Internal Displacement in Ukraine: Where the Government Went Wrong
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Report on the Human Rights Situation in Ukraine 16 May to 15 August 2018
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Report on the human rights situation in Ukraine 16 May to 15 August 2018 Contents Page I. Executive summary .......................................................................................................................... 1 II. OHCHR methodology ...................................................................................................................... 3 III. Impact of hostilities .......................................................................................................................... 3 A. Conduct of hostilities and civilian casualties ............................................................................. 3 B. Situation at the contact line and rights of conflict-affected persons ............................................ 7 1. Right to restitution and compensation for use or damage of private property ..................... 7 2. Right to social security and social protection .................................................................... 9 3. Freedom of movement, isolated communities and access to basic services ...................... 10 IV. Right to physical integrity ............................................................................................................... 11 A. Access to detainees and places of detention ............................................................................ 11 B. Arbitrary detention, enforced disappearance and abduction, torture and ill-treatment ............... 12 C. Situation -
International Organizations and Settlement of the Conflict in Ukraine
International Organizations and Settlement of the Conflict in Ukraine Alena F. Douhan* Abstract 195 I. Introduction 196 II. The United Nations and the Conflict in Ukraine 199 1. UN Security Council 199 2. UN General Assembly 201 3. Other UN Organs 202 III. Regional Organizations and the Conflict in Ukraine 203 1. Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe 203 2. Council of Europe 205 3. European Union 206 4. North Atlantic Treaty Organization 208 5. Collective Security Treaty Organization 209 IV. Conclusions 211 Abstract The situation in Ukraine has been a matter of concern for the interna- tional community since January 2014 and remains a central focus of legal and political scientists. The United Nations (UN) Security Council ap- peared to be unable not only to settle the conflict but also to take any feasi- ble measures for its settlement. As a result, a range of regional organizations became involved in the crisis. This article examines the legal perspectives of the activity of the UN and regional organizations which aimed to prevent, detain and settle the conflict in Ukraine. It also determines the specifics of methods used by each organization, assesses the efficacy of their activity and develops proposals for enhancement of their effectiveness. * Associate Professor of the International Law Department, Belarusian State University, Ph.D. (Minsk); where in this article only the title of a document is mentioned in a footnote, reference is made to press-statements of the United Nations accessible at <http://www.un. org>. ZaöRV 75 (2015), 195-214 http://www.zaoerv.de © 2015, Max-Planck-Institut für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrecht 196 Douhan I. -
How Far Can the EU Expand? the Dilemmas of Ukrainian Membership
EU crisis simulation 2013 issue brief How Far Can the EU Expand? The Dilemmas of Ukrainian Membership By Scott N. Duryea While the Council of Europe faces many important issues affect the future of the EU, few involve the geopolitical pressures and question of European identity raised by the possibility of Ukraine membership. Opening membership to European democracies is a foundational concept of the EU, but Ukraine possess great difficulties; it is a very large country (roughly the same in size and population to France), poor it brings difficult relations with Russia. Ukraine has a long border with Russia; 2300 km (1400 miles) long and hosts Russia’s most important navy base. Its population includes are large Russian minority. Some 30 percent of its population (14.5 million out of 45.6 million people) are native Russian-speakers. Bringing Ukraine into the EU would transform the country, and the EU. Refusing to admit Ukraine might have equally powerful consequences. Ukraine is increasingly falling into the fold of the European Union. Many Ukrainians seek eventual membership into the EU, but a number of pressing issues must be resolved before Ukraine fully goes west. These include reforming Ukrainian bureaucracy, obeying the rule of law, cracking down on corruption, and evading Russian attempts to keep Ukraine from breaking away from its unhealthy Eurasian ties. At stake is not just the future of the concept of Europe and European relations with Russia, but the future of Ukrainian democracy and national identity. As stated in the EU Council Conclusions on Ukraine of 10 December 2012, Ukraine’s EU status focuses on three elements of reform: 1 The compliance of the 2012 parliamentary elections with international standards and follow-up actions, Ukraine’s progress in addressing the issue of selective justice and preventing its recurrence, and Implementing the reforms defined in the jointly agreed Association Agenda. -
The Causes of Ukrainian-Polish Ethnic Cleansing 1943 Author(S): Timothy Snyder Source: Past & Present, No
The Past and Present Society The Causes of Ukrainian-Polish Ethnic Cleansing 1943 Author(s): Timothy Snyder Source: Past & Present, No. 179 (May, 2003), pp. 197-234 Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of The Past and Present Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3600827 . Accessed: 05/01/2014 17:29 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Oxford University Press and The Past and Present Society are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Past &Present. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 137.110.33.183 on Sun, 5 Jan 2014 17:29:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE CAUSES OF UKRAINIAN-POLISH ETHNIC CLEANSING 1943* Ethniccleansing hides in the shadow of the Holocaust. Even as horrorof Hitler'sFinal Solution motivates the study of other massatrocities, the totality of its exterminatory intention limits thevalue of the comparisons it elicits.Other policies of mass nationalviolence - the Turkish'massacre' of Armenians beginningin 1915, the Greco-Turkish'exchanges' of 1923, Stalin'sdeportation of nine Soviet nations beginning in 1935, Hitler'sexpulsion of Poles and Jewsfrom his enlargedReich after1939, and the forcedflight of Germans fromeastern Europein 1945 - havebeen retrievedfrom the margins of mili- tary and diplomatichistory. -
Respect for Human Rights During the Armed Conflict in Ukraine
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS DURING THE ARMED CONFLICT IN UKRAINE JUDICIAL APPLICATION OF INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW AND HUMAN RIGHTS LAW Contract # AID-OAA-I-13-00032, Task # AID-121-TO-16-00003 USAID Nove Pravosuddya Justice Sector Reform Program Contract Officer representative: Oleksandr Piskun, Democracy Project Management Specialist, Office of Democracy and Governance, USAID Mission to Ukraine Development Objective 2: Accountability and Transparency of the Judiciary to Citizens and the Rule of Law Increased Author: Mykola Gnatovsky, Associate Professor of the International Law, Institute of International Relations, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv; President of the European Committee for Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment Provided by: Chemonics International Inc. June 30, 2017 Disclaimer Positions of the authors in this publication do not necessarily reflect those of the US Agency for International Development or the US Government. TABLE OF CONTENTS Definition of the Rules of International Humanitarial Law Applicable to the Armed Conflict in Ukraine ...................................................................................... 1 Basic Principles of Applying International Humanitarian Law .................................. 1 Obligations to Prosecute Persons Guilty of War Crimes under the European Convention on Human Rights ................................................................................. 6 Practical Application of International Humanitarian Law in Ukraine (2014-2017) -
Gennadiy Druzenko Permanent Address: 11 Avtozavodska St., Ap
Name: Mr. Gennadiy Druzenko Permanent address: 11 Avtozavodska st., ap. 108, Kyiv, 04074, Ukraine Telephone: + 380 50 3579922 Email: [email protected] Nationality: Ukrainian Date of birth: 28 April 1972 Education 2007-2008 University of Aberdeen (Scotland, UK), LL.M. in European Law (Chevening Scholar), Degree with commendation 1999-2000 Ukrainian Centre for Legal Studies of National Taras Shevchenko University of Kyiv, Master of Law (Degree with distinction) 1995-1999 International Science and Technology University (Kyiv, Ukraine), Bachelor of Law (Degree with distinction) 1992-1993 Christian Theological College of Kyiv, Diploma in Theology Trainings, summer schools ect. Summer School The European Decision-Making Process (Institute 2008 for European Studies of the Vrije Universiteit in Brussels & Diplomatic Academy of Vienna) 2007 Summer School for Academic English (Aberdeen, UK) 2006 Summer University for Democracy (Strasbourg) 2006 Ukrainian School for Political Studies (established by the CoE Directorate General of Political Affairs) 2004 Training trip to Brussels and Strasbourg for getting to know the work of the EU institutions (European Union Visitors Programme) 2002 Training trip to Poland "Study of Polish experience of adoption of acquis communautaire" 2000 Summer school of the EU law "European Studies – 2000" Employment record Fulbright-Kennan Institute Research Scholar (Woodrow Wilson 09.2009 – till now International Center for Scholars, Washington DC) 07.2005-07.2007 Vice-president of the Institute for European Integration -
Biden and Ukraine: a Strategy for the New Administration
Atlantic Council EURASIA CENTER ISSUE BRIEF Biden and Ukraine: A Strategy for the New Administration ANDERS ÅSLUND, MELINDA HARING, WILLIAM B. TAYLOR, MARCH 2021 JOHN E. HERBST, DANIEL FRIED, AND ALEXANDER VERSHBOW Introduction US President Joseph R. Biden, Jr., knows Ukraine well. His victory was well- received in Kyiv. Many in Kyiv see the next four years as an opportunity to reestablish trust between the United States and Ukraine and push Ukraine’s reform aspirations forward while ending Russia’s destabilization of Ukraine’s east. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is greatly interested in reestablishing a close US-Ukraine relationship, which has gone through a bumpy period under former US President Donald J. Trump when Ukraine became a flash point in US domestic politics. Resetting relations with Kyiv will not be simple. As vice president, Biden oversaw Ukraine policy, visited the country six times, and knows most of its players and personalities, which is an obvious advantage. But Zelenskyy is different from his immediate predecessor. He hails from Ukraine’s Russian- speaking east, was not an active participant in the Revolution of Dignity, has had little contact with the West, and took a battering during Trump’s first impeachment in which Ukraine was front and center. However, Zelenskyy is keen to engage with the new Biden team and seeks recognition as a global leader. The Biden administration would be wise to seize this opportunity. The first priority for the new Biden team should be to get to know the players in Ukraine and Zelenskyy’s inner circle (Zelenskyy’s team and his ministers are not household names in Washington) and to establish a relationship of trust after the turbulence of the Trump years. -
The Impact of Changes in Electoral Systems: a Comparative Analysis of the Local Election in Ukraine in 2006 and 2010
STUDIA VOL. 36 POLITOLOGICZNE STUDIA I ANALIZY Olena Yatsunska The impact of changes in electoral systems: a comparative analysis of the local election in Ukraine in 2006 and 2010 KEY WORDS: local government, local elections, proportional electoral system, majoritarian electoral system, mixed majoritarian-proportional electoral system, Ukraine STUDIA I ANALIZY Having gained independence in 1991 Ukraine, like most Central and East- ern European countries, faced the need for radical Constitutional reforms, with reorganization of local government figuring high in the agenda. Like other post-soviet countries, Ukraine had to decide on the starting point and like in the neighboring countries, democratic euphoria of the early 1990s got the upper hand: local authorities were elected on March 18, 1990, while the Law On Local People’s Deputies of Ukrainian SSR and Local Self-government was adopted by Verkhovna Rada of Ukrainian SSR on December 7, 1990. Ukrain- ian Researchers in the field of local government and its reforms concur with the opinion that the present dissatisfactory state of that institution was con- ditioned by the first steps made by Ukrainian Politicians at the beginning of the ‘transition’ period. Without clear perspective of reform, during more than 20 years of Independence, Ukrainian local government has abided dozens of laws, sometimes rather contradictory and has survived more than 10 stages of restructuring. Evolution of election legislation in Ukraine is demonstrated by Table 1. The table shows that since 1994 three electoral systems have been tested in Ukraine: 1, Majoritarian, 2, Proportional except elections to village and settlement councils and 3, ‘Mixed’ system (50% Majoritarian+50% Proportional). -
Migration and the Ukraine Crisis a Two-Country Perspective This E-Book Is Provided Without Charge Via Free Download by E-International Relations (
EDITED BY AGNIESZKA PIKULICKA-WILCZEWSKA & GRETA UEHLING Migration and the Ukraine Crisis A Two-Country Perspective This e-book is provided without charge via free download by E-International Relations (www.E-IR.info). It is not permitted to be sold in electronic format under any circumstances. If you enjoy our free e-books, please consider leaving a small donation to allow us to continue investing in open access publications: http://www.e-ir.info/about/donate/ i Migration and the Ukraine Crisis A Two-Country Perspective EDITED BY AGNIESZKA PIKULICKA-WILCZEWSKA & GRETA UEHLING ii E-International Relations www.E-IR.info Bristol, England 2017 ISBN 978-1-910814-27-7 (paperback) ISBN 978-1-910814-28-4 (e-book) This book is published under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC 4.0 license. You are free to: • Share – copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format • Adapt – remix, transform, and build upon the material Under the following terms: • Attribution – You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. • Non-Commercial – You may not use the material for commercial purposes. Any of the above conditions can be waived if you get permission. Please contact [email protected] for any such enquiries, including for licensing and translation requests. Other than the terms noted above, there are no restrictions placed on the use and dissemination of this book for student learning materials / scholarly use. -
The Crimean Tatar Question: a Prism for Changing Nationalisms and Rival Versions of Eurasianism*
The Crimean Tatar Question: A Prism for Changing Nationalisms and Rival Versions of Eurasianism* Andrew Wilson Abstract: This article discusses the ongoing debates about Crimean Tatar identity, and the ways in which the Crimean Tatar question has been crucial to processes of reshaping Ukrainian identity during and after the Euromaidan. The Crimean Tatar question, it is argued, is a key test in the struggle between civic and ethnic nationalism in the new Ukraine. The article also looks at the manner in which the proponents of different versions of “Eurasianism”—Russian, Volga Tatar, and Crimean Tatar—have approached the Crimean Tatar question, and how this affects the attitudes of all these ethnic groups to the Russian annexation of Crimea. Key words: Crimean Tatars, Euromaidan, Eurasianism, national identity, nationalism—civic and ethnic Introduction In the period either side of the Russian annexation of Crimea, the Crimean Tatar issue has become a lodestone for redefining the national identities of all the parties involved. The mainstream Crimean Tatar movement has been characterized by steadfast opposition first to the Yanukovych regime in Ukraine and then to Russian rule. This position has strengthened its longstanding ideology of indigenousness and special rights, but it has also * The author is extremely grateful to Ridvan Bari Urcosta for his invaluable help with research for this article, to Bob Deen and Zahid Movlazada at the OSCE HCNM, to Professor Paul Robert Magocsi, and to the anonymous reviewers who made useful comments and criticisms. 1 2 ANDREW WILSON belatedly cemented its alliance with Ukrainian nationalism. Meanwhile, Ukraine’s would‐be new supra‐ethnic civic identity draws heavily on the Crimean Tatar contribution. -
Human Rights in Ukraine 2 Years After Euromaidan
HUMAN RIGHTS IN UKRAINE 2 YEARS AFTER EUROMAIDAN SIDE EVENT / #HRC32 / 17:00 - 18:00 / 20 JUNE 2016 @ PALAIS DES NATIONS / ROOM XXIV PHOTO: EVGENY FELDMAN A VIEW FROM CIVIL SOCIETY SPEAKERS MODERATOR OLGA SKRYPNYK CHRISTOF HEYNS CRIMEAN HUMAN RIGHTS GROUP ANNA INNOCENTI UN SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR ON EXTRAJUDICIAL, HUMAN RIGHTS HOUSE FOUNDATION SUMMARY OR ARBITRARY EXECUTIONS MARKIYAN HALABALA TETIANA PECHONCHYK EUROMAIDAN VICTIMS LEGAL HUMAN RIGHTS MEDIA MONITORING, REPRESENTATIVE (UKRAINE) Despite the hopes raised by the Euromaidan including the outcomes of the preliminary investigation carried out movement and improvements in many facets of life and by the International Criminal Court. As stated by the UN HRMMU in governance in Ukraine, the last two years have brought its last report to the UN HRC “The lack of progress in these cases undermines public confidence in the criminal justice system. It is the occupation of Crimea, armed conflict in parts of essential that they be promptly addressed with absolute impartiality eastern Ukraine, and ongoing abuses, corruption, and as their mishandling can jeopardize the peaceful resolution of political unrest. Two years after Euromaidan and the disputes and fuel instability.” illegal occupation of Crimea, what efforts have been undertaken to prevent unlawful killings and ensure The event will also be an opportunity to provide information accountability, justice and redress in such cases? on the human rights situation in Crimea and the process of so called “Russianisation”. Crimea, under the control of the Russian The UN Special Rapporteur is invited to present the outcomes of his Federation, is subjected to a hybrid Russian legal system, where laws Mission to Ukraine conducted in September 2015 and to assess the are flexible and local pro-government armed forces act with impunity steps undertaken by the Government of Ukraine to protect the right and where restrictions on public demonstrations, civil society to life and to ensure accountability for committed crimes. -
Nationality in Ukraine: Some Rules of Engagement Oxana Shevel
Nationality in Ukraine: Some Rules of Engagement Oxana Shevel Although the fall of empires gives rise to states, it need not create nations. The collapse of the Soviet Union 10 years ago did not in- stantly transform citizens of its successor states into members of nations. As in other postimperial settings, in post-Soviet Ukraine the modern nation is built, or not. The question of Ukrainian nation- building deserves the attention it draws from social scientists. De- scribed as “the West of the East or the East of the West,” and strad- dling the faultline between Muscovy and Poland-Lithuania, Ukraine was partitioned among empires, and stood at the cross- roads of various religious and cultural inuences. 1 In today’s Ukraine we perceive ethnic and linguistic diversity, a poor match to modern national ideals where “state borders conne linguis- tic communities, and the languages of speech, politics, and wor- ship are one and the same.”2 In Ernest Gellner’s terms, it is not at all obvious that the Ukrainian political and the national units are “congruent.”3 Attempts to make the nation match the state are called “nation- building,” although this term is extremely broad. In historical terms, attempts to build nations have ranged from wartime eth- nic cleansing to peacetime textbook editing. Nation-building in independent Ukraine has received a good deal of attention in the past decade, with scholars evaluating the results as mixed. Stud- ies of popular opinion question loyalties to the new state, while analyses of nation-building policies characterize them as vague and 1.On early modern Ukrainian politics, consult Frank Sysyn, Between Poland and the Ukraine (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1985); Andrzej Kaminski, Re- public vs.