: Identifying the Animal in Post-Revolutionary Russian Literature
Revolving Beast: Identifying the Animal in post-Revolutionary Russian Literature by Eric D. Ford A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Slavic Languages and Literatures) in the University of Michigan 2016 Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Sofya Khagi, Chair Associate Professor Herbert J. Eagle Professor Peggy S. McCracken Assistant Professor Benjamin B. Paloff In memory of my brother Jason Ford (1970 - 2012) ii Acknowledgments This dissertation would not have been written without the support and encouragement of several people at the University of Michigan. I am especially indebted to two individuals: Herb Eagle, who served admirably as chair of the Slavic Department for the majority of my time at the university, and who gave invaluable help and advice during some particularly trying times; and Sofya Khagi, my advisor, with whom I have had the great pleasure of working over the past several years. She has been a wonderful mentor, colleague, and friend. I am deeply grateful to my other committee members, Peggy McCracken and Benjamin Paloff, who read my dissertation carefully and provided very helpful criticism and suggestions. I would also like to thank the talented and dedicated faculty of the Slavic department with whom I’ve worked as student and colleague: Olga Maiorova, Mikhail Krutikov, Tatjana Aleksić, Jindrich Toman, Svitlana Rogovyk, Nina Shkolnik, Natalia Kondrashova, Eugene Bondarenko, and Omry Ronen. Thanks also to the many fellow graduate students I’ve had the pleasure of knowing and working with: Aleksandar Bošković, Vlad Beronja, Yana Arnold, Jessica Zychowicz, Renee Scherer, Adam Kolkman, Sarah Sutter, Jodi Grieg, Marin Turk, Jamie Parsons, Olga Greco, Paulina Duda, Haley Laurila, Jason Wagner, and Grace Mahoney. -
The Causes of Ukrainian-Polish Ethnic Cleansing 1943 Author(S): Timothy Snyder Source: Past & Present, No
The Past and Present Society The Causes of Ukrainian-Polish Ethnic Cleansing 1943 Author(s): Timothy Snyder Source: Past & Present, No. 179 (May, 2003), pp. 197-234 Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of The Past and Present Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3600827 . Accessed: 05/01/2014 17:29 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Oxford University Press and The Past and Present Society are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Past &Present. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 137.110.33.183 on Sun, 5 Jan 2014 17:29:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE CAUSES OF UKRAINIAN-POLISH ETHNIC CLEANSING 1943* Ethniccleansing hides in the shadow of the Holocaust. Even as horrorof Hitler'sFinal Solution motivates the study of other massatrocities, the totality of its exterminatory intention limits thevalue of the comparisons it elicits.Other policies of mass nationalviolence - the Turkish'massacre' of Armenians beginningin 1915, the Greco-Turkish'exchanges' of 1923, Stalin'sdeportation of nine Soviet nations beginning in 1935, Hitler'sexpulsion of Poles and Jewsfrom his enlargedReich after1939, and the forcedflight of Germans fromeastern Europein 1945 - havebeen retrievedfrom the margins of mili- tary and diplomatichistory. -
Biden and Ukraine: a Strategy for the New Administration
Atlantic Council EURASIA CENTER ISSUE BRIEF Biden and Ukraine: A Strategy for the New Administration ANDERS ÅSLUND, MELINDA HARING, WILLIAM B. TAYLOR, MARCH 2021 JOHN E. HERBST, DANIEL FRIED, AND ALEXANDER VERSHBOW Introduction US President Joseph R. Biden, Jr., knows Ukraine well. His victory was well- received in Kyiv. Many in Kyiv see the next four years as an opportunity to reestablish trust between the United States and Ukraine and push Ukraine’s reform aspirations forward while ending Russia’s destabilization of Ukraine’s east. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is greatly interested in reestablishing a close US-Ukraine relationship, which has gone through a bumpy period under former US President Donald J. Trump when Ukraine became a flash point in US domestic politics. Resetting relations with Kyiv will not be simple. As vice president, Biden oversaw Ukraine policy, visited the country six times, and knows most of its players and personalities, which is an obvious advantage. But Zelenskyy is different from his immediate predecessor. He hails from Ukraine’s Russian- speaking east, was not an active participant in the Revolution of Dignity, has had little contact with the West, and took a battering during Trump’s first impeachment in which Ukraine was front and center. However, Zelenskyy is keen to engage with the new Biden team and seeks recognition as a global leader. The Biden administration would be wise to seize this opportunity. The first priority for the new Biden team should be to get to know the players in Ukraine and Zelenskyy’s inner circle (Zelenskyy’s team and his ministers are not household names in Washington) and to establish a relationship of trust after the turbulence of the Trump years. -
Migration and the Ukraine Crisis a Two-Country Perspective This E-Book Is Provided Without Charge Via Free Download by E-International Relations (
EDITED BY AGNIESZKA PIKULICKA-WILCZEWSKA & GRETA UEHLING Migration and the Ukraine Crisis A Two-Country Perspective This e-book is provided without charge via free download by E-International Relations (www.E-IR.info). It is not permitted to be sold in electronic format under any circumstances. If you enjoy our free e-books, please consider leaving a small donation to allow us to continue investing in open access publications: http://www.e-ir.info/about/donate/ i Migration and the Ukraine Crisis A Two-Country Perspective EDITED BY AGNIESZKA PIKULICKA-WILCZEWSKA & GRETA UEHLING ii E-International Relations www.E-IR.info Bristol, England 2017 ISBN 978-1-910814-27-7 (paperback) ISBN 978-1-910814-28-4 (e-book) This book is published under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC 4.0 license. You are free to: • Share – copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format • Adapt – remix, transform, and build upon the material Under the following terms: • Attribution – You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. • Non-Commercial – You may not use the material for commercial purposes. Any of the above conditions can be waived if you get permission. Please contact [email protected] for any such enquiries, including for licensing and translation requests. Other than the terms noted above, there are no restrictions placed on the use and dissemination of this book for student learning materials / scholarly use. -
The Great Middle Class Revolution: Our Long March Toward a Professionalized Society Melvyn L
Kennesaw State University DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University KSU Press Legacy Project 1-2006 The Great Middle Class Revolution: Our Long March Toward a Professionalized Society Melvyn L. Fein Kennesaw State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/ksupresslegacy Part of the Social Psychology and Interaction Commons, and the Work, Economy and Organizations Commons Recommended Citation Fein, Melvyn L., "The Great Middle Class Revolution: Our Long March Toward a Professionalized Society" (2006). KSU Press Legacy Project. 5. http://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/ksupresslegacy/5 This Book is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in KSU Press Legacy Project by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE GREAT MIDDLE-CLASS REVOLUTION Our Long March Toward A Professionalized Society THE GREAT MIDDLE-CLASS REVOLUTION Our Long March Toward A Professionalized Society Melvyn L. Fein 2005 Copyright © 2005 Kennesaw State University Press All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner without prior written consent of the publisher. Kennesaw State University Press Kennesaw State University Bldg. 27, Ste. 220, MB# 2701 1000 Chastain Road Kennesaw, GA 30144 Betty L. Seigel, President of the University Lendley Black, Vice President for Academic Affairs Laura Dabundo, Editor & Director of the Press Shirley Parker-Cordell, Sr. Administrative Specialist Holly S. Miller, Cover Design Mark Anthony, Editorial & Production Assistant Jeremiah Byars, Michelle Hinson, Margo Lakin-Lapage, and Brenda Wilson, Editorial Assistants Back cover photo by Jim Bolt Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Fein, Melvyn L. -
Nationality in Ukraine: Some Rules of Engagement Oxana Shevel
Nationality in Ukraine: Some Rules of Engagement Oxana Shevel Although the fall of empires gives rise to states, it need not create nations. The collapse of the Soviet Union 10 years ago did not in- stantly transform citizens of its successor states into members of nations. As in other postimperial settings, in post-Soviet Ukraine the modern nation is built, or not. The question of Ukrainian nation- building deserves the attention it draws from social scientists. De- scribed as “the West of the East or the East of the West,” and strad- dling the faultline between Muscovy and Poland-Lithuania, Ukraine was partitioned among empires, and stood at the cross- roads of various religious and cultural inuences. 1 In today’s Ukraine we perceive ethnic and linguistic diversity, a poor match to modern national ideals where “state borders conne linguis- tic communities, and the languages of speech, politics, and wor- ship are one and the same.”2 In Ernest Gellner’s terms, it is not at all obvious that the Ukrainian political and the national units are “congruent.”3 Attempts to make the nation match the state are called “nation- building,” although this term is extremely broad. In historical terms, attempts to build nations have ranged from wartime eth- nic cleansing to peacetime textbook editing. Nation-building in independent Ukraine has received a good deal of attention in the past decade, with scholars evaluating the results as mixed. Stud- ies of popular opinion question loyalties to the new state, while analyses of nation-building policies characterize them as vague and 1.On early modern Ukrainian politics, consult Frank Sysyn, Between Poland and the Ukraine (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1985); Andrzej Kaminski, Re- public vs. -
Nato Enlargement: Qualifications and Contributions—Parts I–Iv Hearings
S. HRG. 108–180 NATO ENLARGEMENT: QUALIFICATIONS AND CONTRIBUTIONS—PARTS I–IV HEARINGS BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED EIGHTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION MARCH 27, AND APRIL 1, 3 AND 8, 2003 Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.access.gpo.gov/congress/senate U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 90–325 PDF WASHINGTON : 2003 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2250 Mail: Stop SSOP, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate 11-MAY-2000 17:42 Nov 12, 2003 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 90325 SFORELA1 PsN: SFORELA1 COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS RICHARD G. LUGAR, Indiana, Chairman CHUCK HAGEL, Nebraska JOSEPH R. BIDEN, JR., Delaware LINCOLN CHAFEE, Rhode Island PAUL S. SARBANES, Maryland GEORGE ALLEN, Virginia CHRISTOPHER J. DODD, Connecticut SAM BROWNBACK, Kansas JOHN F. KERRY, Massachusetts MICHAEL B. ENZI, Wyoming RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD, Wisconsin GEORGE V. VOINOVICH, Ohio BARBARA BOXER, California LAMAR ALEXANDER, Tennessee BILL NELSON, Florida NORM COLEMAN, Minnesota JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER IV, West Virginia JOHN E. SUNUNU, New Hampshire JON S. CORZINE, New Jersey KENNETH A. MYERS, JR., Staff Director ANTONY J. BLINKEN, Democratic Staff Director (II) VerDate 11-MAY-2000 17:42 Nov 12, 2003 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 5904 Sfmt 5904 90325 SFORELA1 PsN: SFORELA1 CONTENTS Thursday, March 27, 2003—Part I Page Allen, Hon. George, U.S. Senator from Virginia, opening statement ................. -
Ian Brzezinski Is a Resident Senior Fellow with the Brent Scowcroft Center on International Security and Is on the Atlantic Council's Strategic Advisors Group
Ian Brzezinski is a resident senior fellow with the Brent Scowcroft Center on International Security and is on the Atlantic Council's Strategic Advisors Group. He brings to the Council more than two decades of experience in US national security matters, having served in senior policy positions in the US Department of Defense and the US Congress. He currently leads the Brzezinski Group, which provides strategic insight and advice to government and commercial clients. Brzezinski served as deputy assistant secretary of defense for Europe and NATO policy (2001- 05). His office formulated, coordinated, and executed bilateral and regional engagement strategies and defense guidance with the Joint Staff, Unified Combatant Commands, and Defense Department elements. His lead responsibilities included NATO expansion; Alliance force planning and transformation; and NATO operations in the Balkans, the Mediterranean, Afghanistan, and Iraq. Key highlights of his tenure include the expansion of NATO membership in 2004; the consolidation and reconfiguration of the Alliance's command structure; the standing up of the NATO Response Force; and the coordination of European military contributions to US and NATO-led operations in Iraq, Afghanistan, and the Balkans. Brzezinski served for seven years on Capitol Hill, first as a legislative assistant for national security affairs to the chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, Senator Bill Roth, (1995– 2000) and then as a senior professional staff member on the US Senate Committee on Foreign Relations (2000–01). In these capacities, he drafted and implemented legislative initiatives and strategies concerning US interests in Europe, Russia, the Caucasus, and Central Asia. As the staff coordinator of the Senate NATO Observer Group, he facilitated coordination and communication between the US Senate and the executive branch on NATO enlargement, NATO operations in the Balkans, and Alliance force modernization, among other issues. -
Patricians and Plebeians Under Etruscan Rule the Patricians Create a Republic Between 616 and 509 B.C.E., the Over Time, the Etruscans Ruled Rome
Patricians and Plebeians under Etruscan Rule The Patricians Create a Republic Between 616 and 509 B.C.E., the Over time, the Etruscans ruled Rome. During this patricians began to time, Roman society was divided into resent Etruscan two classes, patricians and plebeians. rule. In 509 B.C.E., a group of patricians, Upper-class citizens, called led by Lucius Julius patricians, came from a small group Brutus, rebelled. of wealthy landowners. Patrician They drove out the comes from the Latin word pater, last Etruscan king. In which means “father”. The patricians place of a choose from among themselves the monarchy, they “fathers of the state”, the men who created a republic. advised the Etruscan king. Patricians In a republic, controlled the most valuable land. elected officials Patricians were the elite in They also held the important military govern for the Roman society and religious offices. Brutus denounced the Etruscan kings and was people. elected one of the first consuls in the new republic. Free non-patricians called plebeians were mostly peasants, laborers, craftspeople, and shopkeepers. To the patricians, “the people” meant themselves, not the plebeians. The word plebeian comes from plebs, The patricians put most of the power in the hands of the Senate. The which means ”the common people”. Senate was a group of 300 patricians elected by patricians. The Plebeians made up about 95 percent of senators served for life. They also appointed other government Rome’s population. They could not be officials and served as judges. priests or government officials. They had little voice in the government. -
US SECURITY POLICY for EUROPE by Ian Brzezinski
MAY 2015 US SECURITY POLICY FOR EUROPE By Ian Brzezinski Ian Brzezinski is Senior Fellow, Brent Scowcroft Center on International Security, at the Atlantic Council. This is the text of testimony delivered at a hearing of the US Senate Committee on the Armed Services, April 28, 2014 on US Policy on Europe. The testimony was originally posted on The Atlantic Council’s website at http://www.atlanticcouncil.org/news/in-the-news/brzezinski-testifies-before-us-senate-committee-on-armed-services. Chairman McCain, Ranking Member Reed, Members of the Committee, I am honored to speak at this hearing on the state of U.S. security interests in Europe. We meet today some eight months after the September 4, 2014 NATO summit in Wales, United Kingdom. That meeting of Allied heads of state proved to be an important inflection point for the Alliance. When planning for that summit began, its primary objective was to mark the end of NATO’s combat operations in Afghanistan. Some were even concerned about the future relevance of NATO, anticipating that it was about to enter a period of unprecedented operational inactivity following decades of defending against the Soviet Union, managing conflict in the Balkans, and, more recently, contributing to out-of area undertakings in Afghanistan and even Iraq. Instead, the Alliance’s agenda that Fall was dominated by events that most policy-makers on both sides of the Atlantic failed to anticipate. These, of course, include Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the sudden and bloodthirsty rise of ISIS in Syria and Iraq. A read of the summit communiqué reflects other challenges confronting the Alliance: missile proliferation, chaos in Libya, crises in Mali and the Congo African Republic, threats to the global commons – including its cyber and maritime domains, and Iran’s nuclear program, among others.